A general history of New England, from the discovery to MDCLXXX

GENERAL HISTORY

NEW ENGLAND,

FROM TUB

DISCOVERY TO MDCLXXX^-^, >^ 1 . 1 1 j J^ i

BY THE

REV. WILLIAM HUBBARD,

J)IINIST£B OF IPSWICH, MASS.

" Mr. Hubbard was certainly for many years the most eminent minis*
" ter in the county of Essex : equal to any in the province for learning
** and candour, and superiour to all his contemporaries as a writer."

The late Rev. Joax Eliot, d. d. Cor. Sec. Hist. Soc

PUBLISHED

BY THE MASSACHUSETTS HISTOXIOAL SOCIETY.

Cambridge::::Hiliiard & Metcalf.
1815,

^^^oG^^ed

District of Massaciiusetts, to wit :

District Clerk's office.

Bk it remembered, that on the second day of June, A. D. 1814, and in
the thirty eighth year of the independence of the ' nited States, Joseph
JNIcKean, of the said district, in the name and behalf of the Massachusetts
Historical Society, has deposited in this office the title of a book, the right
whereof the said Society claims as proprietor, in tlie words following, to
wit :

" A general history of New England, from the discovery to mdclxxx.
By the Rev. AVilliam Hubbard, minister of Ipswich, Mass. ' Mr. Hub-
bard was certainly for many years the most eminent minister in the county
of Essex ; equal to any in the province for learning and candour, aud supc-
viour to all his contemporaries as a writer.' The late Rev. John Eliot, D. D.
Cor. Sec. Hist. Soc."

In conformity to the act of the congress of the United States, entitled,
" An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps,
charts, and books to the authors and proprietors of suoh copies, during the
times therein mentioned ;" and also to an act, entitled, " An act, supple-
mentary to an act, entitled an act for the encouragement of learning, by
securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and propri-
etors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned ; and extending
the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engi-aving, and etching his-
torical and othtr prints."

tir o oiTt-nr C Clerk of the district
W.S.SIIAW, I of Massachusetts

PREFATORY NOTICE.

THE Historical Society consider it to be
one important object of their Institution, to
multiply copies of rare and valuable works
relative to our Country, The History, to
which they now invite the attention of their
friends, was never published. Many of their
associates and others have expressed a wish,
that it might be given to the publick ; as it
is tlie original source from which several of
our earliest historians derived much of their
information.

The Society acknowledge, with gratitude
to the memory of their most valued and res-
pected associate, that this precious relick was
among the rich contributions, furnished by
Rev. Dr. John Eliot from his invalur{))lc col-
lection of the treasures of American historv
and antiquities. It is believed to have been
rescued by his excellent father from tlie fui'y
of the mob in the depredations on the house,
furniture and library of Governour Hutchin-
son.

The General Court, 11 Oct. 1682, grant-
ed fifty pounds to tlie Autlior, '• as a mani-
festation of thankfulness" for this Itistory,
" he transcribing it fairly, that it may be tlie
more easily perused." The copy, from wliicli
this first edition is piinted, was probably tak-
en for the purpose of securing tiie benefits of

this grant. On application by tlie Society,
the legislature have encouraged the present
publication by a very liberal subscription, for
the use of the Commonwealth.

Of the author, the late Rev. John Eliot d.d.
has given a very interesting, tliough not mi-
nute account, in " The New England Bio-
graphical Dictionary." He was born, 1621;
was one of the first class of graduates, at Har-
vard College, 164S ; was settled in the min-
istry at Ipswich, a colleague of Kev. Thomas
Cobbet, about 1666 or 1667 ; and died, 1704.
Of his publications, the following are all that
are known : A Sermon, " among the very good
ones,"* on the General Election, 1676, 4to ;
Narrative of Indian wars, 4to, 1677, repub-
lished ISmo, Boston, 1775 ; Fast sermon, ^4
June, 1682; Sermon and Memoirs on Maj.
Gen. Henison, published with his Irenicon,
12mo, 1684; Testimony (with Rev. John
Higginson) to the order of the gospel in the
churches, i70U

In John Dunton's Journal of his visit to
New England, 1685, avci'y interesting notice
is taken of the Minister of Ipswicn.f

The authenticity and value of this histo-
ry appear in the following testimonials.

Rev. Thomas Prince, in " A Chronolog-
ical History of New England in the form of
Annals," has in his list of folio MSS. — " 12.
The Rev. Mr. AVilliam Hubbard's General
History of New England from the Discovery
to 1680, in 838 pages : And though not in his

• Eliot.

t See " Extracts frpm tlie life &c. of J. D." Histor. Collect, vol. ii.
2dSer. p.l21.

own hand-writing, yet Laving several cof*re»-
tions made thereby." — Ag'ain, " And wliere-
as I observe some mistakes in 31r. Hubbard's
History of New England ; the readier may
consider, that as we have only a copy of that
VALUABLE WORK, the substancc w hcrcof 1 pro-
pose to give the Publick : some of these mis-
lakes may be owing to the Transcriber only,
and some, that learned and ingenious au-
thor fell into for want of Gov. Bradford's
History, and some oilier materials, which I
liappen to be favoured witli."*

His Excellency Thomas Hutcliinson, in
" The History of Massachusetts Bay,*'t says,
" Many such [materials for an history of the
Colony] came to me from my ancestors, who,
for four successive generations, had been prin-
cipal actors in publick affairs : among the
rest, a manuscript history of Mr. AYilliam
Hubbard, which is carried dow n to tlie year
1680, but after 1650 contains but few facts.
The former part lias been of great use to me :
it was so to Hr. Mather in his history, of
which Mr. Neale's is little more than an
abridgment."

The opinion of his biographer, than wliom
no one was better able to appreciate duly the
relative as w ell as absolute merit of our early
wnters, is given in the prefatory remarks to
his valuable ecclesiastical history, in the His-
torical Collections. f

• Vol. i. ]2mo. pp. 254, Boston, 1736. Preface, p. vii. and x. xi.
Mr. Prince made few corrections, for he broug-ht down his annals only
lo 1633. That the copy from vhich this edition is printcil, is the
same which he consulted, is little doubted. This is not in Mr. Hub-
bard's hand writing-, yet has his emendations.

i 8vo. 2 vol. Lord. 1765. vol. i. prcf. i Vol. vii. First Series, p. 263.

VI

/

Of tlie MS. copy a few pages at tlie be-
ginning and end are mutilated, and the wriU
ing, in some places, is scarcely legible. These
passages are given, as far as the editors could
spell them out. Where they have supplied
words, or portions of words, conjecturally,
such are printed in italicks. Where they
were at a loss, tliey have used asterisks.*

They had hoped to obtain an entire copy
of this defective portion. This fond expec-
tation was derived from their knowledge that
a transcript was made ]>y Hon. Peter Oliver,
Esq. LL. 3). Chief Justice of Massachusetts.f
Application has been made to the family in
England, for a paj't or the whole of this pre-
cious document ; but without success. J

A.HOLMES, 7 Committee of the

JOSEPH McKEAN, $ historical Societij.

Camlridge, Mass. 1815,

* From the ninth page, the manuscript is entii-e ; pages 7 and 8
are nearly so ; 3, 4, 5, and 6, considerably torn and eft'aced ; 1 and 2
appear to he; ^^•anting^ At the end, page 337 is a little defective ; 338
is nearly efticcd ; the remainder is lost. The editors had contemplated
retaining th> aiitlior's mode of spelling ; but soon fividing tluit tliis was
not uniform, they concluded not to continue the attempt, after the first
seven chaptci-s.

t " 1773. June 10. Judge Oliver came and dr.ink tea with me.
He has a copy of llie Rev. Mr. Hubbaid's MSS. of Ipswich, which he
himself coj-^ed from a copy which had corrections in Mr. Hubbard's
own hand v>riting. I think it contains 3 or 400 pages folio. This with
Gov. Bradford's and Cov. Wlnthrop's MSS. are the three most consid-
erable historical accounts of the firsi settlement of New i^ngland."

J^residcnt Stiles' Lileruri/ Diary.

" Evely relick or document whicli related to the settlement of
the country or was curious, liad a value stamped upon it. He collect-
ed many p.-'pers and records, and even transcribed William Hubbard's
MS. history with his ovn liand. All these, except siicli as Hutchinson
made use of, were carried i.way with him when he went to England."
Jlrt. UVwvr. (\\) Eliot's jY. E. Bio^r. Diet. p. 350.

* See the letters on this sidijcct ; Histor. Collections vol. iii. New-
Series.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Ms.* Pr.
Prefatory notice. 3

CHAP. I. Imperfect,

CHAP. II.

Of the first discovery of the country of J>/*eiv Eng-
land. 4t 8

CHAP. III.

Of the situation^ hounds, and rivers of J^ew Eng-
land, 9 14
CHAP. IV.

Of the temperature of the air and nature of the

climate. 14 19

CHAP. y.

Of the fertility of the soil, ivith the commodities

and other advantages of J\rew England. 15 22

CHAP. VI.

Of the disposition of the natives of America in JSfew
England, with the conjectures about their pas-
sage hither. 19 26
CHAP. VII.

Of the several nations oj the Indians found intJVew
England, upon the first discovery thereof ^ ivith
a touch upontheir taws, government, and succes-
sions. 22 35»

CHAP. VIII.

Of the first planting of J^ew England, or any part

thereof, by the English. 29" 35

CHAP. IX.

Of the plantation at Fatuxet, or JVew Plymouth, in
the year 1620 / ivith the occasions that led there-
unto. 34 41

* The Ms. copy is carefully preserved in tlie library of the Historical
Society. For the convenience of those who may wish to consult it, the
pages of the Ms. as well as of the printed work are given.

CONTENTS.

CHAP. X. M,. rr

Of the government, civil and military , established in

the coloni/ of J\*em Plymouth. 49 61

CHAP. XL

OJ the religion, worship, and discipline^ professed

or practised, by those of Plymouth. S6 63

CHAP. XII.

The general affairs of the colony of JYeto Plymouth,
during- the first lustre of years, from March 25,
16 Jl, to March 25, ±626. 53 66

CHAP. XIII.

Mr. Weston's plantation of JVessagusquasset. 57 72

CHAP. XIV.

Tlie necessities and sufferings of the inhabitants of
J\l*eio Plymouth, during their first lustre of years:
their patent, how and when obtained, 62 79

CHAP. XV.

The council established at Plymouth in the county of
Devon, for the ordering the affairs of J^'ew
England, and their proceedings with reference
thereto. 65 84*

CHAP. XVI.

The addition of more assistants to the government
of Plymouth colony, with some passages most re-
markable there, in the years 1634, 1635, 70 90

CHAP. XVII.

Jlffairs in the colony of JSTe.iv Plymouth, political
and ecclesiastical, during the second lustre of
years, viz. from March 26, 1626, to March 2.6,
1631. 7t> 96

CHAP. XVIII.

The discovery and first planting of the Massachu-
setts. 79 101

CHAP. XIX.

Several planters transport themselves into ^ew
England. Ministers invited to join ivith them.
The first plantation in the Massachusetts, called
Salem. 85 lit

CHAP. XX.

Of the civil polity and form of government, of the
Massachusetts company of JVew England, by pa-
tent* S7 114

CONTENTS.

CHAP. XXL Ms. Pr

The affairs of religion in the Massachusetts Colonic
in JVew England, during the first lustre of years
after the first attempt for the planting thereof}
from the year 1625 to the year 1630. 88 115

CHAP. XXII.

Transactions of the patentees at London after the
patent was obtained ; debates about carrying it
over. Transportation of the patentees and many
others, in the year 1630. 91 120

CHAP. XXIII.

The proceedings of the patentees at South-Hampton,
when they took their leave of England. The
solemn manner thereof. 98 125

CHAP. XXIV.

Tlie fleet set forth to sea for J^Teiv England : their

passage, and safe arrival there. 9C 128

CHAP. XXV.

TJie first planting [o/] the Massachisetts Bay with
towns, after the arrival of the governour^ and
company that came along ivith him ; and other
occurrents that then fell out. I6d0, 1631, 1632. 99 134

CHAP. XXVI.

The first courts kept in the Massachusetts, after the
coming over of the governour. The currying
on of their civil affairs, from the year 1630 to
1636, ivith the accusations against them before
the king and council. 10 6 li6

CHAP. XXVII.

Various occurrents in tJVew England, from the year

1631 to 1636. 113 160

CHAP. XXVIII.

Ecclesiastical affairs of the Massachusetts, during
the first lustre of years after the transferring of
the patent and government thither; from Jinno
11631 to 1636. 12}. 181

CHAP. XXIX.

Memorable accidents during this lustre of years.
The small pox among the Indians. Festilential
fever at Plymouth ; with other occurrences wor-
thy to be observed, from the year 1G30 to 1636. 131 194

CHAP. XXX.

Disturbance, both civil and ecclesiastical, in the
b

OONTENTS.

Massachuse'ts, occasioned 6y Mr. Roger Wil- Ms. pr.
limns, in the year 1634. 139 202

CHAP. XXXI.

Tlie first planting of those parts of JVew England,
on the east and tvest side of Pascataqua river,
called the Province of .Main and J^ew Hamp-
shire, and the parts adjoining. Attempts for a
new settlement of those lands by some of the
Grand Council of JVew England, before they
surrendered their charter into the hands of the
king. 141 213

CHAP. XXXII.

The general affairs of the Massachusetts, from the

year 1636 to the year 1641. 151 233

CHAP. XXXIII.

Various occurrences in the Massachusetts, from the

year 1636 to 1641. 153 239

CHAP. XXXIV.

John Oldham murdered by the Indians of Block Isl-
and; how discovered, and the war that folloived
thereupon with them, and the Pequods, their a-
bettors. 156 248

CHAP. XXXV.

The state of affairs in the Massachusetts, Anno 1636,

while Mr. Vane was governour. 139 255

CHAP. XXXVI.

Troublesome occurrences in J\''ew England in the
years 1637, 16i8. Their patent undermined by
some in England; demanded by the Lords of the
committee for foreign plantations. 'The answer
of the Massacmisetts. 162 262

CHAP. XXXVII.

Ecclesiastical affairs in the Massachusetts, from

1636 to 1641. 166 273

CHAP. XXXVIII.

Disturbance in the Massachusetts colony, in JVew
England, Jrom ihe year 1636 to 1641, by Mr.
Wheelwright and Mrs. Hutchinson. 169 280

CHAP. XXXIX.

The occasion of spreading erroneous opinions in
J\*ew England, and much disturbance occasioned
thereby in and about Boston, in the years 1636,
1987, ^c. 172 285

CONTENTS.

CHAP. XL. Ms. Pr.

d synod called in J^ew England, Anno 1637, at

Cambridge. The occasion and success thereof, i.77 398

CHAP. XLI.

The first planting of the country about the river
of Connecticut. The occasions leading thereunto,
and progress thei-eof. iti the years 1685 and i636,
with some occurrences which have since happened
there, both in their civil and ecclesiastical of'
fairs. 183* 306

CHAP. XLII.

The first planting of JVeu) Haven. Some of the
most remarkable passages concerning that colo-
ny, as also of Rhode Island, Providence, and
the places adjoining, near the A''arraganset bay,
in the years 1637, 1638. 488 317

CHAP. XLIII.

Ecclesiastical affairs, with other occurrences, at
Providence and lihode Island to the year 1643.
Intercourse between them and the Masaachusetts. 196 33fl

CHAP. XLIV.

Ecclesiastical affairs, with other occurrences, at
Puscataqua and the places adjacent. Contests
between Mr. Cleeves and Mr. Vines about the
bounds of Ligonia. 203 330

CHAP. XLV. (44.)t

The general affairs of A^eiv England, from 1641 to

1646. 211 870

CHAP. XLVl. (45.)

Various occurrents in JVew England, from 1641 to

1646. S13 375

CHAP. XLVII. (46.)
Troubles occasioned to the Massachusetts inhabitants
by one Samuel Gorton, and his company, all of
them notorious familists. 223 401

CHAP. XLVIII. (47.)

Ecclesiastical affairs in J\''ew England from the year

1641 to 1646. £226 408

* Pages 180, 1, 2, and pt. of 190 of the Ms. are blank.

f In the Ms. the numbering of this chapter is 44 ; and a similar mis-
take contini;es through the volume.

CONTENTS.

CHAP. XLIX. (48.) Ms. Pr

Jilemorahle accidents in JVew England from 1641 to

1646. 230 419

CHAP. L. (49).

The colonies of Connecticut and JSTew Haven dis-
turbed by the Dutch at Manluitoes^ and the
Su.'edes at Delaware Baijf during this lustre ,
from 1641 to 1645. 336 43«

CHAP. LI. (50.)
Conspiracies of the Indians against the En'j::,Iish in
.iVew England discovered and prevented, from
the year 1641 to 1640. . 241 446

CHAP. Lll. (51.)

TJie Confederation of the United Colonies of JSfew
England ; the grounds and reasons leading
thereunto, with the articles agreed upon for
that end. 349 466

CHAP. LIII. (52.)

Ships seized in the harbours of the Massachusetts,
by pretended commissions of the Admiralty in
England, in the year 1644. 253 474

CHAP. LIV. (53 )

Transactions betiveen the Massachusetts and some of
the governours of the French plantations, in Ji-
cady,from the year 1641 to 1646. 254 478

CHAP. LV. (54.)

The general affairs of JVew England, from the

year 1646 to 1651. 803 499

CHAP. LVI. (55.)

Various occurrents in JVew England, from 1646 to

1651. 271 020.

CHAP. LVII. (56.)

Memorablii accidents in JVew England, from the year

1646 to 1651. 273 524

CHAP. LVIII. (57.)

Ecclesiastical affairs in JSTeiv England from the year

1646 to 1651. 277 B32

CHAP. LIX. (58.)

General affairs of the Massachusetts, in New Eng-
land, from 1661 to 1656. 280 542

CHAP. LX. (59.)

A quarrel betiveen the inhabitants of JYeio Haven

282

54:5

1

234,

550

281

552

286

556

584

563

CONTENTS.

and the Dutch at Manhatoes ; the Massachusetts Ms. Pr

not willing to engage therein ; from 1651 to

1656.

CHAP. LXI. (60.)

Ecclesiastical affairs in JVew England, from 1651
to 1656.

CHx\P. LXII. (61.)

Special occurrences during this lustre, from 1651 to
1656.

CHAP. LXIII. (62.)

J^he general affairs of JVew England, from 1656^0
1661.

CHAP. LXIV. (63.)

Ecclesiastical affairs in JVew England, from the
year 1656 to the year 1661.

CHAP. LXV, (64.)

Tlie plantations of JVew England troubled with the
Quakers — Laivs made against them by the gen-
eral court of the Jilassachusetts, within the space
of this lustre, from 1655 to 1660, 292 fi71

CHAP. LXVI. (65.)

General affairs of the J\Iassachusetts, from the year

1661 to 1666. 294- 575

CHAP. LXYIL (66.)
Ecclesiastical affairs in JWw England, from the

year 1661 to 1666. 399 587

CHAP. LXVIII. (67.)
The general affairs of JVew England, from the

year 1666 to 1671. " 300 391

CHAP. LXIX. (68.)

The Province of JMaine returns to the government
of the JMassachusdts : the occasion and manner
how it was brought about. 301 693

CHAP. LXX. (69.)
Ecclesiastical affairs in the J\lassachusetts, from the

year 1666 to 1671. 305 601

CHAP. LXXI. (70.)
General affairs of the JIassachusetts, from the year

1671 to 1676. 309 610

CHAP. LXXII. (71.)
Ecclesiastical affairs in A''ew England, from the

^ear 1671 ta the year lesfi. ' 315 621

CONTENTS.

CHAP. LXXIII. (72.) Ms. Pr,

Memorable accidents during this lustre of yeersy

from 1671 to 1676. 317 627

CHAP. LXXIV. (73.)

Jt further co7itinuation of the narrative of troubles
with the Indians in JVew JEngland, from Afiril
\677 to June \6^0. 318 639

CHAP. LXXV. (74.)

Memorable occurrents and sad accidents that hafi-

fiened in JVenv England^from 1666 to 1682. 323 640

CHAP. LXXVI. (75.)
The success and progress of the gospel amongst the

Indians in J^ciu England. 327 649

CHAP. LXXVII. (76.)
A continuation of the History of JVeiv Plymouthy

from the year 1633, until the year 1678. 332 661

CHAP. LXXni. (77.)
The country about Hudson's river^ luhen first dis-
covered and planted; what changes have fiasised
over them^ since their first planting to this pre-
sent time: 334 666

Note, A few literal errors have been noticed. Candid readers will
i-cadily excuse these in a work of so difficult execution.

The reference, p. 86, is to Prince.

The words in Italicks, p. 126 ; and in other places, Latin Words and
phrases in the same character, are in the Ms. copy.

GENERAL HISTORY

OF

NEW ENGLAND.

*• * * * * * *

•5)^ ^ «• * * *

^ ^ ^ * * * *

necessary for the supplyes and comfort of man's resi-
idence in other more habitable parts of the world : here
were * * silver and gold, store of precious pearles
lockt up in the earth and depths of the sea, all which
treasures of the rich cabinets of nature had wayted a
long time for an expert and skilful hand, better acquaint-
ed with their worth than the natives to disclose and dis-
perse them abroad amongst the rest of the world, for
whose use they were in their first creation mXended.
There were allso many spacious and vast tracts of land,
fit/or the use of men of other nations ; the sayd places hav-
ing never had enough inhabitants to manage so many fer-
tile countryes. * * * * thereof had probably
for a long time been occupied by a people who nei-
ther themselves nor their ancestors had acquaijitancQ
with civility or any liberal sciences ; with the knowledge
or worship of the true and living God. What * *
* * * may have in that kind is not for us to
deterwm^. It seems to bee the pleasure of the Almighty
by the iortsayd means to open the way for sending the
light of the gospel amongst those dark parts of the
earth for their conversion, as is hoped, and thijts to leave
the rest without excuse at the last day. The gospel must
be preached to the nations for a testimony unto them ;
which it never was * * * *^ It being an usual!
pbservation that the great Husbandman is not pleased to.

8 GENERAL HISTORY

send forth labourers, where he hath no harvest to bee ga*
thered in^ or work for them to accomplish : Wherefore
the bringin,^ of the n?itives of this country to the know-
ledge of God, and our Saviour Jesus Christ, being
peculiarly intended by those of New England, asispar-
ticuhvXy expressed in their grand charter to be principal-
ly the adventurers true profession, and his Majesties roy-
all mttxition when he granted it ; the various providences
that have attend*?^/ the settlement of that part of Ameri-
ca, soe called, shall in wlia^ follows be particuhrly de-
clared, that so they may rtmain a perp&tual monument of
divine ******i^*
**** ******

* * Reports, and for th^ jaifwfaction of those who
may he studious to inquire into the reall truth of former
transactions, the Generall History of New England is
now taken in hand. ; Wherein the first discovery of the
country, its scituation, ^d'w/>erature of the aire, fertility and
nature of the soyle, disposition o/'^Ae ^habitants, together
with the first planting thereof by the English. These be-
ing breefly touched upon, the principall occurrences that
haveyallen out within the compasse of the next sixty or
eighty years, concerning the aftayrs of religion, * *
* * sinct that time shall be more largely handled

CHAP. II.

Of the first discovery of the country of JVexv England,

Christopher Columbes, a Genoesian, had the happiness
and honour first to discfwer this before wnknowne part of
the world, though Americus that came after him had the
honour to have it called after his own name, America.
Others * * Sebasivin Cabbot, a famous Portuguez,
more particularly, discover more than ^ * In the yeare
1497 hee with his father, John Cabbot, sent out under a
ro;72mission of Henry VII. ranged a great part of this un-
known region, in that and some years following, discov-
ering many places in it between the 40th degree of south
and 67th of north latitude ; where * * *
contenting hi mselfe with the riches of Hispaniola, Cuba,

OF NEW ENGLAND. 9

and some ot/ier w/ands, which hee fortunately fell upon
in the yeare 1492. He did not discover' the mayn land
till the yeare 1498, a whole yeare after Sebastian Cabbot
had been upon the Continent, in reward of which not-
able discovery he was afterward made Grand Pilot of En-
gland and Ireland by king Henry the 8th, and in his old age
had an honrble/;(?;2^fo;2 ^r. «««. of 1661. 13s. 4d. allowed
him by Edward the 6th. These c/zscoveryes of theCabbots
were the foundation and ground worke of those noble ad-
ventures made afterwards by those of the EngYi'sh. nation
or others, who, moved either with emulation of the Span-
iards, or an ambitious desire of advancing the glory of
thezr respective nations, did in the next age attempt a
more full discovery of the several parts of the world, spe-
cially of America, hoping thereby either to finde out
some new possessions, or else a nearer passage to the more
remote parts of the world discovered, and wel/ knowno.
long before, (although not reached unto without going a
greate co\x\\msse about.) On some such accoumpt the
French historians report that James Quartier, a Florren-
tine, employed by Francis the first, king of France, dis-
covered New * * ^:- * * France
* * New Foundland in the yeere [15S4] * *
"^ * * the sayd James Quartier and Mon * f
* * ^ * * the lady of the English
world. In the yeare [1587] John White aforesayd was
sent with three more ships to 7nake further enquiry after
the colony left there before by Sir Richard Greenvill.
But although this last time they tarryed all winter, as may
be conjectured by the words of the relation, till the yeare
1590 the sayd colony could never be heard of: And thus
was the^rst plantation at old Virginia, after much time,
labour, and charge brought to confusion, and finally de-
serted in the yeare 1590 : nor ivas there ever any planta-
tion attempted in that place or ci\rried on with prosperous
success to this day, the reason of which is not yet render-
ed ; The planting of any place about Florida being thus
nipped m the bud, if not blasted with some severer curse,
like Jericho of old, all hopes of settling ano{\\eT plantation

\ Here appears to be a chasnit Ed,

40 GENERAL HISTORY

in that part of the world were for the present abandon-
ed, and lay dead for the space of twelve yeares next fo^
lowingy when they were revived again by the valiant res-
olution and industry of Capt. Bartholmew Gosnold and
Capt. Bartholmew Gilbert, and divers other gentlemen,
their associates, who in the 7/ear 1602 attempted a more
exact discovery of the whole coast of Firginin. The first
voyage, Capt. Gosnold in a small bark with a company set
sayle from Dartmouth March 26, the same yeare a south
west course from the Azores, made his passage shorter by
several degrees then ever the former adventurers found it,
who had always fetched a compasse round by the West
Indies, and by that course fell upon Florida. But Capt.
Gosnold, possibly more by the guidance q/^providence then
any special art acquired of man, on the lAth May following
made land in the lat. of 43,° where Capt. Gosnold was pre-
sently welcomed by eight of the salvages in one of their
shallops, rvho came boldly aboard them, which considered
with * * * shew made the other conjecture
some beseamersf had been wrecked in Jis\\\ng there : the
Captain, how well soever hee liked his * * *
weather which made him soone after weigh and ^' *
* * ward into the sea ; the next morning, finding
himselfe d?'azvi?ig nigh a migiity head land, let fall his an-
chor againe * * nigh the shore, and then him-
selfe with foure meji ivent on shore presently ; marching
up tne highest hill next morning, they discerned the
headland to bee part of the mayn, rowid wliich were ma-
ny islands : in five or six houres time his compawz/ caught
more codfish then they well knew what to do with. And
this //romontory hath ever since borne the name of Cape
Cod, ivhich hee was not willing to exchange for the
royal name, tliat Capt. Smith or some other mariner
hsid given ; the fishing which they there met with, being
retained to this day. It appears by what is written by
Capt. John Bricrton in die same vo)'age, that the first hill
they ascended xvas upon the south side of Cape Cod, for
the islands there abouts retaine the same names which at
that tyme were imposed on them : viz. Marthas or Martins
Vi.ieyard and Elizabeth Islands, being replenished with

1 1 bis woi-J appears plainly in the MS. Ed.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 11

the blossoms of strawberys, rasberys, and gooseberyes,
and divers other fruits, besides severall sorts of living
creatures, as deere, cranes, hemes, and other wild fowl,
which made them call the island Mardias Vineyard ; and
in the same place they took up theire station all the while
they remayned in the country. In the middle of May
they sowed wheat, barly, oates, pease, which sprang- up
eight or nine inches in fourteene days. iVll which con-
siderations togeather with the seeming courtesies of the
salvages encoiira^td some of the company to thinke of tar-
rying thtvt the yeere about. Butt considering liow jnean-
\y they were provided, they -alteredthe resolution, and re-
turned back againe to England, where they arrived, aboijt
the 23 July following, carrying such newes as enduccd the
aldermen [^and certain merchants'] of Bristoll to raise a.
stocke of [10001.] which was imploycd for furnishing

* * more the next yeare under the command q/ Martin
Pring or Pin and Robert '^Vilterne^ who had beene there
the yeere before. In the yeere 1603 following the Capt,
Go^nold made noe relation, butt * * * *

* * fell with the land * * of 45° on the north
of Virginia, as all the country was then called. From
thence they ranged the coast along till they came to a
place which they named Whitson Bay. How long they
tarried upon the coast, or wlien they returned, is not
mentioned in Saiterne^s relation, yett it seems the report
they carried home was not like that of the unbelieving
spyes, for itt gave encouragement to the Right Honora-
ble Sir Thomas Arrundall Barron of Wardor to send
forth another vessell in the yeare 1605, with 29 stout
seamen, under the comand of Capt. Thomas Wey-
mouth with intent to have them make another discovery
of the coast southward of 39 degrees. Butt by reason
of cross winds they fell to the northward of 41 by 20 min-
utes, where they foimd themselves strongly embayed by
shoals, so that in the running of sixe leagues they should
come from 100 fathom to five, yett see no land. Then
at the next throw they should have 16 or * * which
constrayned them to putt back againe to sea, though the
wind poynts were as fayre.as they could desire. The
want of wood and water made theiij take the best advan-

IS GENERAL HISTORY

tage of winds that came next to fall with the shore. On
the 18th of May they cast anchor Avithin a Xeagueo^th^
shore, which proved an island, though at first it appeared
as some high land o/'the mayne ; and here they took five
of the sdXwages, as saith Capt. Smith, page 20, whom
they ybz/«G? like all of that sort, kinde till they had oppor-
tunity to doe mischeife, butt soone after found a place
fitter for the purpose, which they csilled Pentecost Harbor,
from White Sunday, on \\\\\Q,h they discovered itt. The
isles there abouts in tVie ent * * * *

Itt se * * * * of St. Georges

Isles. Att this time they ^f^covered a great river in those
parts, supposed to bee Kennibecke, neere unto Pema-
quid, which they found navigable 40 miles up into the
country, and 7, 8, 9, or [10] fathome deepe, as Capt.
Weymouth reports. It was one mayn end of all the fore-
mentioned adventurers, as well as those that first discov-
ered itt, to plant the Gospell there. The whole country
from Florida to Nova Francia went at first under tlie
name of Virginia, (yett distinguished by the Northern
and Southern parts :) that which is now famously kiiown
by the name of Virginia, (where since the yea re 1605
have severall English Colonies been planted,) is a coun-
try within the two Capes, where the sea runneth in
200 miles north and south under the Deg. S7, 38, 39 of
north lat. first discovered, as is generally believed, by
Capt. John Smith, sometimes Governour of the country,
into which there is but one entrance by sea, and that is
at the mouth of a very goodly bay 20 miles broad be-
tween those two Capes, of which that on the south is call-
ed Cape Henry, that on the north Cape Charles, in honor
of the two famous princes, branches of the Royall Oak.
The first planting of that country was begun in Uie yeare
1606 ; and carried on by various changes and by sundry
steps and degrees, as is described at large from the first
beginning of the enterprise to the year 1627, by Capt.
Smith, one of the first discoverers, and so a chief founder
of the plantation from that time. That whole country,
extendirg from the 34th to the 44th degrees of North lat.
and called Virginia upon the accident mentioned before,

OF NEW ENGLAND. 13

formerly Norumbe^c, came afterwards to be divided in-
to two colonyes — the first and the second. The former
was to the honrble city of London, as saith Capt. Smith,
and such as would adventure with them, to discover and
take their choyce where they would, betwixt the degrees
of 34 and 41 : the latter was appropriated to the the city^s
of Bristoll, Plymouth, and Exeter, and the west parts of
England, and all those that would adventure and joyn
with them ; and they might take their choice any where
betwixt the degrees of [3] 8 and 44, provided there should
bee at least an 100 miles distance betwixt the two colo-
wyes, each of which had lawes, priviledges, and authority
for government, and advancing their plantations alike.
After this time several atitm^is were made for the plant-
ing and peopling of this A^. pari of Virginia, called after-
wards New England by Capt. Smith in the z/d-are 1614,
who took a draught of it the same yeare. This he on
his return presented to the o/if^rwards famous Prince
Charles, of blessed memory, humbly intreating him
to adopt it lor his own, and make a confirmation
thereof, by applying Christian names upon the sev-
eral places first discovered, many of which were ever
after retayned ; the whole countrey being on that rea-
son called New England to this day. In the year 16D6,
Sir John Popham, who was a principal undertaker, as
saith Capt. Smith, and 1607, found men and means to
make the beginning of a plantation about the mouth of
a great river called Kennibeck, to the northward of 43
deg. but with what successe shall be seen afterward. In
the yeares next following, other attempts of further dis-
covery were made by the industry and endeavours of
Capt. Edward Harlow, Capt. Hobson of the Isle of
Wight, Mr. John Mathews, Mr. Sturton, and especially
Capt. Henry Hudson, who searched severall rivers alonge
the coast from Delaware Bay up towards the frozen
ocean ; in honour of whose memory, the great river where
afterward the Dutch seated themselves and laid the foun-
dation of their Novum Belgium, was called after his name,
Hudson's river ; as another place, the utmost bounds of
his discoveryes northward, is likewise called after the

14 GENERAL HISTO"RY

manner of elder times, Hudson's streight. Probably
every year's experience might adde something to a fuller
knowledge of the havens, rivers, and most desirable plac-
es of the country, by such as came yearly to make fish upon
the coast, eastward about the island of Monheggin, Dam-
erille Cove, Casco Bay, Cape Porpuise, Accomenticus,
and although no colony was ever settled in any of those
places till the yeare 1620, when New Plymouth was first
planted within Cape Cod, of which more in what follow-
eth, when there will be just occasion to mention the in-
credible successe of those plantations of New England,
that from so small and meane beginnings, did in so few
yeares overspread so large a tract of land by the indus-
try and diligent paines ol a poor people, to which alone,
next under the blessing of Almighty God, must the
success of the whole business be ascribed : it being the
declared intent of the adventurers and others tliat ingag-
ed in this designe since Capt. Gosnold's voyage in the
yeare 1602, as one Mr. Rosier, that came alonge with
Capt. Weymouth, doth expressly mention soon after,
viz. 1605, to propagate God's holy church, by planting
Christianity in these darke corners of the earth, which
was the publick good they aymed at, more than the ad-
vancing their own privat or particular ends.

CHAP. HI.

' Of the scituation, boundsy and rivers of J\exv England,

New England, at the first accounted no distinct coun-
try of itselfe, as worthy of a proper name of its owne,
was taken onely for a part of Virginia : But is of late
discovered to bee a country of too large a compasse any
longer to lacky after any other sister, though elder
than herselfe, and therefore deservedly accounted worthy
of that adoptive name with which it is honoured as one
of the principall daughters of the Chief Lady of the Eu-
ropean world, from whence she is descended. It is situ-
ate in the 315 degree of longitude, betwixt the degrees
of 39 and 45 of north latitude, accounting from about
Delaware Bay to the south of Nova Francia, the bounds

OP NEW ENGLAND. Ifll

thereof. On the east side are the great ocean, called the At-
lantick Sea, on the west is the Pasificke or South Sea, the
distance how farre being as yet unknowne. On the south
of New England, lyes partly the sea and partly the coun-
try of Delaware and Virginia. From the head of Cape Cod
to the Manatos, now called New Yorke, in honor of his
Royal Highness, to whose commissioners it was of late
surrendered by the Dutch, and since by treaty to them
confirmed, the land trendeth away almost due west : On
the north lyeth that called Nova Scotia, the limits of each
country being terminated about St. Georges or St.
Croix; for when Sir John Popham's plantation was be-
gun about Kennibecke, the English were possessed of
St. Croix, Mount Mansell, probably now called Mount
Desert, Penobscot, and Port Ryall : Butt afterwards,
when itt was knowne that the French began to encroach
upon those places that lye beyond Kennil^ccke, they
were wisely and timely displaced by Sir Samuell Argall,
sometimes, and att that tyme Governor of Virginia, and
likewise chief agent there. How these places fell into
the handes of the French nation by purchase from Sir
William Alexander without pay, though not without
promises, there may bee occasion to speake more after-
wards, when such occurrants as happened in the same
yeare, when that fell out, come to be spoken unto. The
French have been for a considerable tyme togeather dis-
turbed in theire possession of those places after they had
them first in theire hands ; and that of right tlie title of
them did belong to the English monarch, as hee was
kinge of Scotland, Doctor Walker, that learned civilian,
did, not longe since, as is sayde, declare itt before his
Majestic and Lords of his Councell, when that matter
was debated before them, on the accompt of the French
interest. However, itt seems upon the accompt of the
French agent, all those places to the east or north east
of Pemmaquid, that at any tyme heretofore were pos-
sessed by any persons that belonged to the kings of
France, were resigned up unto theire possessions a-
gaine, theire demands noe doubt being grounded upon
such pleas, as to him that made the concession seemed

16 GENERAL HISTORY

rtot only just butt honorable. As for the breadth of this
whole country under debate, accountmg alonge the
shore and sea coast, itt seemes to amount to neere five
hundred miles, within the compass of which circuitt are
many spacious and navigable rivers, which generally att
the mouth of them, where they disembogue themselves
into the great ocean, affoard very commodious havens
for shipps, wherein they who have made tryall, finde
they anchor and ride safely, and pass upe higher into the
country with great advantage to the inhabitants on
either side. The principall of them to the northward are
that att Pemmaquid, and another called Shipscot river,
above a mile over att the entrance, within twelve miles
of which to the southward lyeth Kennibecke, neere a
league over att the mouth, navigable about 60 miles up
into the country, or more ; within whose channell are
severall Hands, capeable to entertaine a great number of
inhabitants. Within a few miles of the aforesayd river
lyes Casco Bay, a spacious haven about 9 leagues over
att the entrance, and running up neere 20 miles within
its capes. Itt is filled with a large number of islands,
some of which are considerable, where lea faring men
have taken up their habitations. Att neere 20 miles
distance to the south, the river of Saco finds its passage
into the salt sea, att the mouth of which is a notable
haven, called Winter Harbor, that gives encorragement
to a number of inhabitants to take theire abode there,
sufficient to make a plantation ; this river is of a consid-
erable breadth many miles higher into the country.
The next river of noat on that side of the coast, about
30 miles from the former, is that called Piscataqua,
which has beene frequented ever since the country was
first planted, by such as came this way for trafficke with
the inhabitants, natives and others, that have seated
themselves in several plantations about the upper-
most branches thereof. The channell is very swift and
spacious, fit for vessells of great burden for the space of
neere 20 miles, where itt divides ittselfe into many con-
siderable bayes and small branches, whose streames are
in theire passage obstructed with falls of broken rockes,

OF NEW ENGLAND. 17

that putt a stop to such as at the entrance might, by the
helpe of its streams, be in hopes of aspiring higher into
the inland parts of the country. Merrimacke is another
gallant river, seventy miles neere hand to the southward,
the entrance into which, though a mile over in breadth,
is barred with shoales of sand, having two passages that
lead thereinto, att either end of a sandy island, that ly-
eth over against the mouth of the sayde river. Near the
mouth of that, are two other lesser ones, about which
are seated two considerable townes, the one called New-
berry, the other Ipswich, either of which have fayre chan-
nells, wherein vessells of fivety or sixty tuns may pass
up safely to the doores of the enhabitants, whose habit-
tations are pitched neere the banks on either side. Mer-
rimacke is a very stately river neere the mouth of itt, and
runnes neere a hundred miles up into the country, and
would be of great advantage to many small townes seat-
ed on severall lesser streames that loose themselves in
itt's greater channell, were itt not for severall falls that
obstruct the quiet passage of the streames before itt hath
run 20 miles within the land ; which disadvantage at-
tends most of the great rivers of New England, through-
out the whole country : on the banks of whose streames
are many veynes of very rich and fertile land, that would
receive abundance more inhabitants, who might live as
well as in most places of the world, were itt not for the
intolerable burden of transportation of theire goods by
land, for want of navigable channells in those rivers.
Charles river is the next to be taken notice of, issuing
its waters into the bottome of the Massachusetts Bay,
and affords as gallant an harbor neer the mouth of it, as
any river of that bigness in all Christendom, and runnes
up twenty or thirty miles into the country, yet not navi-
gable above foure or five, which makes it iesse servicea-
ble to the inhabitants seated up higher upon the bankes
thereof. More to the southward of Cape Cod are
very many commodious harbors and havens for ships ;
And two very great rivers that carry a considerable
breadth and deep channels above an hundred miles up
into the country. But by reason of great falls, where the

18 GENERAL HISTORY

watter forceth its passage over great and steep rocks that
lye crosse over the whole stream, they are made impas-
sable any higher for any sort of vessells, which is the
great disadvantage of those that dwell in the upper, or
more inland parts of the country. As touching the said
rivers, the one is called Connecticutt, running north and
south, and distant neer an hundred miles from the most
easterly poynt of Cape Cod ; first discovered by the
Dutch, called by them the Fresh river. About fifty or
sixty miles from the entrance of which, are seated the
townes of Middleton, Wethersfield, Hartford, and Wind-
sor, and Springfield about 25 miles above them ; and
between thirty and forty miles, above them, are seated
Hadly, Northampton, and Hatfeild ; above which were
Deerefeild and Northfeild or Squakhet, which for some-
time were ruined by the Indians, but since planted again.
All which are accomodated with intervale land of an ex-
cellent soyle, and otherwise very desireable, were itt not
for the distance of a markett, and difficulty of transpor-
tation. The other is called Hudson's river, running on
the same poynt with the former, soe as a west lyne from
Boston att the mouth of Charles river, falls directly
thereupon, neere Fort Albany, (lately while the Dutch
had the possession, called Fort of Aurania,) neerc which
are very great falls, where the channell has a precipice
downe neere fivety foote in a right descent ; butt how
much higl^r that great river comes from within the con-
tinent, is as yett unknowne. Att or neere the mouth, it
is above a league over, and carries his breadth with suta-
ble proportion thereunto, about a hundred and fivety
miles ; and it is a very stately river upon all accompts,
butt for the inconveniency of sundry falls much inter-
rupting the passage of the streame, beyond the sayd
place of Fort Albany. From the mouth of this, called
Hudson's river, to the mouth of the former, called Con-
necticutt, runneth a great channell between the mayn
land and that called Long Island, in length making
about a hundred miles ; in some parts thereof carrying
a considerable breadth withall. Other rivers there are
besides the aforementioned, not inconsiderable : As that

OP NEW ENGLAND. 10

called Pequod river, in the bottome of Narraganset Bay,
where it emptjes ittselfe into the mayn ocean, making a
v^ry goodly haven, neere unto which is seated the towne
called New London ; in nothing but the name imitating
the glory of the mother citty, and famous mart of Eu-
rope, if not of the world, unless in the advantage of the
stately harbor, and vicinity of the ocean. Twelve miles
from which, upon the bankes of die same river, is seated
another towne, called Norwich. Butt the streame of
this watter being issued in so small and short a course,
itt is not mentioned as one of the great rivers of the
country ; the breadth, a litde above the first towne, not
being in any degree proportionable to that itt is below.

CHAP. IV.

Of the temperature of the ayre and nature of the climate.

The climate of New England lyes in the middle, be.
tweene the frigid and torrid zones, the extrems on either
hand ; and therefore may bee suposed to bee in the most
desirable place of a temparate ayre, for the advantage
both of wholesome and delightfull living, falling into the
same latitude with Italy and France : some provinces in
both which countrys in former times being taken for the
most desirable in the whole universe ; yet by reason of
some occult and secret accident, is this country knowne
by longe experience to partake a little too much of the
two extrems of heat and cold, proper to the two opposite
regions on either hand, in those seasons of the yeare when
those qualities rise to be most prevayling. Both the
sea coast and the continent are indifferently mixt of
mountainous champaigne lands, the aire thereby becom-
ing more salubrious by far, than the next adjoyning prov-
ince of Virginia to the south, which consisteth generally
both of a lower and richer soyle ; it being found by ex-
perience that the vapours drawne out of the earth in the
levels and moister parts thereof by the directer beames
of the sun, and not puiified by the ventilating of the aire,
as is usually seen in the higher and more hilly countrys,
it useth to make the places mqre unwholsom and obnox.

so GENERAL HISTORY

ous to diseases, which the more hill}'- countreys are
freed from. The greatest inconvenience of the country
in respect of the temperature of the aire, either in sum-
mer or winter, is judged to arise from the inequality
thereof, which yet is more discerned in Virginia, a
countrey more land lockt and that lyes not so open to the
sea, the reason of which is hard to bee rendred. The
heat in the summer and cold in the winter seldome are
observed to continue in the same degree, but are very
subject to suddoine alterations, from whence many epi-
demicall distempers are knowne to proceed oft times.
Those hotter countreys, scituate in the torrid zone be-
tween the two tropicks, by the ancient philosophers, up-
on a mistake of ignorance or want of experience, deter-
mined to be not habitable, were they not continually fan-
ned by those they call the trade windes, that continually
follow the sun, the fierye and sulphurious vapors exhal-
ed by the sun beames so directly falling upon the earth,
would els suffocate the inhabitants : for want of which
ventilation here, sometimes the summer seasons are
found more unwholesome and difficult to beare ; though
generally the temperature of the aire is, since the planting
of the country by the English nation, found more mod-
crate by experience, and much more suitable for the
constitution of the inhabitants ; however the complaint
of the people that dwell therein is for the most part
more, for being annoyed with the heat of the summer
then cold of the winter- — against the extremity whereof
wayes may be found for men to secure themselves more
easily then from the extremity of the heat, especially in
such who are not as yet well naturallized and inured to
the climate. The frost heare useth to visit the inhabi-
tants so early in the winter, and ordinarily tarry s so long
before it takes its leave in the spring, that the difficultye
of subsistance is much increased thereby : for it com-
monly begins to take possession of the earth about the
middle of November, forbidding the husbandman to
meddle therewith any more, till the middle or end of
March, not being willing till that time to resign up its
possession or the hold it hath taken for nere two foot be-,

OF NEW ENGLAND. 21

low the surface of the earth. However, the purity of the
aire makes amends for the sharpness of the cold, being-
much clensed in its lower roomes, or chambers, which
are thoroughly purged thereby ; and so is the climate per-
served fromthose rottingdiseases of coughs and consump-
tions, which other countries, where heat and moisture
prevayles, are more incident unto. By reason of this
longe continued and extreme sharpnesse of the cold
through the whole countrey, the seven monthes of the
summers increase are usually devoured by the five leane
and barren ones of the winter following, as was shewed
to Pharoah in his dream ; so as if some stranger should
chance to bee there in the end of every winter, hee might
be ready to think, that all the cattle hear were the issue
of Pharoah's leane kine, that had bein transported hither;
the cattle at that time of the yeare much resembling the
wilde dear in Greenland, when the bridgroome of the
earth begins to smile upon them, after the long, cold, and
darke night of winter begins to take his leave. The un-
serchable providence of Almighty God is the more to bee
admired, that doth so richely clothe the earth of the coun-
trey in so short a space, that hath bin so long before dis-
mantled of all the former ornaments and glory, which eve-
ry summer is wont to cloth her withall ; for although
some times it be the middle of May before the fruit trees
bee blossomed out, or the fallowed ground of the fields
bee willing to receive its portion of the seed to be sowne
or planted therein ; yet within three monthes after, the har-
vest of English graine will bee fit for the hand cf the
reaper, and the fruits ready for the hand of the gatherrer,
at the usuall appointed season thereof: whence we may
conclude, that the salubrioubnesse of the aire in this coun-
trey depends much upon the winter's frost; and the
earth, as to its fruitfullnesse, is as much beholding to the
summer's heat, and influence of celestiall planets.

S3 GENERAL HISTORY

CHAP. V.

Of the fertility of the soyle^ with the commodities and
other advantages of New England,

Since the charter of the gospell was first opened to
the world, the j)riv Hedges of which onely remayne
with the church, itt need not be wondered att if the pa-
tents of eternal pros})erity should bee altred, least they
should prove, as often tlicy luive done before, through
man's corruption, the hindrance of piety and devotion ;
nor is itt to bee expected that the professed followers of
the Lambe should all of them in this age heare of a land
flowing with milke and bony, when there fore runners
were made to fly into the wilderness from the dragon,
of which sort, in a litcrall sense, is th.is place, whidier
providence hath occasionally brought the inhabitants of
New England ; yet may they say, that God hath not
beene a wilderness nor a land of darkness unto them
therein, it being a country capeable, with good improve-
ment, to maintay ne a nation of people, after once it comes
to bee subdued. As for the soyle, it is for the generall
more mountainous and hilly then other wise, and in ma-
ny places very rocky and full of stones ; yett intermin-
gled with many plains and valleys, some of v/hich are
sandy and inclinalDle to barrenes, yea, most of them are
such ; especially those that abound with pitch pines, and
there are many of that sort ; as likewise many swamps
or boggy places, full of small bushes and under wood.
Butt iicre and there are many rich and fruitfull spots of
land, such as dicy call intervail land, in levells and
champain ground, wiUiout trees or stones, neere the
banks of great rivers, that often times are over flown by
the channells of watter that run besides them, which is
supposed to enrich the soyle that is soe waterd : The
fatnesse of the earth, that is by the raines and melting
of the snow washed from the surface of the earth in the
higher part of the countrey, being by these flouds cast
upon those levells, that lye lowest by the sides of these
greater streames. In many such places theire land hath

OF NEW ENGLAlvTB. S3

beene knowne to bee sowne or planted full forty yeeres
togcather, without any considerable abatement of the
crope, never fayling of thirty or forty bushels per acre :
butt for the generality of the soyle, itt is of a lighter sort
of earth, whose fruitefuUnesse is more beholding to the
influences of the heavens, advantages of the seasonable
skill and industry of the husbandmen, then the strength
of its own temper. Such as came hither first upon dis-
covery, chanced to bee here in the first part of the sum-
mer, when the earth was onely adorned with its best
attire of herbs and flowers, flourishing with all such
early fruites which weather beaten travellers are wont to
refresh themselves with the beholding of; as strawbe-
ries, goosberies, rasberies, cheries, and whorts ; as they
observed that first landed about Martha's Vineyard :
whence they promised themselves and theire successors
a very flourishing country, as they did that first landed
upon the coast of Florida. Butt as it is proverbially
sayd of some parts of England, they doe not every where
abound with mines, though there bee lead in Mendin
Hills : So neither did or doth every place abound with
those florishing and alluring aspects, nor is the country
at all times found of the verdant hue, though many pla-
ces do naturally abound with some of those berryes, as
other places with grapes, which gave great hopes of fruit-
full vineyards in after time : but as yet either skill is
wanting to cultivate and order the roots of those wild
vines, and reduce them to a pleasant swectnesse, or time
is not yet to bee spared to looke after the culture of such
fruits, as rather tend to the beiie^ or melius esse, of a
place, then to the bare esse, and subsistance thereof. Each
season of the yeare, so fast, as it we re,. treading upon the
heeles of that which went before, thut but little time is to
be found spare, for that tillage, which is not of absolute
necessity, but for pleasure and delight. Yet are all sorts
of grayne found to grow pretty naturally there, that are
wont to be sowne in the spring season, (the cold oft times
proving so extreme as it kills all that is committed to the
earth before winter, especially in the Massachusetts col-
ony,) that which the land produceth upon the surface

S4» GENERAL HISTORY

thereof, is that upon which the inhabitants have their de-
pendance for the most certaine part of their wealth ; for
that which is hid in the bowelis thereof, the present gene-
ration either wanting leisure or ability to ransack so deep
under ground : nor have they that could spare time, and
have more skill then their neighbours in the nature of
mineralls, met with any thing that promiseth better then
iron, with v/hich the country every where abounds ; most
of their rocks being observed to bee of such a grit — as
those in the northern parts, as Acady and Nova Francia,
are judged to incline as much to copper, as some that
have been on that coast have reported. In many places
are supposed to bee medicinal watters, whether, upon the
first discovery of such springs, the halt, maymed, and
diseased did resort frequently, in hope they might leave
their crutches upon the trees adjoyning, as the Papists
have used to doe at the chappill of the Lady of Loretto.
But upon the very best experience that hath bin knowne,
it is conceived that all is but some springs passing through
iron mines, and have gotten some tincture of a chalybiat
quality, the pouring down many draughts of which is
sayd by some, that have made the experiment, to have
had the same effect with those kind of pills, that are given
to remove the obstructions of the spleen, and may be
usefull, if the quantity they use to drinke downe doe
not more harme by the coldnes of the potion, then the
quality of such chymicall matters doe them good. As
for medicinall herbes, Gerard and Johnson, as well as
Theophemus of old, might have made herballs here as
well as in any other particular country ; the same tree,
plants and rootes, herbes and fruites being found either
naturally growing heie that are knowne to doe in the
northern countrys of the like climate of Europe, and up-
on tryal have beene found as effectuail in their operation,
and doe thrive as well when transplanted ; as the oak,
walnutt, ash, elm, maple, hornbeame, abundance of pine,
spruce, etc. also a kinde of white cedar in many s\\ amps;
and such herbes as are common in England — eilicam-
pane, angelica, gentian, St. John's wort, agrimony, bet-
ony, and the like.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 23

As for living creatures — as the natives were not
known to bring any along with them, so neither doe they
keep any (but small dogs), according to the custome of
more civill natiwis : soe neither were here any found butt
wild deere, and in some places skunkes, wild cats, and
in some places porcupins, a sort of conyes, and hares —
moose, beares, wolves, and now and then a straglin
ounce, like the tygers in the West Indyes. Yett is the-
place capeable to breed and norrish all sorts of servicea-
ble beasts and cattle, which other parts of the world have
subdued and tamed, to theire use.

The like may be said of feathered foule, especially
such as live upon the waiter, which abound as much
here as in any other place. The bird of the greatest
rarity in this place, if not in the world, is a small one, not
exceeding the bignes of a great bee, called humbirds,
from the noyse they make with their wings, while they
are flying from one flower to another to suck out the ho-
ney ; but never set their feet down. Turkies also, and
pigeons, (that come in multitudes every summer, almost
like the quayles that fell round the campc of Israel in the
wilderness,) partridges, quayles, and all birds of prey, by
nature's instinct, or by conduct of Divine Providence,
have found the way into these endes of the earth, as well
as into any other part of the habitable world : nor did
Hircinia Sylva goe beyond what is found here for wild
cretures, it used of old to bee haunted with, which since
is turned into a fruitfuU and pleasant land ; as this also
may be in time. Nor is the sea less propitious to the
marriner and fisher man, then the earth and dry land is
all over the country to the diligent husbandman — the
bayes, rivers, creeks, havens, abounding with all sorts
of fish, that the coast of Greenland and Norway, or the
narrow seas are stored with ; which, as it was the first
improvement that ever was made of this coast, soe it is
still the most certaine and stable commoditie the country
affordeth ; although provisions of all sorts here are pleu-
tifull, and as cheap as in most parts of Europe, great
quantities of which are dayly transported from hence for
the reliefe of many other places, of the English in the
West Indies. 4

36 GENERAL HISTORY

CHAP. VI.

Of the disposition of the natives of America in JVeiv Eng-
land, "with the conjectures about their passage hither.

When God first made man, he gave him a command,
with a secret promise, to encrease and multiply, and re-
plenish the earth ; of which it is noe question butt Ame-
rica was intended as a part, although probably it was
long before any of his posterity found the way thither,
which in the shortest cutt they can be suposed to take
from Eden or Armenia, could not bee less than a jorney
of eight or ten thousand miles. Butt in what age or by
what meanes, o: by whose conduct they found theire
passage over hither, is not easy, if possible, in this age, to
finde : unless the astrologers can find it in the starrs, or
that itt can be gathered from the motion [of] the celestiall
bodyes, that lighted them hither ; none of the inhabitants
being ever knowne to have keept any anna/^ or records
of things done in fore past tymes. Nor is it less to bee
Wondered att, that any of the posterity of Adam should
\y hid so long from the knowledge of the rest of the
world. It will be impertinent to trouble ourselves with
uncertaine guesses of all those that have busyed them-
selves to make enquiry into this matter. Mr. Mede's
opinion about the passage of the natives into this remote
region carryes the greatest probability of truth with it ;
of whose conjecture it may be said, in a sense as some-
times of Achithopell's counsell in those dayes, that itt
was as the oracle of God. His conceitt is, that when
the devill was putt out of his throne in the other part of
the world, and that the mouth of all his oracles were
stopt in Europe, Asia, and Africa, hee seduced a com-
pany of silly wretches to follow his conduct into this un-
knowne part of the world, where hee might lye hjd and
not bee disturbed in the idolatrous and abominable, or
rather diabolicall service hee expected from those his fol-
lowers ; for here are noe foote stepes of any religion be-
fore the English came, butt meerely diabolicslll. Sto-
ryes were delivered by the people of Mexico, the seat of

OF NEW ENGLAND. SJ^

Montezuma's Empire, when the Spaniards first seized
itt, which seemes to intimate the passage of theire ances-
tors from sone other remote place aboute nine hundred
yeeres before it was possessed by them, Anno 1498 or
1500. Butt which way those people should come is
hard to say, for the streights of Magallan wee may
thinke are too neere one of the frigid zones to give
opportunity of such a passage ; although it bee certaine
that on the south continent, called Nova Guena, there
are people inhabiting, as Sir Francis Drake relates in his
voyage through the Pacificke Sea, towards China and
the East Indies : others therefor more probably conceive,
that they might finde some passage out of Tartaria by the
streights of Anian beyond California. And that which
gives not a little countenance to this opinion is, that the
natives upon this continent do in their manners more
resemble the Salvage Tartar, then any other people what-
soever ; though possitively to affirm any thing in a matter
so uncertaine is not convenient.

If any observation bee made of their manners and
dispositions, its easyer to say from what nations they did
not, then from whom they did derive theire orriginall.
Doubtless theire conjecture who fansy them to be de-
scended from the ten tribes of the Israelites, carried
captive by Salamaneser and Esarhaddon, hath the least
shew of reason of any other, there being noe footsteps to
bee observed of their propinquity to them more than to
any other of the tribes of the earth, either as to their
language or manners. No instance can bee given of
any nation in the world that hath so fare degenerated
from the purity of their orriginall tongue in 1500 or
2000 yeeres, butt tliat there may be observed some
rudiments of the ancient language, as may bee scene in
theGreeke and Latine tongues, though they are now utter-
ly lost as to the purity of them ; yett it is easy to trace
either of them amongest the nations since descended
from those that naturally spoke the language ; butt here
can noe such thinge bee observed amongc the natives of
America. Besides, liere is found no footsteps of the
idolatry or rites of any religious worship the people had

S8 GENERAL HISTORY

degenerated into, nor are any other customes here to bee
observed, that bespeake any relation to that stocke, more
then to any other people, unless it be poligamy, which
yett was no more peculiar to the Jews then to all other
nations of the East. It is certainly knowne also, that
within 200 miles compasse theire language is nothing
akin; so as one nation of the natives can no more under-
stand the language of them that live a 100 miles from
them, unlesse a little upon the sea coast, tlicn if they
spake Greeke or Welch; as is evident to them that have
been amongst the Mohawks, who live not above 100
miles westwards from the sea coast : yett their language
is diiferent one from the other, as the English is from
the Welch. In generall theire disposition, and temper or
inclination is much what the same all over New Eng-
land, being neither so sottish as those amongst the ne-
groes, nor yett so firce and warlike as some of the north-
ern Tartars and Scythians. They are indifferently affable
and courtous, yett subtill and strangely revengful, and
malicious. A small kindness will oblige them for an
whole generation ; and as little an injur}^ or suspicion
thereof, will worke in them a deadly hatred and opposi-
tion ; in whom if once a spirit of jealousy arrise against
any person or people, it is scarce possible to allay it.
They are so very treacherous, deceitefull, and cruell
withall, when they get any of their enimies into theire
hands; itt being theire ussall course to torture them
with cutting and mangling their flesh, whom they intend
to sacrifice to their malicious genius, and burning the
wounded parts with coales and hot embers, as it were
carbonadeing theire flesh while they are alive ; yet so ob-
durate are they that they never use to expresse any sense
of payne, while the most exquisite torments of that na-
ture are inflicted upon thcni. Butt for eating of man's
flesh, it was never of use amongst any of them since the
English had any interest here. Many of them are very
active and quick of apprehension in any mechanicall sci-
ence, which,with a little observation they attayne, working
in iron, brasse, pewter, as well as in timber; but have been
accustomed to such lazy, idle kinde of life, leaving all

OF NEW ENGLAND. S9

theire drudgery and laborious worke to their women,
that it is rare to finde any of them tliat care to bee held
to any constant imployment or bodily labour a vvltole day
togeather. As for our religion, some, yet a few of them,
have seemed seriously to embrace itt ; butt until they
bee reduced to more ci^'ility, some judicious persons
have conceived no great harvest is to be expected of
reall converts, which, for the future, must be left to the
observation of them that come after, there being little
progresse made that way for the present, notwithstanding
that many endeavours have been made in that kindc; of
which more afterwards.

CHAP. VII.

Of the severall nations of the Indians found in JVew- Eng-
land upon the first discovery thereof with a touch upon
their lawsy government^ and successions.

The northern parts of America were never observ-
ed, by any of the first discoverers, to be alike pop-
ulous with the southern, the land there being less fruit-
full, and the winters mure tedious and severe, so as such
multitudes could not herd together as was found about
Mexico and Peru, where little care need be taken eitlier
for meat or clothing, and not onely the soyle, being fare
more rich, but the season, being allvvayes summer in those
parts, and affording more crops in a yeere then one,
greater numbers might more easily be maintayned to-
gether. Butt for those parts that lie more northward,
they were, when the English first discovered them, never
observed to bee any thinge so populous, nor were any
great numbers ever knowne to bee reduced under any
one generall head, theire government being rather patri-
archall then monarchicall ; that is, some family is com-
monly found to predominate above others, of which the
eldest heire hath the sole and absolute government and
rule over the rest, whom they use to call sagamore or
sachem. The Indians of every noated plase, so combined,
make a kinde of a petty lordship, and are commonly
united under one chiefe person, who hath the rule over all
hose lesser fraternities or companies. In the places

^0 GENERAL HISTORY

more eastward they called the chief rulers that com-
manded the rest, bashabcas, as in the more westward
plantations they called them sagamores and sachems,
and that govern'iient they have is likewise rather arbi-
trary and costomary, then limitted by any lawes or con-
stitution knowne before hand : so as they depend upon
the absolute will of theire chieftains. As for succession,
it is rather collaterall than direct. When the P'^nglish
first settled any plantations along the coast since called
New England, there were severall nations of these In-
dians that were in some kinde of confederacy one with
another, against some other of theire potent neighbors,
that were att enmity, and conmionly they agreed to be at
peace with those that spake the same language. Those
that were seated more eastward about Pemmaquid and
Kennebecke were called Tarratines, betwixt whom and
those that lived about Piscataqua, Merrimacke, and Aga-
wam, now called Ipswich, had arisen some deadly feud,
upon the accompt of some trechery used by those west-
ern Indians against the others; so as every year they
were afraid of being surprised by them, which made
them upon every occasion to hide themselves among the
English, after they were settled in any of those places.
Every noated place of fishing or hunting was usually
a distinct seigniory, and thither all theire friends and
allyes of the neighboring provinces used to resort in the
time of yeere to attend those seasons, partly for recrea-
tion, and partly to make provission for the yeere. Such
places as they chose for their abode, were usually at the
falls of great rivers, or near the sea side, where was any
convenience of catching such fish as every summer and
winter used to come upon the coast : att which times
they used, like good fellows, to make all common ; and
then those who had entertained their neighbors by the
sea side, expected the like kindness from them againe,
up higher in the country : and they were wont to have
theire great dances for mirth at those generall meetings.
With such kinde ofentercourse were theiraffayresand com-
merce carried on, between those that lived up in the coun-
try, and those that were seated on the sea coast, about

OF NEW ENGLAND. 31

the havens and channells that issued into the sea ; where
there used to be at all times, clams, muscles, and oays-
ters, and in the summer season lobsters, bass, or mullet,
and sturgeon, of which they used to take great plenty,
and dry them in the smoake, and keepe them the rest of
the yeere. Up higher, at the falls of great rivers, they
used to take salmon, shad, alewives, that use in great
quantities, more than cart loades, in the spring to pass
up into the fresh watter ponds and lakes, therein to
spawne, of all which they, with there wares, used to take
great store for their use. In all such places there was
wont to bee srreat resort. In time of veere for their de-
nomination, they use to be divided, as the clans in Scot-
land, by the head of the tribes, and called after their
names. Every son of such a chiefe person used, if he
could, to get a company to him, of which he also made
himself the sagamore.

Att every of these places there used to be, if commo-
dious, about an hundred or two hundred inhabitants,
who had a sagamore over them, whom they acknowledg-
ed as their chiefe; and commonly in every province where
the tribe was greater, there was some greater sagamore,
to whom the rest owed more reverence then to the
lesser, whom they called sachem. So as things of com-
mon concernement were acted by common consent and
agreement, and in such cases thty used to bee mutually
engiged to assist each other in tyme of danger.

Betwixt Kenntbecke and Connecticut were observed
to bee about twenty societies or company es of these salv-
ages, when the English first came upon this coast, to
which all the rest may be reduced, all of them together
not being capable to make a nation. As 1. at Kennebecke
itselfe, where was a great number of them when it was
first discovered, who were only knowne to those of the
Masachusets by the name of Tarratines, or eastern men.
2. Casco bay, at the head of which, or neere by about
Sheepscoat* river, was the seat of Amorascoggan Indians,
still standing out in hostilitie against the English, in the

* Pegipscot, margin. Ed.

32 GENERAL HISTORY

year 1677. After all, the rest were either subdued or
fleed away, if they have not lately concluded a peace
with our agents. 3. Saco, a more noted river then
many others, which alwaies was wont to entertain a saga-
more, with a considerable number of Indians. 4. Pis-
cataqua, which being a navigable river, and into which
many lesser channels used to empty them.selves, was a
fit seat for many tribes of them. 5. Merrimacke, where
were severall receptack s of them, some twenty and thirty
some forty or fifty miles from the mouth of it, as Wara-
meset, Pentucket, Patucket, Amoskeag, Pennicook, etc.
6. The river of Newberry, att the falls of which was a
noted plantation of them, by reason of the plenty of fish,
that almost at all seasons of the yeere used to be found
there,both in winter and summer. 7. Att Agawam, called
now Ipswich, was another noted and desireable place, for .
plenty of severall sorts of fish found there in time of
yeere, both att the harbors mouth shell fish of all sorts,
and other kinds higher up the stream, and to which be-
longed those of Newberry falls that lyes in the midway,
betwixt Merrimack and Agawam. 8. Naumkeag, now
called Salem, was much frequented by the salvages in
former tymes, together with Marblehead and Lin neere
adjoyning, which Lin had a distinct sagamore of theire
ovvne surviving till of late, called George, and the In-
dians name of the place was Saugust. 9. The Massa-
chusets, at or neere the mouth of Charles river, where
used to bee the general rendezvous of all the Indians,
both on the south and north side of the country. That
which by the English is called Charles river, is the bot-
tome of that great bay that runns in betweene Cape Cod
and Cape Ann, and was the seat of a great sachem or
sagamore, much reverenced by all the plantations of the
Indians ; neere by to which were Narponset, Punkapog,
Wessagusquasset, and so up Charles river, where were
severall plantations of the natives seated. Att Misticke
was the seat of another sagamore neere adjoyning, which
is a great creeke, that meets with the mouth ol Charles
river, and so makes the haven of Boston. 10- Poka-
nacket or' Sowame, the seat of the VVompanoogs, of

OP NEW ENGLAND. 38

whom Woosaniequen or Massasoit was the chiefe sa-
chem, Anno 1620, whose son was the author of the
rebellion of the Indians, 1675 ; which fire kindled
first there, did soone runne over all the country, il.
Those called Nipnetts, seated amongst some lesser rivers
and great lakes up higher, within the continent, which
some have said were a kinde of tributaries to Massasoit.
12. The Narragansetts, a great people upon the sea
coast more towards the mouth of Connecticutt, consist-
ing of severall lesser principalities, yett all united under
one generall ruler, called the Chiefe Sachem, to whom all
the others owed some kinde of subjection. It is said
that before they were destroyed by theire late quarrelling
with the English, they had about two thousand fighting
men, of all which now there are few or none left, butt a
a hundred or two, belonging to Ninigret, who, though
hee secretly bore the English noe more good will then
the rest, yet being an old man, and cunning, and remem-
bring how his neighbors, the Pequods, were ruined by
their power, durst never engage against them, butt all-
wayes professed and maintayned friendship to the last,
in outward appearance. 13. The Pequods, seated on a
brave river beyond the Narragansetts, a more fierce and
warelike people then any of their neighbors, and there-
fore made them all stand in awe, though fewer in num-
ber than the Narraganssetts, that bordered next upon
them. 14. The Mohegans, whose seat is betweene the
country of the Pequods and the river of Connecticutt,
upon some higher branches of that called Pequod river.
15. The River Indians, such who had seated themselves
in severall commodious plantations up higher upon Con-
necticutt river. 16. The Cape Indians, upon Cape Cod
and some other islands neere adjoyning, as at Martin's
Vineyard, where civility and Christianity hath taken a
deeper roote than in any other plantation of the Indians.
17. The Mohegans about Hudson's river. 18. The
Cynikers,* upon the same river, more westward. 19.
The Moquawes, comonly called the Mohawkes, whose
seat is amongst the rivers and ponds, about seventy miles

* Senecas, Ed.

34 GENERAL HISTORY

northwest from fort Albany. These have lately renewed
or continued a league tripartite with the governor of
New Yorke and the rest of Hie English, both offensive
and deffeniiive. What is like to be the benefit and issue
thereof future tyme may declare. 20. The Indians on
Long Island and on the mayne opposite thereunto,
alonge the sea coast from Connecticutt to Hudson river,
of whom they that live about the mouth of the great
river, and on the island neer adjoning, were always ac-
counted more barbarous, treacherous, and false, then any
other sort of them.

Concerning the right of succession and inheritance, itt
is not certainly knowne, nor is it worth the enquiring
after ; however, it is said by some, that brothers inherit
successively before the sons, and the uncles before the
nephews, following therein the costome of theire ancess-
tors, their poverty, and barbarous manner of living, not
affording opportunitie, for want of means, to run into
many capital! evills, which the wealth of other nations
doth dispose them unto. Few or no crimes have beene
observed, besides murder and treason, amongest them to
bee punished with death, which seems to have beene a
law in force among all nations, since the AUmighty
destroyed the world with a flood, to purge away its
guilt and defilement, contracted by the violence and
cruelty of bloodshed, and soone after enacting the
standing law so necessary for tlie upholding humane soci-
ety, that "whosoever sheds man's blood, by man shall his
blood bee shed." But theire inhabitants being so poore
and meane, and theire manner of life soe uncult and
brutish, it is scarce worth the while to enquire farther
into the way of theire successions thereunto, or the lawes
and costomes whereby they use to be maintained and
governed in the possession of them. As for their re-
ligion, they never were observed by any of the first com-
ers or others, to have any other but what was diabolical),
and so uncouth, as if it were framed and devised by the
devill himselfe, and is transacted by them they used to
call pawwovves, by some kinde of familiarity with the
devill, and to whom they used to resort for counsell in

OF NEW ENGLAND. UK

all kinde of evills, both corporall and civil. It is not worth
the while either to write or read what it was, all of it depend-
ing on the uncertayne reports of some occasional specta-
tors ; but nothing uncleane or filthy, like the heathen's
feasts of Bacchus and Venus, was ever heard of amongst
any of them. Their low and meane dyet and fare, (be-
ing always accustomed to drink water,) not disposing
them to any inordinacy in that kind, as used to be said
of old, " Sine Baccho et Cerere friget Venus ;" i. e. ebri-
ety and gluttony produces venery.

CHAP. VIII.

Of the first planting of New England or any part
thereof by the English."^

After the expense of much treasure, time, and pains
in the discovery of that part of America called Virginia,
that lieth to the north of Florida, some eminent and
worthy persons, (moved more by a religious zeal to
propagate the gospel, and promote the glory of the
English nation, than any emulation of their catholick
neighbours of Spain,) entertained serious thoughts of
planting colonies of their countrymen in that part of the
new world. That vast country being found upon experi-
ence and trial too large to be moulded into one entire
government, (the whole extending from 34 to 48 de-
grees of north latitude,) it was thought meet should be
divided into a first and second colony, to which end
patents were granfeed to sundry honourable persons of the
famous cities of London, Bristol, Exeter, and town of
Plymouth, aboufthe year 1606 ; soon after which tim.e
the name of New England began to be appropriated to
the north colony by the renowned Prince of Wales,
after captain Snuth discovered the bounds thereof, as
some say, about the year 1614; the other still retaining
the first name, Virginia. This latter, by the fertility of the
soil and commodiousness of the havens and rivers, giving
greatest hopes of prosperity and success, was undertak-
en by those of London, whose adventures, difficulties,

* From this place the modem orthogi-aphy will be adopted. Ed.

36 GENERAL HISTORY

and present estate, those that desire may receive satisfac-
tion of, by the information of those who have for a long
time been conversant in the country ; the other, by those
of the west of England, whose endeavours were influ-
enced chiefly by the interest and authority of the honour-
able patron of justice and virtue, Sir John Popham, Lord
Chief Justice of England, who found both men and
means to possess it, about the year 1606, and 1607,
when a small colony was by him s(!nt out for that end :
for beside the first ship sent in 1606, two more were sent
after them in the year 1607, and some time after a third,
as saith Capt. Smith, page 2034 And then finding the
situation of the place most commodious for fishing, (as
having in sundry voyages made trial thereof,) intended
to begin their first plantation about Monhiggon, an island
not far distant from the mouth of a spacious ri\t:r called
Kennebeck, a place some where about the mouth whereof
was then, and is still called Sagadahock, and there were
the first company that intended to begin a new colony
in the north of America, landed about a hundred in all.
Anno 1606 or 1607. The gentlemen that undertook
the business had shaped in their minds the idea of a
large and flourishing commonwealth, sending persons of
quality to reside there as Commanders in Chief, as
Capt. George Popham for President, Capt. Rawley Gil-
bert for Admiral, Capt. Edward Harlow for Master of
the Ordnance, Capt. Robert Davis for Sergeant Major,
and for Marshal, Capt. Ellis Best, and for Secretary Mr.
Seaman. Capt. James Davis v/as to be commander
over the fort when it was built, Mr. Gome Carew was to
be Searcher. All the forementioned gentlemen were to
be of the Council, who with a hundred more as planters
of the colony, were to stay in the country. By their en-
deavors was a foundation laid of a greater building than
the adventurers ever found means to erect, the master
builders too much imitating those, that laid out so much
cost upon the gates, that they had not enough left to
build a city proportionable thereunto. liLxpericnces
of this nature abundantly declare, that it is one thing, iu
an idea, to model the great affair of a commonwealth

OF NEW ENGLAND. 37

and country, and another to bring materials, and frame
them together into a flourishing state ; for the hopes of
this new colony, that blossomed so early were soon nip-
ped in the bud by the sharpness of a cold winter following,
wherein they lost the President, an ominous accident,
which, with other solemn occurrences, blasted all that
which, with so great shew of prosperity was there newly
planted, especially being attended with the unwelcome
news of the removal by death of the main pillar of the
fabrick, Sir John Popham, happening, together with the
loss of Sir John Gilbert, whose brother, Capt. Rawley
Gilbert, designed Admiral of this puny plantation, upon
the first bruit thereof, hasted over to enjoy the inheri-
tance of his deceased brother. And indeed the season-
ing of a hard winter in that barren, rocky, and moun-
tainous desert, so discouraged all the rest, that tliey
took the first advantage of shipping that next came to re-
turn home for England the following year, viz. Anno 1608.
All the fruit of this their expedition, during the long win-
ter and the after time of their abode there, was building a
bark, which aftbrded them some advantage in their re-
turn. Yet did Sir Francis Popham, son and heir of that
noble patriot, his father, the chief author of the under-
taking, not wholly give over the design, but did divers
times afterwards send to the same coast for trade and
fishing, to which purpose he had great opportunity, by
the ships and provision of the company, that remained in
his hands ; as likewise did the Earl of Southampton, and
others of more publick spirits, that employed Mr. Ed-
ward Harlow soon after, to make further discovery of
the southern parts of Cape Cod, where they resolved
themselves that the said cape was no island, as was
deemed before, but a part of the continent. In this en-
terprise they seized three of the savages, which, proba-
bly, were the three an old woman complained of after-
wards to our neighbours of Plymouth, soon after the first
planting of Patuxet, viz. in the year 1620 ; but one of
them escaping, he enticed some of his consorts to take
revenge of that unkindness, who cut away the boat from
the stern of the ship, which they so guarded with their

38 GENERAL HISTORY

bows and arrows, that the sailors were not able to get it
again. At another place they, with two or three more,
so filled their fellow Indians with a spirit of revenge, that
they welcomed the English into the next harbour they
entered, with such a shower of arrows, that they were
glad to betake themselves to their artillery, to keep off
the savages. At one of the islands at Cape Cod,
(by Capt. Smith called Nohonc,) they took in
that voyage an Indian called Sakaweston, who,
after he had lived divers years in England, went a
soldier into the wars of Bohemia, as saith Capt, Smith,
Thus the said Harlow returned for England with five
of the savages, some of which they detained so long in
England that they began to learn our language, and were
able to inform our merchants sundry things concerning
their country, which inspired them with a fresh resolu-
tion to attempt another plantation in the place formerly
deserted, but with not much better success ; for Capt,
Smith having endeavoured to settle a plantation upon
James River in Virginia, was not unwilling to set the
design afloat for New England a second time. For such
an end he was sent with two ships to take a farther view
of the country, Anno 1614, at the charge of Capt. Mar-
maduke Royden, and the others, viz. Mr. Langham,
Buley Skelton, and others, to make some further exper-
iment of the commodities of the country, both by sea
and land, in the waters of one to kill whales, in the bowels
of the other to search for mines ; but their best refuge
was their common fishing and ordinary furs, those
places use most to abound withal. Ca|jtain Smith return-
ed the same year for England, well laden with furs,
train oil, and core fish, and his mind as full fraught with
hopes of great advantage the next return ; but, as the
wise man saith, " riches are not always to men of under-
standing, nor favour or prosperity to men of skill, for
time and chance happeneth to them all." When the said
Smith returned for England, he left one Thomas Hunt
master of the bigger vessel, with order to sail directly
with the fish he made upon the coast, for Malaga, but
•he, like a wicked varlet, having gotten twenty four of

OF NEW ENGLAND. 39

the natives aboard his ship, from Patuxet, (who, in con-
fidence of his honesty, had thus innocently put them-
selves into his hands,) clapped them under hatches, with
intent to sell them for slaves amongst the Spaniards ; but
they not permitting him to make sale of the poor wretch-
es in any of their ports, some of them found means to es-
cape back to their own country : but in the year follow-
ing, some that had conceived better hopes of good that
might ensue by prosecuting the former honourable and
pious work, having dispatched Capt. Hobson from the
Isle of Wight, with some others, to make a farther at-
tempt for planting the country, they carried with them
two of the aforesaid natives to facilitate the work. These,
contrary to expectation, find their design as good as over-
thrown, before it was well begun, by that treacherous
practice of Hunt : for, the two natives coming ashore,
and understanding what had befallen their countrymen in
their absence, contracted such a hatred against the whole
nation, that they studied nothing but how to be reveng-
ed of them ; contriving secretly with their iriends how
to bring it to pass, which no doubt they might easily
have done, had not one of them, Manowet by name, been
taken away by death soon after the ship's arrival there :
but the other, called Epenow, observing the good order
and strong guard the people kept, studied only for the
present how to free himself from the Englishmen's hands;
and laid his plot so cunningly that he. effected his pur-
pose ; although with so great hazard to himself and
those his friends, who laboured his rescue, that the Cap-
tain and his company imagined he had been slain. Their
design, not being well compassed, wrought the slaugh-
ter of some of their own people, as well as the hurt of
some of the English, as appeared afterwards. This com-
pany, together with Capt. Hobson, looking upon the end
of their attempt as wholly frustrate by the cross accident,
resolved, without more ado, to return home, carrying
back nothing with them but the news of their bad suc-
cess. And a war now began between the inhabitants of
these parts and the English. Thus was this little spark
of their hopes, raked up in the embers of those long and

40 GENERAL HISTORY

tedious delays, by this misfortune almost quite extin-
guished. But this is not all, for another occurrence fell
in here, which was as disastrous in a manner as the for-
mer. The company of New England had in the re-
turn of the year 1615, found means likewise to set out
Capt. Smith, with Mr. Dervner, Rocraft and others, with
a ship from Plymouth ; either to lay the foundation of a
new plantation, or strengthen and second that of Capt.
Hobson ; but they being scarce free of the English coast,
were suddenly attacked by a violent storm, shaking his
mast overboard, which forced him back into the harbour,
where the undertakers furnishing them with another
ship, they put to sea a second time ; but after they got
to the height of the Western Islands, they were chased
by a small pirate, who took them prisoners, and detain-
ed them so long that their voyage was wholly overthrown ;
nor do we find that ever Capt. Smith had an op()ortunity
in his own person afterwards to visit these coasts of New
England, though his inclination and purpose ran strong-
ly that way. However, Capt. Dermer, meeting with
some one or more of those natives transported by Hunt,
and encouraged by Capt. Mason, at that time Governour
of New England, carried them to Plymouth, from whence
he was sent again to New England, where, about the
year 1619, by his prudence and great diligence, he pro-
cured a peace between our men and the savages of the
place, that had been so much exasperated against them
by the wrongs formerly received. This industrious and
prudent gentleman, having spent almost two years in
searching the coast between New England and Virginia,
the fruit of whose labours and hazards many others have
since reaped, was at the last, in his return to Virginia,
set upon by some malicious savages in some parts be-
yond Cape Cod, from whom he received fourteen or fif-
teen wounds, upon which occasion, retiring to Virginia,
he there ended his days, about the year 1621. What ex-
peditions were made by the English, or attempts to
plant any part of the country between the year 1614 and
1620, may be seen more at large in Purchas, fol. 1778,
and in Capt. Smith's General History of New England,

OF NEW ENGLAND. 4*

lib. 6, pag. 228, 229 ; as likewise in a Script, published
1622, 'm the name of the Governour and Company of
New England. But they being, at the best, matters very
inconsiderable and of small consequence, relating to the
plantations that followed after that time, it is judged not
worth the while to transcribe out of those imperfect re-
lations any other particulars about those transactions,
which may wefl be looked upon rather as dead and su-
perfluous branches of the body of the following history,
than any thing likely to confer much delight to Xhe rea-
der, or benefit to the compiler thereof.

CHAP. IX.

Of the plantation at Patuxet, or JVew Plymouth^ in the
year 1620, with the occasions that led thereunto.

^The fore mentioned discoveries of the north parts
of Virginia, being bruited abroad amongst the western
country of Europe, no doubt filled the minds of many
with expectations of famous plantations likely ere long
to be erected in those parts of the new world : " Est
enim natura hominum novitatis avida:" or, whether
some divine virtue had inspired them with a desire of be-
ing instruments to promote some higher ends than ever
as yet had been brought to light — all former attempts
for planting those parts being vanished away, or like to
come to little. About this time a strange impression
was left upon the minds of some religious and well af-
fected persons of the English nation, sojourning in a fo-
reign country, that some place in that remote region
might be found out far more convenient for their pur-
pose that seerfted studious for reformation, than hitherto
they elsewhere either had, or were like to attain unto,
under the wings of a foreign state. Which consideration,
for as much as it gave the first rise to the flourishing
plantations of New England, since erected, we shall in
the first place, take a little notice of the occasion that led
thereunto.

Notwithstanding the bright and clear rays of the Gos-
pel light, that began to dawn and diff'use themselves

43 GENERAL HISTOHY

through the whole hemisphere of the Enghsh nation,
promising an hopeful day of reformation to arise upon
them after the long night of antichristian darkness, in
the glorious reign of our English Josiah, king Edward
the 6th, and Queen Elizabeth of blessed and famous
memory ; yet were not all that had opportunity to sit
under the shadow of their royal authority so well satisfi-
ed with every part of that so happy and hopeful refor-
mation by them begun, as to rest contented, without
strenuous endeavours to shape and mould the business
of church discipline moreto the primitive pattern. There-
fore sundr}'^ of them, having wearied themselves with
their private contrivements, all the whole reign of Queen
Elizabeth, and finding httle hope of bettering their con-
dition under her successour, resolved to try, if change of
air would not afford a remedy to the distemper at last, to
their grievances and Ijurdens they laboured under at
home. Divers therefore of that persuasion, that had
about the year 1602 entered into a private covenant, first
in the North of England, then in the Netherlands, Ann.
1610, to walk with God and one with another, according
to the best and primitive patterns (as they conceived) of
the word of God, finding the low and watery shuations
of that country as unwholesome and infectious to their
bodies, and national views of the place dangerous for
their minds, by reason of bad example, as that of their
own country, uncomfortable for their purses and estates ;
By reason of opposition, they at last projected the trans-
porting themselves and their families into America, hop-
ing by that means that if not all, yet the greatest and
more general ends to be aimed at in reformation, might
better be provided for, in a place of their own, free from
all former inconveniences. The persons engaged in
this design were Mr.Robinson's church, that ten years be-
fore settled at Leyden in Holland. The said Robinson,
to give him his due, was a man of good learning, of a
polished wit, and ingenious disposition and courteous be-
haviour, yet not without great tincture of the spirit of
the rigid separation, as is so well known by sundry of
his Avritings, publislied to the world about those times :

OF XEW ENGLANl,). W

yet doth he deserve commendation in this, that although
he had been transported so far with those principles as
to publish his opinion against hearing any of the preach-
ers of the Church of England, were they never so learn-
ed and pious ; yea to that confidence was he arrived, that
he began to play with Dr. Ames his name, styling him.
in one of his pamphlets, " Mr. William Amiss ;" yet
after the Doctor had taken him to task, and showed him
his great mistake, in his unanswerable piece, called "A
manuduction to Mr. Robinson," and finding himself
unable to grapple any longer with so great a master of
reason, he submitted, not being willing to speak any
thing against the truth, that had been by the help of an
antagonist discovered unto him. Yea farther, he came
afterwards to acknowledge, and in a judicious and god-
ly discourse to approve and defend the lawful liberty, if
not the duty, in case of hearing the godly preachers of
the Church of England. Thus like Paul he preached
that, which he had with his pen persecuted before ; like
some fruit, that before it is ripe is harsh, sour, and un-
pleasant, till it attain, by the advantage of after time, to
the mildness and sweetness of riper age ; as was observ-
ed in this good man, who, as he grew in years, grew in
many excellent gifts, both of nature and grace, and great
moderation of spirit in regard of what he manifested in
former time, which was not often found in them of that
rigid persuasion. This passage is intended as rather
matter of commendation than reflection upon that emi-
nent person, or any of the Christian brethren of his
church. To proceed, therefore, there was one Mr.
Brewster, a prudent, grave, and serious Christian, of
great experience in things of religion, and a man of a
liner alloy than the ordinary sort of the separation, hav-
ing had no small advantage by his education under Sec-
retary Davison, in the court of Queen Elizabeth, that
was joined with the said Mr. Robinson in the eldership,
by whose prudence and discretion that church was kept
in sweet and entire union and accord, both before and
after their parting asunder, contrary to the manner and
cvistom of some of that persuasion in Holland, as may ap-r

44 GENERAL HISTORY

pear by the testimony given them by those, amongst
whom they sojourned before in Leyden, as we see,
Morton, page 4 of New England's Memorial. The
reasons of their removal were debated both in public and
private, and found more weighty than could readily be
answered, in so much as a very great and considerable
part of the church were persuaded to attend the motion,
apprehending it to be from God ; and if their minds had
not been fully satisfied therein, it had been scarce possi-
ble for them to have gotten over so many difficulties
and sore trials as they encountered with through the
whole undertakings. — As for the reasons which prevailed
with them to leave Holland, the principal were these
— difference of language, difficulty of subsistence, haz-
arding of posterity, which they feared might come to
pass, and at last occasion their losing their interest in the
English nation ; they being desirous (how differing soev-
er they were in the persuasion of some matters of disci-
pline) to live under their natural Prince, and, if it might
be, to enlarge his Majesty's dominions ; having also
some hope and inward zeal by this means to propagate
the gospel, promote and advance the kingdom of the
Lord Jesus Christ amongst the barbarous inhabitants of
these remote parts of the world — in which good work
it is hoped they have not failed of their expectation alto-
gether. After they had, upon the reasons afore mention-
ed, resolved upon their " terminus quo," viz. to leave
Holland, the next and no less difficult question was the
"terminus ad quern," where to find a place, in which they
might securely promise themselves a freedom from the
former evils they had long groaned under, and an oppor-
tunity of enjoying the contrary benefits so much desir-
ed, viz. the liberty of a civil as well as ecclesiastical gov-
ernment, which they found by sad experience was not
to be obtained or expected in any foreign nation of Eu-
rope : therefore they in the general concluded to inquire
after some place that had not formerly been inhabited ;
and again they were divided in their opinions. Some of
their company, and those none of the meanest, were for
Guiana in the West Indies, a rich and fertile soil or

OF NEW ENGLAND. «»

country, blessed with a perpetual spring, where the earth
bringeth forth abundance of all things necessary for the
life of man, with little labour or art. But the greater
part, considering that those hot countries were incident
to sundry diseases, and in other respects very unsuitable
to English bodies, besides the neighbourhood of Span-
iards, which they had little reason to desire, who, though
tbey had not as yet, but soon might, possess themselves of
that part of America, and might displant them, as they
had done the French in Florida ; therefore it was deter-
mined at last to find out some place bordering upon Vir-
ginia, then newly or not many years before discovered
and planted. There they hoped to find liberty for a dis-
tinct colony under the general governnient of Virginia;
and also the free exercise of their religion, which they
conceived probable to be attained by some of their friends,
upon suit to his Majesty ; of which they were put in no
small hope by some persons of great rank and quality,
who were made their friends. In pursuance of this con-
sideration, two were chosen out of their company and
sent to England, at the charge of the rest, to solicit the
matter ; who found the Virginia Company very desirous
to promote their going thiiher, promising to grant them
a patent, with as ample privileges, as they had or could
grant to any ; and some of the chief of that company
doubted not but to obtain their suit to the king for lib-
erty of their religion, how averse so ever he had always
been to the sej^ling of it in P:Lngland. Sir Robert Nan-
ton, at that time one of the chief Secretaries of State,
with some others, who had interest in the Arch Bishop
of Canterbury, were employed therein ; by whose me-
diation they had a promise of a conveniency upon their
peaceable carrying under the civil government ; upon
which intimation they were encouraged to proceed on,
presuming they might be allowed to plant themselves
within some parts of those bounds, without molestation.
This course they looked upon as most probable, con-
ceiving they might there as safely rest in God's provi-
dence, as in other things. Upon this resolution other
messengers were sent over to issue the business with

46 GENERAL HISTORY

the Virginia Company, as well as they could, and pro-
cure a patent, with as good and ample conditions as
might be by any good means obtained, as also to treat
and conclude with such, merchants and other friends as
had manifested their forwardness to provoke unto and
adventure in this voyage, giving them instructions how
far they should proceed before they returned for farther
advice. One of the principal persons, with whom they
were concerned of the Virginia Company, was Sir Ed-
win Sandys, by whose letter, directed to Mr. Robinson
and Mr. Brewster, the pastor and elder of their church,
it may be seen how willing they were to encourage them
in this matter. " After my hearty salutations, the agents
*' of the congregation, Robert Cushman and John Car-
" ver, have been in communication with divers select
*' gentlemen of his Majesty's Council for Virginia, and
^' by writing of seven articles, subscribed with their
" names, have given them that good degree Of satisfac-
" tion, which hath carried them on with a resolution to
" set forward the desire in the best sort that may be, to
" go on for the public good ; divers particulars whereof
" we leave to their faithful report, having carried them-
** selves here with that good discretion, as is best to
" their own benefit and the end for which they came :
*' And whereas they being to treat for a multitude of peo-
" pie, they have requested farther time to confer with
" them, that are to be interested in this action about the
" several particularities, which in the progecution there-
" of will fall into consideration, it hath been very wil-
*' lingly assented unto you. If therefore it may please
*' God so to direct your desires, as that on your parts
" there fall out no just impediments, I trust by the same
" direction, it shall likewise appear, that on our parts all
•* forwardness to set you forward shall be found in the
** best sort, which with reason may be expected. And
" so I betake you with this design, (which I hope verily
** is the work of God,) to the gracious protection and
" blessing of the Highest.

*' Your very loving friend,
« London, Nov. 13, 1617. EDWIN SANDYS.'^

OF NEW ENGLAND. 4!$

Mr. Robinson and Mr. Brewster returned him an an-
swer, full of all thankful acknowledgment of his love
and care for them, intimating how ready and willing they
were to accept of his kindness ; on which account they
sent another letter to Sir John Worstenholme the Janu-
ary following, who was also of the Virginia Company,
and had a great interest therein, as well as Sir Edwin
Sandys, where they laboured to satisfy him about their
judgment and opinion about church discipline, expres-
sing themselves for the substance to agree with the
French Reformed Churches ; from whom they said they
differed only in some accidental points. But their pro-
ceedings with those of the Virginia Company met with
much obstruction the next year by reason of some dis-
sensions and factions of that Company amongst them-
selves, which issued in Sir Thomas Smith, that was Gov-
ernor thereof, he laying down his place, and the choos-
ing Sir Edwin Sandys in his room. But at the last, it
seems, they had a patent granted them, and confirmed
under the Company's seal : yet did those divisions in
the said Company takeoff many of their pretended friends,
and disappointed them of much of their hoped for and
proffered means. But by the advice of some frieijds,
that patent was taken, not in the names of any of their
own company, but in the name of one Mr. John Wincob,
a religious gentleman, belonging to the Countess of
Lincoln, who intended to go with them ; but God so dis-
posed that they never went, nor they ever made use of
the patent, which cost them so much time and charge.
The reason they made no use thereof will appear in the
sequel. Soon after this their agents were sent into Eng-
land again, to conclude of articles and propositions be-
tween them and such merchants and friends, as should
either go or adventure with them, and those, who in or-
der to their removal had sold out their estates, put their
moneys into a common stock, which was to be disposed
of by those appointed to make general provisions. Mr.
Weston was one who had interested himself much in
their affairs, undertaking to provide shipping for their
transportation ; but about this time they were informed,

48 GENERAL HISTORY

both by the said Weston and others, that sundry hon-
ourable Lords and worthy gentlemen had obtained a
large patent from the King for the more northerly part of
America, distinct from the Virginia patent, and wholly
excluded from their government, and to be called by an-
other name, viz. New England ; unto which Mr.
Weston and the chiefest of them began to incline, think-
ing it was best for them to go thither, as for other reasons,
so chiefly for the hope of present profit, to be made by
fishing on that coast. But in all business, the active
part is most difficult, especially where there are many
agents that may be concerned. So was it found in them,
for some of them, who should have gone in England,
fell off, and would not go ; other merchants and friends
that proifered to adventure their money, withdrew, and
pretended many excuses ; some disliking they went not
to Guiana — others would do nothing unless they went
to Virginia ; and many, who were most relied on, re-
fused to adventure. If they went thither in the midst
of these difficulties, they of Leyden were driven to
great straits ; but at the length, the generality was sway-
ed to the better opinion. Howbeit, the patent for the
northern part of the country not being fully settled, at
that time they resolved to adventure with that patent they
had, intending for some place more southward than that
they fell upon in their voyage, at Cape Cod, as may ap-
pear afterwards. The conditions, on which those of
Leyden engaged with the merchants, the adventurers,
were liard enough at the first for the poor people that
were to adventure their persons as well as their estates :
yet were their agents forced to change one or two of
then^, to satisfy the merchants, who were not willing to
be concerned with them, although the altering them with-
out their knowledge or consent was very distasteful to
them, and became the occasion of some contention
amongst them afterwards. They are these that follow :
" First, the adventurers and planters do agree, that every
person that goeth, being 16 years old and upward, be
rated at ten pounds, and that ten pounds be accounted
■J. single share. Secondly, that he that goeth in person^

OF NEW ENGLAND. 49

and furnisheth himself out with ten pounds, either in mo-
ney or other provisio^is, be accounted as having twenty
pounds in stock, and in the division shall receive a dou-
ble share. Thirdly, the persons transported and the ad-
venturers shall continue their joint stock and partner-
ship the space of seven years, except some unexpecte-d
impediments do cause the whole company to ai^ree oth-
erwise : during which time all profits and benefits that
are gotten by trade, traffic, trusting, working, fishing, or
any other means, of any other person or persons, remain
still in the common stock until the division. Fourthly,
that at their coming there they shall ciioose out such a
number of fit persons as may furnish their ships and boats
for fishing upon the sea, employing the rest in their sev-
eral faculties upon the land, as building houses, lilliiig
and planting the ground, and making such commodities
as shall be most useful for the colony. Fifthly, that at
the end of the seven years, the capital and the profits,
viz. the houses, lands, goods and chattels be equally di-
vided amongst the adventurers — if p.ny debt or detriment
concerning this adventure. Sixdily, -a hosoever Com-
eth to the colony hereafter, or putteth any thing into the
stock, shall at the end of the seven years be allowed pro-
portionally to the time of his so doing. Seventhly, he
that shall carry his wife, or diildren, or servants, shall be
allowed for every person, now aged 16 }ears and up-
ward, a single share in the division ; or if he provide
them necessaries, a double share ; or if they be between
10 years old and 16, then two of them to be reckoned
for a person, both in transportation and division. Eighth-
ly, that such children that now go and are under the age
of 10 years, have no other share in the division tlian fifty
acres of unmanured land. Ninthly, that such persons as
die before the seven years be expired, their executors to
have their parts or share at the division, proportionabiy
to the time of their life in the colony. Tenthly, that all
such persons as are of the colony, are to have meat, drnik,
and 'apparel, and all provisions out ef the common stock,
and goods of the said colony." The difterence between
the conditions thus expressed and the former, before

7

50 GENEilAL HISTORY

their alteration, stoOd in these two points : first, that the
houses iind lands improved, especially gardens and
fields, should remain undivided, wholly to the planters,
at the seven years' end : secondly, that the planters
should have two days in the week for their own private
employment, for the comfort of themselves and their fam-
ilies, especially such as had them to take care for. The
altering of those two conditions was very aiHictive to the
minds of such as were concerned in the voyage ; but
Mr. Cushman, their principal agent, answered the com-
plaints peremptorily, that unless they had so ordered the
conditions, the whole design would have fallen to the
ground, and necessity, they said, having no law, they
were constrained to be silent. The poor planters met
with much difficulty, both before and after the expiring-
of the seven years, and found much trouble in making
up accounts with the adventurers about the division ; at
which time, thougli those that adventured their money
were no great gainers, yet those that adventured their
lives in carrying on the business of the plantation were
by much the greatest sufferers, as may easily be gather-
ed in what follows, next to be related ; for all things be-
ing now prepared, they improved their utmost endeav-
ours to be ready to enter upon their voyage at the time
agreed upon. That a patent, as is aforesaid, was obtain-
ed, is published in print, and affirmed by such as yet sur-
vive of the first planters ; but where it is, or how it came
to be lost, is not known to any that belong to the said
colony. Nor is the place with the bounds particularly
specified : concerning which they were notably over-
reached by some of their neighbours amongst the Dutch,
who, understanding their design for the soirthern parts
about Hudson's river, where some of that nation had a
design to plant for themselves, secretly contracted with
Jones, the master of the bigger ship employed for their
transportation, who thereupon bent his course on purpose
more Jiorthward, and so fell amongst the shoals of Cape
Cod, to the hazard both of the lives and goods of himself,
as well as his passengers and company — had not the Al-
mighty,whose eyes run to and fro through the whole earth.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 51

by his merciful providence prevented the danger, which
by that false, underhand dealing they were exposed un-
to. For, meeting with sundry difficulties and obstruc-
tions, which is usual in things of tliat nature, it was long
before they could all be removed ; besides which they
met with bad weather at first setting out to sea, which
forced them to turn into harbours twice before they could
clear the land's end, and at last were forced to dismiss
one of the ships designed for the voyage, insomuch
that it was the 6th of September before they last put to
sea, which made it near the middle of November before
they made any land ; which after they had discovered,
they were altogether ignorant where it was, or whether
there was any commodious place near by, where to be-
gin a plantation : but in all these changes, whatever were
the malice or fraudulency of instruments, the over-ruling
hand of Divine Providence was to be acknowledged that
at the last found out a resting place for them, by send-
ing the Angel of his presence to go before them, and
safely conduct them through so many dangers and deaths.
It is also very remarkable and worthy of consideration,
that if they had, according to their intention and desire,
been carried to Hudson's River, the Indians in those
parts were so numerous and sturdy in their disposition,
and if they landed, so many ways enfeebled, that they
could never have defended themselves against them ;
whereas, in the place where they were now landed, a
convenient situation was prepared for their reception,
by the removal of the former inhabitants, who were late-
ly swept away by a strange kind of mortality, which
happened the year before.' After the disappearing of
the blazing star in the west, in the year 1619, the obser-
vation of which towards the west, made Mr. Brigges, that
famous mathematician, conclude that some notable event
was like to ensue, betokening the death of the natives in
those parts. Whatever were in his presage or in the ground
thereof, the matter so came to pass, not one in ten of the
Indians in those parts surviving, so that they were un-
able, though they had never so much resolved to have
made resistance. Our Saviour Christ, foretelling the

b2 GENERAL HISTORY

destruction of the Jews, )^et out of humane or natural
compassion, wished them to pray their flight might not
be in the winter ; yet such was the dispensation of the
Almighty towards this poor despised company, that hav-
ing hardly escaped the dangers of many violent and furi-
ous storms at sea, they were no sooner set on shore, but
they were immediately called to encounter with hard and
rough weather, in a desert and barren land, upon the
very edge of winter. The sun had now by his late decli-
nation, withdrawn his delightful beams, giving them but
short visits, after tedious long and cold nights, many
times brouglit in with boisterous storms of snow or rain.
The earth was also dismantled of all its comely and
pleasant ornaments, observed by the first discoverers, in
the summer time, by the early approach of hard and
sharp frosts presenting them with no other aspect than
the ruthfui and weather beaten face of winter. The bar-
barians the Apostle Paul fell amongst after long storms
and dangerous shipwrecks, as it is said in the Acts, shew-
ed them no small kindness, kindling them a fire, and suf-
fered them to gather bundles of sticks themselves for that
end ; whereas these barbarous savages were at the first not
willing to spare them any bundle or stick, but such as
were turned into arrows, and improved not to warm, but
to wound their new come guests ; the remembrance of
which consideration remains yet in some of their minds ;
who, after a long passage over the vast and wide ocean,
were at their first landing entertained with no other sight
than that of the withered grass on the surface of the cold
earth ; and the grim looks of the savage enemies. Sure-
ly such passengers or pilgrims, had need of some other
more inward support and comfort the world is not ac-
(|uaintcd with. They had need of a good conscience with-
in, to administer matter for a continual feast to feed upon,
that are thus bereft of all other outward supplies where-
with to sustain their hearts, Habak. iii. 17, 18. It would
have tried the faith of Abraham, when sent from Ur of
the Chaldees (a region bordering upon the confines of
Paradise as some conceive) if he had been directed to the
Arabian wilderness, and not into the land flowing with

OP NEW ENGLAND. 53

milk and honey. But they that had the same faith which
Abraham had, were, when put upon the trial, not unwil-
ling to follow the conduct of Divine Providence into a
land not sown, not knowing indeed, as it might truly be
said, whither they went, yet hoping that God, [wAo] by his
especial guidance, had brought them into a wilderness,
would not be a wilderness unto them therein, as since they
have found.

Mr. Robinson, their faithful pastor, at their last parting
in Holland, wrote a letter to the whole company, where-
in he gave them much seasonable advice,andmany whole-
some directions, needful to be observed by such as under-
took a work which now they had in hand, which is as fol-
loweth in page 6 of Mr. Morton's Memorial.* Accord-
ingly, as soon as they came to an anchor in the harbour of
Cape Cod, which was on November the 9th, 1620 — con-
sidering how necessary government would be, and to pre-
vent an}' inconveniency that might arise for want there-
of, and finding their patent was made void and useless to
them, now they were landed in another place, they resolv-
ed by mutual consent, forthebettcr carrying on their af-
fairs, to enter into a solemn combination, as a body politic,
to submit to such government, laws and ordinances, as
should, by general consent from time to time, be agreed
upon ; which was accordingly put in practice on the
(Morton, page 15,) foresaid day, before any of them
went ashore, by signing the Instrument here following,*
with all their hands that were of any note in the company,
bearing date the lOth November, 1620. And soon after,
Mr. John Carver was chosen Governour, for the following
year ; a gentleman not only well approved for his piety
and religion, but well quahfied also with civil prudence,
for the managing of the place of rule and government
amongst them. Their own necessity also, as well as the
master and mariners importunity, did in the next place
put them upon a speedy looking out for a place where
to take up their habitations. To that end, while the car-
penters were fitting up their shallop, 16 of them that were
most hearty and strong after so long and tedious a voyage

• These papers are not in the MS. copy. Ed.

Si GENERAL HISTORY

by sea, offered their service on the land, to take a view
of the country, and try if they could make a discovery of
any place convenient for such a purpose ; and to see if
they could meet with any of the natives, to begin some
treaty with them, thereby to make way either for trading
with them or inhabiting amongst them. This attempt
of theirs was in itself no small adventure, if any should
but consider what befel a French ship that was cast away
on this coast but three years before ; the country at that
lime being full of people who were under no small dis-
gust against all foreigners that happened to land there upon
one attempt or other, in remembrance of the villany that
one Hunt a few years before had acted amongst them ;
who, after he had made his fishing voyage at Monhiggan,
as is mentioned before, came to this place, as the Indians
report, and took away from hence 20, and 7 from a place
called Nasitt, carrying them captive to Spaiii. For al-
though the men got ashore, and saved their lives, with
much of their goods and victuals, yet it being understood
by the Indians, they gathered together from all parts, and
never left dogging and waylaying them, till they took
opportunities to kill all but three or four, which they
kept as slaves, sending them up and down, to make sport
with them from one Sachem to another. Two of the said
French were redeemed by Mr. Dermer, that insinuated
a little into them for trade, (though with loss of his own
life, as was said before ;) the third lived so long amongst
them till he had got so much of their language as to be
able to discourse with them, and in the end, he told them
before he died, that God was angry with them for their
wickedness, and would destroy them and give their
country to another people, that should not live like beasts
as they did; but they, deriding him,said they were so ma-
ny, that God could not kill them ; to whom the French-
man replied, that if they were never so many, yet God had
more ways to destroy them, than they were aware of. It
was not long after his death,before a pestilent disease came
amongst them, that was never heard of by any of them
before, which sweeped them away by multitudes, leav-
ing their carcases like dung upon the earth, and none to

OF NEW ENGLAND, 55

bury them ; the bones of whom were seen above the
ground by those of Plymouth, after they planted
that side of the country. The Indians thereabouts, in
remembrance of the Frenchman's words, as some of them
confessed afterwards, at the first, kept at a distance from
them, and would have assaulted them, but that God left
an awe upon their hearts. The English, being furnished
with ammunition,not only defended themselves,but struck
such a terrour in the Indians, that they soon after sought
their favour, and came into acquaintance with them,by the
means of some that had been carried away by Hunt, and
had lived a ^vhile in London, or elsewhere, alter the} hud
escaped out of Sp-iin, as shall be seen hereafter ; where-
by the especial providence of God was seen by such
means to make way for their abode and quiet settlement
in that place, which otherwise had not been possible for
them to have expected or attained. But to return, the
sixteen sent out upon discovery, having wandered about
a mile by the sea side, came within view of 5 or 6 In-
dians, but could not come to the speech of any of them ;
all taking themselves to their heels, like so many wild
creatures, hasted into the woods, out of their sight. In
vain it was to pursue their tracks, they being much too
nimble for our scorbutick pilgrims, that had tired them-
selves in passing a small compass of ground ; yet did they
adventure to lie out all night, under the safe though open
covert of heaven's protection. The next day they met
with a field where Indian corn had been planted the last
summer, and by accident stumbled upon some Indian
beans, stored with baskets of their corn, which (as to
them seemed) did in some sort resemble the grapes of
of Eshcoll, more to the apprehension of faith than of
sense. However, they returned to their company Vvith
little encouragement as to situation, which put them
upon a second discovery, a few days after, by their
shallop, being now ready, wherein they met with some
such like rarities as they had done before, yet but with
small encouragement from that called Cold Harbour,
which might have cooled their affections, had tliey not
Ijeen inspired from a higher principle; for the sharpness of

J(> GENERAL HISTORY

the winter drawing on apace, it put them upon an anxious
dispute whether to tarry where they were, a place fit on-
ly for anchoring ships, or to remove to this branch of a
Creek, which though farther up into the country, upon
the present experiment they made, called Cornhill, yet
could harbour nothing but boats. In fine, they resolved
to make a third discovery on December the 6th, wherein
they met with much difficulty upon sundry accounts, both
of wind and weather, together with a dangerous assault
from the Indians, one of whom was so resolute as to stand
three shots of a musket, after the rest fled ; until one
taking a full aim, made the splinters fly about his ears,
oif the tree, behind which he sheltered himself. Some
report he was wounded on the arm, as he was drawnig
an arrow out of his quiver, which made him sensible
that a tree that could keep off a hundred arrows, was a
slender defence against the English artillery; thus being
mercifully delivered, in remembrance thereof they called
that place ever after, the First Encounter,leaving of which
they coasted along in their shallop, divers leagues, till by
a storm that arose, they were in danger of all being cast
away, by a mistake of the pilot, who could not distin-
guish between the Gurnet's Nose, and the mouth of Saga-
guabe harbour. But he that sits at the helm of all his
people's affiiirs, guided them into tl\e right harbour,
when all other help failed ; for when the pilot and the
master's mate, saying his eyes never saw the place before,
would have run the boat ashore before the wind, in a
cove full of breakers, in a rainy season, to the hazard, if
not the loss of all their lives, a stout hearted seaman that
steered, cried out to them that rowed, if they were men,
about with her, else they were all cast away ; the which
they did with all speed ; so then he bid them be of good
cheer, and row hard, for there was a fliir sound before
them, which he doubted not but it would afford them
one [)lace or other wherein to ride safely ; whose words
they found soon after, to their great comfort, very true,
for they presently got under the lee of a small island,
where they rode quietly all night. In the morning, they
found it to be an island which they understood not be-

OF IMRW ETSraiuAND. 57

fore ; from thence forward they called it Clark's Island,
from the name of the mate, so called, that first stepped
ashore thereon ; where with much ado they kindled a
fire to relieve themselves against the extremity of the
cold. This being the last day of the week, they rested
there the Lord's day : but on the next day, sounding
the harbour, they found it convenient for shipping, as
they did the land round about commodious for situa-
tion, in meeting there with many cornfields, severed with
pleasant brooks of running and wholesome water — the
fittest place which yet they had seen, where to make a
place of habitation ; at least the season of the year, to-
gether with their ovvn necessity, made them so to judge ;
and the news of it was no small comfort to the rest of
their people, insomuch that immediately after their re-
turn they weighed anchor, and the next day, viz. Pe-
cember 16, they arrived in the said harbour, newly dis-
covered the week before ; which having viewed well the
second time, they resolved for tlie future not only there
to winter, but to pitch their dwelling ; and on the 25th
of the same month were as cheerfully employed in build-
ing their first house for common use, as their friends
were elsewhere about their cheer, according to the cus-
tom of the day. After some little time spent in unlad-
ing their goods, which at tliat time of the year was very
difficult, for want of boats and other helps, they began
to erect every one some small habitation for themselves —
sicknesses and diseases increasing very much amongst
them, by reason of the hard weather and many uncom-
fortable voyages in searching after a place wherein to
settle, occasioning them to be much in the cold, with
the inconveniency of the former harbours, that compelled I'fi
them to wade much in the water upon every turn, by ^
reason whereof many were seized with desperate coughs,
as others with scurvy and such like diseases ; that in •JjJ
the three next months after their landing, they lost one
half if not two thirds of their company, both passengers
and seamen. Such were the solemn trials that God was
pleased to acquaint them with in their first adventure, the
more to exercise their faith and patience, and daily to re-

8

5S GENERAL HISTORY

mind them that they were pilgrims and strangers upon
the earth, and must not seek great things for themselves.
So great was their distress in that time of general sick-
ness, that sometimes there was not above six or seven
sound and well, able to take care of the rest, who (to
their commendation be it spoken) were very ready to do
the meanest offices to help the weak and impotent, spar-
ing no pains, night nor day, wherein they might be help-
ful to them.

It had been a very easy matter for the savages at that
^ time to have cut them all off, as they had done others be-
* fore, had not God, by his special providence, laid a re-
straint upon them, as was promised of old to Israel, that
their enemies should not have mind to invade them, when
they went up to worship before the Lord. This time of
sickness and calamity continued with them all the latter
part of the winter, and if a great part of those had not
been removed by death, it was feared they might all have
perished for want of food, before any more supplies came
from England. In the beginning of March the coldness
of the winter was over, and the weather began to be very
comfortable, the spring coming on that year more early
than ordinarily it uses to do, which was no small reviving
to those decrepit and infirm planters. But that which
added more life unto their hopes, was not so much the
change of the air, as the change wrought in the hearts of
the heathen, who were come, instead of hating, to fear
this poor handful of people, and to be proffering them all
kindness they were capable to show, thereby, as it were,
seeking their favour. Thus was it found in their expe-
rience, that the hearts of all are in the hands of the Lord,
and that he turns them as the rivers of vvaters; for about
the middle of the said month of March, an Indian, called
Sanioset, came to them, and soon after another, whose
name was Squanto, or Tisquantum, (for he is called in
several authors by these several names,) came boldly in
amongst them, and said in a broken dialect of our lan-
guage, "Welcome, Englishmen." Within a day or
two came the other, and spake in the like dialect, to the
same purpose or effect ; at which the planters were sur-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 09

prised with no small amazement ; but they presently un-
derstood that the said Indians had been acquainted with
our English mariners, that had of late yearly frequented
the coast, upon account of making fish at the Eastward,
and could tell the names of the masters of ships, and
mariners that were commonly there ; yea, one of these na-
tives, Tisquantum, that came last amongst them, was one
of them that had been carried away by Hunt, and had af-
terward escaped from Spain, and was carried to London,
where he had lived with one Mr. Slany, a merchant,
about two years. These were by that means so well ac-
quainted with our language, that they were pretty well
able to discourse with them, and acquaint them with ma-
ny matters needful for the carrying on their design — as
how to plant their corn — after what manner to order it —
where to get fish, and such other things as the country
afforded, aloout which they would have been very much
to seek without their instruction. They gave them like-
wise information of the number of the Indians, their
strength, situation, and distance from them ; acquaint-
ing them also with the estate and affairs at the eastward ;
but the principal benefit obtained by their means was ac-
quaintance w ith an Indian of the chiefest note in that
side of the country, called Massasoit. Him they brought
down to the English, though his place was at forty miles
distance, called So wans, his country called Pokanoket,
and one that had the greatest command of the country
betwixt Massachusetts and Narragansct. And within
four or five days came the said Sachem, with his friends
and chiefest attendants, to welcome them to his country ;
and not only giving them liberty there to take up their
habitation, but likewise acknowledging himself willing
to become the subject of their sovereign Lord, King
James. Further also he was willing to enter into a
league of friendship with our pilgrims, wliich continued
verj' firm with him and his people duriug the term of
his own Hfe, and some considerable time with his two
sons, his successors, until lliat unhappy quarrel began by
the second of them, by the English called Philip, in the
year 1675, which ended in the loss of his own life, and the

60 GENERAL HISTORY

extirpation of all his friends and adherents, within a few
months after they began it, as is declared in the narra-
tive, which may be hereunto annexed. The articles and
conditions, which the sai^ league was agreed upon,
were as followeth, as in Mason, page 24. The experi-
ences of the aforementioned passages of providence put
the new inhabitants of Plymouth in mind of God's promise
to the people of Israel in their passage towards the pos-
session of the land of Canaan, where he engaged to them
concerning the Canaanite and the Hittite, that he would
by little and little drive them out from before his people,
till they were increased, and did inherit the land ; which
consideration is the more to be remembered herein, in
that it was known to the said planters of Plymouth not
long after, that these Indians, before they came to make
friendship with them, had taken Balaam's counsel against
Israel in getting all the powwaws of the country togeth-
er, who for three days incessantly had, in a dark and
dismal swamp, attempted to have cursed the English,
and thereby have prevented their settling in those parts,
which when they discerned was not like to take place,
they were not unwilling to seek after a peace. The
like was confessed many years after to have been at-
tempted by an old and noted and chief Sagamore and
Powaw, about Merrimack, to the northward of the
Massachusetts, called Passaconaway, who, when he per-
ceived he could not bring about his end therein, he left
it, as his last charge to his son, that was to succeed him,
and all his people, never to quarrel with the English,
lest thereby they came to be destroyed utterly, and root-
ed out of the country. This hath been confirmed to the
remnant of the faithful, that surely there is no enchant-
ment against Jacob, nor divination against Israel.

It may be here added, that in the following year, 1621,
several other Sachems or Sagamores — which are but
one and the same title, the firi>t more usual with the
southward, the other with the northward Indians, to ex-
press the title of him that hath the chief command of a
place or people — as well as the afore named Massasoit,
came to the Governour of New Plymouth, and did volun-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 6i

tarily acknowledge themselves to be the loyal subjects
of our Lord, King James, and subscribed a writin,^ to
that purpose with their own hands, the tenour of which
here followeth, with their names annexed thereunto, that
succeeding times may keep a memorial thereof, it hav-
ing no small influence into the first foundations here
laid. Morton, page 29.

Sept. 13, Anno Dom. 1621.
" Know all men by these presents, that we whose
" names are underwritten, do acknowledge our-
" selves to be the loyal subjects of king James, king of
" Great Britain, France, and Ireland, defender of the
" faith. In witness whereof and as a testimonial of the
** same, we have subscribed our marks, as followeth,
OBQUAMHUD CAWKATANT

CANACOCOME CHIKKATABUT

OBBATINNA QUADAQUINA

NATTAWAHUNT HUTTAMOIDEN

APANNOW."

CHAP. X.

Of the Government, Civil and Military ^ established in the
Colony of JVeiv Plymouth.

That which our Saviour once affirmed concerning
a kingdom, is as true of the smallest colony, or puny
state, or least society of mankind, that if it be di-
vided against itself it cannot stand ; and how can divi-
sions be avoided where all sorts of people are to be at
their liberty, whether in things civil or sacred, to do
all that doeth, and nothing but what doeth seem good
in their own eyes. Our first founders of this new colony,
were aware of this, before they removed themselves from
the parts of Europe, whether England or Holland, to
those of America ; and therefore, according to the pru-
dent advice of Mr. Robinson, their Pastor, they had
procured a patent for themselves, or had a power grant-
ed from their Sovereign Prince, whereby they might
form themselves into a body politic in the place speci-
fied in their patent. But missing of the place, the things

63 GENERAL HISTORY

contained therein were utterly invalidated, and made
useless thereby, which they wisely considered in the
first place, as was said before, and therefore they all
signed an instrument, concerning some way oi order and
government, which they, according as necessity required,
intended to mould themselves into, upon the first oppor-
tunity, which should oifer itself, after they had found a
place of habitation fit to settle upon. By die aforesaid
accident, things so fell out, that for the present they
could not fall into any order of government, but by
way of combination ; widi which they intended to con-
tent themselves till occasion might serve for the obtain-
ing another patent from the King, for that place where
Providence now had cast their lot. For the present
therefore they devolved the sole power of government
upon Mr. John Carver, in whose prudence they so
far confided, that he would not adventure upon any mat-
ter of moment without consent of the rest, or at
least advice of such as were thought to be tlie wisest
amongst them, and not to increase the number of rulers,
where tlie persons were so few to be ruled ; knowing
also that they could at their pleasure add more as diere
might be occasion, much better than to have eased
themselves of the burden, if they should pitch upon too
manv at first. One Nehemiah is better than a whole
Sanhedrim of mercenaiy Shemaiahs.

The Laws they intended to be governed by were
the LaM'S of England, the which they were willing to be
subject unto, though in a foreign land, and have since
that time continued in that mind for the general, adding
only some particular muncipal laws of their own, suit-
able to their constituiion. In such cases, where the com-
mon laws and statutes of England could not well reach
or afford them help in emergent difficulties of the place,
possibly on the same ground that Pacavius sometimes
advised his neighbours of Capua, not to cashier dieir
old magistrates, till they could agree upon better to
place in dieir room ; so did tliese choose to abide by the
Laws of England, till they could be provided of bet-
ter.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 68

As for their military affairs, they were at this time as
necessary to be provided for, in regard of enemies with-
out, as were the civil concernments within amongst
themselves ; and although the order thereof be founded
in the same authority with the former, yet is it, at least
in our days, usual and needfnl it should be managed by
other hands, for which purpose they were well furnished
by a person of that company, though at that time not of
their church, well skilled in the affair, and of as good
courage as conduct, Capt. Miles Standish by name, a
gentleman very expert in things of that nature, by
whom they were all willing to be ordered in those con-
cerns. He was likewise improved with good acceptance
and success in affairs of greatest moment in that colony,
to whose interest he continued firm and stedfast to the
last ; and always managed his trust with great integrity
and faithfulness. What addition and alteration was made
afterwards in and about the premises, there may be an
occasion to observe afterward.

CHAP. XI.

Of the Religion^ fVorship^ and Discipline^ professed or
practised, by those of Plymouth,

As of old notice was taken in the Sacred Records,
how happy it was with Israel, when they were led like a
flock by the hand of Moses and Aaron, so hath it been
observed in all ages, as a certain token of God's presence
with and amongst his people, when their ecclesiastical,
as well as civil affairs, are carried on by the same care and
endeavour. The faith and order of the church of the Co-
lossians, was a desirable sight in the eyes of the Apostle.
The addition of civil order forementioned in the new
colony, without doubt, did not a little increase the
beauty of this small society, rendering this little citadel
of Sion, that was now begun to be erected in America,
hopeful to become beautiful as Tirzah, comely as Jerusa-
lem, terrible at the last as an armv with banners, that the

t34< GENERAL HISTORY

powers of darkness and the gates of hell have not yet been
able to prevail against, how strangely soever of late times
they have endeavoured it. As for the doctrine of religion
held forth by this people, together with their worship, it
was for the substance little discrepant from that of the
rest of the reformed churches of Europe, abating the
discipline, with the rites and ceremonies observed in
the church of Elngland, ever since the first reformation
begun in those kingdoms, under the English sceptre ;
on which account those people that were a part of Mr,
Robinson's church at Leyden, whose pedigree some
that favour that interest derive from the English church
at Frankford, settled afterwards at London, made a pro-
fessed separation from the rest of the reformed churches,
whence in the former age they were styled separatist, and
generally known by that name, not only with relation to
the rites and ceremonies of worship, but in special also
in regard of the discipline and government of the church ;
all which, because they were so well known to the world
by several writings that passed between Mr. Robinson,
with some of the like persuasion, and other learned per-
sons of the contrary judgment, no further or no partic-
ular account need be given thereof in this place ; but
when we come to speak of the settling of the other col-
onies, there will be a fitter occasion to treat more fully
thereof, for as much as none of the rest of the planters
came over in any settled order of government, only re-
solving when they came hither to carry on those affairs
as near as they could exactly according to the rule and
pattern laid before them in the word of God, wherein
they cannot be blamed for endeavouring, according to
their best understanding, to approve themselves faithful
to the Supreme Lord of his church, as opportunity
might be afforded. It is easy to observe a difference be-
tween him that is about repairing of a building, by age
and time fallen into some decay, and one that is about
to rear a new fabric ; with whom it is no harder work, if
he have materials at hand, to square every ihing accord-
ing to the best pattern and method made known, than
it is for the other to endeavour the bringing of things to

OF NEW ENGLAND. 65

their primitive structure and fashion, in a word there-
fore, only to satisfy the reader how a christian church
could in any tolerable measure carry on the public wor-
ship of God without suitable officers, as was the case of
those people of Plymouth, we must know that these
were a serious and religious people that know their
own principles, not like so many of their followers
in some parts of the country, properly termed Seekers ;
of whom it may be said, as our Saviour Christ some-
times said of the Samaritans, " ye worship ye know not
what." Now these knew and were resolved on the way
of their worship ; but in many years could not prevail with
any to come over to them, and to undertake the office
of a pastor amongst them, at least none in whom they
could with full satisfaction acquiesce ; and therefore in
the mean while they were peaceably and prudently managed
by the wisdom of Mr. Brewster, a grave and serious
person that only could be persuaded to keep his place of
ruling elder amongst them ; having acquired by his long
experience and study no small degree of knowledj^e in
the mysteries of faith and matters of religion, yet wisely
considering the weightiness of the ministerial work,
(and thereni he was also advised by Mii. Robinson,)
according to that of the Apostle, " who is sufficient for
these things;" he could never be prevailed with to ac-
cept the ministerial office, which many less able in so
long a time could have been easily drawn unto. Besides
also several of his people were v ell gifted, and did
spend part of the Lord's day in their wonted prophecy-
ing, to which they had been accustomed by Mr. Robin-
son. Those gifts, while they lasted, uiade the burden of the
other defect more easily borne, yet w^s not that custom
of the prophecying of private brethren observed after-
wards in any of the churches of New England besides
themselves, the ministers of the respective churches
there not being so well satisfied in the way thereof, as was
Mr. Robinson. The elders likewise of the said churches
or the most judicious and leading amongst them, as Mr.
Cotton, &c. that were not absolutely against the thing,
were yet afraid that the wantonness ot the present age,

9

ob GENERAL HISTORY

would not well bear such a liberty, as tliat reverend and
judicious divine, the great light of those churches, ex-
pressed to a person of great qiiahty, to whom he bore
no small respect, a few hours before he departed this
life,

CHAP. XII.

The general affairs of the colony of Neiv Plymouth^ during
the first lustre of years^ from March 25, 1621, to
March 25, 162(5.

Although the dispensations of God towards his peo-
ple under the gospel be not like those under the law, in
respect of the outward prosperity, so as any time it could
be said as in Solomon's reign during the time of his
building the house of God or his own palaces, that
there was neither adversary nor evil occurrent ; yet did
the Almighty water this new planted colony with many
blessings, causing it by degrees to flourish, taking root
downward, that it might in after time bring forth fruit up-
ward. For now the spring of the following year was come,
they began to hasten the ships away, which had tarried
the lousier, that before it had left the country, it might
carry the news back of the welfare of the plantation.
The ships' company also during the winter, growing so
weak that the master durst not put to sea till they were
better recovered of their sickness and the winter well over.

Early in the spring they planted their first corn, being
instructed therein by their friend Squanto, and had bet-
ter success therein than in some English grain they sow-
ed that year, which might be imputed to the lateness of
the season, as well as their own unskilfulness in the
soil. But the month of April added much heaviness to
their spirits by the loss of Mr. John Carver, who fell
sick in that month, and in a few days after died.
His funeral rites were attended with great solemnity, as
the condition of that infant plantation would bear ; as in-
deed the respect due to him justly deserved, if not for

OF NEW ENGLAND. 67

the good he had actually done in the foundation of their
coloiiy, yet for that he was like to have done, if God had
spared him his life ; he being a gentleman of singular
piety, rare humility, and great condescendency ; one
•also of a publick spirit, as well as of a publick purse, hav-
ing disbursed the greatest part of that considerable estate
God had given him, for carrying on the interest of the
company, as their urgent necessity required. Extreme
grief for the loss of him, within a few weeks, hasted the
removal of a gracious woman, his wife, wi^.ich he left
behind. i\t his decease the eves of the company were
generally upon Mr. William Bradford, as in the next
place fittest to succeed him in the government : where-
fore, as soon as ever he recovered of his great weakness,
under which he had languished to the point of death,
they chose him to be their governour instead of Mr Car-
ver, adding Mr. Isaac AUerton only, to be his assistant.
The second of July following, in imitation of David,
who was as ready tu acknowledge khidnesses received,
as to ask or accept them in the time of his distress,
they sent Mr Edward Winslow, with Mr. Stephen Hop-
kins, to congratulate their friend Massasoit, by the late
league firmly allied to them, partly also to take notice
what number of men he had about diem, and the other
Sachems, as likewise of what strength they were.
They found his place 40 miles distant from their town,
and his people, but few in comparison of what formerly
they had been, before the great mortality forementioned,
that had swept away so many of them. They returned in
safety, giving a good account of the business they were
sent about ; adding moreover what they understood of the
nation of the Indians, called Narragansetts, seated on the
other side of the great bay, adjoining to the country of Mas-
sasoit: a people many in number,and more potent than their
neighbours at the present juncture, and grown very inso-
lent also, as having escaped the late mortality, which
made them aspire to be lords over their neighbours.
On that occasion, the establishing of their peace with the
natives near about them was much furthered by an In-
dian, called Hobbamacke, a proper lusty young man,

68 GENERAL HISTORY

and of good account amongst the other Indians in those
parts for his valour. He continued faithful and con-
stant to the Enj^Hsh until his death. The said Hobba-
macke with Squanto, being a while after sent amongst
the other Indians about busi .ess for the P^nglish, were
surprised about Naniasket, (sincecalled Middleborough,)
by an Indian Sachem not far off, called Corbitant, upon
the only account of their friendship to the English. The
said Corbitant, picking a quarrel with Hobbamacke,would
have stabbed him, but he being a strong man easily
cleared himself of his adversary ; and after his escape,
soon brought intelligence to the governour of his dan-
ger, adding withal that he feared Squanto was slain,
having been both threatened on the same account ; but
Capt Standish sent forth with 12 or 14 men well armed,
beset the house, and himself adventuring to enter, found
that Corbitant had fled, but yet that Squanto was alive.
Two or three Indians pressing out of the house when it
was beset, were sorely wounded, whom notwithstand-
ing the English brought to their chirurgeon, by whom,
through God's blessing, they were soon cured. After
this exploit they had divers congratulatory messages
from sundry of the other Sachems, in order to a settled
amity, and Corbitant soon after made use of Massasoit,
as a mediator to make peace, being afraid to come
near himself for a long time after: the Indians also of the
Island Capowake, since called Martha, commonly Mar-
tyne's Vineyard, sent to them to obtain their friendship.
B\ this n;eans the colony, being better assured of a peace
with their neighbours, improved the opportunity to ac-
quaint themselves with such of the Indians that lived
more remote, especially those of the Massachusetts ; for
which purpose they sent thither a boat with ten men, and
Squanto for thtir interpreter, on September 18 follow-
ing, in part to discover and view the said bay, of which
they had heard a great fame, and partly to make way for
after trade with the natives of the place, for having Hved
with the Dutch in Holland, tliicy were naturally addicted
to commerce and iraflick ; and which at this time was
very necessary for their support. Therein they were kind-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 69

ly entertained by the natives of that place, wii.hing, it
seems, they had been seated there ; but he who appoints
to all men their inheritance, and sets to the inhabitants of
the earth the bounds of their habitation, had by his provi-
dence otherwise disposed of them ; and by his purpose
reserved that place for sucli of their friends, as should
come after; thus far those people had experience of the
outgoing of divine favour, blessing their going out and
their coming in, and giving them encouragement, so
they might be instrumental to lay a foundation for many
generations. But the remembrance of the cold winter
the year before gave them an item that it was time now
to fit up their cottages against the same season, now fast
approaching upon them, which they suddenly attended
after harvest, for now their old store of provision being
by this time all finished, the} welcomed the first harvest
fruits vvith no little joy. i'he hand of providence also
in the beginning of winter increased them, as by sending
in great plenty of fish and fowl to their great refreshing.
The ninth of November ensuing added 35 persons more
to their company, which was no small rejoicing to the
first planters, nor were the new comers a little glad to see
such plenty of provisions beyond expectation. 'I'he com-
mander of the vessel was one Mr. Robert Cushman, an
active and faithful instrument for the good of the pub-
lick ; yet hei ein was he overseen, that he so overstored the
plantation with number of people in proportion to the
provision he brought with them, for the whole company,
having nothing to trust to but the produce of the earth,
and what they could procure by fishing and fowling,
they were in great straight for provision before the re-
turn of the next harvest ; nor had they at this time any
neat cattle, to afford them any present relief or future in-
crease; nor did it appear they had any benefit con-
siderable, by other creatures. Presently after the dis-
patch of this ship, whose stay in the country was not a-
bove 14 days, the Narragansetts sent an uncouth
messenger unto the plantation, with a bundle of arrows
tied together with a snake's skin, not much unlike that
which sometimes the Scythians of old scut to the Per-

70 GENERAL HISTORY

sian Kin^ Darius, when he without cause went to in-
vade their country, of which those of Piyn outh were
not a whit i?uihy. Squanto their friend told them, he be-
ini> their interpreter, that the English of it was a threat-
ening and a challenge, at which the povernour, rel} ing
more on the power and promises of God, than the
strength or number of his> own company, was not a
whit dismayed ; but did, by another messenger, let him
know how he resented their mrssai:,e, sending back their
snake's skin full of powder and bullets, with this word,
that if tht y loved war better than p»-ace they might begin
when they would ; that as they had done them no wrong,
so neither did they fear them, nor if they miixled to try,
should they find them unprovided. It is thought that
their own ambitious humour prompted them to this inso-
lent message, supposing the English might be a bar in
their way in raising a larger dominion upon the ruins of
their neighbours, wasted by late sickness, observing that
Massasoit their next rival for sovereignty, had already
taken shelter under the wings of the English ;
however it was a seasonable caution to the English to be
more watchful and continually stand upon their guard,
closing their dwellings with a strong pale, made with
flankers at the corners, and strengthenmg their watches,
having first divided their company into 4 squadrons, ap-
pointing to each their quarter, to which they were to re-
pair, in case of danger upon any alarm, and in case of
fire ; assigning one company for a guard of their weap-
ons, while the others were employed in putting out what
was kindled. Thus having gotten over another of the
cold winters, to which their bodies began now to be pret-
ty well inured, they designed the succeeding spring.
Anno 162:2, to prosecute their commerce with the Mas-
sachusetts, as they had certified the natives, about which
there was some demur, in the fiist hand of the year
upon some jealousies between Hobbamacke and Squan-
to, grounded on some surmises raised by one of them,
as if the natives of Massachusetts uere like to join in a
conspiracy v\ ith. the Narragansetts. But this tempest being
soon blown over, they accomplished their voyage with good

OF NEW ENGLAND. 74

success, and returned in safety, having for the greater secu*
rity carried both the said Indians along with them ; butafter
their return they discerned that Squanto, notwithstanding
his friendship pretended to the English, began to play the
Jack on both sides, endeavouring to advance his own
ends betwixt the English and the Indians, making his
countrymen believe thai he could make war and peace
when he pleased, or at his pleasure. And the more to
affright his countrymen and keep them in awe, he told
them the English' kept the plague under ground, and
could send it amongst them when they pleased, meaning,
as he said, a barrel of gunpowder hid under ground.
By this means however he drew the Indians from their
obedience to their Sachem, Massasoit, making them de-
pend more upon himself than upon him, which caused
him no small envy from the Sachem, insomuch as it
had cost him his life, had it not been for the English,
to whom he was constrained ever after to stick more
close, so as he never durst leave them till his death,
which the other did endeavour to hasten openly as well
as privately, after the discovery of those practices. By
this it appears that the very same spirit was then stirring
in the father which of late did kindle this late rebellion
and war between Philip his son and the English, occa-
sioned by a jealousy the said Philip had conceived
against Sausaman, whom he had entertained as his secre-
tary, and sure counsellor, yet harbouring a jealousy in his
mind against him, for the respect he bore to the English,
which made him contrive his death, so thence have risen
all the late differences or mischiefs as shall be shewed
more fully afterwards, but as for the emulation that
grew between Hobbimacke and Squanto, the English
made good use thereof; the governour seemed to favour
one, and the captain the other, whereby they were the bet-
ter ordered in point of their observance to the English,
which was a prudent consideration. The same course
was taken of late by the governour of Plymouth, and him
that immediately preceded, with reference to Philip and
Josiah, two sagamores within their jurisdiction, but not

7S GENERAL HISTORY

with the like success ; for when ^overnour Prince only
seemed more to favour Philip, as the other gentleman, at
that time commander in chief of all the military forces, did
Josiah, Philip conceived such a mortal hatred against the
honourable gentleman, that at last it raised tnls fatal war,
and ended in the ruin of himstlf and all his people, and
all those that engaged with him therein,

CHAP. XIII.

Mr, Weston's Plantation of TVessagusquasset,

About this time, viz. towards the end of May,
Anno 1622, it appeared that Mr. Thomas Weston, (who
was one of those adventurers that were first engaged in
the foundation of Plymouth colony, and as is said had
disbursed five hundred pounds to advance the interest
thereof,) observing how the plantation began to flourish,
was minded to break off and set up for himself, though
little to his advantage, as the sequel proved. When men
are actuated by private interest and are eager to carry
on particular designs of their own, it is the bane of all
generous and noble enterprises, but is very often re-
warded with dishonour and disadvantages to the under-
takers. At the last, this Mr. Weston had gotten for
himself a patent for some part of the Massachusetts
about Wessagusquasset, by the English since called
Weymouth, for the carrying on a plantation there, he
sent over two ships on his own particular account ; in
the one of them, which came first, were sixty young
men which he ordered to be set ashore at Plymouth,
there to be left till the ship that brought them was re-
turned from Virginia, whither she was to convey the
rest of her passengers ; and likewise seven more that
a little before arrived at Plymouth, sent thither from
DamariU's Cove, out of a ship employed there by said
Weston, and another on a fishing design. In the mean
time Mr. Weston's men were courteously entertained by
them of Plymouth the most part of that summer, many of
them being sick, and all of them wholly unacquainted with
setting up of new plantations. At the ship's return from

OF NEW ENGLAND. 73

Virginia, those that were well and sound were carried
to the place designed to plant, leaving their diseased and
infirm at Plymouth till the rest were settled, and fitted
with housing to receive them. But as Solomon saith,
"wisdom is good with an inheritance," which was much
Wanting at this time, either in him that undertook or in
those that were sent to manage the inheritance of this
patent, by which means the whole soon after came to
nothing ; for the company ordered to plant the said patent
land proving unruly, and being destitute of a meet per-
son to govern and order them, they fell first into disso-
luteness and disorder, then into great want and misery,
at last into wickedness, and so into confusion and ruin,
as came to pass soon after ; which follovveth nextly to
be related, premising only a short passage or two, which
will but make way thereunto. By the vessel which brought
the seven men bound for Virginia, as was mentioned
before, was sent a courteous letter from one Hudson,
master of one of the fishing ships about the eastern parts,
giving them notice of the late massacre at Virginia, in
the spring of this year, advising them to beware, accord-
ing to old rule, by other men's harms; which seasonable
hint was wisely improved by those of Plymouth in rais-
ing an edifice thereupon, which served them as well for
a meeting-house wherein to perform their publick wor-
ship, as for a platform to plant their ordnance upon, it
being built with a flat roof, and battlements for that pur-
pose; for at this time they were filled with rumors of the
Narragansetts rising against them, as well as alarmed by
the late massacre at Virginia. The courteous letter of
the said Hudson did encourage those of Plymouth to
return a thankful acknowledgment by Mr. Edward
Winslow, sent by a boat of their own, with intent also
to procure what provisions he could of that ship or any
other in those parts ; the plantation at that time being in
great vvant thereof, to which they received a very com-
fortable return from the said master, who not only spared
what he could himself, but wrote also in their behalf to
other vessels upon the coast to do the like, by which
means the plantation was well supplied at that time,
10

74 GENERAL HISTORY

^vhich yet ^vas soon spent by the whole company, that
had no other rehef to depend upon. Their f ar also for
the followini^ year increasing with their present wants,
for a famine was threatened by a great droui^ht which
continued that summer from the third week in May to
the middle of July ; their corn beginning to wither with the
extremity of parching heat, accompanying the great want
of rains, which occasioned the poor planters to set a day
apart solemnly to seek God by humble and fervent prayer
in this great distress ; in answer whereunto the Lord as
pleased to send them such sweet and gentle showers in
that great abundance that the earth was thoroughly soak-
ed therewith, to the reviving of the decayed corn and
other withering fruits of the earth, so that the very In-
dians were astonished therewith to behold it, that before
were not a little troubled for them, fearing they would
lose all their corn by the drought, and so would be in a
more suffering condition for want thereof than them-
selves, who, as they said, could make a shift to supply
themselves of their wants with fish and other things,
which the English they could not well do ; yea some of
them were heard to acknowledge tVie Englishmen's God's
goodness, as they used to speak, that had sent them soft,
gentle rains, without violence of storms and tempests, that
used to break down their corn, the contrary which they
now to their great astonishment beheld. It was observ-
ed that the latter part of the summer was followed with
seasonable weather, amounting to the promised blessing
of the former and latter rain, which brought in a plentiful
harvest, to their comfort and rejoicing; the which was now
more welcome in that the merchants, that at first adven-
tured, and on whom they relied for their continual supply,
had now withdrawn their hands, nor had they ever alter
this time from any of theai supply to any purpose ; for
all that came afterwards was too short for the passengers
that came along therewith, so as they were forced to de-
pend wholly on that they could raise by their own indus-
try, by themselves. And that which was raised out of
the field by their labour, for want of skill either in the
soil or in the sort of grain, would hardly make one year

OP NEW ENGLAND. 7^

reach to another ; so if they could not supply themselves
otherwise they many times were in want and great suf-
ferings for provisions. But at this time for encourage-
ment, another comfortable supply was occasionally
brought in by one Capt. Jones, that a little before came
into the harbour with intent and order to discover
the harbours between this place and Virginia. He
had much trading stuff, with which he might have fur-
nished the plantation, but he took his advctntage by their
wants to raise his price at cent per cent, yet exacting in
exchange coat beaver at three shillings per pound,
which more than trebled his gain, with which it is well
if his ship was not overburthened, and no doubt his con-
science was, if it were not lightened by repentriuce, be-
fore the storm of death approached. However, the
planters, that by their necessity were driven by him to
buy at any rates, found means thereby for a present re-
lief. The Memorial of Plymouth Colony makes more
honourable mention of one Mr. Pory, formerly Secre-
tary in Virginia, who taking our new plantation onward
in his way to Virginia, returned to governour and
church a very grateful letter of the acknowledgment of
the good he received by the perusal of some of Mr,
Ainsworth's and Mr. Robinson's works, which it seems
were not so common in the world as they have been
since; and in way of his requital after his return, procured
no small advantage to the plantation of New Ply mouth, and
amongst persons that were not of the meanest rank.
But by this time Mr. Weston's plantation at Weymouth
had made havock of all their provisions ; and whatever
their boastings were, v/hat great matters they would do,
and never be brought into such streights as they found
their friends at Plymouth in, at their first coming
amongst them, yet now they saw poverty and want com-
ing upon them like an armed man ; wherefore, under-
standing that their friends at Plymouth had supplied
them formerly with trading stuff for the procuri.ig of
corn from the Indians, wrote to the governour that they
might join with them, offering their small ship to be im-
proved in that service, requesting the loan or sale of
so much of their trading stuff as their price might come

76 CENERAfi HISTORY

to, which was agreed unto on equal terms ; but going tol-
out in this expedition, by cross winds and foul weather,
and bending their course southward, they were driven
in at Manomet, whereby they procured the corn they
desired ; but lost their interpreter, Squanto, who there
fell sick and died. Not long before his death he desired
the governour of Plymouth, who at that time was there
present, to pray for him, that he might go to the place
where dwelt the Englishmen's God, of whom it seems
this poor Indian or heathen had a better opinion than
one of the Spanish Indians had of the Spaniards' God ;
who upon his death bed inquiring of some of their relig-
ion whither the Spaniards went when they died, and
being told they went to heaven, replied, that he would
go to the contrary place, whether purgatory or hell, im-
agining the place to be more desirable where he might
be sure to find fewest of them. Thus we see blind
heathens are apt by their natural consciences, to judge
both of men's religions and worship, and the God to
whom it is performed, according to their lives and man-
ners that profess it. But after their return with a con-
siderable quantity of corn, which with frugal improve-
ment might have answered the necessities of both their
plantations for a long time, before the month of February
was ended, Johrj Sanders, that was left as the guide or
overseer of Mr. Weston's plantation, sent a sorrowful
messenger to the colony at Plymouth, informing of their
great straits they were in for want of corn, and that they
had tried to borrow corn of the Indians and were denied;
to know whether he might take it by force for the relief
of his company, till he returned with supply from the
ships eastward, whither he was then bound. It is more
than probable that the poor heathen judged of them by
their former manners to be like the wicked, Solomon
speaks of, that borroweth and payeth not again, which
made them so unwilling to lend. Yet as to case of
conscience propounded by the men of this new planta-
tion, an ordinary casuist might easily have resolved it at
home, especially at that time, when it might have en-
dangered the welfare of both plantations, those Indiaqs

OF JJEW ENGLAND. ^

that lived in or about the Massachusetts being so exas.
perated by some of their former pranks, steaHng their
corn, &c. that they were in great danger of being all
cut off by them. Yea, it is reported by some that sur-
vived sometime after the planting of the Massachusetts
colony, that they were so base as to inform the Indians
that their governour was purposed to come and take their
corn by force, which made them combine against the
English. Certain it is, they were so provoked with their
filching and stealing, that they threatened them as the
Phiiistmes did Samson's father-in-law, after the loss of
their corn ; insomuch that the company, as some report,
pretended in way of satisfaction to punish him that did
the theft, but in his stead hanged a poor, decrepit old
man, that was unserviceable to the company, and bur-
thensome to keep alive, which was the ground of the
story with which the merry gentleman that wrote the
poem called Hudibras did, in his poetical fancy, make so
much sport. Yet the inhabitants of Plymouth tell the
story much otherwise, as if the person hanged was really
guilty of stealing, as may be were many of the rest, and
if they were driven by necessity to content the Indians,
at that time to do justice, there being some of Mr. Wes-
ton's company living, it is possible it might be executed
not on him that most deserved, but on him that could be
best spared, or who was not like to live long if he had
been let alone. In conclusion, the people of Weston's
plantation were brought to that extremity by their folly
and profuseness, that they were all beggared by parting
with all they had, to get a little relief from the Indians at
any rate, and some of them starved. One going to get
shell fish on the flats at low water was so enfeebled with
hunger that he could not get his feet out of the mud,
but stuck there fast till he died. Others that were more
hale and strong lived by stealing from the Indians, with
which they were so provoked, that they entered into a
general conspiracy against all the English, as those of
Plymouth understood by the persons whom they sent to
visit and relieve Massasoit, of whom they heard in the fol-
lowing year that he was dangerously sick. Conceiving that

78 GENERAL HISTORY

if they began or meddled only with Weston's men, those
of Plymouth would revenge it; therefore to prevent the
dafiger, they plotted against them all. Massasoit discov-
ered the conspiracy, that it was like speedily to be put in
execution, in this opportunity of their weakness and
want, advising them to surprise some of the chief in the
plot, before it were too late. One Phineas Pratt, yet living,
(1677) and that was one of the company, having made a
strange yet happy escape by missing the path, (for being
pursued by two Indians, he escaped their hands by that
occasion, and so saved his life by losing his way,) when
he came to Plymouth, ihey being fully satisfied both of
the danger and distress those creatures were in, presently
hasted away a boat to fetch them off, under the command
of Capt. Standish, who according to the advice given by
the Sachem, and his governour's order, finding their con-
dition more miserable, if well it could, than it had been re-
presented, offered to carry them off to Plymoudi, but they
rather desired his assistance to get them shipped away
in their own vessel, towards the fishing ships to the
eastward, which he granted, and then seeing them safe
under sail out of the bay, he returned home, but first
called the conspirators to an account, rewardingthechiefof
them according to their desert, (but Mr. Robinson wishes
they had converted some, before they had killed any of the
poor heathen.) Not long after this, Mr. Weston him-
self catne over among the fishermen, too soon to under-
stand the confusion of his plantation, though not soon
enough to remedy it ; yet not satisfied therewith, he must
needs go to see the ruins thereof ; but meeting with a
sad storm he was driven ashore in Ipswich bay, and
hardly escaped with his life, where he was stript by the
Indians of all but his shirt. But not giving over of his
purpose, ht got to Pascataqua, where he furnished him-
self \A ith clothes, he sailed over to Plymouth. He was
there beheld with some astonishment and pity by such
as knew him in his former prosperity, but now was be-
come so great an object of pity after he had undone him-
self by helping to make others. The inhabitants of
Plymouth, as prudent and frugal as they were to improve

OF NEW ENGLAND. 79

all advantages for their more comfortable subsistence,
yet could hardly ir-ake a shift to live. How could it then
otherwise fall out, but that idleness and riotousness
should clothe the prodigal spendthrifts with rags, and
bring them to a morsel of bread !

CH\P. XIV.

The necessities and sufferings of the inhabitants of JVew
Plymouth, during their first lustre of years : their
patent, how and ivhe?i obtained.

The inhabitants of Plymouth in the beginning of the
year 1623 were reduced to that exigent, that by that time
they had done planting, all their victuals was spent, so
as for the following part of the summer they were to de-
pend only on what the providence of God should cast
in ; being now driven to make it one constant petition in
every of their daily prayers, " Give us this day our daily
bread," not knowing when they went to bed where to
have a morsel for the next meal, leaving no fragments to
lay up for the morning, yet throug4i the goodness of di*
vine bounty never wanted wherewith to satisfy their
hunger at the least. In these straits they began to think
of the most expedient ways how to raise corn for their
necessary support. To that end at the last it was resolved,
that every one should plant corn for their own particular,
which accordingly was }'ielded unto : for it seems hith-
erto they had been all maintained out of the common
stock, like one entire family. Thus they ranged all their
youth under some family, which course had success
accordingly ; it being the best way to bring all hands to
help bear the common burden. By this means was much
more corn produced than else would have been ; yet
was it not sufl&cient to answer the desired end. However,
those sufferings were borne by them with invincible pa-
tience and alacrity of spirit, and that for the most part of
two years, before they could overcome this difficulty.
In these considerations, it may be said to them that suc-
ceed in the present generation, those that went before
have plowed and sowed, and borne the heat and burden

80 GENERAL HISTORY

of the day, but these have entered into the harvest of
their labours.

In the year 1623 they liad but one boat left, and that
none of the best, which then was the principal support of
their lives : for that year it helped them for to improve a
net wherewith they took a multitude of bass, which was
their livelihood all that summer. It is a fish not much
inferiour to a salmon, that comes upon the coast every
summer, pressing into most of the great creeks every
tide. Few countries have such an advantage. Some-
times fifteen hundred of them have been stopped in a
creek, and taken in one tide. But when these failed,
they used to repair to the clam banks, digging on the
shores of the sea for these fish. In the winter much use
was made of ground nuts instead of bread, and for flesh
they were supplied with all sorts of wild fowls, that used
to come in great flocks into the marshes, creeks, and
rivers, which used to afford them variety of flesh enough
and sometimes to spare. Thus were they fed immediately
by the hand of Providence, in a manner almost like as was
Elijah by the ravens, and Israel in the wilderness, after
they had for a long time struggled with those difficulties
and temptations ; no new thing to those that venture upon
new plantations, as may be seen by what Peter Martyr
in his Decades writes of the sufferings of the Spaniards
in their conquests and first planting the West Indies.
At the last, letters were received from the adventurers,
putting them in some hopes of fresh supplies to be sent
in a ship called the Paragon, under the command of Mr,
John Peirce. This man it seems was employed to pro-
cure them a patent for the place which they then pos-
sessed, and some part of the country adjoining, as might
be convenient for a whole colony to settle upon. But
this gentleman thus employed had a design of his own,
which all were not aware of, that made him speak two
words for himself where he spake one for them ; for it
seems a little before this time, Nov. 3d. eighteenth year of
king James' reign, the affairs of New England were put
into the hands of a great number of worthy adventurers,
some of the nobility not being unwilling to the attend-

dF KEW EKGLAKD« 81

ing so good a work, commonly called the Grand Council
of Plymouth, by the grant of a patent, confirmed to them
by king James of blessed memory, about the year 1620,
of which more in the next chapter. Now this Peirce
aforesaid had insinuated by some friends into the said
council, and obtained a considerable patent for a large
tract of land in his own name, intending to keep it for
himself and his heirs, purposir.g to allow the company of
Plymouth liberty to hold some parts thereof as tenants
under him, to whose court they must come as chief
Lord ; but he was strangely crossed in his enterprises,
and was forced to vomit up what he had wrongfully
swallowed down. The ship he had bought in his own
name, and set out at his own charge, upon hopes of
great matters, by taking in goods and passengers for the
company on the account of freight, and so to be delivered
here, but though the lot be cast into the lap, the whole
disposing thereof is of the Lord : here was to appearance
a notable contrivance for great advantage ; but time and
chance happens to all men, whereby their purposes are
oft times disappointed, that are contrived with the greatest
appearance of seeming policy : this ship was sadly
blasted from its first setting out : that which is conceived
in mischief, will certainly bring forth nothing but a lie :
by what time it had sailed to the Downs, it sprang a
leak, which was enough to have stopped their voyage :
but besides that, one strand of their cable was casually
cut, by an accidental chop, so as it broke in a stress of
wind that there befel them, where she rode at anchor ;
so as they were in great danger to have been driven on
the sands. By these accidents, the ship was carried
back to London, where, after fourteen days, she arrived.
But being hauled into the dock to be repaired, it cost
the owners an hundred pounds for her repairs ; for the
recruiting of which loss more passengers were taken in,
with which she was so pestered, that after she had got
half way the second time, either the old sins of the owner
and undertaker, or the new ones of the last passengers,
raised such a storm as sent her back to London a second
time, or to some other port in England. The storm is
11

82> GENERAL HISTORY

reported to be one of the saddest that ever poor mer>
were overtaken witn, that yet escaped Avith their lives,
since that wherein the apostle Paul suffered shipwreck ;
of the same length for continuance, and like violence for
danger. The pilot, or he that was to command the ship,
Ijeing some days fastened to the vessel for fear ot being
washed overboard : and sometimes the company could
scarce tell whether they were in the ship or in the sea ;
being so much overraked with the waves. But at last,
they were in meicy to some that were embarked with
them driven into Portsmouth, with the lives of all the
sailors and passengers; but having spent their masts,
their roundhouse and all the upper works beaten off, a
sad spectacle of a weather beaten vessel, yet as a monu-
ment of divine goodness being drawn out of the depths
and jaws of destruction: tlie said John Peirce, embarked
with the rest, by all this tumbling backward and for-
wards, was at last forced to vomit up the sweet morsel
which he had swallowed down ; so as the other adven-
turers prevailed with him to assign over the grand
pitent to the company, which he had taken in his own
name : whereby their former patetit was made quite
void. But Anno 1629 they obtained another patent by
the earl of Warwick and Sir Ferdinando Gorges' act,
and a grant from the king for the confirmation thereof,
to make them a corporation in as large and ample man-
ner as is the Massachusetts.'

It is probable, the foresaid ship being made unser-
vlceable by t!ie last disasters, the goods and passengers
were sent to New Engkind with Mr. William Peirce in
another vessel called tb.e Anne, which was said to arrive
there in the middle of July, 1623, wiierein came sundry
passeni^ers ; tv\'0 of the pi ii'cipal of them were Mr. Tim-
othy Hatherley and Mr. George Moru n. The first meet-
ing with a sore trial soon after his anival, by the burning
of his house, was so impovei isi\ed and discouraged there-
by, that he returned for England the winter following,
where, having recruited liis estate, by the blessing of God
upon him, he came again to New England some years
after, where he lived a long time after, a profitable in-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 83

strument of good both in church and commonwealth ;
and a great support of another plantation in Plymouth
colony called Scituate. The other, Mr. George Morton,
continued but a while, yet was found always an unfeign-
ed wellwisher, and according to his sphere and condition,
a faithiul promoter of the publick good, labouring always
to still and silence the murmurings and complaints of
some discontented sj)irits, by occasion of the difficulties
of those new beginnings. But he fell asleep in the Lord,
within a year after his first arrival, in June 1624, when it
pleased the Lord to put a period to the days of his pil-
grimage here. Towards the end of July aforesaid, came
in also the other vessel, which the former had lost at sea,
in which, as well as in the former, came over sundry
considerable persons, who sought the welfare of the
plantation. Among the rest, special notice was taken of
Mr. John Jenny, a leading man, and of a publick spirit,
that improved the interest both of his person and estate,
to promote the concernments of the colony ; in which
service he continued faithful unto tiie day of his death,
which happened in the year 1644, leaving this testimony
behind, that he v/alked with God, and served his gener-
ation., As for the rest of the passengers, when they
came and saw in what a low condition they found then*
friends, they were diversly affected, according to ihcir
different humours : some relenting with pity toward
their friends, while others were surprised with grief,
foreseeing their own sufferings in tlie glass of their
neighbours' sorrowful condition. In short, it fared with
them in general as someti ne it did with those that wc-e
rebuilding the temple at Jerusalem after tlie captivity,
when some wept tilings wei-e no better, while others
rejoiced they were like to go so well. Yet was the glory
of that temple, whose foundation was then laid, foretold
by the prophet to be greater than that of the former
temple, although it was a long time afore that prophecy
came to be fulfilled, in the full extent thereof : " who hath
despised the day of small things?" so in a sense it h^^p-
pened with this colony of Plymouth, v/hich was die
foundation of the flourishing and prosperity that in fol-
lowing years was seen in the other colonies.

^ ©ENERAL HISTORY

CHAr. XV.

The council established at Plymouth in the county ofDevon^
for the ordering the affairs of JVetv England, and their
proceedings with reference thereto*

Letters patent were, as is intimated before, granted
by his majesty in the year 1606, for the limitation of
Virginia, which did extend from the 34 to the 44 de-
gree o^ north latitude, distinguished into nvo colonies, a
first and a second, (which last, called New England, was
first christened by Prince Charles, and was appropriated
to the cities of Bristol, Exon, and town of Plymouth in
the west parts of Eni^land ) The adventurers had liberty
to take their choice for plantations, any where between
the degrees of 38 and 44, provided one hundred miles
distance was left between the two colonies aforesaid.
Those that first adventured thither, whatever were the
misfortunes, calamities, and hindrances, they met withal
in their first enterprises of planting, were not so discourag-
ed, as wholly to lay aside the design, finding at last much
encouragement to go on therewith, by the prudent en-
deavours oi Mr. Rocraft, Capt. Darmer, and others em*
ployed by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, yet held it most con-
venient to strengthen themselves by a new grant from
his royal majesty; and were the rather induced thereunto
because they found those of Virginia had by two several
patents settled their bounds, and excluded all from inter-
meddling with them, that were not free of their company,
and had wholly altered the form of their government,
from the first grounds laid for the managing the affairs
of both colonies, leaving those of New England as des-
perates, and their business as abandoned. These con-
siderations, together with the necessity of settling their
own affairs and limits, distinct from theirs, made them
at last rather to petition his majesty for the renewing
their grant, because, whatsoever hopes they had of ob-
taining their desires, the rumour thereof was soon spread
abroad ; and the conmiodities of the place, both fish and,
ti:a4e, began to be so looked into, that they met wjth

OP NEW ENGLAND. 85

many interruptions, before they could effect their pur-
pose. Many desired, that all that coast might be made
free, both to those of Virginia, as well as themselves.
Others intended to bring the business into the Parlia-
ment, which about that time was to assemble, hoping
to prove the same to be a monopoly, and much tending
to hinder the common good. Upon these motions the
adventurers were much questioned about it, before way
could be made for a new patent. But both parties be-
ing heard by the Lords of the Council, and by the Par-
liament also, as Sir Ferdinando Gorges writes, in the des-
cription of New England published in his name, Anno
1658, the business was by them so ordered, that they
were directed to proceed, and to have their grant agree-
able to the liberty of the Virginia company, the form of
their government only excepted. All parties not being
satisfied herewith, it was heard another time before it
was concluded : yea, after it had passed the seals, it was
stopped upon new suggestions to the king, and by his
majesty returned to the council to be settled ; by whom
the former order was confirmed, the differences cleared,
and they ordered to have their patent at last delivered to
them, bearing date at Westminster, Nov. 3, 1620, as is
recited in the beginning of that afterwards granted to
the company of the Massachusetts. The substance of
the said grand charter is set down in the thirty-first
chapter of this history following. But those honourable
persons to whom the said patent was made, having laid
their foundation upon the royal grant, of so great and
sovereign a prince, imagined it could never fiiil, and so
cast their designs in the mould of a principality, or royal
state, intending to build their edifice proportionable to
their platform, after the mode of the realm, from whence
the country had its first denomination. For they proposed
to commit the management of their whole affairs to a
general government, assisted by so many of the paten-
tees as should be there resident upon the place, together
with the officers of state, as Treasurer, Admiral, Master
of the Ordnance, Marshal, with other persons of judgn sent
and experience, as by the President and Council then

86 GENERAL HISTORY

established, for the better governing those aft'airs, should
be thought fit : resolving also, (because all men are wont
mobt vvilliagly to submit to those ordinances, constitu-
tions, and orders, themselves have had an hand in the
framing of,) the general laws whereby the state should
have been governed, should be first framed, and agreed
upon by the General Assembly of the states of those
parts, both spiritual and temporal.

In j^rosecution of this purpose and intendment the
council of Plymouth aforesaid, or some that acted their
power, did in the }ear 16 .3, send over to New England
some of the forementioned general officers ; for about
the end of June 1623 arrived in New England Capt.
Francis West, who was sent with a comniissiun from
the said couiicil,to be Admiral of all the country, to res-
train interlopers, and such as came cither to fish or trade
upon the coast, with-jut license from them. In the end
of August lollovving,"* arrived there Capt.RobertGor^es,
son of Sir Ferdiriando, sent from the counc il, as lieutenant-
general over all New England, for preventing and le-
forming all such evils and abuses as had been complanied
of, to be comniitted by the fishermen and othef^, who
not only without order and leave trequented those coasts,
but when they were there, brought a reproach upon the
nation, by their lewdness ar.d wickedness among the
savages, abusing their women openly, and teaching their
people drunkenness, with other beastl) demeanours :
for the regulation of all which matters was the said gen-
eral governour sent over, not without intent also to
begin some new plantation, in some part of the Massa-
chusetts Bay, lor which end the said Capt. Gorges had
a parent assigned him, for a place called Massachu slack,
on the northeast side of the said bay, contairiing thirty
miles in length, and ten in breadth up into the main
land. Capt. We^t aforesaid and Christopher Lovet,
Esq (who came over about the same time with intent
to bc^in another plantation somewhere else, but without
success,) with the governour of Plymouth colony lor that
time being, was appointed to be his council, yet grant-
ing him authority to choose such other as he should

• Middle of September. P. I. 141.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 87

think fit. Divers of his friends, it seems, promising to
send suitable supplies after him, but they withdrew when
they understood how Sir Ferdinando was Hke to speed
in the Parhament, where Sir Edward Cooke, the speaker
at that time, (a great patron of the hberties of the peo-
ple, and as great an enemy to all projectors,) endeavour-
ed to have the whole design of the council of Plymouth
condemned as a monopoly, and a breach of the liberties
of the subject. The gentlemen on whom Capt. Gorges
had his dependence for supplies, upon this occasion with-
holding their assistance, they who were personally en-
gaged in the design were thereby made uncapable of do-
ing any thing to purpose, and so the Vv-hole business
came to nothing. For after some troublesome agita-
tions between Capt. Gorges and Mr. Weston, who was
by him called to account for the i'll managing his planta-
tion at Weymouth, and for abusing his license from Sir
Ferdinando for carrying over ordnance, (which matter
was composed betwixt tlicm by the wisdom of the gov-
ernour of Plymouth,) tiie general governour, Capt. Rob-
ert Gorges, soon returned home, scarce having saluted
the countr}' in his government, nor continued much
longer in it than Tully's vigilant consul, that had not lei-
sure during his whole consulship, so much as once to
take his sleep. For finding the place to answer neither
his quality nor condition, nor the hopes he hid conceiv-
ed thereof, he had but small encouragement for longer
abode in such a remote and desert land, not like in a
long time to be inhabited. B} this experiment of Capt.
Robert Gorges, it appears how great a difference there
is between the theoretical and practical part of an enter-
prise. The Utopian ikncy of any projector, may easily
in imagination frame a flourishing plantation, in such a
country as was New England ; but to the actual accom-
. plishing thereof there is required a good number of re-
solved people, qualified with industry, experience, pru-
dence, and estate, to carry on such a design to perfection,
much of which were wanting in the present design.

It is said that one Mr. Morel came over with the said
captain, who w^as to have had a superintendency over

88' GENERAL HISTORY

Other churches, but he did well in not opening his com-
mission, till there appeared a subject matter to work
upon. By this means the design of a royal state, that so
many honourable persons had been long travailing with
proved abortive : and the persons concerned therein not
long after were in danger to have fallen into a contrary ex-
treme, by as great an errour ; viz. in cantoning the whole
country into so many petty lordships, and smaller divis-
ions, that little or nothing for the future, could for a long
time be effectually carried on, amongst so many pretend-
ers to grants of lands, charters, and patents, for want of
establishing an orderly government under which all the
planters might have been united for the publick and
general good. For after the Parliament in the yeav
1621 was broken up into some discontent, the king not
being well pleased with the speeches of some particular
persons, that seemed to trench further on his honour and
safety, than he saw meet to give way unto ; and all
hope of alteration in the government of the church, ex-
pected by many, being thereby taken away, several of
the discreeter sort, to avoid what they saw themselves
obnoxious unto at home, made use of their friends to
procure liberty from the council of Plymouth to settle
some colony within their limits, which was granted ; be-
sides those of Mr. Robinson's church, which was first
obtained in the west of England. And so far was the
matter proceeded in, that within a short time *fter king
James' death, a great number of people began to flock
thither, insomuch that notice was so far taken thereof by
the king's council, that Sir Ferdinando Gorges,, (as him-
self relates,) who had been instrumental to draw over
those that began the colonies of New Plymouth and the
Massachusetts, was ordered to confer with such as
\vere chiefly interested in the plantation of New England,
to know whether they would wholly resi£2;n to his majesty
and his council their patent, leaving the sole manage-
ment of their publick aftairs to them, with reservation of
every man's right formerly granted, or whether they
would stand to tlie said patent, and execute the business
among themselves ; and to have the said patent renewed.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 8i

with the reformation or addition of such things as should
be found expedient. The gentlemen, to whom this
proposition was made, were willing to submit all to his
majesty's pleasure, yet desired that upon the resignation
of their patent the whole might be divided among the
patentees. This, as was said, happening about the year
1635, sundry parcels thereof that had been granted by
mutual consent, were confirmed anew. By this occasion
Sir William Alexander, (since earl of Sterling,) had a
tract of land assigned him to the eastward from St.
Croix to Pemaquid, on his account called Nova Scotia,
to whom was added on some such account, Long Island,
then called Mattanwake ; or else he obtained it from the
earl of Carlisle as is by many affirmed. Captain Mason
obtained a grant for Naumkeag, about the year 1621, and
the land between Naumkea^^ and Pascataqua, which he
had confirmed in the year 1635, as is said. Sir Ferdi-
nando Gorges, in like manner, obtained afterwards a grant
for all the land from Pascataqua to Sagi de Hock, which
was confirmed to him by a distinct charter about the
year 1639, &c. But the other divisions not being per-
fected in king James' days, were never looked after, and
new ones were made in the beginning of king Charles'
reign ; by whom were patents granted to several adven-
turers, nhich at that time presented themselves. And as
some particular persons put in for their several grants, so
did the merchants and other gentlemen belonging to some
cities and towns, as of Shrewsbury, Dorchester, Ply.
mouth, who obtained several grants for themselves, about
the mouth and upper branches of Pascataqua river, wlio
employed as their agent Mr. Thomson, Capt. Neale,
Capt. VViggon, and one Mr. Williams, with Mr. Samuel
Maverick and others. And among the rest some knights,
gentlemen, and merchants about Dorchester, by the ad-
vice of one Mr. White, an eminent preacher there, ob-
tained a patent for all that part of New England that lies
between three miles to the northward of Merrimack
river, and three miles to the southward of Charles river,
the seat of the Massachusetts colony; the affairs of which,
principally intended for the subject of the following dis-
12

90 GENERAL HISTORY

course, shall in what follows be more particularly and
distinctly spoken unto in their place, after the affairs of
Pi} mouth and the planting thereof are a little further
laid open.

CHAP. XVI.

The addition of mere assistants to the government of Ply-
mouth c lonij^ with some passages most remarkable
there in the years 1624, 1625.

Of the people that came along with Capt. Robert
Gorges, in hope of raising their fortunes by some new-
colony or plantation in New England, some returned
back with their captain that brought them ; others went
on to Virginia, either out of discontent and dislike of the
country, or out of necessity for want of means to subsist
longer therein : Plymouth people were not able to supply
them, (having not enough for themselves.) After their
own provisions were burnt up by a fire accidentally
kindled by some roystering seamen, that were entertain-
ed in the common house, that belonged to the inhab-
itants, where tiieir goods were lodged. It was strongly
suspected, by a long firebrand, which was found in a
shed at the end of the storehouse, by some that put out
the fire, that it was done on purpose. However, those
of Plymouth accounted themselves bound to acknowl-
edge the goodness of God in preserving their own store
of amntuniiion and provision from a dangerous fire,
(whether casually or wilfully kindled.) With such diffi-
culties as have been foremeniioned was the third year
concluded, after the first settling of that plantation. That
which happened as most remarkable in the following
year, 1624, was, first, the addition of five assistants to
their governor, Mr. Bradford, upon whose motion it was
done. His judgment ar.d prudence had now for the
three years past, commended him lo the highest place of
rule amongst them, by the unanimous consent of all the
people. But now he solemnly desired them to change the
person, when they renewed their election, and to add
more for help and counsel, and the better carrying on of
publick affairs, using this plausible reason, that if it were

OF NEW ENGLAND. 91

any honour or benefit, it was fit that others should be
made partakers thereof, and if it were a burden, (as it
v/as judged in Jotham's parable by all the trees, save the
ambitious bramble,) it was but equal that others should
help to bear it. This reason was found more cogent in
the succeeding colonies, when several persons were
ready at hand equally fitted for the goverment, where the
governor was often changed, at least in two of them, till
of latter times, in which the choice of the people hath
always run in the same channel, pitching upon the same
person so long, if not longer, than he was well able to
stand under the weight and burden thereof. And indeed,
though it is safe when there is a liberty reserved for a
change in case, yet too frequent making use thereof",
was never found advantageous to the subjects.

But as to the people of New PI} mouth in their Gen-
eral Court of this year, they dealt very honourably with
their governour, in that having yoked five men besides
himself in the government, they gave him the advantage
of the yoke, by a double voice, on the casting vote.
And with that number of assistants they rested contented
till the year 1633, when two more were added, which
number since that time, was never exceeded in anv of
their elections.

That which, in the second place, was looked upon as
remarkable, was the safe return of their agent Mr. Ed-
ward Winslow, who being employed for the colony in
occasions of great weight, now arrived there in the be-
ginning of this year, bringing with hi(n considerable
supplies for their spiritual good, as was thought at first,
as well as for their temporal. For he brought over with
with him one Mr. Lyford, a minister of the gospel, upon
the account of the adventurers at London, approved by
them as an able minister, and willing to run tlie hazard
of a wilderness life, to etjoy the liberty of his own judg-
ment in matters of religion. When he came first over
he was received with great joy and applause, making a
[profession] of more respect and humility than the people
knew well how to understand. But upon a little further
experience, finding his principles in matter of church

98 GENERAL HISTORY

discipline not to suit so well with theirs, they took up a
great displeasure a^^ainst him, and could not be contented
till they had shut their hands of him, alleging things against
him of another nature, than difference of his judgment.
For some that kept the records of their principal affairs,
have left a very bad character of him, as of one that was
not only very fickle and inconstant in his judgment about
the things of religion, but as one that wanted soundness
and uprightdess in his practice and conversation. For
at his first receiving into the church, they say he blessed
God for such an opportunity of liberty and freedom from
his former disorderly walking, and sundry corruptions
he had been entangled with, yet in short time after fell
into acquaintance with Mr. Oldham, and was partner
with hiin in all his (as those of Plymouth accounted
them) seditious after-practices, growing both of them
very perverse, and drawing as many as they could into
the same faction with them, thouqli of the viler and
looser sort, (a thing too common where faction, either in
church or state doth much prevail, witness the experience
of the perilous times in these latter as well as in former
days.) feeding themselves and others with vain hopes of
what they should bring to pass in England by means of
the adventurers, who since, as they of that place account,
have proved adversaries to the plantation. It is said
also, that they who were of the faction writ many private
letters to England full of complaints against the colony
and church of Plymouth, using great endeavors to turn
things about to another form of government, at least to
some considerable alteration therein. But the govern-
nour outwitted them, finding a handsome way to get
either their letters or copies of them, before the return of
the ship in which tlicy were to be sent ; whereby both
the principal actors, and all their confederates were easily
convicted, as soon as ever they were called to an account.
Whereupon sentence was passed upon them, more favour-
ably as some report, than their fact deserved, yet such
as required their departures out of the colony within a
short time after, and not to return without leave. Yet at
the next court of election, in the year 1625, Mr. Oldham
returned without license, set on by others as was thought,

OF NEW ENGLAND. 93

carrying it very badly withal, and giving too much vent
to his unruly passions, which forced the court to commit
him till he was tamer, and then they granted him an
honourable passport through a military * * guard, to-
ward tlie place where he was to take boat, yet using no
worse word as he ])assed by, than bidding him amend
his manners, which it is reported that afterwards he did,
drawn thereunto by divine conviction in a sad storm ;
upon which he confessed his miscarriages, and was after-
ward permitted to com.e and go at his pleasure, and as
Iiis occasions led him, spending his time for the general
in trading with the Indians, amongst whom afterwards
he lost his life, which was one occasion of the Pequod
war, as shall be declared afterwards.

As lor Mr Lyford, who was sent over for their minis-
ter, it is said, that after his dismission from Plymouth,
he never returned thither again ; but took up his station
first at Nantasket, whither some of his most charitable
friends repaired with him, affording him the best en-
couragement they could for his support, during his
abode with them. However, Mr. Lyford, finding the
company to be but small, and unable to do much for
him, and he unable to do any thing for himself, and see-
ing little hopes of the addition of more to them, removed
soon after to Virginia, where he ended his days. Some
that came over with him, that knew nothing of the wick-
edness he was guilty of in Ireland, out of too much
charity judged of him much better than ever he deserved,
both of him and of Mr. Oldham, and speaks in a man-
ner quite contrary to what is recorded in New England's
Memorial : and that his greatest errour, and that which
made him and the rest be looked upon as so great of-
fenders amongst them, was, their antipathy against the
way of the separation, wherein -those of Plymouth hud
been trained up under Mr. Robinson. As to other
things, some of their friends yet surviving do afiirm,
upon their own knowledge, that both the forcnamed per-
sons were looked upon as seemingly, at least, religious :
and that the first occasion of the quarrel with ihexn was,
the baptizing of Mr. Hilton's cliild, who was not joined

91 GENERAL HISTORY

to the chui'ch at Plymouth : which, if there were any
tolerable ground that it sliould pass for a truth, the terms
of wickedness wherewith their practices are branded in
the Memorial of New England seem a little, if not much
too harsh, for according to the old rule, *' de mortuus nil
nisi lene," speak well of the dead. The difference of
men's principles and disadvantages of their natural
temper (wherein they are apt much to be mish d in the
managingof their designs,) ought rather, when there is sin-
cerity, to be imputed to the weakness of their virtues, than
the wickedness of their vices. Whatever may be said this
way about the present difference amongst the planters of
Plymouth colony, the sad effects of that storm were not
so soon over, as the story of the things said or done was
told. A small tempest may hazard the loss of a weak
vessel, as an inconsiderable distemper may much en-
danger the welfare of a crazy body. For it seems sundry
of the adventurers, more studious of their profit than the
advancing of the religion of the separation, were pretty
stiffly engaged in the business ; and from that time ever
after withdrew their supplies, leaving the plantation to shift
for itself, and stand or fall as it couid. Yet this was fheir
comfort, that when man forsook them, God took them
up, succeeding their after endeavours with his blessing
in such wise, that they were in some measure able to
subsist of themselves ; especially for that, within a while
after, they began to be furnished with neat cattle, the
first brood of which was brought to Plymouth by Mr.
Winslow, in the year 1624.

In the year following, viz. 1625, they fell into a way
of trading with the Indians more eastward, about the
parts of Kenncbeck ; being provided of so much corn
by their own industry at home, that they were able, to
their no small advantage, to lend or send rather to those
in other parts, who by reason of the coldness of the
country used not to plant any for themselves. For what
was done this year, with reference to Kennebeck, proved
an inlet to a further trade that way, which was found
very beneficial to the plantation afterwards.

One other passage of Providence is here also taken

OF NEW ENGLANB. 95

notice of, by the inhabitants of Plymouth, Anno 1625 ; a
very remarkable one. The adventurers, having left this
their new colony to subsist of itself, and trade up and
down the world, before it was well able at home to stand
alone, did notwithstanding send two ships upon a fishing-
design upon the coast that year. In the lesser of thein
was sent home by the plantation to the merchants, the
adventurers, a good quantity of beaver and other furs,
to make payment for a parcel of goods sent them before,
upon extreme rates ; but the said vessel, though in com-
pany of the other that was bigger, all the way over, and
shot deep into the English channel, yet was tiien sur-
prised by a Turk's man of war, and carried into Sallee,
where the said furs were sold for a groat a piece, which
was as much too cheap, as the adventurers' goods, by
which they were produced, were thought by the pur-
chasers to be too dear; the master and his men being made
slaves into the bargain, which both adventurers and
planters had reason much to bewail.

In the bigger of the said ships was Capt. Miles Stan-
dish sent over as agent for the plantation, to make an
end of some matters of difference yet depending betwixt
them and the merchants of London, their correspon-
dents, as also to promote some business with the hon-
ourable council of New England ; both which, notwith-
standing the difficulty he met withal, relating to those
occasions by reason of the pestilence then rife at Lon-
don, were happily accomplished by him, so far as he left
things in a hopeful way of composition with the one,
and a promise of all helpfulness and favour from the
other. By this turn of Providence the common opinion
of Providence is confuted, of men's venturing their per-
sons where they venture their estates. Had Capt. Stan-
dish so done, he had been carried to a wrong port, from
which he had certainly made a bad return for their ad-
vantage that sent him out, as well as his own ; for his
goods were sent home in the small vessel, taken by the
men of Sallee, (where the beaver skins were sold but for
a groat apiece,) but he wisely embarked himself for
greater safety in the bigger vessel, and so arrived in
safety at his desired port.

96 GEKERAL HISTORY

CHAP. XVII.

Affairs in the colony of New Plymouth, political andeccle-
siasticaly ckirinq' the second lustre of years, viz. from
March 26, 1626, to March 26, 1631.

The first year of this second lustre was ushered in to
the church of New Plymouth with the doleful news of
the death of Mr. John Robinson, their faitliful and be-
loved pastor, about the fiftieth year of his age, who with
the rest of the church was left behind at Leyden, when
these transported themselves into America ; which was
yet made more grievous by the report of the loss of
some of their other friends and relations, swept away
by the raging pestilence aforesaid : v/hich happening to-
gether with the fore mentioned losses suffered by their
friends, much increased the sorrow of their hearts ; so
that it turned their joy which the safe arrival of their
agent, Capt. Standish, called for, into much heaviness.
They having thereby the experience of the apostle's words
verified upon them, sorrowing most of all, for that they
must now conclude they should see his face no more.
For before the arrival of these sad tidings, they were not
without all hope of seeing his face in New England, not-
withstanding the many obstructions laid in the way, by
some ill affected persons as they conceived. He was,
as it seemed, highly respected of his people, (now dis-
persed into two compauici., further asunder than was
Dothan and Hebron,) as they were also of him.
That which was the principal remora that de-
tained him with the rest in Holland is not mention-
ed by any of his friends here, yet may it easily
be supposed, viz. the s^id difficulties, and sore trials, that
his friends in New England had hitherto been encoun-
tered withal ; so as those that were here could not seri-
ously advise him and the rest to follow them, till things
were brought to some better settlement in this their new
plantation, together with some back friends that did all
they could to obstruct his coming over. The tempta-
tions of a wilderness, though not invincible, yet may be
very hard to overcome ; witness the experience of Israel

OF NEW ENGLAND. 97

of old, who were only to pass through it, and not first
plant it, as were those here. The small hopes these had
of their pastor's coming over to them, being heretofore
revived by the new approach of the shipping every spring,
possibly made them more slow in seeking out for anoth-
er supply, as also more difficult in their choice of any
other. But these hopes being now quite extinct, they
found it no easy matter to pitch upon a meet person at
so great a distance: nor was it easy to have obtained
him whom they might have chosen, and therefore were
they constrained to live without the supply oi that office,
making good use of the abilities of their ruling elder, Mr.
Brewster, who was qualified both to rule well, and also
to labour in the word and doctrine, although he could
never be persuaded to take upon him the pastoral office,
for the administration of the sacraments, &c. In this way
they continued till the year 1629, wiien one Mr. Ralph
Smith, who came over into the Massachusetts, and finding
no people there that stood in any need of his labours, he
was easily persuaded to remove to Plymouth ; him rhey
called to exercise the office of a pastor, more induced
thereunto possibly by his approving the rigid way of the
separation principles, than any fitness for the office he un-
dertook ; being much overmatched by him that Ije was
joined with in the presbytery, both in the pointof'discretion
to rule, and aptness to teach, soasthrough many infirmities,
being found unable to discharge the trust committed to
him with any competent satisfaction, h.e was forced soon af-
ter to lay it down. Many times it is found thata total vacan-
cy of an office is easier to be borne, than an under-perfor-
mance thereof. However those of Plymouth comforted
themselves, that they had the honour to set an example
for others to imitate, and lav the foundation for those
that came after, to build upon — scil. to raise up the tab-
ernacle of David in those days of the earth, not that was
fallen down, but that which was never set up there before,
that this last residue of the Gentiles in America, might
seek after God, at least have an opportunity to turn unto
him, before their times should be fulfilled. And at this
IS

9& GENERAL HISTORY

day the hopefullest company of christian Indians do livie
wiihin the bounds of Plymouth Colony.

But to return to the state of the civil affairs of this our
i?ev,' plantation : the first part of this lustre being thus
run cut without any considerable matter acted in the
plancc^'on, the following or second year put them upon
some further attempts for setting things in a way of bet-
ter subsistence. For in the first place Mr. Isaac A'ler-
ton was L,,i;<: to England to make a final issue, by com-
position or oiherwise, of the matter depending there be-
tween the adventurers and the plantation, according to
what had been th year before begun by Capt. Standish :
accordingly the ud AUerton returned in the usual sea-
son of the foD' ;\ving year, when he dispatched the affair he
was imployedin according to expectation. But for mat-
ters at horr; .' among themselves, in the said year 1627, in
the first p! . ce they apprehended a necessity of granting a
larger di^^tribution of land, than ever yet they had done :
for it seems hitherto they had allowed to each person but
one ncre for his propriety, besides his homestead, or gar-
den plot, that they might the better keep together, for
more safety and defence, and better improvement of the
general stock, therein following the prudent example of
the conquering Romans in their first beginings, when
every man contented himself with two acres of land, or
as much ground as he could till in one day ; thence it
came to pass with them, that the word Jugerum was used
to signify the quantity of an acre with us, i. e. so much as
a yoke of oxen did usually eare (from the Latin arare) in one
day. And amongst them he was looked at, as a danger-
ous person, that did aspire to more than seven such acres :
the reason of which division among the Romans seems
rather to be taken from the good quality of the soil, than
the greatness or quantity of the portion, it being more
than probable that seven acres of their land well improv-
ed would bring forth more good grain, than four times
that number in or about Patuxet, now called Plymouth.
But to be short, our friends in this their second distribu-
tion did arise but to twenty acres a man, i. e. five acres
in breadth at the water side, and four in breadth up-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 99

wards toward the main land. Resolving to keep such a
mean in the division of their lands, as should not hinder
the growth of the plantation by the accession of others, to
be added to their number, which example and practice
it had been well for New England it had been longer
followed ; for then probably, though they had had fewer
plantations, those which they had would have more ea-
sily been defended against the barbarous assaults of their
savage and cruel enemies.

During this time the painful and diligent labour of
this poor people is not to be forgotten, who all tliis while
were forced to pound their corn in mortars, not liaviwg
ability in their hands to erect other engines to grind, by"
the help either of the winds or water, as since hath been
commonly obtained.

This year also happened a memorable accident (re-
corded by the inhabitants themselves) of a ship with ma-
ny passengers bound for Virginia, who having lost them-
selves at sea, (cither through the insufficiency, or bodily
inability of the master and his men, or numbers of the
passengers^ c^he scurvy having strangely infected the bo-
dies or minds of the whole company.) did in the night
stumble over the slioals of Cape Cod, and the next day
were forced over a saridy bar that lay at the mouth of a
small harbour in Merrimack Bay, by which means their
lives were all preserved. For news thereof being brought
to the gjvernour of Plymouth, he afforded them assist-
ance to repair their vessel, but for want of good mtjoring,
she was forced ashore, where at last she laid her bones ;
the company being all courteously entertained by the in-
habitants, till they could get themselves transported to their
intended port, all but some that remained as monunients
of special mercy in the country, where they had been so
eminently delivered.

This yxar (1627) likewise began an intercourse of
trade between our friends of New Plymouth, and a plan-
tation of the Dutch, that had a little before settled them-
selves upon Hudson's river, Mr. Isaac De Rosier, the
Dutch Secretary, being sent to congratulate the English
at Plymouth in their enterprise, desiring a mutual cor-

400 GENERAL HISTORY

respondency, in way of traffick and s^ood neighbourhood,
upon account of the propinquity of their native soil and
long continued friendship between the two nations.
This overture was courttously acre;)ted, by the govern-
our and people of New Plymouth, and was the foun-
dation of an advantageous trade that in following jears
was carried on between the English in these parts, and
ti se said plantation of the Dutch, to their mutual benefit.
But whatever were the honey in the mouth of that beast
of trade, there was a deadly sting in the tail. For it is
said, they first brought our people to the knowledge of
Wampainpeag; and the acquaintance therewith occasioned
the Indians of these parts to learn the skill to make it, by
which, as by the exchange of money, they purchased
store of artillery, both from the English, Dutch, and
French, which hath proved a fatal business to those that
were concerned in it. It seems the trade thereof was at
first by strict proclamation prohibited by the king. " Sed
quid non mortalia pectora cogis? Auri sacra fames!"
" The love of money is the root of all evil." No banks
will keep out the swelling sea of their exorbitant desire,
that make haste to be rich, which is ready to drown men's
bodies as well as souls in perdition, that are resolved so
to be, right or wrong. For the remaining years of this
second lustre, little else is kept in mind, by any of the
inhabitants, worth the communicating to posterity, save
the death of some principal men that had borne a deep
share in the difficulties and troubles of first settling the
plantation ; such as Mr. Richard Warren and others,
who ended their pilgrimage here on earth ; and after
much labour and anxiety, both of body and mind, quietly
fell asleep in the Loid. Foundation and corner stones,
though buried, and lying low under ground, and so out
of sight, ought not to be out of mind ; seeing they sup-
port and bear up the weight of the whole building, " The
memory of the just shall be blessed."

During all this lustre also the people of Plymouth
held the same course in their elections ; nor did they
make any alteration till the year 1GS3, when Mr. Edward
Winslow was fiist chosen governour.

or NEW ENGLAND. 101

But for as much, as about the beginning of this lus-
tre, at least before it was half run out, the Massachusetts
bay was begun to be planted ; so that after 1628 the
history of the affairs of New Jingland is to be turned into
that channel ; we must in what follows look a little back,
till we come to the springhead of that stream, and take
notice of every turn of Providence that helped to raise
or increase that broad river with streams ; of which more
in the next and following chapters.

About September, 1630, was one Billington executed at
Ply mouth for niurther. When the world was first peopled,
and but one family to do that, there was yet too many
to live peaceably together ; so when this wilderness be-
gan first to be peopled by the English, when there was
but one poor town, another Cain was found therein, who
maliciously slew his neighbour in the field, as he accident-
ally met him, as himself was going to shoot deer. Th6
poor fellow perceiving the intent of this Billington, his
mor tal enemy, sheltered himself behind trees as well as he
could for a while ; but the other not being so ill a m.arks-
man as to miss his aim, made a shot at him, and struck
him on the shoulder, with which he died soon after.
The mu' therer expected that either for want of power to
execute for capital offences, or for want of people to in-
crease the plantation, he should have his life spared ; but
justice otherwise determined, and rewarded him, the first
murtherer of his neighbour there, with the deserved pun-
ishment of death, for a warning to others.

CHAP. XVIII.

The discovery and first planting of the Massachusetts,

Several mariners, and several persons skilled in
navigation, (whether employed by others in a way of
fishnig and trading, or to satisfy their own humours, in
making further and more exact discoveries of the coun-
try, is not material,) had some years before looked down
int) tl e Massachusetts Bay. The inhabitants of New
Plymouth had heard the fame thereof, and in the first

iOS GENERAL HISTOnt

year after their arrival there, took an occasion to visit it,
gaining some acquaintance with the natives of the place,
in order to future traffick with them ; for which purpose
something hke an habitation was set up at Nantaskit, a
place judged then most commodious for such an end.
There Mr. Roger Conant, with some few others, after
Mr. Lyford and Mr. Oldham, were (for some offence,
real or supposed) discharged for havmg any thing more
to do at Plymouth, found a place of retirement and re-
ception for themselves and families, for the space of a
year and some few months, till a door was opened for
them at Cape Anne, a place on the other side of the bay,
(more convenient for tho^e that belong to the tribe of
Zebulon, than for those that chose to dwell in the tents
of Issachar,) whither they removed about the year 1625.
After they had made another short trial there, of about a
yearns continuance, they removed a third time a litde
lower towards the bottom of the bay, being invited by
the accommodations which they either saw or hoped to
find on the other side of a creek near by, called Naum-
keag, which afforded a considerable quantity of planting
land near adjoining thereto. Here they took up their
station upon a pleasant and fruitful neck of land, iuviron-
ed with an arm of the sea on each side, in either of which
vessels and ships of good burthen might safely anchor.
In this place, (soon after by a minister that came wi'h a
company of honest planters,) called Salem, from that in
Psal. Ixxvi. 2. was Liid the first foundation on which the
next colonies were built. The occasion which led them
to plant here, shall be mentioned afterwards. For the
better carrying on the story of which, mention must in
the first place be made of what was doing on the other
side of the ba}, towards Plymouth, by a company of
rude people there, left by one Capt. Wollaston, called
Mount VVollaston, from his name that first possessed it;
but since, it is by the inhabitants, aft^r it arose to the
perfection of a township or village, called Braintree.
This captain, not taking notice of the great estate and
whole stock of credit which Mr. Weston had not long
before slripwrecked at a place near by, called Wessagus-

OP NEW ENGLAND. lOS

J

quasset, attempted in like manner to try his fortune ir
this fatal place, about the year 1625, yet had he this^
consideration, as not to venture all his own stock in one
single bottom; for three or four moi:e were embarked with
him in the same design, who rather took New England in
their way to make a trial, than to pitch their hopes ulti-
mately thereon.

These brought with them a great many servants, with
suitable provisions, and other requisites necessary to
raise a plantation ; with which they might have effect-
ed their purpose well enough, as they have done that
came after, had it not been for one Morton, a master of
misrule, that came along in company with the rest, that
sometimes had been a pettifogger of Furnivall's inn,
and possibly might bring some small adventure of his
own, or other men's, with the rest. But after they had
spent much labour, cost, and time in planting this place,
and saw that it brought in nought but a little dear-
bought experience, the captain transports a great part of
the servants to Virginia ; and that place at the first sight
he likes so well, that he writes back to Mr. Rasdale, his
chief partner, to bring another part of them along with
him, intending to put them off there, as he had done the
rest, leaving one Filcher behind, as their lieutenant to
govern the rest of die plantation, till they should take
further order.

But in their absence, this Morton took the counsel of
the wicked husbandmen about the vineyard in the para-
ble: for making the company merry one night, he per-
suaded them to turn out Filcher, and keep possession
for themselves, promising himself to be a partner with
them, and telling them, that otherwise they were like all
to be sold for slaves, as were the rest of their fellows, if
ever Rasdale returned. This counsel was easy to be
taken, as suiting well with the genius of young men, to
eat, drink, and be merr)- , while the good things lasted,
which was not long, by that course which was taken with
them ; more being flung away in some merry meetings,
than with frugahty would have maintained the whole
company (Jivers months. In fine, they improved what

I04i GENERAL HISTORY

yjoods they had, by trading with the Indians awhile, and
^pent it as merrily about a may -pole ; and, as if they had
found a mine, or spring of plenty, called the place Merry
Mount. *' Thus stolen waters are sweet, aud bread eaten
in secret is pleasant;" till it be found, that " the dead are
there, and her guests in the dt pths of hell."

News of this school of pr<jfaneness opened at Merry
Mount being brought to Mr. Endicott, the deputed
governourof the Massachusetts, soon after his arrival, in
the year 1628, he went to visit it, and made such refor-
mation as his wisdom and zeal I'^d him unto. After this,
Morton, like the unjust steward in the gospel, to provide
himself of a way of subsistence, after he was turned out
of his office, began to comply with the Indians, being,
as iS reported by those of Plymouth, the first that taught
them the use of guns, and furnished them with powder,
shot, and brass plates, wherewith to make arrow heads ;
not regarding what mischief he brewed for others in
after time, provided he might drink a little of the sweet
in the present time. But the trade was not to last long;
for upon a general complaint of all the inhabitants on
either side, he was seized by force, a'id sent over to the
council of New England, who, it is said, dealt more fa-
vourably with him than his wickedness deserved ; so as,
sometime after, he found means to return into the coun-
try again, with a malicious purpose to do all the mis-
chief he could to the colony, both by writing scurrilous
pamphlets, and other evil practices, on which account he
was divers times sent backward and forward over the
sea, iuiprisoned, and otherwise punished, till at last he
ended his wretched life in obscurity at Pascataqua, as
may be more particularly declared afterwards. By this
means Mr. WoUaston's plantation came much what to
the same conclusion as Mr. Weston's ; so as the place,
being now wholly deserted, f( 11 into the hands of persons
of another temper, by whom it is since improved to be-
come the seat of an honest, thriving, and sober town-
ship. Thus, not withstand mg the many adventures which
had hitherto been made, by sundry persons of estate and
quality, for the discovery and improvement of this part

OF NEW ENGLAND. 103

of America, called New Eng^land, nothing could as yet
be settled by way of planting any colony upon the coast,
with desirable success, save that of New Plymouth, dis-
coursed of before. As for the rest of the plantations,
they were, like the habitations of the foolish, as it is in
Job, cursed before they had taken root.

In the year 1623, some merchants abotit Plymouth
and the west of England, sent over Mr. David Tomson,
a Scotchman, to begin a plantation about Pascataqua ;
but out of dislike, either of the place or his employers,
he removed down into the Massachusetts Bay within a
year after. There he possessed himself of a fruitful isl-
and, and a very desirable neck of land, since confirmed
to him or his heirs by the Court of the Massachusetts,
upon the surrender of all his other interest in New Eng-
land, to which yet he could pretend no other title, than a
promise, or a gift to be conferred on him, in a letter by
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, or some other member of the
Council of Plymouth.

But the vanishing of all the forementioned attempts
did but make way for the settling the colony of the
Massachusetts ; and this was the occasion thereof. As
some merchants from the west of England had a long
time frequented the parts about Monhiggon, for the
taking of fish, &c. ; so did others, especially those of
Dorchester, make the like attempt, upon the northern
promontory of the Massachusetts bay, in probability first
discovered by Capt. Smith, before, or in the year 1614,
and by him named Tragabizanda, for the sake of a lady,
from whom he received much favour while he was a pris-
oner amongst the Turks, by whom also the three small
islands at the bead of the cape were called the Three
Turks' Heads. But neither of them glorying in these
Mahometan titles, the promontory willingly exchanged
its name for that of Cape Anne, imposed, as is said, by
Capt. Mason, and which it retaineth to this day ; in hon-
our of our famous queen Anne, the royal consort of
king James ; and the three other islands are now known
by other names.

Here did the foresaid merchants first erect stages
14

10f5 GENERAL HISTORY

whereon to make their fish, and yearly sent their ships
thither for that end, for some considerable time ; until
the fame of the plantation at New Plymouth, with the
success thereof, was spread abroad through all the wes-
tern parts of England so far, as that it beg^n to revive
the hopes of some of those merchants, who had not long
before adventured their estates to promv>te so honourable
a design, as was the planting and peopUng this new
vi^orld, although finding hitherto but small encourage-
ment that tvay, they were ready to withdraw their hands.

On this consideration it was, that some merchants and
other gentlemen about Dorchester did, about the year
1624, at the instigation of Mr, White, the famous preacher
of that town, upon a common stock, together with those
that were coming to make fish, send over sundry
persons in order to the carrying on a plaiuation at Cape
Anne ; conceiving that planting on the land might go on
equally with fishing on the sea, in those parts of Amer-
ica.

Mr. John Tylly and Mr. Thomas Gardener were
employed as overseers of that whole business, the first
with reference to the fishing, the other with respect to
the planting on the main land, at least for one year's
time; at the end of which Mr. White, with the rest of the
adventurers, hearing of some religious and well affected
persons, that were lately removed out of New Plymouth
out of dislike of their principles of rigid separation, of
which number Mr. Roger Conant was one, a religious,
sober, and prudent gentleman, yet surviving about Sa-
lem till the year 1680, wherein he finished his pilgrim-
age, having a great hand in all these forementioned
transactions, about Cape Anne, pitched upon him, the
said Conant, for the managing and government of all
their affairs at Cape Anne. The information he had of
him, was from one Mr. Conant, a brother of his, and
well known to Mr. Wiute. And he was so well satis«
fied therein, that he engaged Mr. Humphry, the Treas-
urer of the joint adventurers, to write to him in their
names, and to signify, that they had chosen him to be
their governour in that place, and would commit unto

OF NEW ENGLAND. i07

him the charge of all their affairs, as well fishing as plant-
ing. Together with him, likewise, they invited Mr.
Lvford, lately dis-nissed from Plymouth, to be the min-
ister of the place, and Mr. Oldham, also discharged on
the like account from Plymouth, was invited to trade for
them with the Indians. All these three at that time had
their dwelling at Nantasket. Mr. Lvford accepted, and
came along with Mr, Conant. Mr. Oldham liked better
to stay where he was for a while, and trade for himself,
and not become liable to give an account of his gain or
loss ; but after a year's experience, the adventurers, per-
ceiving their design not like to answer their expecta-
tions, at least as to any present advantage, threw all up ;
yet were so civil to those that were employed. under
them, as to pay them all their wages, and offered to
transport them back whence they came, if so they de-
sired.

It must here be noted, that Mr. Roger Conant, on the
foresaid occasion made the superintendant of their affairs,
disliked the place, as much as the adventurers disliked
the business ; and therefore in the mean while had made
some inquiry into a more commodious place near ad-
joining, on the other side of a creek, called Naumkeag, a
litde to the westward, where was much better encour-
agement as to the design of a plantation, than that which
they had attempted upon before, at Cape Anne; secretly
conceiving in his mind, that in following times, (as since
is fallen out) it might prove a receptacle for such as upon
the account of religion would be willing to begin a for-
eign plantation in this part of the world, of which he gave
some intimation to his friends in England. Wherefore
that reverend person, Mr. White, (under God one of the
chief founders of the Massachusetts Colony in New
England,) being grieved in his spirit that so good a
work should be suffered to fall to the ground by the ad-
venturers thus abruptly breaking off, did write to Mr.
Conant, not so to desert his business ; faithfully promis-
ing, that if himself with three others, (whom he knew to
be honest and prudent men,) viz. John Woodberry, John
Balch, and Peter Palfreys, employed by the adventurers,

108 GENERAL HISTORY

would Stay at Naumkeag-, and give timely notice thereof,
he would provide a patent for them, and hkewise send
them whatever they should write for, either men or pro-
vision, or goods wherewith to trade with the Indians.
Answer was returned that they would all stay, on those
terms, intreating that they might be encouraged accord-
ingly ; yet it seems, before they received any return ac-
cording to their desires, the three last mentioned began
to recoil, and repenting of their engagement to stay at
Naumkeag, for fear of the Indians, and other inconven-
iences, reso'ived rather to go all to Virginia, especially
because Mr. Lyford, their minister, upon a loving invi-
tation, was thidier bound. But Mr. Conant, as one in-
spired by some superiour instinct, though never so ear-
nestly pressed to go along with them, peremptorily de-
clared his mind to wait the providence of God in that
plare, wl^ere now they were, yea, though all the rest
shf.iukl forsake him; not doubting, as he said, but if
they departed he should soon have more company. The
other three, observing his confident resolution, at last
concurred with him, and soon after sent back John
Woodberry for Kngland to procure necessaries for a
plantation. But that God, who is ready to answer his
people before they call, as he had filled the heart of that
good man, Mr. Conant, in New England with courage
and resolution to abide fixed in his purpose, notwith-
standing all opposition and persuasion he met with to
the contrary, had also inclined the hearts of several others
in England to be at work about the same design. For
about this time the Council, established at Plymouth for
the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing of New
England, had by a deed indented under the common
seal, bearing date March 19, 1627, bargained and sold
unto some knights and gentlemen about Dorchester,
viz. Sir Henry Roswell, Sir John Young, knights;
Thomas Southcoat, John Humphry, John Endicot, and
Simon Whetcomb, Gent, that part of New England
that lies between Merrimack and Charles River, in the
bottom of the Massachusetts Bay. And not long after,
by the means of Mr. White, the foresaid gentlemen were

OP NEW ENGLAND. 109

brought into acquaintance with several other religious
persons of like quality in and about London, such as
Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudly, Mr, Cradock,
and Mr. Goffe, and Sir Richard Sallonstall, who being
first associated to them, at last bought of them all their
right and interest in New England aforesaid, and con-
sulting together about settling some plantation in New
England upon the account of religion, where such as
were called Non-conformists might, with the favour
and leave of the king, have a place of reception if they
should transport themselves into America, there to enjoy
the liberty of their own persuasion in matters of worship
and church discipline, without disturbance of the peace
of the kingdom, and without offence to others, not like
minded with themselves, did at the last resolve, v. ith one
joint consent, to petition the king's majesty to confirm
unto the forenamed and their associates, by a new grant,
or patent, the tract of land in America forementioned,
which was accordingly obtained.

Soon after, the company haviiig chosen Mr. Cradock
govcrnour, and Mr. Goffe deputy governour, vvitli several
others for assistants, sent over Mr. Endicot, scil. in the
year 1628, to carry on the plantation of the Dorchester
agents at»Naumkeag, or Salem, and make way for the
settling of another colony in the Massachusetts. He was
fully instructed with power from the company to order
all affairs in the name of the patentees, as their agent,
until themselves should come over, which was iit that
time intended, but could not be accomplisiicd till tlie
year 1630. With Mr. Endicot, in the year 1628, came
Mr. Gotte, Mr. Brakenberry, Mr. Davenport, and oth-
ers, who being added to Capt. Traske, and John VV^oofl-
berry, (that was before this time returned with acomfortable
answer to them that sent him over,) went on comfortably
together to make preparation for the new colony, that were
coming over ; the late controversy that had been agi-
tated with too much animosity betwixt the forementioned
Dorchester planters, and their new agent Mr. Endicot
and his company, then sent over, being by the prudent
moderation of Mr. Conant, agent before for the Dor-

110 GENERAL HISTORT

Chester merchants, quietly composed ; that so meum
and tuum that divide the world, should not disturb the
peace of e;ood christians, that came so far to provide
a place, where to live together in christian amity and
concord.

In the same year were sent over several servants upon
the joint stock of the company, who arriving there in an
uncultivated desert, for want of wholesome diet and
convenient lodgings, were many of them seized with the
scurvy and other distempers, which shortened many of
their days, and prevented many of the rest from perform-
ing any great matter of labour that year, for advancing
the work of the plantation. Yet was the good hand of God
upon them, so far as that something was done, which
tended to advantage ; nor was upon that account an evil
report brought upon the place by any of them, so as to
discourage others from coming after them.

During this whole lustre of years from 1625, there
was little matter of moment acted in the Massachusetts,
till the year 1629, after the obtaining of the patent ; the
former years being spent in fishing and trading by the
agents of the Dorchester merchants, and some others of
the West Country.

In one of the fishing voyages about the yt?^r 1625,
under the charge and command of one Mr. Hewes, em-
ployed by some of the West Country merchants, there
arose a sharp contest between the said Hewes and the
people of New Plymouth, about a fishing stage, built
the year before, about Cape Anne by Plymouth men,
but was now, in the absence of the builders, made use of
by Mr. Hewes his company, which the other, under the
conduct of Capt. Standish, very eagerly and peremptorily
demanded : for the company of New Plymouth, having
themselves obtained an useless patent for Cape Anne,
about the year 1623, sent some of the ships which their
adventurers employed to transport passengers over to
them, to make fish there, for which end they had built a
stage there, in the year 1624. The disinite grew to be
very hot, and high words passed between them, which
might have ended in blows, if not in blood and slaughter,

OP NEW ENGLAND. Ill

had not the prudence and consideration of Mr. Roger
Co'Vint, at that time there present, and Mr. Perise his
interposition, that lay just by with his ship, timely pre-
vented. For Mr. Hewes had barricadoed his company
with hog^sheads on the stagchead, while the demandants
stood upon the land, and might easily have been cut oiF;
but the ship's crew by advice promising them to help
them build another, the difference v/as thereby ended.
Capt. Standish had been bred a soldier in the Low
Countries, and never entered the school of our Saviour
Christ, or of John Baptist, his harbinger ; or if he was
ever there, had forgot his first lessons, to offer violence
to no man, and to part with the cloak rather than need-
lessly contend for the coat, though taken away without
order. A little chimney is soon fired ; so was the Ply-
mouth captain, a man of very little stature, yet of a very
hot and angry temper. The fire of his passion soon
kindled, and blown up into a flame by hot words, might
easily have consumed all, had it not been seasonably
quenched.

In transactions of this nature were the first three years
spent, in making way for the planting of the Massachu-
setts.

CHAP. XIX.

Several planters transport themselves into Aew Englantl,
Ministers invited to join with them. The first plantation
in the Massachusetts^ called Salem,

Now those that first promoted the design in England,
were not unmindful that this fair beginning being made,
unless it were followed with proportionable endeavours
for an orderly settlement of this, all would come to noth-
ing, as the attempts of some others had done before;
therefore were they very solicitous, not without all due
preparation, to proceed in this solemn undertaking.

In the first place, therefore, they considered where to
find two or three able ministers, to send over to them
that or the next year ; not doubting but if they could
meet with any such, they should be sure not to fail of a

lis GENERAL HISTORY

considerable number of serious and religious people, that
would be willing to go over with them in order to a
plantation, specially if there were any grounded hopes of
a settled and orderly government, to direct, protect, and
defend the people, and promote the cause of God and
of religion amongst them, as well as their civil rights and
liberties. Before that spring was over, they were inform-
ed of one Mr. Higginson, an eminent minister of Leices-
ter, silenced for nonconformity, of whom they were
probably assured that he might be obtained to make a
beginning that way. Upon an address made unto him by
Mr. Humphry and Mr. White, he looked at it as a call
from God, and as Peter did the message from Cornelius,
a motion which he could not withstand ; so as within a
few weeks after this intimation of theirs, himself with
his whole family were ready to take their flight into this
American wilderness ; with whom also was sent Mr.
Skelton, a minister of Lincolnshire, another nonconform-
ist, as also a Mr. Bright, a godly minister, though not
altogether of the same persuasion as to church discipline.

With these three ministers came over sundry honest
and well aftected people, in several ships that were em-
ployed to transport planters into New England, in the
year 1629 ; all who arrived safe at Naumkeag, intending
to settle a plantation there.

Besides the three forementioned ministers, came over
one Mr. R. Smith, soon after called to supply the place
of a teaching elder at Plymouth. The prospect of New
]'],ngland did at that time more resemble a wilderness,
than a country whose fields were white unto the harvest,
that needed labourers to be thrust thereinto.

The number of planters being at that time but few,
a'.id all resident at that one plantation, two of their four
ministers were supernumerary.

Naumkeag at that time received the christian name of
Salem. All that were present were ambitious to have
an hand in the christening of this infant plantation ; for
some, that liked not such affected names, had provided
another, but "usus obtinuit," &c. for ever since, custom
hath imposed that name, by which it is like to be known

Of NEW ENGLAND. 118

to after ages : tlie inhabitants being brought under the
strong obligation, to live in love and peace one with
another, as being the most expedient way to obtain the
God of love and peace to be witii them, as in a special
manner he was, while Mr. Higginson continued amongst
them, with Mr. Skelton. But of the four ministers that
came hitherthisyear,theplantation ncec!ingbuttwo,that are
forementioned, to take care of its instruction, one of them
was called to be pastor of the church at New Plymouth,
viz. Mr. V\. Smith, as was said before, to whom another
was afterward added for an assistant, viz. Mr. R. Wil.
liams, who arrived here about the year 1631 : an uniiap-
py thing for them who had wanted the benefit, though
not of a judge, yet of a teaching priest, near teii vears,
should alter so long delay meet with so great a disap-
pointment, as soon after they found by uncomfortable
experience in them both. Concerning the fourth, viz.
Mr. Bright, there is at this time little known, and there-
fore the less is to be said, although one who affected him
never the better for his conformity, gives this character
of him ; that he began to hew stones in the mountains
wherewith to build, but when he saw all sorts of stones
would not suit in the building, as he supposed, he, not
unlike Jonah, fled from the presence of the Lord, and
went down to Tarshish. The like character is as freely,
by the same author, bestowed on another clergyman, call-
ed Mr. Blackstone, who on the like occasion, as he
saith, betook himself to till the ground, wherein probably
he was more skilled, or at least had a better faculty, than
in the things pertaining to the house of God ; as if he
had retained no symbol of his former profession but a
canonical coat. Antiquity was always wont to distin-
guish persons and places by their garb or habit, whose
authority and example cannot well be questioned by the
skeptics and juniors of the present age. But indeed for
any one to retain only the outward badge of his function,
that never could pretend to any faculty therein, or exer-
cise thereof, is, though no honour to himself, yet a dis-
honour and disparagement to the order, he would there-
by challenge acquaintance with.
15

114) GENERAL HISTOI^Y

CHAP. XX.

Of the civil polity and form of government of the Massa-
chusetts Company of New England by patent.

Order and government being as necessary to the
unitii g together, and upholding a civil society, as is the
foundation or the studs to support and conjoin the parts
of a building, therefore it cannot be supposed that the
chief undertakers who had the honour to lay the founda-
tion of this colony, were not aware of a necessity to pro-
vide for that in the first place, as may be seen by the
form of government they are directed unto in his majes-
ty's royal charter and patent, confirmed by the great seal
of England ; wherein the patentees with their associates,
are declared to be a body politick incorporate together, and
to hold [as] of the manor of East Greenwich, in free and
conmion soccage, and not in capite, or knight's service,
and are to be styled, The Governour and Company of
New England, and by that name to plead and be im-
pleaded upon all occasions. To the governour are to be
added, a deputy governour and eighteen assistants, who
with the rest of the company free of the corporation,
have power to make orders and laws within themselves,
for the good of the whole, not repugnant to the laws of
England, and to correct and punish all offenders accord*
ing to the said orders and laws, as is more at large des-
cribed in the said charter. But this corporation or
body of people being but then an embryo, was willingly
subject to, and governed by those wholesome and known
laws of the kingdom of England, acknowledging only
its willing obedience to such rules and ordinances as
were by the corporation agreed upon as necessary for the
carrying on of their present affairs, and yearly sent over from
Engla;^d, while the charter remained, with the principal
j)art of the patentees, in England. They impowered Mr.
John Endicot, as was said before, one of their number,
to Hianage ih.e company, sent over thither, as agent, in
the year I6i8, and him they appointed their deputy gov-
ernour in the year 1629, according to his best discretion,

OF NEW ENGLAND. 115

with due observance of the Enghsh laws, or such in-
structions as they furnished him with, till the patent was
brought over, 1630 : the patentees themselves, most of
them, coming along at that time therewith.

The principal duty for those two years, incumbent on
the agent aforesaid or deputy governour, was to take care
of the welfare of t!ie company, to order the servants be-
longing to them, and to improve them in making prepar-
ation for the reception of the gentlemen, wlien they
should come ; the which were carefully minded by the
said Mr. Endicot. And also some endeavours were used
to promote the welfare of the plantatioi», so far as he was
capable in the beginning of things, by laying some foun-
dation of religion, as well as civil government, as may
appear by the ensuing letter sent by him in the beginning
of the year, viz. May 11, 1629 to Mr. Bradford, gov-
ernour of New Plymouth, to obtain the help of one Mr.
Fuller, a deacon of Mr. Robinson's church, skilled in tiie
designs of the country, which those people that first
came over in those two years were filled withal, and also
well versed in the way of church discipline practised by
Mr. Robinson's church; which letter was the fouiidatioa
on which was raised all the future acquaintance, the
Christian love and correspondency, that was ever after
maintained betwixt their persons and respective colonies,
in which are these words : "I am satisfied by Mr. Fuller
touching your judgment of the outward torm of God's
worship. It is, as far as I can gather, no other t!ian is
warranted by the evidence of truth, and the same which
I have professed and maintained, ever since the Lord re-
vealed himself to me."

CHAP. XXI.

The affairs of religion in the Massachusetts Colony in
New England, during thejirst lustre oj years ajter the
first attempt for the planting thereof; from the year
lo26 to the year 1630.

It doth evidently appear by the premises, that what
purses soever were improved, or wiiat charges they were

116 GENERAL HISTORY

at that first appeared, in layinj^ the foundation of the
Massachusetts Colony, the chiefest intentions and aims
of those that managed tlie business were to promote re-
liction, and if it might be, to propagate the gospel, in this
dark corner of the world. Witness the industry and so-
lieitousncss of Mr. White of Dorchester in England,
that first contrived the carrying on a plantation of sober
and religious persons, together with a strange impres-
sion on the mind of Mr. Roger Conant, to pitch upon
Naumkeag for that end, and his confidence and con-
stancy, there to stay with intent to carry on the same,
notwithstanding the raanj' cross providences, that seem-
ed at the first view to thwart that design : so as in the
conclusion, it may truly be said in this, if in any other of
like nature, the hand of the Lord hath done this, which
therefore should be the more marvellous in the eyes of men.

In the beginning of that plantation at Cape Anne, they
had the ministry of Mr. Lyford, that had been dismissed
from Plymouth ; with whom came some others, out of
dislike of the rigid prir.ciples of separation that were
maintained there. After he went to Virginia, they were
without, till Mr. Higginson and Mr. Skelton came over,
who that they might foreslow no time in the matters of
the house of God, they did like Abraham, (as soon as
they were liither transported, and here safely arrived,)
who applied himself to build an altar to God that had
appeared to him, and brought him out of Ur of the Chal-
dees ; and so began in the first place to call upon the
name of the Lord.

In like manner did those in the first place endeavour
to set up some publick form of worship, that so coming
thus far into a remote wilderness to enjoy the liberty of
their consciences in matters of religion, and to plant and
preach the gospel amongst a barbarous people, that never
had heard the joyful sound before, they made as much
expedition in the said work as well they could. For hav-
ing had sufiicient experience, and acquaintance one with
another in the way, as they came over the sea, aiid a
monUi or two after they were here planted, they resolved
to enter into church fellowship together, setting a day

OF NEW ENGLAND. 117

apart for that end ; which was the 9th day of August,
next after their arrival here. They had beforehand, in
order thereunto, acquainted the present deputy govem-
our with their purpose, and consulted one with another,
about settling a reformed congregation, according to the
rules of the gospel, as they apprehended, and the pattern
of the best reformed churches, that they were acquainted
with, it beii5g their professed intention in this great and
solemn undertaking, to go on therein as they should find
direction from the word of God. Concerning the way
and manner of their first covenanting together, and en-
tering into church fellowship one with another, it doth
not apjjtar that these were, like those of New Plymouth,
aforehand moulded into any order, or form of church
government ; but were honest minded men, studious of
reformation, that only had disliked some things in the
discipline and ceremonies of the church of Ilngland, but
were not precisely fixed upon any particular order or
form of government, but like rasa tabula fit to receive
any impression, that could be delineated out of the word
of God, or vouched to be according to the pattern in the
mount, as they judged. Nor are their successours willing
to own, that they received their platform of church order
from those of New Plymouth ; although there is no small
appearance that in whole or part they did, (further than
some wise men wish they had done,) by what is expressed
in Mr. Endicot's letter, above inserted; or else good
wits, as they use to say, did strangely jump vc ry near
together, into one and the same method and idea of
church discipline. And it were well if Mr. Skelton, when
he was left alone soon after by the death of Mr. Higginson,
did not in some things not only imitate and equal, but
strongly endeavour to go beyond that pattern of separa-
tion set up before them in Plymouth, in the pressing of
some indifferent things, that savoured as much or more
than they of Plymouth did, of the same spirit ; as in that
of enjoining all women to wear veils, under the penalty
of noncommunion, urging the same as a matter of duty,
and absolute necessity, as is by some reported, as well
as in refusing communion with the church of England.

118 GENERAL HISTORY

It is certainly known, that the old nonconformists,
and good old puritans of queen Elizabeth and king
James his time, did in many things not symbolize with
the separatists, whose way and form of discipline was
always disowned and disclaimed, yea pubHckly condemn-
ed by the writings of the learned nonconformists of that
age, such as Mr. Robert Parker. Dr. Ames, Mr. Cart-
wright, Mr. Hildersham, that malleus Brownistarum, as
he used to be called, especially as to their notions about
separation from the church of England as antichristian.
The one endeavouring only a reformation of some cor-
ruptions, retained, or crept into the church, as they
thought, either before or after its reformed state ; the
other, not content therewith, stood as stilly to maintain
a necessity of abrogating and disannulling their former
church state, and begin ail anew, as if things had been
so far collapsed in the days of our fathers, that like a
vessel once infected with the contagion of leprosy it
must be broken in pieces, to be new cast and mould-
ed, or else to he judged unclean, and unfit lor the ser-
vice of God. It is affirmed by some that had more
reason to be best acquainted with the said Mr. Higgin-
son, when he 4irst went over thither, that Mr. Hilder-
sham, upon their first removing, advised him and oth-
er ministers looking this way, to agree upon their form
of church government, before they came away from
England. The which counsel, if it had been attended,
might have prevented some inconveniency that hath
since fallen out, or at least have saved some of the
succeeding ministers from the imputation of departing
from their first principles, because they were not pub-
lickly professed and declared, when the foundation of
their church order was here laid in the beginning of
things.

But they had not as yet waded so far into the con-
troversy of church discipline, as to be very positive in
anv' of those points wherein the main hinge of the
controversy lay between them and others ; yet aiming,
as near as well they could, to come up to the rules
of the gospel, in the first setthng of a church state;

OF NEW ENGLAND. 119

and apprehending it necessary for those, who intended
to be of the church, solemnly to enter into a cove-
nant engagement one with another in the presence of
God, to walk together before him according to the
word of God, and then to ordain their ministers unto
their several offices, to which they were by the elec-
tion of the people designed, scil. Mr. Skelton to be their
pastor, and Mr. Higginson to be their teacher. In
order to the carrying on of that work, or preparation
thereunto, the said Mr. Higginson, according as he
was desired, drew up a confession of faith, and form
of a church covenant, according to the scriptures ; several
copies whereof being written out, they publickly owned
the same, on the day set apart for that work, a copy
of which is retained at this day, by some that succeed
in the same church. Further also, notice was given of
their intended proceedings to the church at New
Plymouth, that so they might have their approbation
and concurrence, if not their direction and assistance
in a matter of that nature, wherein themselves had been
but litde before exercised. There were at that time
thirty persons joined together in that church covenant ;
for which end so many copies being prepared afore-
hand, it was publickly read in the assembly, and the per-
sons concerned solemnly expressing their assent and
consent thereunto, they immediately proceeded to or-
dain their ministers, as was said before. Mr. Bradford
and others, as messengers of Plymouth church, were
hindered by cross winds from being present in the
former part of the day, but came time enough to give
them the right hand of fellowship, wishing all pros-
perity and success to those hopeful beginnings, as
they then accounted them, although in some points of
church discipline Mr. Higginson's principles were a
little discrepant from theirs of Plymouth. Those that
were afterward admitted unto church fellowship, were
with the confession of their faith required to enter into a
like covenant engagement with the church, to walk ac-
cording to the rules of the gospel, as to the substance,
the same as at the first ; but for the manner and cir-

1^0 GENERAL HISTORY

cumstances, it was left to the wisdom and faithfulness
of the elders, to be so ordered as was judged most
conducing to the end, respect being by them always
had to the liberty and ability of the person. The day
appointed for this work, and which was solemnly kept
in a way of fasting and prayer, was the 9ih of August
1629, as was mentioned before, from which time to
the 6th of August in the year following, that church
and their officers lived peaceably together ; but at that
time Mr. Higginson, their teacher, being called off by
an [uul expected stroke of death, Mr. Skelton was left'
alone, who, though he survived not long after, yet
continued £0 long, as to see his church involved in
some troubles, by adhering too strictly to his own no-
tions, and could not but foresee mure of the like na-
ture approaching, which he could not prevent,

CHAP. XXIL

Transactions of the patentees at London after the patent
was obtained ; debates about carrying it over. Trans-
portation of the patentees and many others in the year
163U.

Who were the principal actors, in laying the foun-
dation of the Massachusetts colony, hath been declared
already. After they were framed into a body politick
by mutual agreement among themselves, and confirm-
ed or rather so constituted by the royal charter ; the
first governour, chosen by the company, was Mr. Mat-
thew Cradock, a prudent and wealthy citizen of Lon-
don, ready to promote any design of publick utility,
which if himself and all the rest engaged therein had
not minded more than their own particular benefit,
things of that nature would either never have been
undertaken, or have been broken off in a manner as
soon as they had been begun. The said Cradock was
chosen and sworn in chancery Marcii 23, 1628, and
so were the rest also, de fide et obedientia jurati, viz.
Mr. Thomas Goffe, sworn deputy governour to the
said company ; and Sir Richard Saltonstall, Capt. Ven,

OF NEW ENGLAND* iSi

Mr. John Humphry, Mr. Simon Whetcomb, Mr. Thom-
as Adams, Samuel Vassall, William Vassall, George
Foxcroft, Richard Perry, and Thomas Hutchins, were
sworn assistants : to whom were added Mr. Wright and
Mr. John Browne, who were sworn April 6th, 1629,
when also Mr. Harwood of London was sworn to the
ofRce of treasurer to the said company.* • And Mr.
fJohn Higginson, the silenced minister of Leicester, was
accepted, on condition that he might be removed with-
out scandal, and that the best amongst his people ap-
proved thereof, which it seems they did, and that net
without the advice of Mr. Arthur Hiidersham, the fiimous
preacher of Ashby de la Zouch, wh.), though ht* was no
way inclinable to the rigid separation, yet was very for-
ward in this way to promote the planting of the gospel
in America. Mr. Higginson, Mr. Samuel Skelton, and
Mr. Francis Bright, were all at the same time entertain-
ed as ministers, for the planting of the Massachusetts,
on the publick account, April 8, 1629, with this difference
only, that Mr. Higginson having eiglit children to bring
up, he had 10/. a year added for his stipend yearly, more
than the other two. Mr. Ralph Smith was likewise at
the same time proffered to be accommodated with his
passage to New England, provided he would give under
his hand, that he would not exercise the ministry, either
in publick or private, without the approbation of the
government established there, nor yet to disturb their
proceedings, but to submit unto such orders as should
there be established ; whereby it appears how apprehen-
sive the first founders of the Massachusetts were, of any
that might become any occasion of disturbance by
their rigid principles of separation, of which there was
no small suspicion in the said Smith, as was found by
experience soon after, as is hinted liefore.

It must not be forgotten, that this present undertaking
being like to prove very chargeable and expensive, there
were, beside the forementioned gentlemen that were
chosen to be assistants, twenty or thirty others, who
subscribed the sum of 1035/. to be as a common stock

• See Prince's Annals, i. p. 182. note. Ep, t Francis. Ed.

16

IgS GENERAL HISTORY

to carry on the plantation ; and June 17th, 1629, 745/.
more was lent on the same accompt, by several other gen-
tlemen, the most of which ventured but their 25/. a piece.
Some few advanced 50/. as Mr. S. Vassall, Mr. Young,
Mr. William Hubbard, Mr. Robert Crane, Mr. Wade,
and many others ; and two or three more, viz. Mr. Al-
dersly added 75/. Mr. S. Whetcomb 85/. the Governour
100/. From so small beginnings sprang up that hopeful
plantation.

But forasmuch as the publick affairs of the intended
colony were like to be but ill managed at so great a dis-
tance, as was between the Massachusetts and London,
April 10, 1G29, Mr. John Endicot, that went thither as
agent the year before, was chosen as governour under
the company in London, to whom was sent a commis-
sion that year into the Massachusetts, for him to preside
in all publick affairs, for the year following, which was to
begin when he should take his oath, which was framed
by a committee, viz. Mr. Pelham, Mr. Nowel, Mr,
Humphry, and Mr. Walgrave, and sent to be adminis-
tered by Mr, Higginson, Mr. Skelton, Mr. Bright, Mr.
Samuel Browne, Mr. J. Browne, and Mr. Sharpe. In
case of all tlieir absence, it was to be done by Abraham
Palmer and Elias Stileman.

The foresaid six, with Mr. Graves, were to be as a
council to Mr. Endicot, with two more, that were to be
chosen by the old planters. If any of the forementioned
should refuse, then was to be added three of the dis-
creetest of the company, who were also to choose a dep-
uty, to be joined v.ith the governour, to assist him and
tlie council, or supply the pkice in his absence, with a
secretary and other officers, necessary for such a pur-
pose. These had power to make laws and ordinances
upon the place, according to patent, not contr;iry to the
laws of Eng-land.

May 13, 1629. The second court of election was
kept at London, when the old governour and deputy
were chosen again, with the former assistants, with the
addition only of two men, viz. Mr. Pecock* and Mr.
Coulson, to make up the number of eighteen, according

• Pooock. Priticc, i. 187.

OP NEW ENGLAND. iSS

to the order of the patent, two of the former being lately
gone over to the plantation.

At the court of election it was agreed that every ad-
venturer who had advanced 50/. should have two hun-
dred acres of land allowed him ; and that fifty acres a
piece should be allowed them, that went over at their
own charge. It seems the adventurers had an higher
esteem of land in America at that time than since it ever
reached unto, or else were much mistaken as to the
nature of the soil ; when an whole province might have
since been purchased almost for such a sum, viz. at three
pence and four pence an acre. But men must be allow-
ed to guess as well as they can, at so great a distance.
But at one of their next meetings, viz. May 27, 1629, a
letter from Mr. Endicot, their agent in New England,
was read in court, complaining of the great irregularity
in trading of sundry persons with the Indians, contrary
to the proclamation set out, Anno Doni. 1622, an evil
timely enough foreseen, although it could never be pre-
vented : whereupon it was a,ii;reed to petition the king and
council for renewing the said proclamation ; which was
granted, with other beneficial clauses, by the Lord Keeper
and Mr. Secretary Cooke.

By these and the like occasions, at one of their next
meetings, July 28, 1629, there arose a debate about
transferring the government to such as should inhabit
upon the place, and not to continue it in subordination
to the company there in London, for the inducing and
encouraging persons of worth and quality to transplant
themselves and families thither, and for other weighty
reasons. The company then met were desired to set
down their reasons in writing, pro and con, with the
most considerable consequencesdepending thereon, that
, they might be maturely debated ; which was accordingly
done. And August 28, 1629, the deputy acquainted the
court that several gentlemen, intending for New England,
desired to know, whether the chief irovernnient v. ith the
patent should be settled in Old or New England, which
occasioned a serious debate about the matter, so as, the
meeting of the court being adjourned to the next day, it

134 GENERAL HISTORY

was then, by erection of bands, fully decreed to be the
general mind of the company, and their desire, that the
government and patent of the plantation should be trans-
ferred to New England and settled there. Accordingly,
an order to tliat end was soon drawn up and consented
unto ; in ])rosecution of which order, a court was appoint-
ed to be kept, Oct. 20, 1629, for the election of a new
governour and deputy, that were willing to remove with
their families, on the next occasion.

Mr. John Wiiithrop was at that time chosen govern-
our, and Mr. J.Humphry deputy governour ; but Mr.
Humphry not being ready to attend the service so soon,
Mr. Thomas Dudley was (the next spring) chosen in his
room. At that time also assistants were chosen anew,
fit for the presenr design, viz. Sir Richard Saltonstall,
Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudley, Mr. Endicot, Mr. Nowel,
Mr. William Vassall, Mr. Pynchon, Mr. Sharp, Mr.
Rossiter, Mr. GoiFe, Mr. Adams, Mr. Eaton, &c.

March 23 following, Mr. Dudley was chosen deputy
governour, and sworn in the room ot Mr. Humphry, at
which time also were several assistants chosen, in the
room of such as were not willing, (at least for the present
not resolved,) to transport themselves and families into
that new colony, scil. Mr. Coddington, Mr. Sharp, Mr.
Simon Bradstreet, Sir Bryan Janson, and others. The
said cou r t was kept aboard the Ar bella^^at South- Hampton;
at which time, or soon after, was published a declaration,
in the name of the governour and company, giving an
account of their whole design ; the principal scope
whereof was to clear themselves from any suspicion of
rigid separation, at that time not in the least thought upon
or owned, much less was it purposed, or intended by
any of the foresaid gentlemen. How far since that, they
have been or are liable to the like aspersion, there may
be occasion to speak more afterwards.

• So the MS. uniformlj ; and Prince adopts the same orthography, quot-
ing Mfiss. Col. Records, MSS, as his authority. Ed.

OF NEW ENGLANfi. iUjS

CHAP. XXIII.

The proceedings of the patentees at South- Hampton^ when
they took their leave of England* The solemn manner
thereof.

The principles which those gentlemen acted from,
who first enterprised that great undertaking of trans-
planting themselves and their families into the remote
deserts of America, hitherto seemed to be so strong, as
to enable them to get over the most insuperable difficul-
ties and obstructions that lay in the way. Yet when it
came to the pinch and upshot of the trial, it appeared
that what resolution soever they had taken up or put on,
yet that they had not put off human and natural affection ;
"Naturam expellas," &c. Religion never makes men
stoicks; nor is it to be conceived that natural relations should
be rent one from another without the deepest sense of sor-
row ; such a kind of removal carrying along with it so
great a resemblance of departure into another world.

That honourable and worthy gentleman, Mr. John Win-
throp, the governour of the company, at a solemn feast
amongst many friends a little before their last farewell,
finding his bowels yearn within him, instead of drinking
to them, by breaking into a flood of tears himself, set
them all a weeping, with Paul's friends, while they thought
of seeing the faces of each other no more, in the land of
the living. Yet did not this put such a damp upon any
of their spirits, as to think of breaking off their purpose
so far carried on.

After they came to South-Hampton, the place appointed
for taking ship, they judged it meet to declare to the
world the ground of their removal, which here follow-
eth. Whatever any of their successours may judge there-
of, it is sufficient to discover what was then in the minds
of those that removed from their dear native land. If
there be found any sort of persons that since that time
have initibed other principles or opinions, it is more than
the writer hereof was ever acquainted with the reason
of. However, in those very words Ihey did both beg

1S6 GKNERAL HISTORY

the prayers, and bespeak the charitable construction
concerning their proceedings, of their Christian friends,
whom tliey left behind. It is commonly said, that the
declaration was drawn up by Mr. White, that famous
minister of Dorchester, of whom there is oft mention
made in this history ; if so, it had a reverend, learned,
and holy man for its author, on >vhich account a favour-
able acceptance thereof may be expected from any that
shall vouchsafe to peruse the same.

The humble request of his Majesty's loyal subjects, the governoui* and
company late ,^one for New England, to the rest of their brethren, in
and of the Church of England ; for the obtaining of their prayers,
and the removal of suspicions and misconstructions of their intentions.
London, printed fo)- ^ohn Bcllamie, 1630. ([4t(J.3

REVEREND FATHERS AND BRETHREN;

The general rumour of this solemn enterprise, wherein
ourselves with others, through the Providence of the
Almighty arc engaged, as it may spare us the labour of
imparting our occasion unto you, so it gives us the more
encouragement to strengthen ourselves by the procure-
ment of the prayers and blessings of the Lord's fliithful
servants. For which end we are bold to have recourse
unto you, as those whom God hath placed nearest his
throne of mercy ; which, as it affords you the more op-
portunity, so it imposeth the greater bond upon you to
intercede for his people in all their straits. We beseech
you, therefore, by the mercies of the Lord Jesus, to con-
sider us as your brethren, standing in very great need
of your help, and earnestly imploring it. And howso-
ever your charity may have met with some occasion of
discouragement through the misreport of our intentions,
or through the disaffection or indiscretion of some of us,
or ra'ther, amongst us, for we are not of those that
dream of perfection in this world ; yet vvc desire you
would be pleased to take notice of the principals and
body of our company, as those who esteem it our hon-
our to call the church of England, from whence we rise,
our dear* mother : and cannot part from our native coun-
try, where she specially resideth, without much sadness
9^ heart, and many tears in our eyes, ever acknowlcdg-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 1S7

ing that such hope and part as we have obtained in the
common salvation, we have received in htr bosom, and
sucked it from her breasts. We leave it not, therefore,
as loathing that milk wherewith we were nourished
there ; but, blessing God for the parentage and education,
as members of the same body shall always rejoice in her
good, and unfeignedly grieve for any sorrow shall ever
betide her, and while we have breat'i sincerely desire
and endeavour the continuance and abundance of her
welfare, with the enlargement of her bounds in the king-
dom of Christ Jesus.

Be pleased, therefore, reverend fathers and brethren,
to help forward this work now in hand ; which, if it pros-
per, you shall be the more glorious ; howsoever, your
judgment is with the Lord, and your reward with your
God. It is an usual and laudable exercise of your char-
ity to commend to the prayers of your congregations the
necessities and straits of your private neighbours. Do
the like for a cliurch springing out of your own bowels.
We conceive much hope that this remembrance of us,
if it be frequent and fervent, will be a most prosperous
gale in our sails, and provide such a passage and wel-
come for us, from the God of the whole earth, as both
we which shall find it, and yourselves with the rest of
our friends who shall hear of it, shall be much enlarged
to bring in such daily returns of thanksgivings, as the
specialties of his providence and goodness may jusdy
challenge at all our hands. You are not ignorant, that
the Spirit of God stirred up the apostle Paul to make
continual mention of the church of Philippi, (which was
a colony from Rome ;) let the same spirit, we beseech
you, put you n mind, that are the Lord's remembran-
cers, to prav for us without ceasing, (who are a weak
colony from yourselves,) making continual request for
us to Godi n all your prayers.

What we intreat of vou that are the ministers of God,
that we also crave at the hands of all the rest of our
brethren, that they would at no time forget us in their
private solicitations at the throne of grace.

If any there be, who through want of clear intelligence

138 GENERAL HISTORY

of our course, or tenderness of affection towards us, can-
not conceive so much of our way as we could desire,
we would intreat such not to despise us, nor to desert
us in their prayers and affections; but to consider rather,
that they are so much the more bound to express the
bowels of their compassion towards us, remembering
always that both nature and grace doth ever bind us to
relieve and rescue, with our utmost and speediest power,
such as are dear unto us, when we conceive them to be
running uncomfortable hazards.

What goodness you shall extend to us, in thisor any other
Christian kindness, we, your brethren in Christ Jesus, shall
labour to repay, in what duty we are or shall be able to
perform ; promising, so far as God shall enable us, to
give him no rest on your behalfs, wishing our heads and
hearts may be fountains of tears for your everlasting wel-
fare, when we shall be in our poor cottages in the wil-
derness, overshadowed with the spirit of supplication,
through the manifold necessities and tribulations which
may not altogether unexpectedly, nor, we hope, unpro-
fitably befall us.

And so commending you to the grace of God in
Christ, we shall ever rest your assured friends and
brethren,

JOHN WINTHROP, Gov. RICH: SALTONSTALL,

CHARLES FINES, ISAAC JOHNSON,

THO: DUDLEY,

GEORGE PHILLIPS, WILLIAM CODDINGTON,

(jfC. C-c.

From Yarmouth, aboard the Arbella,
April 7, 1630.

CHAP. XXIV.

The fleet set forth to sea for New England: their pas •
sage^ and safe arrival there.

Things being thus ordered at Hampton, four of the
principal ships, viz. the Arbella, a ship of three hundred
and fitty tons, Capt. Milbourne being master, manned with
fifty two seymen, and furnished with twenty eight pieces
of ordnance ; the Talbot, whereof was master Mr. Tho:
Belcher ; the Ambrose, whereof was master Mr. John

OF KB W E;VGL A)j D . (^P

Low ; and the Jewel, whereof was roaster Mr. Richard
Harlston, having left their former harbour, were riding
at the Cowes, March 29, 1630, being Piaster Monday,
and ready to sail : they were advised so to do by Mr.
Cradock, (who was that morning aboard the Arbella,)
the late i^overnour, and owner of the two last ships,
where, upon coijfcrence, it was so argued, in regard the
rest of the fleet, viz. the Charles, the Mayflower, the
William and Francis, the Hopewel, the Whale, the Suc-
cess, and the Tryal, being at Hampton not then ready,
and uncertain when they would, that these four ships
should consort together, and take the first opportunity x)f
wind and weather to sail. Accordingly, articles of con-
sortsiiip were drawn between the said captain and mari-
ners ; the Arbella to be the admiral, the Talbot vice-
admiral, the Ambrose rear admiral. After tiiis was
done, Mr. Cradock took leave of his friends aboard the
Arbella : then weighing anchor, about ten o'clock, on
the 29th of March, they attempted to sail ; but meeting
with contrary winds, they made it the 12th of April be-
fore they could clear the channel ; before which time
the rest of the fleet came up with them. And on the 10th
of April, while they were at a distance, they took them
for Dunkirkers, and provided to fight them, and were
much comforted to see how cheerful all the company
were, as they were preparing for an expected engage-
ment; not aman, woman, or child seeming to fear, though
all were apprehensive of no small danger, if they had not
mistaken their friends for enemies : for it had been
toid them, at the Isle of Wight, that ten ships of Dun-
kirk, with brass guns, were waiting for them, the least
of which carried thirty ordnance a piece. But if their
corfidevice Irad not, next under God, depended more on
the courage, care, and diligence of the captain of the ad-
miral, than in their own company's valour or skill, their
hearts might soon have failed. But this tempest of fear
being thus happily blown over, they took their course
forward for the Massachusetts, where, on Saturday, June
the 12th, the Arbella, admiral of the whole fleet, f >Uiid
her port to be very near, about twp in the mornmg ;
17

130 GENERAL HISTORY

when, shooting oft' two pieces of ordiinnce, they sent
their skiff" aboard the Lyon, whereof was master Mr.
AVilliam Peirse, which was some days arrived there be-
fore, though none . of the present fleet that was now ex-
pected. According as the wind would bear, they stood
in towards the harbour ; and by the assistance of some
shallops that in the morning came aboard them, they
passed through the narrow strait betwixt Baker's
Island and another little island, and came to an anchor
a little way within the said island. Mr. Peirse came
presently aboard them, but returned to fetch Mr. Endi-
cot, who came to them about two o'clock in the after-
noon, bringing with him Mr. Skelton and Capt; Levit;
The governour, with those of the assistants aboard the
said admiral, with some other gentlemen and gentle-
women, returned with them that night to Naumkeag, by
the English called Salem, as is noted before, where they
supped, with a good venison pasty and good beerj (which
probably was not their every day's commons ;) but most
of them returned back to the ship that night, hking their
supper better than the lodging which, at the time, could
be provided on the sudden ; or else, that they might
leave the same free for the gentlewomen that went ashore
with them, who, like Noah's dove, finding sure footing
on the firm land, returned no more to their ark, floating
on the unstable waves. In the mean time, many of the
rest of the people went ashore on the other side of the
harbour, toward Cape Anne, where they were as well
feasted, with strawberries, (with which, in those times,
the woods were every where well furnished,) and it is
like, as merry, as the gentlefolks at their venison pasty
and strong beer ; those fruits affording both meat and
drink, and peradventure physick also, to some that were
inclining to scorbutick distempers.

The next morning, Masconomo with one of his men
came aboard, being the sagamore, (which is, the loid
proprietor) of that side of the country towards Cape
Anne, to bid them welcome, staying with them all the
da}-.

About two in die afternoon they descried the Jewel,

OF NEW ENGLAND, ISl

another ship belonging to the fleet ; and manning out
their skifF, they wafted them in as near the harbour as the
wind and tide would suffer.

The next morning early, June 14, the adn^iral weigh-
ed anchor, and because the channel was narrow, and the
winds against them, they warped her in within the inner
harbour, where they came to an anchor ; and in the
afternoon most of the passengers went ashore.

On the Thursday after, June 17, the chief of the
gentlemen, with the governour, travelled to the Massachu-
setts, to find out a place where to begin a plantation ;
but returned on the Saturday, taking Nantasket in their
way, where they met the Mary and John, a ship that
sailed from the West Country, which brought Mr. Ilos-
siter and Mr. Ludlow, two of the assistants, wirh several
other passengers: who, missing of Salem, needed the
help of the governour, and the rest of the assistants with
bim, to make the harbour, where they were set ashore, a
Salem, or place of peace to them and the master, whicft.
afterward thev did ; the difference tlrat had fiill-u out
betwixt the master and the other gentlemen, being oo
that occasion composed.

July the 5th, the Mayflower and Whale arrived safe
in the harbour of Chariestovvn ; the passchi^eis beiiig all
in health, but most of their cattle dead. If Jacob him-
self had been there, he could not have, uitli all his skill
and care, prevented the over driving of cattle, iiiut up
in the narrow room of these wooden wails, where the
fierceness of the wind and waves would often fling, or
throw them on heaps, to the mischiefing and destroying
[of] one another.

July the 2d, came in the Talbot, which had been
sore visited with the small pox in her passage, and
whereof fourteen died in the way. In one of them came
Mr. Henry Winthrop, the governour's second son, acci-
dentally left behird at the Isle of Wight, or iiampion,
whither he went to provide further supply of pro\i&ions
for the gentlemen in the Admiral. A sprightly and hope-
ful young gentlemen he was, who, though he escaped
the danger of the main sea, yet was unhappily drowned
in a small creek, not long after he came ashore, even tl^

132 GiBNEHAL ftlSTOHY

tery next day, July the 2cl, after his landing, to the ho
snvall grief of his tricnds, and the rest of the company.

July the Sc', arrived the William and Francis, and two
days after the Tryal and Charles ; on the 6th day came
in the Success. '♦^•' ■ '•*

The An^brose was brought into the harbour at Salem,
before the govern our arid company returned from the
Massachusetts. So as now, all the whole fleet being
safely come to their port, they kept a publick day of
thanksgiving, July the 8th, through all the plantations,
to give thanks to Almighty God, for all his goodness,
and wonderful works, wliich tiiey had seen in their voyage.

On the 20' h of August, arrived another ship in Charles-
town harbour, called theGift; which ship, though she was
twelve weeks at sea, yet lost but one passenger in her
whole voyage.

There were no less than ten or eleven shipis employed,
to transport the governour and company, with the rest of
the planters, at that time bound for New England; and
some of them ships of good burthen, that carried over
al)out two hundred passengers apiece ; who all, by the
good providence of God, arrived safe at their desired
port, before the 11th of July, 16)0; and some of them
about the middle of June. Yet many of them were, soon
after their arrival, arrested with fatal distempers, which
(they being never accustomed to such hardships as then
they found) carried many of them off into the other
world. It was a sad welcome to the poor planters, tliat
after a long and tedious voyage by sea, they wanted
house room, with other necessaries of entertainment,
when thty came first ashore, which occasioned so many
of their friends to drop away before their eyes ; none of
them that were left knowing whose turn would be next.
Yet werenotthe survivingdiscouraged from attendingsuch
services, as their undertaking necessarily required of them.

Amongst others, that were at that time visited with
mortal sickness, the lady Arbella, the wife of Mr. Isaac
Johnson, was one, who possibly had not taken the coun-
sel of our Saviour, to sit down and consider what the
cost would be, before she began to build. For, coming
fix)m a paradise of plenty and pleasure, which she enjoy*

OP NEW ENGLAND. 183

ed in the family of a noble earldom, into a wilderness of
wants, it proved too strong a temptation for her ; so as
the virtues of her mind were not able to stem the tide of
those many adversities of her outward condition, which
she, soon after her arrival, saw herself surrounded withal.
For within a short time after, she ended her days at S-ilem,
where she first landed ; and was soon after solemnly in-
terred, as the condition of those times would bear, leav-
ing her husband (a worthy gentleman of note for niety
and wisdom) a sorrowful mourner, and so overwhelmed
in a flood of tears and grief, that about a month after,
viz. September 30, 1G30, carried him after her into an-
other world, to the extreme loss of the whole plantation.

Of this number of ships that came this year for New
England, and were filled with passengers of all occupa-
tions, skilled in all kind of faculties, needful for the
planting of a new colony, some set forth from the west
of England. But the greatest number came from about
London, though South-Hampton was the rendezvous
where they took ship ; in the three biggest of which
were brought the patentees, and persons of greatest qual-
ity, together with Mr. John Winthrop, the governour,
that famous pattern of piety, wisdom, justice, and liber-
ality, which advanced him S(j often to the place of gov- »
evnment over the whole jurisdiction, by the annual choice
of the people : and Mr. Thomas Dudley, a gentleman,
who b} reason of his experience, and travels abroad, as
his other natural and acquired abilities qualified him in
the next place, above others, for the chief place of rule
and government; wherein, according to his just desert,
he oft shared more than some others.

Besides the abovenamed, there came along with the
same fleet several other gentlemen of note and quality,
as Mr. Lucilovv, Mr. William Pynchon, Mr. Simon
Bradstreet, Mr. William Vassall, Mr. Sharp, and others :
as likewise some eminent and noted ministers, as Mr.
Wilson, (who had ibrmerly been a minister of one of the
parishes of Sudbury, in the coupty of Suffolk,) Mr.
George Phillips, (who had been minister of Bocksted, in
Essex,) with Mr. John Maverick, and Mr. Warham,

13* GENERAL HISTORY

who had been ministers irt the West Country, These
were among the first adventurers that came over to New
England to plant the wilderness, and lay a foundation for
others, in after time, to build upon.

CHAP. XXV.

The Jirst plariting [of] the Massachusetts Bay with towns,
after the arrival of the governour^ and company that
came along with him ; and other occurrents that then
fell out. leSO, 1631, 1632.

The people that arrived at the Massachusetts in the
fleet, Anno 1630, were not much unlike the family of
Noah, at their first issuing out of the ark ; and had, as it
were, a new world to people ; being uncertain where to
make their beginning. Salem was already planted, and
supplied with as many inhabitants as at that time it was
well able to receive. Therefore, the governour, and most
of the gentlemen that came along with him, having taken a
view of the bottom of the Massachusetts Ba}^, and find-
ing that there was accommodation enough for several
towns, took the first opportunity of removing thither with
their friends and followers ; and at the first pitched down
on the north side of Charles river, where they laid the
foundation of the first township. But the chiefest part cf
the gentlemen made provision for another plantation on
the neck of land on the souih side of the said river, (which
was after, on the account of Mr. Cotton, called Boston.) by
erecting such small cottages, as might harbour them in the
approaching uinter, till they could build themselves more
convenient dwellings another year. And accordingly, the
governour and deputy governour with most of the assist-
ants, removed their families thither about November ;
and being settled there for the present, they took further
time for consideration, where to find a convenient place
to make a fortified town, which then was their aim.
Some scattering inhabitants had a few years before taken
up their habitations on each side the said Charles river :
some at a place called Mattapan, (since Dorchester,) sit-
uate on the south side of the Massachusetts Bay, three

OF NEW ENGLAND. 135

or four miles from Boston, and faced on two sides with
the sea. This place was at the same time seized by Mr,
Ludlow, and his friends, with whom joined Mr. Maver-
ick and Mr. Warham, as their ministers. Mr. Pyn-
chon and some others chose a place in the midway be-
tween Dorchester and Boston for their habitation ; .md
the year after obtained Mr. Eiiot, that came the same
year, for their minister, and called the place Roxbury.
Sir Richard Saltonst^ll settled his family and friends at a
place higher up the north side of Charles river, with
whom joined Mr. Phillips, as their minister, and called
the place Watertown. The reason of the name was not
left upon record, nor is it easy to find ; most of tiie other
plantations being well watered, though none of them
planted on so large a fresh stream as that was.

Those who at first planted on each side of Charles
river, at the bottom of the bay, made but one congrega-
tion for the present, unto whom Mr. Wilson was minis-
ter at the first. But he going to England the next spring,
and not returning with his family until the year 1632,
those of the north side called one Mr. James to be their
pastor, and named their town, from the river it was seat-
ed upon, Charlestown : as those on the other side, being
now become a distinct town of themselves, and retaining
Mr. Wilson for their minister, afterward called their
plantation Boston, with respect to Mr. Cotton, who came
from a town in Lincohshire so called, when he came into
New England.

The whole company being thus, as it were, disposed into
their winter quarters, they had the more leisure, (though,
no doubt, in those their first beginnings they had all
their heads full of business, and their hands full of work,)
to consider of a convenient place for their fortified town.

The 6th of December following, the governour, and
most of the assistants, with others, had a meeting at
Roxbury ; when they agreed to build it on the neck of
land between Roxbury and Boston ; and a committee
was appointed, to consider of all things requisite there-
unto, iiut the week after, the committee meeting again,
upon further consideration concluded, that the former

136 GENERAL HISTORY

place would not be convenient, for want of running
water, and other reasons. On the 21st of December
they met again at Watertown, where, upon view of a
place a mile beneath the town, they pitched upon that as
a place convenient for their purpose, and there agreed
to build the fortified town ; yet took time to consider
further about it. Till that time, they had fair open
weather, with only gentle frosts in the night ; but soon
after, the wind coming at north-west very sharp and
cold, made them all betake themselves to the fireside,
and contrive to keep themselves warm, till the winter
was over. But in the spring, they were forward with
the design again, and intended to carry it on amain. The
governour had the frame of an house set up in the place
where he first pitched his tent ; and Mr. Dudley had not
only framed but finished his house thereabouts, and re-
moved himself and family thereinto before the next win-
ter. But upon some other considerations, which at first
came not into their minds, the governour took down his
frame, and brought it to Boston, where he intended to
take up his residence for the future ; which was no small
disappointment to the rest of the company that were
minded to build there on the north side of the river, and
accompanied with some little disgust, between the two
chief gentlemen ; but they were soon after satisfied in
the grounds of each other's proceedings. The place
wherein Mr. Dudley and others had built, was after
called New- Town; who yet were without any settled
minister, till Mr. Hooker came over in the year 1633.
Mr. Winthrop, the governour, still remaining at Boston,
which was like to be the place of chiefest commerce, he
prepared his dwelling accordingly, and had liberty to
attend the publick affairs of the couniry, which then
needed the exerting of his authority, for the settling of
things as well relating to the civil, as the eccksinstical
state of the country. For though the company that came
over in the fleet, were all of one heart and mind, and
aimed at one and the same end, to make and maintain a
settled and orderly plantation, yet thtre wanted not
secret enemies on the place, as well as some more open

OF NEW ENGLAND. 137

further off, that laboured what they could, either to un-
dermine their power, or obstruct their jjroceedings : as
some also soon after were raised up from amoni^ them-
selves, who if not false brethren, yet acting upon false
principles, occasioned much disturbance to the towns
and churches of the whole plantation. The chief of the
first sort were Thomas Morton, (of whom these hath
been too much occasion to speak before,) and one Philip
R itcliffe, that had been employed there, the one by Mr.
Weston, the other bv Mr. Cradock, or some other £^en-
tlemen, to trade n'ith the Indians ; and beint^ accustomed
to a loose and dissolute kind of life, knew not how to
bear restraint, arid therefore, perceiving what i^overnnient
was like to be set up, and carried on in the Massachu-
setts, they set themselves, what they could, to oppose the
authority tliat was like to be there established, and make
disturbance : and therefore were they, as soon as ever the
governour and assistants had any liberty to keep courts,
called 10 an account; the one in the year lt)3',), the odier
in the year following. They were both sentenced to
undergo imprisonment, as well as other severe punish-
ments for their several misdemeanours, till they could be
sent back to Jingland, that the plantation here might be
no longer pestered with them. Captain Brock, master
of the ship called the Gift, (arrived here the ^Uth of
August, and was to return the next month,) nVigjht have
had the honour to carry one of them, viz. Morton, buck
into England ; but he professed he was not gifted that
way, nor his ship neither, for such a purpose, as not wil-
ling to trouble himself nor his country with such vaga-
bonds, from which they had been happily freed for some
years before.

The same summer, viz. 1650, arrived at Pascataqua
one Capt. Neale, sent from Sir Ferdinando Gorges and
others, in the bark or ship Warwick; sent, as was said,
w.iile the New Kntilish fleet lay at the Isle of Wight, to
find out the great lake at the northward, and so to inter-
rupt the trade of beaver. It was feared she had been
taken by those of Dunkirk, with whom our nation at
that time was at Vc^riancc. But Providence so favouring,
18

138 eENEHAL HISTORY

she came with her passengers to Pascataqua in the end
of that summer, 1630 ; of whose designs there may be oc-
casion to speak more afterwards.

In this manner, was the remaining part of the summer
and autumn spent ; in looking out convenient places
where to bestow themselves, so as the winter came upon
them before they were well aware : although it held off
that year till the end of December, when it began in
good earnest to bite their fingers' ends, with greater se-
verity than ever the new planters had known in Europe ;
of which three of the governour's servants had a very
sensible demonstration on the 24th of December, meet-
ing with the sharpest Christmas eve that they had felt
before. However, they were fairly warned for the fu-
ture to betake themselves to their winter quarters before
that time of the year ; the necessity of which, others were
taught by the sad calamity which befel one Richard
Garn, and one Harwood, both counted godly, and of the
congregation of Boston. They, with three or four more,
would needs adventure toward Plymouth in a shal-
lop, contrary to the advice of their friends. They set
out on the 22d of December that winter, and came well
to the point called Gurnett's nose, entering into Plymouth
harbour : but then the wind so overblew at northwest,
that they were put by the mouth of the harbour, driven
from their anchor, and at last forced ashore at Cape Cod,
fifty miles from the place they were bound to ; and were
so frozen with the severity of the cold, and boisterous-
ness of the waves, that many of them lost either their
limbs or lives thereby. And those that escaped best, yet
continued long under the surgeon's hands before they
recovered the use of their hands and feet : notwithstand-
ing they might say, as Paul at Malta, that the barbarians
shev/ed them no small kindness at their first landing.
But it was to be feared that the) had not so good a
call to run the hazard of a winter's voyage, in an un-
known country. And the words of Paul himself might
have been applied to them : that they should have heark-
ened to their friends, and not to have sailed from a good

OF NEW ENGLAND. 139

harbour at Boston, to have gained that harm and loss to
themselves and friends.

But thus were these poor people, for want of experience
and judgment in things of such a nature, ready to expose
themselves to many hazards in an unknown wilderness,
and met with much hardship, some by fire, as others
by water, in their first settlement, before they were well
acquainted with the state of new plantations, and nature
of the climate. Some suffered much damage by the
burning of their hay-stacks, left in the meadows, to the
starving of their cattle ; as others had by burning thtir
small cottages, either framed or covered with very com-
bustible matter, to which they were not accustonied in
their former dwellings ; and so were taught, by many
temptations and sufferings, to stoop to a wilderness con-
dition, which they had freely chosen to themselves, for
the quiet of their minds, and good of posterity. Many
of those that were compelled to live long in tents, and
lie upon, or too near, the cold and moist earth, betore
they could be provided of more convenient dwellings,
were seized of the scurvy, of which many died about
Boston and Charlestown. But it pleased God of his
great mercy very seasonably, the 5th of February follow-
ing, to send in Mr. William Peirse, in the ship Lyon of
Bristol, of about two hundred tons, who (being ac-
quanted with the nature of tlie country, and state of the
people,) brought in store of juice of lemons, with the use
of which many speedily recovered from their scorbutick
distempers, as was observed for the most part, unless it
were in such persons as had the said disease in their
minds, by discontent, and lingering after their English
diet ; of all which scarce any were known ever to re-
cover. And many, that out of dislike to the place,
and for fear of death, would return back to their own
country, either found that they sought to escape, in their
way thither, or soon after they arrived there.

It went much the harder with this poor people, in their
first begmnings, because of the scarcity of all sorts of
grain that 3 ear in England ; every bushel of wheat meal
standing them in fourteen shillings, and every bushel of

140 GENERAL HISTORY

pease in ten shiilini^s, and not easy to be procured nei-
ther ; which made it the more excu.-a!ile in them that at
that time sold the Ind.an corn, which they brought from
Vir^i^ia, at ten shillings per bushel. For at this time,
the people of that country is general vvere, like the poor
widow, brought to the last handful of meal in the barrel,
before the said ship arrived, which made tham injprove
part of the new supply in a solemn day of thanksgiving
that spring.

Things thus happening in the plantations of New Eng-
land, it carried the resemblance of a cloud of darkness
to son^e, as of light to others ; which ajjpeared by the
return of some to England the next opportcuiity, with in-
tent never to see New Ei;g!and again, as did Mr. Sharp
and some others : while oiiiers returned only to fetch
over tlieir flmii ies, and the rt sidiu: of their estates, as
did Mr. Wilson, who with Mr. C<.cidingtnn, that went
from Boston, April the 1st, 1651, and arrived at London,
Apnl the 2yth of the same month, havin;^ commended
the congregation of Boston to tiie grace of God by fer-
vent prayers when he took his leave of them, and to the
care of Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Dudley, with other god-
ly and able Christians in the time of his absence, for
carrying on thf" worship of God on the Lord's day, by
prophesying (is they called it in those times at Plymouth,)
till his return. No doubt but these prayers were heard,
as wtU for the protection and preservation of them that
staid, as of them that were goiiig to sea, both for them-
selves, and them that were going tnat wa}^ about the
same time : as was found in several of the fleet that re-
turned not till the spring, and were at that time merci-
fully prest rved.

The Ambrose being new masted at Charlestown, had
spent all her masts b} a storm about Newfoundland, and
was leit as a wreck upon the sea in a perishing condition,
had not Mr. Peirse in the L} on, (with whom they con-
sorted,) towed them home to Bristol. Three other ships
of the fleet, viz. the Charles, the Success, and the Whale,
were set upon by the Di'nkiikers, near Plymouth in
England, and after long flght, having lost many men,

OP NEW ENGLAND. 141

and being much torn, (especially the Charles,) they gat
safe into Plymouth at last.

But as some were earnestly striving by prayer, travels,
and other endeavours, to promote the wt Ifare of this col-
ony of the Massachusetts, so were others found as active
and busy to obstruct and hinder the progress thereof ;
stirred up no doubt by the same spirit which moved
Amalek of old to set upon Israel in their rear, when they
were weak and unable to defend themselves.

For about the 14th of June, 1631, a shallop from Pas-
cataqua arrived at Boston, which brought news of a
small English ship, by the which Capt. Neal, governour
of Pascataqua, sent a packet of letters to the tiovernour,
directed to Sir Christopher Gardiner, which were open-
ed, because they were sent to one that was their prisoner;
and thereby it was understood that they came from Sir
Ferdiiiando Gorges, who claimed a great parr of the bay
of Massachusetts. In the same packet came another
letter to Thonias Morton, sent prisoner before mto Eng-
land by ordt r from thence. By that letter it was perceived
likewise, that the writer of them had some secret design
to recovtr his pretended right, and that he reposed much
trust in Sir Christopher Gardiner, for that end. But the
said Gardiner being now imprisoned at Boston, (of
which more shall be said afterwards, ch:'p. xxvi.) in
order for his senrling home for England, alter Morton ;
the said leiters were opened by authority of the country,
beii.g sent to them that were illwillers to the place. And
Rutciifte also being fallrn under tlie same or worse con-
demnation, the colony was now at peace and quiet to at-
tend their necessary occasions at home, leaving their
three grand enemies to carry on their purposes (as they
saw good) elsewhere. But it appeared in the issue, that
no weapon formed against them, whom God hath a mind
to preserve and bless, shall ever prosper and take place.
July the 6th of this year, 1631, a small ship, called the
Pl')ugh, came into Nantaskei; with a company of Fami-
libts, called the Husband and company, bound for Saga-
dahock, called by some the Plough-Patent. But not
liking the place, they returned to Boston, and carrying

14lS GENERAL HISTORY

their vessel up towards Watertown, (a plantation for hus-
bandmen principally,) they laid her bones there ; but
themselves soon after vanished away, and came to nothing.

October 22, 1631, came a letter from Capt. VVig£ran
of Pascataqua river, informii\^ of a murther committed
by an Indian sagamore and his company upon one Wal-
ter Bagnall, called Great Watt, and one I. P. that kept
with him, at Richmond's Island. The Indians having
killed the two men, burnt the house, and carried away
the goods. He persuaded the governour to send twenty
men presently after them to take revenge. But the gov-
ernour, advising with the council, understood that Capt.
Neal had sent after them, and having no boats fit for
such an expedition, thought it best to sit still awhile.

It was commonly reported that the said Bagnall had
been servant to one in the Bay, and the last three years
had lived alone with one other in his company, at the
said isle, where he had shewed himself a very wicked
fellow, and had much wronged the Indians, who were
now, by the just hand of God, let loose upon him. *' He
that gathereth riches, and not by right," (for he had gotten
SOO/. estate by such ways,) "is like a partridge that
scrapeth eggs together and hatcheth them not ; and in the
end shall die a fool."

But these things being premised, it is in the next
place to be considered, what troubles did arise among
themselves. For the people at their first coming over
hither, were not much unlike a stock of bees newly
swarmed from their old hive, which are not ofttimes
without much difficulty settled in their new one, and are
very apt to be disturbed with every little occasion, and
not easily quieted again, as may appear by what fell out
in one of the first churches. For in the congregation
settled at Watertown in the year 1630, under the charge
of Mr. George Phillips, (an able and faithful minister of
the gospel at Bocksted near Groton in Suffolk,) was no
little trouble raised by Richard Browne, their ruling el-
der, (who was thought sometimes to overrule the church
there,) a man of a violent disposition, and one of the
separation in England, and by his natural temper fit for

OP NEW ENGLAND. 143

their purpose. He had raised a great dust in the place,
by the eager defending of a question (at that time need-
lessly started) about the truth of the present church of
Rome : the said Browne stifly maintained the truth of
the said church. Sure it was not out of his charity to
the Romish Christians, to provide them a place of safety
to retreat unto, in cae other churches should declare
against them as a synagogue of Satan, rather than the
spouse of Christ, (although the reformed churches did
not use to rebaptize those that renounce the religion of
Rome and embrace that of the reformation,) and so un-
church them : but the violence of some men's tempers
makes them raise debates, when they do not justly offer
themselves, and like millstones grind one another when
they want other grist.

The governour wrote a letter to the congregation, di-
rected to the pastor and brethren ; to advise them to take
it into consideration, whether the said Browne was fit to
be continued their elder or not. The congregation was
much divided about him, upon that and some other
errours, and both parties repaired to the governour for
assistance, who promised to give them a meeting at Wa-
tertown, December 8, 1631, which accordingly he did,
being accompanied with the deputy governour and
others of the assistants, with the elder of the congrega-
tion of Boston. When they were assembled, the govern-
our told them they might proceed either as magistrates,
their assistance being formerly desired by them, or as
members of a neighbour congregation ; in which respect
they yielded to let the matters in controver«iy be declared ;
when after much agitation they came to this conclusion,
that their ruling elder was guilty of errours in judgment
and conversation, on which account they could not com-
municate with him till they were reformed. Whereupon
they agreed to seek God in a day of humiliation, and so
by solemn writing, each party promised to reform what
was amiss; yet this agreement was not so well observed,
but that afterward new stirs were raised in that town,
but upon a civil and not ecclesiastical account. For in
February following, those of Watertown made some op-

144 GENERAL BISTORT

position aiijainst a levy that was to be raised upon them
towards publick charges, of which their sliare was but
8/. which yet they stood so much uj)on their liberty, as
to refuse the payment, because they took the govern-
ment to be only like that of a mayor and aldermen, who
have no power to make laws, or raise taxes, without the
people. But being called before the governour and as-
sistants, they were told that the government was rather
in the nature of a parliament, in that the assistants were
chosen by the people at a general court every year, when
the people had free liberty to choose assistants and re-
move them, if need were, to consider and propound mat-
ters of that nature, or any matter of grievance, without
being subject to question ; with which they were
not only fully satisfied, but convinced of their former er-
rour, which they publickly acknowledged.

Yet for all this did some further leaven of the former
schism still continue at Watertown ; so as they saw it
necessary, in July following, to set the separatists a day,
wherein to come in, or else to be liable to church cen-
sure. All persons submitted within the time, save one,
who had so much stomach as not to yield till he was
censured; soon afcer which he submitted himself.

During the infancy of the government, in these their
weak beginnings, when they were both feeble and few in
number, it pleased God, vA\o hath the hearts of all men
in his hand, to lay such a restraint on the heathen, (or
else the false alarums, in September, 1632, that made such
distraction, might have been to their destruction, if it had
been a true one,) so that their chief sa^jamores both near
by and more remote, made divers overtures of fiiend-
ship with them, proffering some of them many kind-
nesses, which they know not well how to refuse, nor ac-
cept ; not much unlike them that h(»ld a wof by the cars.

Aniongst the rest, August 5, 1632, one of the great
sachems of the Narragansets, (that most populous com-
pany of all the Itidians in those parts,) called Mccumel,
but afterwards Miantonimo, of whom there will be more
occasion to speak in the year 64c), came down to Bos-
ton to make peace or a league with the English, eithei out

OF NEW ENGLAND. 145

of fear or love. And while himself and his followers were
at the sermon, thtee of them withdrevv from the as-
sembly; and being pinched with hung'er, (for " venter non
habet aures,") broke into an English house in sermon
time to get victuals. The sagamore, (an honest spirited
fellow, as his after actions declared,) was hardly persuaded
to order them any bodily punishment; but to prevent the
shame of such attendants, forthwith sent them out of
town, and followed himself not long after.

About the same time, came a company of eastern In-
dians, called Tarratines, and in the niglit assaulted the
wigwam of the sagamore of Agawa.m. They were near
an hundred in number, and they caine with thirty ca-
noes, (a small boat, muGe with the bark of birchen trees.)
They slew S'.^ven men ; and wounded John and James,
two sagamores that lived about Boston ; and carried
others away captive, amongst whom one was the
wife of the said James, which they sent iigain by the
mediation of Mr. Shurd of Pemaquid, that used to trade
with them, and sent word by him that they expected
something in way of ransom. This sagamore of Aga-
wam (as was usually said) had treacherously killed some
of those Tarratine families, and therefore was the
less pitied of the English that were informed thereof.

These are the principal occurrents that happened at
the first settling of the plantation of the Massachusetts,
wherein are briefi}- hinted the troubles they met withal
upon the place. But Sir Christopher Giirdinc r, Thomas
Morton, and Philip Ratcllffe, being sent back to England
for several misdemeanours, endeavoured what they could
to undermine the plantation of the Massachusetts, by pre-
ferring complaints against them to the king and council ;
being set on by Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. Mason,
which had begun plantations about Paseataqua, and aim-
ed at the general government of New England, for their
agent, Capt. Neale, as was said. Their petition was af-
firmed to contain many sheets of paper, wherein among
some truth represented, were many false accusations laid
to their charge ; as if they intended rebellion, having cast
off their allegiance, and that their ministers and people did
19

146 GENERAL HISTORY

continually rail against the State, Church, and Bishops of
En2:land. But Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Humphry,
and Mr. Cradock, the first governour of the company,
being then in England, gave a full answer to all those
bold allegations and accusations, the effect of which shall
more particularly be declared in the following chapters.
Capt. Levet, about this time returningfor England, died
at sea ; by which occasion some letters, sent from indiscreet
persons, fell into the hands of them that had no good will
for the plantation ; and by that means clamours were
raised agamst them, which furnished their enemies with
matters of complaint against them, which their petitions
were stuffed withal. Information hereof was brought by
Mr. Trevore, that arrived February 22, 16S3, who
brought goods and passengers for the Massachusetts.
Yet, notwithstanding all their endeavours, multitudes of
passengers came over every year, in all the succeeding
years of the two first lustres, scil. till 1640 ; when by
the turn of times in England, great hopes of reformation
possessed men's minds, that they need not travel so far
for liberty of conscience, which they expected should be
granted them where they were : which put a stop to the
coming over of any more passengers to New England,
and occasioned a great change of their affairs thereby.

CHAP. XXVI.

The first courts kept in the Massachusetts^ after the com-
ing over of the governour. The carrying on of their
civil affairs^ from the year 1630 to 1656, with the ac-
cusations against them before the King and council.

The first court of assistants, after the arrival of the
governour and patentees in the Massachusetts, was held
at Charlestown, August 23, the same year, 1630; at
which time orders were made concerning the planting of
the colony, in the several plantations that soon began to be
erected ; as likewise for the regulating the wages of arti-
ficers, emplo}ed in buildings, &c. it being commonly
found that men, gotten from under the reins of govern-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 147

ment,are but like cattle without a fence, which are there-
by apt to run wild, and grow unruly, without good laws.

September 7, 1630. At another session of ihe court,
the governour and assistants considering the danger they
might be exposed unto, in the midst of several nations of
Indians, (in most of which they had little reason to put
much confidence:) to prevent any possibility of arming
such, as in future time might prove as goads in their
eyes, and thorns in their sides, it was enacted to be 10/.
fine for any that should permit an Indian the use of a gun,
the first offence ; the second offence they were to be im-
prisoned and fined at discretion ; which it had been well
if it had been observed. But all the foresight in tlie
world will not prevent a mischief that is designed upon
a place or people, as the fruit of their own folly, as in
after time came to pass. And in some regard, it had
been well such laws had never been made, unless they
had been better observed.

At the next meeting of the court, some care was
had about the more orderly settling of the civil gov-
ernment, for the preserving the liberty of the people,
and preventing any entrenching thereon by the power
of the rulers; (it being feared, at least it was then sup-
posed by some, that the waves of the sea are not more
ready to overflow their banks, when driven by the wind
and tide, than the minds of men, naturally carried with
that of ambition, are to invade the rights and liberties
of their brethren.) Therefore, to prevent all inconven-
iences of like nature possible to arise, October 19, 1630,
at a general court of the whole company, it was with
joint consejit agreed, and by erection of hands declared,
that the freemen of the company should choose the as-
sistants, from among themselves ; and that the assist-
ants should choose the governour and deputy > from among
themselves ; and those so chosen should have power lo
make all laws, and choose officers to execute them :
which order was nut very long lived, for it remained in
force only till the court of election, Anno 1632, when
the election of the governour was ordered otherwise.
The next thing most material, happening at this session,

148 GENERAL HISTORY

was the addition of one hundred and seven persons to
the number of the freemen, enour^h for a foundation.

The first court of election that happened in the Massa-
chusetts was on May 18, J63i, when the former gov-
ernour and deputy governour, viz. Mr, Winthrop and
Mr. Dudley, were chosen again into the same place they
had before. In the like manner did the choice pro-
ceed amongst the assistants, scil. to as many of them as
were then f(jund in the land of the living : some of them
beins^, b( fore that time came about, received into anoth-
er world.

At the said court of election, for the explanation of
the former order of October 19, it was ordered by the
full consent of all the commons present, that once ev-
ery year shall be a General Court, when the commons
shall have power to nominate any one whom they de-
sire, to be chosen assistant, and to remove any one or
more that was before chosen in that place, as they
should see occasion. And if the vote were not clear,
it should be tried by the poll. And further, that the
body of the commons might be preserved of good and
honest men, it was ordered and agreed, that for time
to come, no man be admitted to the freedom of the
body politick, but such as are members of some
of the churches within the limits of the same.

Within the compass of the year 1631, arrived not so
many ships as did tl:e year before, fraught with sundry
passengers with their families, bringing along with them
all sorts of cattle, for the storing of die country therewith,
fit for the beginning of a new plantation ; which with the
blessing ot heaven so increased, that within a few years
the inhabitants were furnished with not only enough
for themselves, but were able also to supply other
places therewith. For many that wished well to the
plantation were desirous to see how their friends liked,
that went first. But in the third year, many ships with
passen.e;trs anived there; and sundry persons were this
year added to the number of the freemen ; the whole,
w thin two or three years after, amounting to two hun-:
died and seventy.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 149

The General Court in the year 1632 happened on the
9th of May ; when it was ordered, that the governour,
deputy governour, and the assistants, should be chosen
by the whole court of governour, deputy, assistants, and
freemen ; and that the governour should be chosen out
of the assistants, to prevent any inconvenienoy in case
it should be otherwise, as was found by experience not
many years after.

At this time Mr. Winthrop was again, by the general
consent of the people, called to the place of governour,
and Mr. Dudley to that of deputy, as before, and the
same assistants which wtre in the former year.

* Amongst those that came to New Englaiid in the year
1630, mention was made of one Sir Christopher Gardiner,
being (as himself said) descended of Gardiner, bishop of
Winchester, who ^as so great a persecutor of good
protestants in queen ^■lary's days. He being a great trav-
eller, received his iirst honour of knighthood at Jerusa-
lem, being made knight of the sepulchre there, and very
well became that title, being himself a mere whited sep-
ulchre, as he soon discovered afterwards. He came in-
to these parts in pretence of forsaking the world, and to
live a private life in a godly "course; not unwilling to put
himself upon any mean employment, and take any pains
for his living, and sometimes offered himself to join to
the church in sundry places. He brought over with
him a servant or two, and a comely young woman, whom
he called his cousin ; but it was suspected that (after the
Italian manner) she was his concubine. He living at the
Massachusetts, for some miscarriages there, for which
he should have answered, fled away from authority, ar.d
got amongst the Indians, in the jurisdiction of New
Plymouth. The government of the Massachusetts sent
after him, but could not get him, and promised some re-
ward to those that should find him. The Indians came to
the governour of Plymouth, and toid vv^here he was, and
asked if they might kill him. But the said governour
told them, no, thty should not kill him by no means;

• This account of Gardiner, &c. to p. 152, is also in Moh ton's Memo-
rial. See year 1632, p 116—119. ed. 1721, 12mo. Bost. ov p. 93—97. edt
j772.4to. Newport. Ed.

150 GENERAL HISTORY

but if they could take him alive, and bring him to Pl5''m-
outh, they should be paid for their pains. They said he
had a gun, and a rapier, and he would kill them if they
went about it ; and the Massachusetts Indians said they
might kill him. But the govcrnour aforesaid told them,
nOj they should not kill him ; but watch their opportu-
nity, and take him ; and so they did. For when they
lighted on him by a river side, he got into a canoe to get
from them ; and when they came rear him, whilst he
presented his piece at them to keep them off, the stream
carried the canoe against a rock, and threw both him and
his piece and rapier into the water. Yet he got out, and
having a little dagger by his side, they durst not close
with him ; but getting long poles, they soon beat his
dagger out of his hand : so he was glad to yield, and
they brought him to the governour at Plymouth. But
his hands and arms were swelled very sore, with the
blows the Indians had given him. But he used him
kindly, and sent him to a lodging, where his arms were
bathed and anointed, and he was quickly well ngain.
And when the governour blamed the Indians for beat-
ing him so much, they said, they did but a little whip
him with sticks. In his lodging, those that made his
bed found a little notebook, that by accident had slipped
out of his pocket, or some private place, in which was a
memorial what day he v/as reconciled to the Pope and
church of Rome, and in what university he took his
scapula, and such and such a degree. It being brought
to the governour of Plymouth, he kept it, and sent it
to the governour of the Massachusetts, with word of
his taking, who sent for him. But afterwards he was
sent for England, aiid tiiere showed his malice against
the country ; but God prevented him. Of wnich business
it is thought meet here to insert a letter from Mr. Win-
throp, governour of the Massachusetts, to ISIr. Brad-
ford, the governour of Plymouth, (in reference to this
matter,) as also the copy of an oider relating to the
same, as foUoweth. And tirst of the letter : —

*' SIR,

*' Upon a petition exhibited by Sir Christopher Gard-

OP NEW ENGLAND. 191

iner, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Capt. Mason, &.c. against
you and us, the cause was heard before the Lords
of the Privy Council, and afterwards reported to the
King ; the success whereof makes it evident to all, that
the Lord hath care of his people here. The passages
are admirable, and too long to write. I heartily wish
for an opportunity to impart them to you, being many
sheets of paper. But the conclusion was, against all
men's expectation, an order for our encouragement,
and much blame and disgrace upon the adversaries;
which calls for much thankfulness from us, all which
we purpose (God willing) to express in a day of
thanksgiving to our merciful God ; (I doubt not but
you will consider if it be not fit for you to join in it,)
who, as he hath humbled us by his late correction, so
he hath lifted us up, by an abundant rejoicing in our
deliverance out of so desperate a dang-er ; so as that
which our enemies built their hopes upon, to ruin us
by, he hath mercifully disposed to our great advantage,
as I shall further acquaint you when occasion shall serve."
The copy of the order follows.
** At the court at Whitehall, January 19, 1632.
Sigillum Crescent.

Lord Privy Seal, Mr. Trevers,

Earl of Dorset, Mr. Vice- Chamberlain,

Lord Viscount Faulkland, Mr. Secretary Cooke,
Lord Bishop of London, Mr. Secretary Windebank.
Lord Cottington,

** Whereas, his Majesty hath lately been informed of
great distraction and much disorder in the plantations
in the parts of America called New England, which if
they be true and suffered to run on, would tend to the
dishonour of this kingdom, and utter ruin of that plan-
tation : for prevention whereof, and for the orderly set-
tling of government, according to the intentions of those
patents which have been granted by his Majesty, and
from his late royal father king James, it hath pleased
his Majesty that the Lords and others of his most hon-
ourable Privy Council should take the same into con-
sideration.- Their Lordships, in the first place, thought

152 GENERAL HISTORY

fit to make a committee of this board to take exami-
nation of the matters informed ; whieh committee, haV'
in_£^ called divers of the principal adventurers in that
plantation, and heard those that are complainants against
them ; most of the things informed being denied, and
resting to be proved, by parties that must be called
from that place, which required a long expense of time ;
and at present their Lordships finding they were upon
despatch of men, victuals, and merchandise for that
place, all which would be at a stand if the adventurers
should have discouragement or tak^ suspicion, that the
state here had no good opinion of that plantation : their
Lordships, not laying the fiult or faults (if any be) of
some particular men, upon the general government, or
prnicipal adventurers, which in due time is further to
be inquired into, have thought fit in the mean time to
declare, that the appearances were so fair, and hopes so
great, that the country would prove both beneficial to
this kingdom, and profitable to the particulars, as that
the adventurers had cause to go on cheerfully with
their undertakings, and rest assured, if things were car-
ried as was pretended when the patents were granted,
and accordingly as by the patent is appointed, his Maj-
esty would not only maintain the liberties and privileges
heretofore granted, but supply any thing further that
might tend to the good government, prosperity, and com-
fort of his people there of that place," &.c.

Upon the renewal of the same complaints, or other
such like solicitations, there were other orders made by
the Lords of the Privy Council, soon after. And as there
was, some years before, cause given for the King's maj-
esty to take the government of the plantation of Vir-
ginia into his own hands, the same was by some urged,
and strongly endeavoured with reference to New Eng-
land ; so as, in the year 1635,* an order was issued out
for the patent of the Massachusetts to be brought to the
council table, and a commission granted to several Lords
of the Privy Council to regulate that as well as other
foreign plantations in the year 1635, as shall be declared

• 1633. Ed.

OP NEW ENGLAND. 158

in its place : at present only to mention the order that
was granted in the year 1633.

The Copy of an Order made at the Council Table, Feb-
ruary 21, 1633, about the plantation in New England.

*' Whereas, the Board is given to understand of the
frequent transportation of great numbers of his Majesty's
subjects out of this kingdom, to the plantation of New
England, amongst whom divers persons known to be ill
affected, discontented not only with civil but ecclesi-
astical government here, are observed to resort thither;
whereby such confusion and distraction is already gro^vn
there, especially in point of religion, as beside the ruin
of the said plantation cannot but highly tend to the scan-
dal both of church and state here : and whereas, it was
informed in particular, that there are at this prest-nt, di-
vers ships in the rivei of Thames, ready to set sail thither,
freighted with passengers and provisions ; it is thought
fit, and ordered, that stay sl.ould be forthwith msde of
the said ships, until further order from this Board : and
the several masters a:id freighters of the same siiould at-
tend the Board ; on VVfdnesday next in the afternoon,
with a list of the passengers and provibions in each ship;
and that Mr. Cradock, a chief adventurer in that planta-
tion, now present before the Board, should be required
to cause the letters patents for the said plantations to be
brought to this board.

Lord Archbishop of Can- Lord Cottington,
terbury, Mr. Vice-Chamberlain,

Lord Archbishop of York, Mr. Secretary Cook,

Lord Privy Seal, Mr. Secretary Windebank.

Earl of Manchester, Tho : Meantis."

Earl of Dorset,

It seems Sir Christopher Gardiner, Thomas Morton,
and Philip Ratcliffe, having been punished there for their
misdemeanours, had petitioned to the king and council ;
(being set on, as was affirmed, by Sir Ferdinando Gorges,
and Capt. Mason, &c.) upon which, such of the com-
pany as were there in England, were called before the
committee of the council, to whom they delivered an an-
20

154* GENERAL HISTORY

svver in writing ; upon the reading whereof it pleased God
so to work with the lords, and after with the King's
majesty, when the whole matter was reported to him by
Sir Thomas Jermin, one of the council, (but not of the
committee,) who yet had been present at the three days
of hearing, and spake much in commendation of the
governour, (both to the lords, and after to his Majesty,)
that he said he would have them severely punished, who
did abuse his governour and the plantation, that the de-
fendants were dismissed with a favourable order for their
encouragement, being assured from some of the council,
that his majesty did not intend to impose the ceremonies
of the church of England upon them ; for that it was con-
sidered that it was the freedom from such things that
made people come over to them. And it was credibly
informed to the council, that this country would in time
be very beneficial to England, for masts, cordage, pitch,
&c. if the Sound should be debarred.

About this time, or in the year 1634, letters were
brought into the country from one Mr. Leviston, a wor-
thy minister in the north of Ireland, (himself being of the
Scottish nation,) whereby he signified that there were
many Christians in those parts resolved to go thither, if
they might receive satisfaction concerning some ques-
tions and propositions which he sent over. Mr. Hum-
phry, Ukewise, did that year, 1634, carry over into New
England, certain propositions from some persons of good
quality and estate, whereby they discovered their inten-
tions to join with the people there, if they might receive
satisfaction therein. The noise of such motions being
carried to the lords of the committee for foreign plan-
tations, caused them to take it into consideration as a
matter of state ; so that they sent out warrants, as was
said before, to make stay of the ships bour-d to those
parts. But upon petition of the ship masters, (alleging
how beneficial that plantation would be to England, in
regard of the trade of Newfoundland, which they took
in their way homeward,) the ships were released, and
no stop put unto them afterwards. Thus the tide of
princes' favour is apt to ebb and flow, according to the
disposal ol his power, who hath the hearts of all in his hand.

OF NEW ENGLAND. iBS

And as concerning Mr. Leviston, it is known that
himself and many of his friends were on their way
thither, but were forced biick by extremity of weather;
and since, it appeared that God liad other work for him
to do in his own country, and that he would raise up
other instruments to carry on the plantation of New
Enpjland, as since hath been seen, both there and here.

But to return to the plantation, and the affairs there-
of. The foundation of the Massachusetts colon v be-
ing so happily laid, and hopefully thus far carried on,
notwithstanding so much opposition, and strong en-
deavours to undermine all, the building went on com-
fortably, by the accession of several hundreds that
flocked over thither in the four next years ; so as the
new inhabitants began to look out for more room, and
commodious situations. About the end of the year
1632, was discovered a very desirable tract of land, ten
miles to the north eastward of Salem, called by the In-
dians Agawam, a place since its first discovery much
increased with a great number of inhabitants, both
planters and other artificers ; the most noted of which
was Theodore de la Guard, the cobbler,* that here first
opened his shop, but removed after vvards to his na-
tive soil, where he fell upon another profession, viz.
that of a preacher, which he had befjre many years
exercised in the said plantation, for his sake called
Ipswich, or else by way of acknowledgment of the love
and kindness done the people of New England wi*ich
took ship there.

Thus the first planters in every township, having the
advantage of the first discovery of places, removed
themselves into new dwellings, thereby making room
for others to succeed them in their old.

May the 29th, 1633, was the third court of election,
where the honour, together with the burden of the gov-
ernment, was again laid upon the same gentlemen ; the
country having had so large experience of their wis-

• Rev. Nathaniel Ward — author of a satire, entitled, *'The Simple Cob-
bler of Aggawam, &c. By Theodore de la Guard." See £liot's Bioer.
Diet. Ed.

156 GENERAL HISTOKY

dom and integrity in the former years : things still run-
ning in the same channel as formerly. And although
the beginnitigs of this colony seemed so contemptible
at the first, yet were they able to maintain the authority
of their government in desjjite of all malignant op-
posers. For notice was that year taken of an impudent
affront of one Capt. Stone, offered to Mr. Ludlow, one
of the magistrates, calliii.a: him, just ass, for justice, when
he sent men to apprehend him ; which was so highly re-
sented, that ir, with other misdemeanours, cost the of-
fender an 100/. and banishment : for he was indicted
for adultery, on strong presumption ; and was after-
torwards killed by the Pequod Indians, with Capt. Nor-
ton. He thought to have braved authority with insolent
words, the conniving at which tends directly to the
overthrow of any government whatsoever. The giving
way to the first offenders doth but embolden and en-
courage others that next come. He that is mounted
in the saddle, had need keep the reins straight, ui.less
he intends to be thrown down and trodden under foot.
They that are the ministers of God, for the good of man-
kind, should not bear the sword in vain.

May 14, 1634. The fieemen, that tliey might not
always burthen one person with the yoke of the govern-
ment, nor suffer their love to overflow in one family,
turned their respects into another channel this year,
calling Mr. Dudley to the helm of government for the
following year, with whom was joined Mr. Ludlow, in
the place of deputy.

At this court, townships being occasionally seated more
remote, and the number -if the freemen beginning to in-
crease, so as it was somewhat iiiconvenient for them all to
meet together at the general courts when convened ; it was
ordered, first, that there should be fourgeneral courts eve-
ry year, and that the whole body of freemen should be pres-
ent at the court of election only, and that the freemen of
every town might choose their deputies to act in their
names and stead, at the other general courts, (not
much unlike the knights and burgesses here in England,)
in the name of the comn;ons, which occasioned some of
the inhabitants to inquire into the nature of their liberty

OF NEW ENGLAND. 157

and privile^^es, which had ahnost caused some disturb-
ance ; but by the wisdom of some private gentlemen, the
trouble was prevented. For in the latter end of this
yea'', the ministers, and other the most prudent of the
inhabitants, were advised withal about a body of laws
suited to the state of the colony, and about an uniform
order of discipline in the churches ; as also to coissider
how far the magistrate is bound to interpose for the
preservation of the peace and unity of the churches ; nor
ought this appearance of disconttnt become a scandal, or
be looked upon as a bad omen to the design in hand.
For as we know there were some in the congregation of
Israel, and tUose men of renown, who began to grow
turbulent, rebelling against the order of government,
although it were established by God himself; much less
is it to be wondered at, if such forms of government
which cannot prttend to a divine and infallible contrive-
ment, being but the ordinance of man, be opposed and
undermined by the spirit th'^t is in us, which lustetli un-
to envy. But by prudent and moderate counsels the
danger of innovation was removed, and the humours
scattered, before they gathered to an head.

In the following year, the freemen of the country be-
ing willing that all the worthy gentlemen that had helped
thus far to carry on the building, shoi;ld also, in some
measure, share in the honour that belonged thereunto, at
the next election changed the governour again. Therefore,
May 6, 1635, Mr. John Haynes, a worthy gentleman
that had by his estate and otherwise much advanced the
interest of the plantation, was invested with the honour
of the government, as Mr. Bellingham, likewise, with
the place of deputy governour with him.

During this lustre of years, the colony of the Massa-
chusetts was so prosperously increased with the arrivnl
of near twenty considerable ships, every year save the
second, 1631, that repaired thither with such a number
of passengers, that the inhabitants were forced to look
out tor new plantations almost every half year; so as
within the compass of this first lustre, after the govern-
pient and patent were transferred into Am.erica, every

158 GENERAL HISTORY

desirable place fit for a plantation on the sea coast was
taken up, so as they M'ere then constrained to look up
higher into the main, where were discovertd some pleas-
ant and fruitful places, fit for new townships, for the re-
ceiving of such inhabitants as every year resorted this
way. For within the foresaid compass of years, there
were plantations settled at Salem, in the first place, at
Charlestown, at Boston, at Dorchester, [at] Roxbury, two
miles from Boston, at Watertovvn, and Neu-Town, since
Cambridge, up Charles river : then at Lynn, betwixt Sa-
lem and Boston ; and next at Ipswich and Newberry,
northeast from Salem ; at Hingham, formerly called Bear
Cove, and Weymouth, deserted by Mr. VVjeston's com-
pany some years before, seated on the other side of the
bay, towards Plymouth ; and last of all at Concord, about
twelve miles westward from Watertown, right up into
the woods, calltd by the Indians Muskeraquid.

Many new plantations going on at this time made la-
bourers very scarce, and tiie scarcity made workmen
demand excessive wages, for the excusing of which it
was pleaded, that the prices of wares with the merchants
was proportionable. For the preventing of oppression, in
the one and in the other, orders were made in the gen-
eral court, that artificers, such as carpenters and masons,
should not receive above 2s. pr. diem, and labourers not
above 18d. and proportionally, merchants should not
advance above 4d. in the shilling, above what their goods
cost in England. But those good orders were not of
long continuance, but did expire with the first and gol-
den age in this new world ; things being raised since to
treble the value well ni-h of what at first they were.
This order was made in November 1633.

The form of the civil government at the first seated
in the Massachusetts, may easily be gathered of what
sort it was, from the premises forementioned, and from
the words of the patent, according to which it was de-
lineated, as near as well might be : it being attempered
with greatest resemblance to that of our own king-
dom of England, and the several corporations thereof,
where the power of jurisdiction, or the executive power,

or NEW ENGLAND. 199

is seated in some principal persons, one or more, to
whom some few others are wont to be joined in like com-
mission, reserving to the people meet liberty by their
personal approbation, or that which is done by proxy,
which tantamounts both in the election of the persons
that are to rule, and in joining some of themselves wit^
them in legislation, and la} ing of taxes upon the people :
which is so equal a temperature to suit all the main ends
of government and gratify all interests, that it is much
any persons should be fo!nid ready to quarrel therewith :
nothing being there established which savoured of an
unlimited or arbitrary power, nor any unusual form of
administration of justice, nor more severity than is ordi-
narily inflicted by the laws of Englaiid; and in some cases
less, as in many offences by the laws of England called
felony. In the court of September, 1635, they began
the use of grand juries, when there were an hundred of-
fences presented by the first grand jury. It had been
well that all following juries had been as quicksighted ;
it might have prevented a great number of evils that are
ready to brtak out in every place by men born in sin,
unless it be by due severity provided against. Ever since
that time, in criminal cases, they proceed by the inquest
of a grand jury, and by petit juries as to m itter of fact.
In civil actions the process is by writ, or attachment, as
they call it there, after the manner of England ; the
plaintiff giving notice to the defendant five days before
he commences suit. Both the laws and administration
of justice, according to this, being (as much as may be,)
accommodated to the condition of the place, and ease of
the people, and for the avoiding all unnecessary charges
by fees, long delays, and vexatious suits ; which makes it
the more to be admired, that any should ever appear to
complain, either of the laws or administrations of justice
there ; vmless men would plead for a general impunity, to
live as they list, without ever being called to an account,
than which nothing was ever heard of more destructive
to the peace of societies, or general good of mankind.
There were never worse times in Israel, than when there

l60 GENERAL HISTORY

was no kin.^, but every man did that which was right in
his own eyes.

CHAP. XXVII.

Various occurrences in JVew England, Jroin the year 1631

to 1636.

The 21st of November 1632, the e^overnour of the
Massachust tts received a letter from Capt. Ncal, that one
Bull, with fifteen more of the Enghsh who kept beyond
Pascataqua, were turned pirates, and had taken divers
boats, and rifled Pemaquid, &c. Hereupon the govern-
our called the council ; and it was agreed to send his
bark, (then newly built,) with twenty men, to join with
those of Pascataqua for the taking the said pirates. But
the extremity of the frost hindering the making ready
the bark, and being informed that those of Pascataqua
had sent out two pinnaces and two shallops, with forty
men, above a fortnight before, they altered their resolu-
tion, and deferred any further expedition till they heard
what Capt. Neal's company had done ; from w horn they
were certified soon after, that the vessels they sent in
pursuit of those pirates were wind bound three weeks at
Pemaquid. From Penobscot they were infoimed that
they had lost one of their chief men, by a musket shot
from Pemaquid, and that four or five were detained
amongst them against their wills, and that they had been
at some English plantations, and used so much civility
as to take nothing but what they paid for, and that
they had compounded with Mr. Maverick, whose pin-
nace they had taken by force at first. They also sent a
writing to all the governours, signifying their intent
not to do harm to any more of their countrymen, and
resolution to sink rather than be taken, and that their
purpose was to go southward. This writing was sign-
ed, Fortune Le Gard.

Upon these informations, they surceased any further
pursuit after them ; only they took warning thereby, to
look to themselves, not knowing but that some of the
French in those parts might join with such loose fellows,

aV NEW ENGLAND, f 61

and mischief either their vessels or plantations. For on
the 17th of January following, they had intelligence that
the French had bought the Scottish plantation near Cape
Sables, and that the fort there, with all the ammunition,
was delivered to them, and that the cardinal of France,
(supposed to be Richlieu,) having the managing of that
affair, had sent some companies already, and that prep-
aration was made to send more the next year, with divers
priests and Jesuits among them. This news alarmed the
governour and council to stand upon their guard, and
look to themselves ; and upon further debate and con-
sultation with the chief of the country, it was agreed with
all expedition to finish the fort began at Boston, and
raise another at Nantasket, and to hasten the planting of
Agawam, (since Ipswich,) one of the most commodious
places in the country for cattle and tillage, lest an ene-
my should prevent them by taking possession of the
place. To that end the govcrnour's son was ordered
forthwith to go and begin a plantation there, although
he had but twelve men allowed him to make the attempt,
which was that spring effected, but it was not long be-
fore many others came after. This was well advised,
but as it proved in the sequel, they were more afraid
than hurt, for the French aimed at nothing but trade,
and therefore were not forward to molest any of the
English plantations that intended something else. How-
ever it was just reason to take notice of these alarums ;
for the middle of June before, the French had rifled the
trading house of Plymouth at Penobscot, and carried
away three hundred weight of beaver, with what other
goods they found there, which was but as the distressing
of a landlord for his rent, for default of which it was not
long before he seized the place itself, which happened in
the year 1635, when a French ship came with commis-
sion from the king of France, (as was pretended,) and
took the trading house of Plymouth men at Penobscot,
and sent away the men which were in it, but kept their
goods, and gave them bills for them, and bid them tell
all the plantations as far as forty degrees, that they would
come with eight ships next vear, and displace them alL
SI

i6S GENERAL HISTORY

But by a letter which the captain wrote to the governour
of Plymouth he informed, that he had commission from
Monsieur Rossillon, commander of the fort near Cape
Brittain, called La Haver, to displace the English as far
as Pemaquid, and by it he professed all courtesy to them
that were planted westward.

The Plymouth men were not willing to put up an in-
jury so quietly, being ready to believe they had a right
to the place before God and man. Therefore they hired a
great ship (called the Hope of Ipswich, Mr. Girling be-
ing master,) to displace the French and regain their pos-
session. He was to have two hundred pounds if he effect-
ed the design. They sent a bark of their own, with him
and twenty men. But the French having notice, so
strongly fortified the place, and entrenched themselves,
(about eighteen persons,) as that having spent near all
his powder and shot, he was ready to give over the de-
sign. The Plymouth bark came to the Massachusetts
to advise what to do. The General Court agreed to aid
them with men and ammunition, and therefore wrote to
Plymouth to send one with commission to treat with
them. The next week they sent Mr. Prince and Capt.
Standish with a commission so to do. They brought
the matter to this issue, that they would assist their
neighbours at Plymouth as their friends, and at their
charge, but not as the common cause of the whole coun-
try, and every one to contribute their part. And at that
time provision was so scarce, (by reason of a great hur-
ricane that spoiled much of their corn, on the 15th of
August that year,) that they knew not where, on the
sudden, to find means to victual out an hur.dred men,
W'iiich the expedition would require : so all was defer-
red to further counsel, by which occasion Mr. Girling
was forced to return, without effecting their purpose.
Nor did they find any means afterward to recover their
interest there any more. In October following, a pin-
nace sent by Sir Richard Saltonstall upon a design for
Connecticut, in her return home was cast away upon the
Isle of Sables. The men were kindly entertained by the
French there, and had passage to La Haver, about twenty

OF NEW ENGLAND. i^

leagues to the east of Cape Sables, where Rossillon afore-
said was governour, who entreated them courteously,
granting four of them passage for France, and furnishing
the rest with a shallop to return back to New England ;
but made them pay dear for their vessel. In this their re-
turn they put into Penobscot,vvhile Girling's ship lay there,
but were kept prisoners til! the said ship was gone, and then
were sent home with a courteous letter to the governour.

Before this, in tlie year 1634, a pinnace, belonging
to Mr. Allerton of Plymouth, going to Port Royal to
fetch two or three men that had been carried from a
place called Machias, where Mr. Allerton and some of
Plymouth had set up a trading wigwam, and left five
men and store of commodities, La Tour coming to dis-
place them, and finding resistance, killed two of them as
was said, and carried three away, of which he afterward
cleared himself. Anno 1643 : and when some were sent
to demand the goods taken thence, Monsieur La Tour,
then chief upon the place, made answer, that he took
them as lawful prize, and that he had authority from the
king of France, who challenged all from Cape Sable to
Cape Cod, wishing them to take notice and certify the
English, that if they traded to the eastward of Pemaquid
he would m,ake prize of them. And being desired to
show his commission, he answered, like a French Mon-
sieur, that his sword was his commission vvhen he had
strength to overcom.e, and where he wanted he would
show his commission. But we shall afterwards find this
Monsieur speaking softer words, wiien D'Aulney and
he came to quarrel one with another, of which there will
be much occasion to speak in the following part of this
history ; and to observe, how La Tour was dealt withal,
as he had dealt with others, when his fort and all his
goods were plundered by his neighbour Monsieur D'
Aulney.

In November 1636, the same D'Aulney, captain of
Penobscot, in his answer to the governour's letter said,
that they claimed no further than Pemaquid, nor would
unless they had farther order : and that he supposed the
cause why he had no further order w^, that tiie English

iwjfe: 6ENERAL HISTORY

embassaclour had dealt effectually with the cardinal of
France, for settling those limits for their peace.

Amongst other things which about that time befel the
govcrnour and council of t!ie Massachusetts as matter of
disturbance, one was occasioned by an over zealous act
of one of the assistants of Salem, too much inspired by
the notions of Mr. Roger Williams, who, to prevent the
continuance or appearance of superstition, did of his own
authority cut out the red cross out of the King's colours.
Good men's zeal doth many times boil over. Complaint
was made hereof by Richard Browne, the ruling elder of
the church of Watertovvn, in the name of the rest of the
freemen, at a court of assistants in November 1634. The
offence was argued by the complainant as a matter of an
high nature, as fearing it might be interpreted a kind of
rebellion to deface the King's colours : much indeed
might have been said, had it been done in his coin. It
was done upon this apprehension, that the red cross was
given to the King of England by the pope, as an ensign
of victory, and so indeed by him as a superstitious
thing, and a relique of Antichrist. No more was done
therein at the first court, but the awarding of an attach-
ment against R. D. the ensign bearer of Salem, to ap-
pear at the next court; and when that came about, many
minds being much taken upaboutthematter,because seve-
ral of the soldiers refused to foUow^ the colours so defaced,
the commissioners of military affairs (which at that time
were established with power of life and limb) knew not
well how to proceed in those matters. Therefore was
the whole case left to the next general court, which was
the court of election. May 6, 1635 ; when Mr. Endicot
that had cut out the red cross, or caused it to be done,
in the ensign at Salem, was not only left out from being
an assistant by the freemen, but was also by a commit-
tee of the frtemen of the several towns, (the magistrates
choosing two to join with them,) judged to be guilty of
a great offence, viz. rash indiscretion, in proceeding to act
by his sole authority in a matter wherein all the rest of
the magistrates were equally concerned, and thereby giv-
ing occasion to the court of England to think ill of then^.

OF KEVr EXGLAND. 165

and therefore worthy of admonition, and to be disabled
from bearing any publick office for one year. An heavier
sentence was declined, Ix'cause all were persuaded, that
he did it out of tenderness of conscience, and not out of
an evil mind ; and was also supposed, like Barnabas, to
be carried away with the notions of rigid separation, im-
bibed from Mr. Roger \Villiams, the pastor of the church
of Salem. He had this also to comfort him in one part
of his sentence, that his brother in law, Mr. Ludlow, fell
into the same condemnation, of being made no assistant,
I)y the choice of the freemen, though he were deputy gov-
ernour the year i:)efore. The reason was, because he
expected the deputy's place to be but a step into the
highest degree of honour, but finding himself at the time
of election to miss of both, he could not contain from
venting his ambition in protesting against the election as
void : for he said the choice was agreed upon by the
deputies before they came to elect. But the choice was
adjudged good, and the freemen were so disgusted at his
speech, that in the next place they left him out from be-
ing a magistrate, which honour he had enjoyed ever since
he came into the country till that time, for he was one
of the patentees.

But as for the colours appointed for every company,
(by the court referred to the commissioners of military
affairs for that end,) they ordered the King's colours in
the usual form to be set up on the Castle, and every
company to have an ensign proper to themselves, and
Boston to be the first company.

Some other occasions of trouble besides the foremen-
ed fell out, within the first five years after the settling of
the government. For after Mr. Hooker's coming over,
it was observed that many of the freemen grew to be
very jealous of their liberties. Some of them were ready
to question the authority of the magistrates, affirming that
the power of the government was but ministerial : and
many arguments were by one or more produced in one
of the general courts in the year 1634, against the nega-
tive voice in the magistrates ; but it was adjudg-
ed np good principle by the whole court, and

i68 GENERAL HISTORY

the deputy that had so declared himself, was ad-
judged by them to be disabled from bearing any publick
oflice for three years, nor would they easily be persuaded
to alter the sentence, when desired by a petition, presented
for that end by many of the freemen at the next general court.
But the matter was better understood by some afterwards,
that at that time had so strongly asserted the notion.

But this essay did but strike at some of the upper
branches, whereas Mr. Williams did lay his axe at the
very root of the magistratical power in matters of the first
table, which lie drove on at such a rate, so as many agi-
tations were occasioned thereby, that pulled down ruin
upon himself, friends, ar:d his poor family, as shall be
shewed in a distinct chapter by itself : only let it be not-
ed here, that one of the gentlemen forcmentioned, was so
strongly bewitched with Mr. Williams his zeal, that at the
general court, Sept. 1, 1635, he made a protestation in
way of justification of a letter sent from Salem to the
other churches against the magistrates and deputies, for
some supposed injustice acted by them in determining
the right of a piece of land lying between Salem and
Marblehead, contrary to the sentiments of Mr. Roger
Williams and his friends at Salem : for this the said
gentleman was committed ; but not standing too stifly
in his said protestation, he was the same day discharged,
upon the acknowledging his fault.

One of the elders of the town of Roxbury was, upon
the like occasion, ready to run into the same errour, in
crying up the liberties of the people, and condemning
the proceedings of the magistrates, in yielding a peace to
the Pequods in the year 1634, without the consent of
the people. But he vvas easily taken off' from his errour,
and became willing to lay the blame upon himself, that
before he laid upon the magistrates, by a public expla-
nation of his meaning, to prevent any from taking occa-
sion thereby to murmur against authority ; as it seems
they were in those early days too ready so to do. There
is no more certain sign of true wisdom, than for one to
be as ready to see an error in himsell as in another, which
th? wisest of men doth attest unto, when he tell.i us, that

OF NEW ENGLAND. 16/

there is more hopes of a fool than of one wise in his own
conceit. But when Saturn hath too much influence upon
men's natural tempers, Satan doth often take occasion
thereby, to mislead even good men to pernicious prac-
tices. The smiting of the righteous becomes a pre-
cious balm to a David, to heal his errour, which will be-
come a corroding medicine to increase the wound of
men of another alloy.

But in the next place, to tEike notice of some other oc-
casions of disturbance in the neighbouring plantations.
About the 3d of May, 1634, news came to Boston of
the death of some at Kennebeck, upon a quarrel about
the liberty of trade in those parts, which accident caused
no small trouble afterwards. The occasion of the quar-
rel was this : the Plymouth men had a grant from the
grand patentees of New England for Kennebeck, and the
liberty of sole trade there ; but at that time one Hocking
came in a pinnace belonging to the lord Say and lord
Brooke at Pascataqua, to trade at Kennebeck. Two of
the magistrates of Plymouth, being there at the same
time, forbad him ; yet would he go up the river ; and
because he would not come down again, they sent three
men in a canoe to cut his cables ; and having cut one of
them, Hocking presented a piece, and swore he would
kill him that went to cut the other. They bad him do
if he durst, and went on to cut it. The other was
as good as his word, and killed him. Hereupon, one in
the Plymouth pinnace, that rode by them, (having five
or six with him, vvjiose guns were ready charged,) shot
and killed Hocking. One of the magistrates of Ply-
mouth, Mr. John Alden by name, coming afterwards to
Boston in the time of the general court, a kinsman of
Hocking's making complaint of the fact, Mr. Alden was
called, and made to enter into bond, not to depart the
jurisdiction without leave ; and forthwith they wrote to
Plymouth to certify them what was done, and to know
whether they would do justice in the case, as belonging
to their jurisdiction, and return a speedy answer. This
was done, that notice might be taken, that they disavow-
ed the said action, which was much condemned of all

168 6ENB11AL HISTORY

men, and which was feared would give occasion to the
Kin,^ to send a general governour over thither, and
besides, had brought them all, and the gospel, under a
common reproach of cutting one another's throats for
beaver.

Soon after, Mr. Bradford and Mr. Winslow, two of the
magistrates of Plymouth, with Mr. Smith, their pastor,
came to Boston to confer with the magistrates and min-
isters there (viz. Mr. Cotton and Mr. Wilson) about the
case, which was brought to these t\vo points : 1. Wheth-
er their right of trade in that place were such as that they
might hinder others from coming thither on the same
account. 2. Whether in point of conscience they might
so far stand upon their right, as to take away or hazard
any man's life in defence thereof. For the first, their
right appeared to be good, for that, besides the King's
grant, they had taken up this place as vacuum domiciliumt
and so had continued without any interruption of any of
the natives for divers years, and also had by their charge
and providence drawn down thither the greatest part of
trade, by carrying Wampampeag, which none of the
English had known the use of before. For the second,
they alleged, that their servants did kill Hocking to save
the rest of their men, whom he was ready to have shot.
Yet they acknowledged, that they held themselves under
theguilt of the sixth commandment, in that they did hazard
a man's life for such a cause, and did not rather wait to
preserve their right by some other means ; adding, that
they would be careful for the future not to do the like.
The governour, (who at that time was Mr. Dudley,) and
Mr. Winthrop, wrote into England to mediate their
peace. And the governour not long after received a let-
ter from the Lord Say and Lord Brooke, that howso-
ever they might have sent a man-of-war to beat down
the house at Kennebeck for the death of Hocking, yet
they thought better to take another course, and therefore
desired that some of the magistrates of the Massachusetts
might be joined with Capt. Wiggon, their agent at Pas-
cataqua, to see justice done. About this time, scil. in
the winter of the year 1633, an Englishman of Saco,.

or NEW BNSLANB. l69

travelling up into the woods to trade with the Indians,
traded away his life, beinj^ killed by them. It is to be
feared, divers of these considered not our Saviour's words,
Matth. xvi. 26. " What shall it profit a man if he should
gain the whole world, and lose his own soul ?"

N ;t long after, Mr. Winthrop received a letter from
the Earl of Warwick wherein he congratulated the pros-
perity of the plantation, and encouraejed their proceed-
ings and offered his help lo further them therein.

The foresaid letter was a j^ood antidote against the
pestilent infection which he received the next month, viz.
Aui^ust 4th, 1634, from his good friend Thomas Morton,
and delivered by the hand of Mr. Jeffrey, an old planter,
(though not an old disciple,) full of railing speeches and
bitter invectives against the plantation in general, and
himself in particular, prophesying of a general govern-
our, which was never yet fulfilled. In the mean time,
Mr. Winthrop, who was, though not the general, yet
generally the governour slept as quietly as ever before, and
lived to see Morton a prisoner once again, tliough not
of hope, but rather of despair, for he did see himself at
liberty again, from the bonds of imprisonnicnt, yet not
from the bonds of misery and extreme poverty, wherein
he ended his wretched life, Anno 1614, or thereabouts.

In the first creation of the world, the Almighty was
pleased to provide a goodly hibitable world before the
inhabitants for it were produced : so was his creating
providence observable in the people of this new planta-
tion ; for many new places were daily discovered, as per-
sons were brought over to plant them.

Thus, in the beginning of September, 1633, when the
ship Griffin arrived here, of three hundred tons, fraugKt
with two hundred passengers, (the principal ot which v\'ere
Mr. Haynes, Mr. Cotton, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Stone,) with
divers other ships, (so as that sometimes a dozen or
fourteen came into the harbour in one and the same
month,) some were by special providence directed to
travel an hundred miles westward into the country, as
far as the river Connecticut, (that runs up into the coun-
try, north and south, a great way,) by name John Old-
22

170 GENERAL HISTORY

ham, (afterwards killed by the Pequod Indians,) and
Samuel Hall, who died lately about Maiden in Essex,
soil, about the year 1680, with two others, who, taking
a view of the country, discovered many very desirable
places upon the same river, fit to receive many hundred
inhabitants.

The Dutch from Manhatos had some knowledge of
the place some years before, and had given some intima-
tion to their neighbours of Plymouth, by the name of
the Fresh river ; but they were so wise as to keep it to
themselves, till some of the inhabitants of the Massachu-
setts had, by the forementioned occasion, made a fuller
discovery thereof. And after their return, the next
spring, they so filled the minds of many new comers with
hope of great advantage thereby, that they presently were
upon the wing to take possession thereof; having now,
as it were, compassed it in their minds, as they had by
their travels before. On which account those of Ply-
mouth had the less reason to lay blame to the Massa-
chusetts, for preventing them of their design and dis-
covery, seeing it was the acquisition of their own labour
and travel : for being not formerly taken up, though in
part discovered, it became free for the use of them that
first made the seizure. And, indeed, all the places on the
sea coast being already preoccupied, there was no place
left free, capable to receive so many hundred families
in the year 1633, 1634, and 1635, if this river of Con-
necticut had not been possessed immediately after their
first discovery thereof. That very year when that dis-
covery was made, came over into New England several
persons of note, amongst whom was Mr. Humphry, who,
though he was formerly chosen deputy governour, came
not over till the year 1634, bringing along with him his
noble consort, the Lady Susan, sister to the EaH of Lin-
coln. He came with a rich blessing along with him,
which made way for his joyful reception by all sorts, for
he brought along with him sixteen heifers (at that time
valuable at 20/. per piece,) sent by a private friend to the
plantation ; scil. by one Mr. Richard Andrews ; to every
of the ministers one, and the rest to the poor : And one

OP NEW ENGLAND. 171

half of the increase of the ministers' part, to be reserved
for other ministers. Mr. Wilson's charity so abounded,
that he gave not only the increase of his, but the princi-
pal itself to Mr. Cotton. By Mr. Humphry's means
much money was procured for the good of the planta-
tion, and divers promised yearly pensions. But the gen-
tleman had the same fate which many others before him
have had the experience of, to sow that which others
were afterwards to reap : for himself tarried not long
enough in the country to enjoy the fruits of his own
pious and charitable endeavours ; though others have
raised goodly fabricks upon the foundation which was
laid by him and others.

Thus, as persons for their number and quality need-
ed suitable places for their reception, so were there new
discoveries daily made, both by sea and land, of com-
modious places fit to entertain them ; md about the same
time was a further discovery of Connecticut near the
sea. For October the 2d of the same vear, the bark
Blessing, (built by the governour, Mr. Winthrop, at
Mistick, July the 4th, 1631,) returned from the south-
ward, having made a further discovery of that called
Long Island, the eastermosi end whereof lies over against
the mouth of Connecticut river, which they entered into.
It is near one hundred and fifty miles long ; the east end
ten leagues from the main, the west end about one mile.
There they procured VVampampeag, both white and
blue, (it being made by the Indians there,) which was
improved by those of Plymouth in their trade with the
eastern Indians. It was a place capable of many planta-
tions, and since that time improved accordingly : sup-
posed to have been at first granted to the Earl of Stir-
ling, and received inhabitants partly from New Haven,
and partly from Connecticut, eight or ten years alter ;
and accordingly subject to their respective jurisdictions ;
though at the present the whole is taken to belong to his
highness the duke of York's patent about Manhatos or
New York. The said bark had also btcn at the Dutch
plantation there upon Hudson's river. They were kindly
entertained by the Dutch governour, called Gaulter Van
Twillyj to whom they shewed their commission, which

479 eSNEBAL HISTORY

was to signify to them that the King of England had
granted th^' liver and country of Connecticut to his own
subjects, and therefore desired him to forbear building
any more thereabouts. The Dutch governour wrote
back to the governour of the Massachusetts, (his letter
was very courteous and respectful, as if it had been to a
very honourable person,) whereby he signified, that the
Lords the States hid {granted the same parts to the VV^est
Indies Company ; and therefore requested that they of the
Massachusetts would forbear to challenge the same, till
the matter were decided between the King of England
and the said Lords.

The bark passed and repassed over Nantucket shoals,
within three or f mr leagues of the islands, and found three
fathom water at the least, though the breaches were very
terrible on each side. But since that time there is dis-
covered a channel betwixt the island and the main land,
fit for smaller vessels to pass safely through at all times.

Plymouth men soon after, or at this time, sent a bark
up Connecticut river to erect a trading house there.
When they came, they found the Dutch had built there,
and forbad them to proceed. Bat they set up their
house notwithstanding, about a mile above that of the
Dutch. A litde higher up, are falls in Connecticut river,
that stop their passage any further upward, as there are
in Hudson's river also ; else it were no difficult matter
to trace them gn at rivers of Patomack in Virginia, Hud-
son's among tlie Dutch, and Connecticut amonc the
English, to tiieir heads, which are conceived b} some to
come out of the great lakes to the westward, from which
it is supposed the great trade of beaver to come, that the
French and Dutch have been furnished with, whereby
they have drair.ed away all the profit from the English.

But to let these things pass, and to return again to the
Massachusetts. As the rumour of triose discoveries was
daily increased, so were men's desires enlarged to be
possessed oi them ; by which occasion were many agi-
tations set on foot about the latter end of the year 1634,
which were not quietly composed again in many years
after. For in the session of the Gtneral Court in Sep-
tember 4th of that year, the main business then agitates!

OF NEW ENGLAND. 173

was about the rein^jval of the inhabitants of New-Town,
consisting: of such as came along with Mr. Hooker, and
several other persons of quality, who also had no small
dependence on his ministry, and abilities. They had
leave the former court, to seek out some place for en-
largement or removal, with promise of paving it con-
firmed to them, if it were not prejudicial to some other
plantation. And now, having viewed several other
places about the sea coast without satisfaction, they pe-
titioned they might have leave to remove to Connecticut.
This matter was debated divers days, and many reasons
alleged pro and con. The principal and procatarct'cal
was w^ant of accommodation where they were : they nei-
ther being able to maintain themselves, nor yet to re-
ceive any more ol their fiieiids, together with the fruit-
fulness and commodiousness of the country about Con-
necticut, with the danger of having it possessed by oth-
ers, W'hether Dutch, or of their own nation. But that
which was the causa :Tp«;;7«^ev^, or impulsive cause, (as wise
men deemed,) and tiiemseives did not altogether conceal,
v/as the strong bent of their spirits to remove out of the
place where they were. Two such eminent stars, such
as were Mr. Cotton and Mr. Hooker, both of the first
magnitude, though of diiFering influence, could not well
continue in one and the same orb. Against these it was
said, 1. That in point of conscience they ought not to
depart from their friends, being knit together in one,
body, and hound by oath to seek the welfire of the
whole. 2. That in point of civil policy, they ought not
to give them leave to depart : 1. Because that they v\ ere,
though altogether, yet weak, and in danger to be assail-
ed. 2. That the departure of Mr. Hooker would not
only draw away many from them, but also divert many
friends, that might be willing to come unto them. 3,
That themselves that removed might be exposed to evi-
dent peril, both from the Dutch, (who laid claim to the
same river, and had already built a fort there,) and from
the Indians, and also from the state of England, who
would not endure they should sit down without a patent,
in any place which the King lays claim unto. 4. They
might be accommodated where they were, by enlarge.

174< GENERAL HISTORY

ment from other towns, or by removal to some place
within the Massachusetts, as about Merrimack river, &,c.
5. It would be as the removinu; of a candlestick, which
they looked upon as a great judgment, which ought to
be avoided.

I'he court being divided upon these and other argu-
ments, it was put to the vote ; where amongst the deputies
were found fifteen for their departure, (possibly such as
hoped to have a part with them on the other side their
Jordan,) and six against it. Amongst the magistrates,
the governour with two assistants were for it, but the
deputy, (Mr. Winthrop,) and all the rest were against it.
The secretary was neuter, and gave no vote. So as
there was no record entered, because there were not six
assistants, (as the patent required.) Upon this there
grew a great difference between the court of magistrates
and the deputies, who would not yield to the other, viz.
the assistants, a negative voice. On the other hand, the
deputy governour and the rest of the assistants, with the
governour, (considering how dangerous it might be to
the civil state of the place, if they should not keep that
strength to balance the greater number of the deputies,)
thought it safe to stand upon it. So when they could
proceed no further, the court agreed to keep a day of hu-
miliation to seek the Lord, which accordingly was done
in all the congregations of the country, on the 18th of the
instant September ; and on the 24th of the same, the
court met again. Before they began, Mr. Cotton preach-
ed, being desired by the whole court, (though it was
kept at Mr. Hooker's town, upon his instant excuse of
his unfuness for the occasion.) He took his text out of
Hag. ii. 4. *'Yet now be strong, O Zerubbabel, saith
the Lord; and be strong, O Joshua, the son of Josedech,the
high priest; and be strong, all ye people of the land, saith
the Lord, and work : for I am with you, saith the Lord
of Hosts." Out of which he laid down the nature, or
strength, (as he termed it,) of the magistracy, ministry,
and people : viz. the strength of the magistracy to be
their authority, of the people to be iheir liberty, and of
the ministry to be their purity, and shewed how all these
had a negative voice, and that yet the ultimate resolu-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 175

tion, &c. ought to be in the whole body of the people ;
with an ans^wer to all objections, and a declaration of the
people's duty, and right to maintain their true lib-
erty against any unjust violence, which gave great satis-
faction to the company. And it pleased God so to assist
him, and blesshisown ordinance,that theaffairs of the court
went on cheerfully. Although all were not satisfied about
the negative voice to be left to the magistrates, yet no
man at that time moved aught further about it. And
the congregation of New-Town came and accepted free-
ly of such enlargement as had freely been offered to them
from Boston and Watertown ; and so the fear of their re-
moval to Connecticut was (at least for the present) re-
moved. Mr. Cotton had such an insinuating and melt-
ing way in his preaching, that he would usually carry his
very adversary captive after the triumphant chariot of his
rhetorick, and, as Solomon saith, the soft tongue break-
eth the bone, which eminently appeared in this assembly,
in that some men of place and gravity, having, in
heat of argument, used unseemly expressions to some in
power, and being reproved for the same in open court,
did gravely and humbly acknowledge their fault.

The question about the negative voice being on this
occasion first started, and for a time respited and laid
asleep, we shall find afterwards awakened again, and as
stifly and earnestly bandied to and again, but not so
easily charmed upon its after alaruming, till at last this
matter came to be debated with the eiders and deputies
to further satisfaction, 1643.

The inhabitants of New- Town were, on the fore men-
tioned occasion, brought to a little moderation as to their
present purpose of removing to Connecticut, but were
soon after more restless in their desires, than ever be-
fore ; and could not be satisfied, till they had at last ac-
complished their design. Though some accidents inter-
vened, that might just have given a supersedeas to their
intentions, till a more convenient season ; for about this
time or soon after, news was brought down to Boston of
the treacherousness of the Indians in those parts, (which
those of Connecticut soon after found to their sore af-

176 GENERAL HISTORY

fliction.) The Pequod Indians, situate near the mouth
ot the said river, having bar!)aronsly slain Capt. Stone
and his company, as he made up the river to trade with
them, and bein^ at the same time at war with their
neighbours of Narraganset, cunningly sent their mes-
sengers to the Massachusetts to desire their friendship,
promising not only to deliver up any of the nmrtherers
that could be found, (allecring, that those who committed
the said murther, were either killed by the Dutch or dead
of the small pox, only for a pretext,) but also to yield
up Connecticut, at least their interest in it, to the Eng-
lish, and to give them much beaver, and four hundred
fathom of Peag, (a considerable sum of their money,)
to confirm their friendship with the English, proffering
also free liberty of trade with them.

The Narraganset Indians hearing thereof, sent three
hundred of their men to waylay those messengers of the
Pequods, as they were to return home, and cauK within
a few miles of Boston for that end, so as they were hard-
ly persuaded by the governour and council, then met at
Boston, to forbear meddling with them. But all this
was but in policy of the Pequods to gain time to defend
themselves, or at least not to be engaged with too many
enemies at the same time. For though they were treat-
ed with all manner of courtesy, and respect by the Eng-
lish, and an agreement of peace made and signed by
their embassadours, yet did they as barbarously the next
year, or not long after, murder John Oldham and his
company, as he wetit securely amongst them for trade,
as is more at large declared in another place, and about
the time when Connecticut began first to be planted by
the English in the years 1636 and 1637. They made
open war with all the English, which tended much to the
prejudice of those who in the following year, 1635, did
with irresistible resolution set upon the former design of
removing to Connecticut ; their own necessities at home,
and the great fame of the place from abroad prompting
thereunto, so as no discouragements did appear, but were
easily superable by men so inspired. For at the first
General Court that happened in the year 1635, several

OP NEW ENGLAND. HfJ

of Watertown and Roxbury obtained leave to remove
whither they would, so as they continued under this
government ; but Connecticut was their aim. The oc-
casion of their desire, as well as of the others, was for
that all the towns in the Bay began to be much straitened
by their own nearness one to another, and their cattle be-
ing so much increased, together with the addition of
many families, which every year came in great abun-
dance flocking over thither. Wnile the matter was thus
in debate in the General Court, some of Watertovvn took
the opportunity of seizing a brave piece of meadow, aim-
ed at by those of New Town, which, as was reported,
proved a bone of contention between th^ m, and had no
small ir.fluence into the trouble that afterward happened
in the Watertown planiation, called VVeathersfield, as
shall be more particularly declared afterwards, when the
affairs of Connecticut colonv are to be spoken to.

In June the same year, 1635, there arrived two Dutch
ships, which brought divers Flanders mares, heiRrs, and
sheep. They came from the Texel in five weeks and three
days, and lost not one beast. The same day came in Mr.
Graves in a ship of three hundred tons, in the like space
of time, with many passengers and much cattle : he had
come every year, for seven years before. Within four
days after came in seven other ships, and one to Salem,
and four more soon after, on the like account. Besides
these, four or five other great ships came that year, that
arrived not till after September ; in some of which came
many passengers, some of note, as Mr. Henry \''ane and
others. Mr. Harlakenden with Mr. Shepard, and many
of his friends and hearers, came that year : also Mr.
Winthrop, jun. who, with Mr. H. Vane, had some power
from the Lord Say and the Lord Brook, to begin a
plantation at Connecticut, who rather out of necessity
than choice, (the most desirable places being taken up
before hand,) settled their plantation at the mouth of the
said river. Mr. John Winthrop brought with him a
commission from the said lords, with divers other great
persons in England, to be governour there. They sent
also men and ammunition, with 2000/. in money, to be-
23

178 GENERAL HISTORY

gin a fortification in that place. Mr. Vane had been
em])ioyed by his father, (Sir Henry Vane, Comptroller of
the King's household,) while he was embassadour for
the King in foreign parts. He was a gentleman of ex-
cellent parts, and religiously disposed : had he been well
principled in the main points thereof, he might have
been more beneficial to the country. His father was
very averse to his coming this vvay, (as not favouring the
religion of New England,) and would not have consent-
ed to his going thither, but that acquainting the King
with his son's disposition and desires, he commanded
him to send him thither, and gave him license for three
years stay there.

This gentleman having order from the said lords and
others, treated both with the magistrates of the Massa-
chusetts, and those who were going to settle townships
at Connecticut, and brought things to this issue, that ei-
ther the three towns going thither, should give place upon
full satisfaction ; or else, that sufficient room might be
found for the lords and their companies in some other
place ; otherwise they would divert their thoughts and
preparations some other ways. But in conclusion, the
first planters kept their possession, which gives the best
title in things of that nature; and possibly the lords
were given to understand, that if ever they should
please to come over, their gleanings might prove bet-
ter than the vintage of Abiezer. However, the fore-
said gentlemen, agents for the lords, being courteous
and peaceably disposed, were not willing to give the
inhabitants any further disturbance, but permitted them
quietly to go on with the design of their plantations.
Yet Mr. Winthrop (appointed by the lords to be their
governour at Connecticut) sent a bark of thirty tons,
with twenty men, and all needful provisions, to take
possession of the mouth of the river, and begin some
fortification there, the next month after he arrived at
Boston ; which was a good providence for these that
intended to plant there, for otherwise they would have
found it much more difficult to have passed up the
river, if the Indians had not been something awed with
the noise of the fort there erected.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 179

In the same year, likewise, Sir Richard Saltonstall
sent over a bark of forty tons, to begin some planta-
tion up the river of Connecticut. But not being there
in person, it never arose to any considerable issue, al-
though his right to a considerable quantity of land
thereabouts could not be denied.

About four days after the bark was sent away for
Connecticut, arrived a vessel of twenty-five ton, sent
by the lords with one Gardiner, an expert engineer,
to carry on the fortification at the river's mouth, be-
sides twelve other men, and two women. All her pas-
sengers and goods, notwithstanding the tempestuous-
ness and danger of the seas, were landed safe the 28th
of November the same year, 1635, through the good
providence of God, so as by their addition the work of
fortification at the river's mouth was both more speed-
ily and effectually carried on.

Plymouth men, understanding that those of the Mas-
sachusetts had prevented them by so speedy posses-
sion of Connecticut, sent first by letter, then by their
agent, Mr. Winslow, in September 1635, and in the
spring following, to complain of the injury done them
in possessing the place, which they had formerly pur-
chased of the Indians, and where they had erected an
house. Their agent demanded either a sixteenth part
of the land, or an 100/. from the Dorchester men, that
intended to plant at Windsor, where the said house was
built. They not consenting thereunto, the treaty brake
off; those of Plymouth expecting to have due recom-
pense after by course of justice, seeing they could not
by treaty, if they went on with their plantation. But
at last they that were to plant, not willing to be inju-
rious, agreed with them upon other more equal terms.
The Dutch also sent home into Holland for commis-
sion to deal with those of the Massachusetts, that were
settling on the place, where they had taken possession.
But upon after treaties, in the time of the commission-
ers of the United Colonies, they were prevailed withal
to quit their claim to the whole river, and resigned it
up to the English. In the mean time, the Massachu-

180 GENERAL HISTORY

setts men, taking hold of such opportunities as prov-
idence presented to them, be_e;an to spiead themselves
into many plantations all over the country, so far as
it was discovered fit for such purposes. And though
they met with much opposition, both at home and
abroad, yet they prevailed to effect their design at the
last, taking notice of sundry special providences that
furthered them therein. For by letters from the Lord
Say, received in June 1635, as well as by the report
of sundry passengers, it was certified that the r.dver-
saries of the colony of the Massachusetts were build-
ing a great ship to bring over a general governour,
and to command upon the coast : but it miscarried ia
the launching, falling asunder in the midst ; by which
means their design fell to the ground. It was reported
also, that they had a coDtrivance to divide the whole
country of New England into twelve provinces : viz.
between St. Croix in the east, and the Lord Balti-
more's province about Maryland in Virginia, as is
mentioned in chap. xxxi. But though the lot was
cast into the lap, the matter was otherwise disposed
by the Lord.

Some have taken special notice of the providence
of God in the t^eginni ng of that, and the latter end
of the former year, concerning Capt. John Winthrop,
jun. and Mr. Wilson, the pastor of Boston church,
wiiose occasions calling them both to Er,gland, they
took ship in a vessel bound for Barnstable, but were
by foul weather driven upon the coast of Ireland ;
not known to any in the ship, and yet were brought
safe into Galloway, where they parted company. Mr,
Winthrop, passing through Ireland, was occasionally
carried to the house of Sir John Clotwathy, where he
met accidentally with many considerable persons which
came thither the next day to confer about their vojage
to New England. In like manner, Mr. Wilson, keep-
ing in the ship, had opportunity to meet with many
in that place, that desired to be informed about the
state of New England. Many such like providences

OP NEW ENGLAND. 181

have been observed in carrying on the affairs of the
plantation of New England.

CHAP. XXVIII.

Ecclesiastical affairs cf the Massachusetts^ during the first
lustre of years after the transferring of the patent and
government thither, from An72o 1631 to i636.

AVhatever sinister apprehensions are or were ever
taken up about the religion of the colony of Nt w
England, they aimed only at the primitive pattern des-
cribed in the word of God, and practice of the apos-
tolical churches. If they have missed of their aim,
they are not to blamed for levelUng at the right mark,
having a fairer opportunity thereunto, than ever men
had in many ages past.

It must not be denied, that they were the offspring
of the old Nonconformists, who yet always walked m
a distinct path from the rigid separatists, nor did they
ever disown the church of England to be a true church,
as retaining the essentials of faith and order. And al-
though they could not persuade themselves to live
contentedly under the wing of episcopal government,
yet their offence was rather at the ceremonies than the
discipline and government thereof. But intending not
to write an apology but an history of their practice,
nothing shall here be interposed by way of defence of
their way, only to give a clear discovery of the truth,
as to matter of fact, both what it was at first and still
continues to be.

Those that came over soon after Mr. Endicot, viz,
Mr, Higginson and Mr. Skelton, Anno 1629, walked
something in an untrodden path ; therefore it is the less
to be wor.dered at, if they went but in and out, in some
things complying too much, in some things, too lit-
tle, with those of the separation, and it may be in
some things not sufficientlv attending to the order of
the gospel, as themselves thought they understood after-
wards. For in the beginning of things they only ac-
cepted of one another, according to some general pro-

18S GENERAL HISTORY

fession of the doctrine of the gospel, and the honest and
good intentions they had one towards another, and so
by some kind of cover-ant soon moulded themselves
into a church in every plantation, where they took up
their abode ; until Mr. Cotton and Mr. Hooker came
over, which was in the year 1633, who did clear up
the order and method of church government, according .
as they apprehended was most consonant to the word
of God. And such was the authority they (especially
Mr. Cotton) had in the hearts of the people, that what-
ever he delivered in the pulpit was soon put into an or-
der of court, if of a civil, or set u» as a practice in the
church, if of an ecclesiastical concernment. After that
time the administration of all ecclesiastical matters was
tied up more strictly than before to the rules of that
which is since owned for the congregational way, as
may be seen in a treatise published not long after by Mr.
Cotton himself, in the name of the rest of the elders of
the country, called the Way of the Churches in New
England ; which indeed is as a middle way between that
which is called Brownism, and the Presbyterial gov-
ernment, as it is practised in those places where either
of the said governments is owned. As for the Brown-
ists, or rigid Separatists, there were sundry companies
of them in England in the end of Queen Elizabeth's,
and the beginning of King James his reign ; until, be-
ing out of all hopes of liberty for their practice, under
the shelter of their royal government, many of them •
removed into Holland. These do in effect put the
chief, if not the whole of the rule and government of the
church, into the hands of the people, and drown the el-
ders vote, (one or more) in the major part of the breth-
ren's ; being contented the elders should sit in tlie sad-
dle, provided they might hold the bridle, as some have
expressed it. On the other hand, in the Presbyterial
way, the sole power of government or rule is put into
the hands of the Presbytery of each congregation, or
into the hands of the common Presbytery of many con-
gregations, combined together by mutual consent, so
swaillowing up the interests of the people in every single

OF NEW ENGLAND. 18S

congregation, in the major part of the Presbyters of the
classis or combination. But those of the Massachusetts
kept the middle path between the forementioned ex-
tremes, accounting the right disposal of church power to
lie in a due and proportioned allotment and dispersion
(as some of the Congregational way have expressed it)
into divers hands, according to the several concernments
and interests that each rank in the church may have,
rather than an entire and sole trust committed to any one
man, (though never so able,) or any sort or kind of men,
or officers, although diversified into never so many sub-
ordinations under one another. And this middle way,
thus delineated, principally by Mr. Cotton, is that where-
in the churches of New England have walked ever since.
The principal points wherein they differ from others may
be reduced to these four heads :

1. The subject matter of the visible church, saints
by calling, such as have not only attained the knowledge
of the principles of religion, and are free from gross and
open scandal, but are willing, together with the profes-
sion of their repentance and faith in Christ, to declare
their subjection to him in his ordinances, which they ac-
count ought to be done publickly before the Lord and
his people, by an open profession of the doctrine of the
gospel, and by a personal relation of their spiritual estate,
expressive of the manner how they were brought to the
knowledge of God by faith in Christ Jesus, and this is
done either with their viva voce, or by a rehearsal thereof
by the elders in publick, before the church assembly,
(they having before hand received private satisfaction,)
the persons openly testifying their assent thereunto, pro-
vided they do not scandalize their profession by an un-
christian conversation ; in which case a profession is
with them of small account.

2. In the constitutive form of a particular visible
church, which they account ought to be a restipula-
tion, or mutual covenanting to walk together in their
Christian communion, according to the rules of the
gospel ; and this they say is best to be explicit, al-

i^ GENERAL HISTORf

though they do not deny but an implicit covenant
may suffice to the beinj^ of a true church.

3, In the quantity or extensiveness of a particular
church, concerning which they hold that no church so-
ciety, of gospel institution, ought to be of larger extent
or greater number than may ordinarily meet together in
one place, for the enjoyment of all the same numerical
ordinances, and celebrating of all divine worship ; nor
ordinarih fewer than may convenieiitly carry on church
work.

4. That there is no jurisdiction to which such partic-
ular churches are or ought to be subject, (be it placed
in classis or synod,) by way of authoritative censure, nor
any church power, extrinsical to tlie said churches, which
they ought to have dependence upon any other sort of
men for the exercise of.

After this manner have the ir ecclesiastical affairs been
carried on ever smce the year 1633, when Mr. Cotton
and Mr. Hooker first arrived there. But of these mat-
ters there may be occasion to make ^ fuller relation
in the year 1647, when the Platform of Discipline was
set forth by the elders and messengers of the churches as-
sembled in the Synod at Cambridge in the Massachusetts.

Some have feared, that in the beginning of times
was occasioned much disadvantage to the government
of the church by making it too popular ; and no less
to the civil government, by too much contriving to
advance the liberties of the people, which some others,
that were not a little instrumental to promote both the
one and the other at the first, would willingly have re-
trieved, when they, too late, discerned their errour, but
failed in their endeavourmg a redress.

And many yet think they hit upon the right joint in
settling each government as they did. Possibly they
might see, where others in the reformation of the church,
since Calvin's time, had committed errours, and run in-
to mistakes, and hoped to prevent it in their own.
But it must always be considered that extremes on ei-
ther hand are dangerous. They had need be very good
artists, and go exactly to work, that lay the foundation of

OF NEW ENGLAND. 185

a building ; for a little errour there may appear very
great and formidable in the superstructure, if any thing
be done out of square in the bottom, which at the first
is not easily discerned. Such a constitution of g^overn-
ment as doth sufficienth' secure the liberties of the peo-
ple from oppression is the safest ; f )r popular confu-
sion hath in all experience been found as destructive to
socienes, as tyrannical usurpation. Extremes are to be
avoided ; but those that have lately felt the inconvenience
of the one, are not so sensible of the danger of the other
as oft times is to be wished they were. However, by
this experience it is evident, that whatever advantage
wise and good men have to shape for themselves the
best contrived government, it will be very difficult, if
possible, to pitch upon such a constitution, wherein all
parties shall acquiesce ; which renders it the duty of all
to rest satisfied in what providence hath put them un-
der, either by a willing compliance, or patient submis-
sion.

Thus much being premised, to show what form of
church discipline was aimed at by those that came over
into the Massachusetts, Anno 1630, it will be expect-
ed, that in the next place, some account should be
given of their particular proceedings in their church
administrations.

On the 27th of August, 1630, the whole congrega-
tion that belonged to Charlestown and Boston kept a
solemn fast to seek the face of God, partly in refer-
ence to the sickness and mortality, that many of the
people were then visited withal ; and partly also for di-
rection and blessing in choosing officers for their church :
and then they chose Mr. Wilson to be their teacher,
and ordained him thereunto by imposition of hands,
but with this protestation by all, that it was oiJy a sign
of election and confirmation, without any intention,
that the said Mr. Wilson should renounce his ministry
he received in England. Mr. Increase Nowell was at
the same time chosen to be the ruling eider of the
same church : and one Mr. Gager and Mr. Aspinwall,
were also chosen to be deacons thereof, who were like-
34

186 GENERAL HISTORY

wise, by imposition of hands, invested in their several
offices.

As for Mr. Gager, he continued not long enough in
tliis world, to purchase to himself a good degree, by
using the office of a deacon well, being called home on
the 20th of September following ; having yet left behind
him a good report, for soundness in the faith and purity
of life and conversation ; and soon after Mr. Colebourn
was ordained deacon in his room.

But Mr. No well, in the year 1632, relinquished his
ruling elder's office in the church, being satisfied upon a
conference with the chief of Plymouth, (to whose opin-
ion those of Boston did much adhere in their church
matters, as those of Salem had done before,) that he
could not conveniently or regularly hold the place of a
ruler in the church and Commonwealth, at one and the
same time, and therefore betook himself wholly to a place
of civil rule in the Commonwealth, where he was like-
wise chosen senator : Nor could it be looked upon as
compatible to the same person, to be employed at once
in two offices of so momentous a nature, and of so dif-
fering a kind.

It is said that Mr. Phillips of Watertown was at the
first more acquainted with the way of church discipline,
since owned by congregational churches ; but being then
without any to stand by him, (for wo to him that is
alone,) he met with much opposition from some of the
Magistrates, till the time that Mr. Cotton came into the
country, who by his preaching and practice did by de-
grees mould all their church administrations into the
very same form which Mr. Phillips laboured to have in-
troduced into the churches before.

A church was gathered at Dorchester, soon after the
coming over of the governour and assistants ; the scatter-
ing inhabitants that had seated themselves there before
for conveniency of trade, being removed elsewhere, and
left the place free for them that came with intent to plant
the gospel there ; and in the church of that place Mr.
Wareham was ordained the pastor, and Mr. Maverick
the teacher. Those places that could not then be sup-

OP NEW ENGLAND. 187

plied with ministers, were content to wait till some
others fit for the employment were brought over to
them.

It is notwithstanding affirmed, that Mr. Maverick was
a minister, ordained to a company that came over with
him, while he hved in the west of England ; which if it
were so, there needed no ordination, or gathering of a
church anew at Dorchester, as they did in the other
towns.

Those that took up their habitations on each side of
Charles river belonf^ed all at the first to one congrega-
tion, and having called Mr. Wilson to be their teacher,
and Mr. Nowell to be their ruling elder, so continued
till the end of October 1632 ; about which time those
of Charlestown, by reason of the difficulty of passage in
the winter, and having at that time an opportunity of
choosing a pastor for themselves, viz. Mr. James, then
lately come from England, were dismissed from the con-
gregation of Boston, and so became a distinct church of'
themselves.

In the following month of November Mr. John Eliott,
that came over into New England the former year, hav-
ing joined himself to the congregation or church at Bos-
ton, was dismissed to the church of Roxbury to be their
teacher, although he was earnestly desired by them of
Boston, yet the importunity of the other, and the inclin-
ation of his own mind carried liim thither.

About the same time Ricliard Brown of Watertown
was discharged from his office of a ruling elder there,
because of the rash and violent spirit he was wont to be
carried withal, upon all occasions, having been often ad-
monished, but could not be brought to any amendment.
He was a man of good understanding, and well versed in
the discipline of the separation, having been a ruler in
one of their churches in London, where he was known
to be very violent and passionate in his proceedings. One
of the best things he deserved to be commended for, was
his faithfulness and care of Doctor Ames and Mr.
Robert Parker, safely conveying them, (being himself
one that kept a wherry,) aboard their vessel at Graves-

iSS GENERAL HISTORY

end, when they were pursued by some that would wil-
linp^ly have shortened their journey.

On the 22d of November 1632, was kept a day of
hutnihation at Boston, when Mr. Wilson, (formerly
their teacher,) was called to be their pastor, and one Mr.
Oliver was chosen their rulinr^- elder, and both ordained
by the imposition of hands, tirst by the teacher and the
two deacons in the name -of th.e congregation on the
elder, and then by the elder and the deacons upon the
pastor.

In the year 1632, Mr. Tho?nas Weld came over. He
had been miiuster of Terling in Essex, and accounted a
zealous preacher of the word. He had many invitations
after he landed here, but at last was prevailed with by the
importunity of Roxbury church, to accept of a pastor's
office amongst them.

In the year 1633, September 4, arrived Mr. Cotton
and Mr. Hooker, in the Massachusetts. On the 17th of
said September, Mr. Cotton, by the advice of the gov^
ernour and council with the rest of the elders, was deter-
mined to settle at Boston, and accordingly on the 17th
of October following, he was solemnly ordained teacher
of that church, by the imposition of the hands of the
Presbytery, as was Mr. Leveret, an ancient professor
of religion, of Mr. Cotton's congregation in England,
ordained ruling elder of the same church, the congrega-
tion testifying their consent by lifting up their hands.
Mr. Wilson, pastor of the same church, demanded of
him if he accepted of that call : He paused, and then
spake to this effect, that howsoever he knew himself un-
worthy, and insufficient for that place, yet, having observ-
ed the passages of God's Providence, (which he reckon-
ed up in part,) in calling him to it, he could not but ac-
cept it. Then the pastor, and the two ruling elders,
laying their hands upon his head, the pastor prayed, and
speaking to him by his name, did thereby design him to
the said office, in the name of the Holy Ghost, and did
give him the charge of the congregation, and did there-
by, (as by a sign from God,) endue him, at least prayed
that he might be endued with ^ifts fit for his office, ^nd

OF NEW ENGLAND. 189

largely did bless him. Then the neighbour minis-
ters that were present did, (at the pastor's motion,) give
him the right hand of fellowship, and the pastor did
make a stipulation between him and the congregation.
These circumstances and order of procedure are more
particulaily set down in this place, because ever since
that tune they generally proceed after the same manner,
in the ordination of their minister in the congregational
churches of New England ; where there is not a Presby-
tery preexisting, either sonie of the brethren ordaii'i the
person as is above described, which is approved of by
the learned Dr. Hornbeck, Professor of Divinity in Hol-
land, and a Presbyterian in his judgment, and engaged
in the defence of that cause, or otherwise, where the con-
gregation, over whom the person is to be ordained,
make use of the elders of neighbour churches, by virtue
of communion of churches.

Much after the same manner, not long after, was Mr.
Hooker ordained pastor of the church at New-Town,
which had all that time continued without a particular
minister of their own, and Mr. Shepard afterward Feb. 1,
1635. Mr. Hooker leaving the place, and removing
with his church to Hartford, was ordained pastor over
a company at New-Town, that come over with him from
about Earl Colne in Essex, being at that time gathered
or formed into a church state the same way.

The ministers about Boston being now increased to a
convenient number, (for Mr. Wareham and Mr. Mave-
rick were in the compass of the first year after their land-
ing, settled the ministers of the church at Dorchester,
the one pastor, the other teacher,) did use to meet once a
fortnight at one of their houses in course, where some
question of moment was debated. Mr. Skelton, pastor
of Salem, and Mr. Williams, (as yet not ordained any
officer there,) out of a rigid separation jealousy, took
exception at it, prognosticating that it might in time
bring forth a presbytery, or superintendency to the pre-
judice of the churches' liberties, (a spirit of separation
had, it seems so early fly-blown their understandings,)
from whom issued the fiery flying serpents, that were, not

190 GENERAL HISTORY

long after, so ready to annoy, and with bitter invectives
sting every magistrate and minister, that did not ap-
prove of their sentiments ; the venom of which spirit had
soon after infected so many of that church and people of
Salem, as will appear in the next chapter. But this fear
was without cause; nor did it spring from a godly
jealousy, but from the bitter root of pride, that vaunteth
itself above order, and against love and peace. No such
spirit was ever observed to appear in Mr. Cotton's days,
but a spirit of love and meekness, or since his time to
the present year.

Those that lived in those times could not but observe
on the contrary, how it pleased the Lord to give a spe-
cial testimony of his presence in the church of Boston,
after Mr. Cotton was called to office there. More were
observed to be converted and added to that church, than
to all the rest of the churches in the country. Divers
profane, and notorious evil persons, came and confessed
their sins, and were comfortably received into the
bosom of the church. An eminent spirit of grace was
poured into the lips of that famous preacher, and other
eminent gifts did abound in private brethren of that
church, which forwarded the edification and salvation of
others. The Lord was pleased also greatly to bless the
discipline of that church, wherein he gave the pastor,
Mr. Wilson, and Mr. Leveret, a singular gift, to the
great benefit of the whole congregation. Nevertheless,
God vv^as pleased to sehd or let loose, not long after, a
messenger of Satan in that church, that they should not
be exalted above measure, through the abundance of rev-
elations. Satan desired to winnow the chief of the Apos-
tles ; no wonder if he were as desirous so to deal with
other ordinary ministers of the gospel in succeeding
ages, and their churches.

On the 22d of December, in the year following, viz.
1634, Mr, Simmes was on a solemn day of Humiliation,
likewise ordained teacher of the church of Charlestown.
But within a while after upon one account or other,
there did arise a spirit of jealousy between Mr. James,
the pastor of that church, and some of the brethren, al-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 191

though Mr. Simmes was not condemned for being any
blarneable cause thereof, yet was it within a year after
blown up into an open flame, so as they were constrain-
ed to call in the help of the elders, and messengers of
the next churches ; and it being the case of an elder,
the neighbour churches, to whom they sent for advice,
sent most elders, and but few other messengers. Upon
hearing the whole case it appeared that the pastor (by
his natural temper a melancholick man, and subject to
jealousies) had been to blame, for speaking as of certain-
ty, that which he only conceived out of jealousy ; and
also that the rest had not been without all fault, in that
they had not proceeded with him in a due order, for of
the two witnesses produced against him, one was the
accuser. They advised therefore, that if they could not
comfortably close again, the pastor and such as stood on
his part, (if they would) should desire dismission, which
should be granted them, for avoiding extremities, which
it seems they accepted of, and Mr, James soon after re-
moved to the southward, and some years after returned
back to England, where he was accepted as a faithful
minister of the gospel, and continued in that work till
the year 1678, at Needham in Suffolk, which was about
the 86th year of his age, (though not of his ministry, as
is said of Polycarpus,) and may yet be living, and wait,
ing for his dissolution. He went also to Virginia, with
Mr. Thompson and Mr. Knowles, Anno 1642, as will be
mentioned in the transactions of that lustre.

About the same time happened another uncomfortable
agitation at Lynn, viz. March 15, 1634, where the elders
of every church were called together to put an end to a
difference in that church. One Mr. Bachelor, that
came into die country the sunimer before, in the 71st
year of his age, in the want of a minister, was called to
take upon him the ministerial office in that place. Not
long after, divers of the brethren not liking tiic proceed-
ings of the pastor, and withal questioning whether they
were a church or not, did separate from church com-
munion. The pastor and the other brethren desired the
advice and help of the rest of the churches, who, not

193 GENERAL HISTORY

thinking fit to judi^e of the case without hearing thrf
other side, offered to meet at Lynn about it. Upon this
the pastor required the Sf:'parate brethren to deliver their
grievances in writing, which they refusing to do, the
pastor wrote to all t'lc churches, that f^r this cause they
purposed to proceed against them, as persons excom-
muiiicable ; and therefore desired them to stay their
journey. This letter being read at the lecture at Boston,
(where all the ministers of every church generally used
to be present,) they all agreed with consent of their
churches, to go presently to Lynn, (at that time called
S'lgust,) to stay this hasty proceeding. Accordingly be-
ing met, and both parties, after much debate, being
heard, it was determined that they were a true church,
though not constituted in due order ; yet after consent,
and practice of church estate had supplied that defect,
and so all were reconciled at that time.

Mr. John Maverick, teacher of the church of Dor-
chester, died the 3d of February, 1635, about the 60th
year of his age. He was a man of an humble spirit, and
a faithful preacher of the gospel, very ready to further
the work of the Lord, both in the church, and in the
civil state.

About the year 1635, were churches gathered, and
ministers ordained in many places about the Bay, as at
Bear-cove, called afterwards Hingham; where Mr. Peter
Hubbert, that came out of Norfolk in England, was
called to be their pastor ; a man well qualified with min-
isterial abilities, though not so fully persuaded of the
congregational discipline as some others were.

And at Westaugustus, since called Weymouth, one
Mr. Hull was at first their minister, though afterwards
he gave pluce to some other, which hath been the lot of
several that have successively been the officers of that
church, though men of worth and learning. At the first
it is thought their proceedings were not so orderly, as
should have been, which was not the least occasion of
their after troubles.

The plantation at Agawam was from the first year of
its being raised to a township, so filled with inhabitants,

OF NEW ENGLANB. 19S

that some of them presently swarmed out into another
place, a little further eastward. The reverend and
learned Mr. Parker was at first called to Ipswich, to join
with Mr, Ward ; but he choosing rather to accompany-
some of his countrymen that came out of Wiltshire in
England, to that new place, than to be engiged with
such as he had not been acquainted withall before ;
therefore removed v.'ith them thither, and settled at New-
bury ; which recess of theirs made room for others that
soon after supplied their places.

In the latter end of this year, 1635, Mr. Bachelor,
pastor of the church at Lynn, (whereof mention was
made before,) was complained of to the ma,a^istrates, and
convened before them on this occasion. He came out of
England with a small body of six or seven persons, who
settled with him at Lynn, where he received many of
the inhabitants of the place into his church, cr at least,
they had with the rest received him z.s their pastor ; but
contentions growing between him and the greatest part
of his church, he d.^sired dismission for hnnself and his
first members, which being granted upon supposition
that he would leave the town, as he had given out he
would, he, with the six or seven persons, renewed thtir
old covenant, intending to n'i3t uuothir church in the
place; whereat the n^ost and chief of the town being
offended, (for that it v/ould eross their intentions of call-
ing another minister,) con;plained to the magistrates,
who, foreseeing the distraction which was like to come
by this course, had forbid him to proceed in any such
church way, until the cause were considered by the other
ministers. But he refused to desist, whereupon they
sent for him, and upon his delay, day after day, the mar-
shall was sent to fetch him. Upon his appearance and
submission, and promise to remove out of the town
within three months, he was discharged. Accordingly
he removed to the plantation that then was new begun,
beyond Ipswich, called Newbury, where he stayed not
long, in regard he could not accomplish his desire of
being admitted to a pastoral office in the church of that
place, waiting an opportunity of providing a suitable
S5

1^9^ GENERAL HISTORY

place for himself and his company elsewhere, which at
last was found at Hampton, a plantation begun towards
Pascataqua, about the year 1638.

The next year they of Lynn gathered another church,
having invited Mr. Whiting to be their pastor, a man of
great worth and learning, that not long before came over
from a parish adjoining to Boston, in Lincolnshire.
There was some difficulty in settling them in church
order anew, in regard they had many of them formerly
belonged to another church in Mr. Bachelor's time. Ac-
cording to the usual observation, that many times it is
more easy to raise a new building than repair an old one,
especially when the persons concerned either want ex-
perience or skill in the kind of the architecture, as was
said to be the case there. But Anno 1637, Mr. Thom-
as Cobbet, that came over with Mr. Davenport, was
called also to Lynn, where he was ordained teacher of
the same church, whereof Mr. Whiting was the pastor.
The learning and abilities of Mr, Cobbet are well known
by his writings, since published to the world.

CHAP. XXIX.

Memorable accidents during this lustre of years. The
small pox among the Indians, Pestilential fever at
Plymouth ; with other occurrences worthy to he oh'
served^ from the year 1630 to 1636.

In the year 1633, it pleased God to visit the colonies
of Plymouth with a pestilential fever, whereof many
died ; upwards of twenty, men, women, and children,
which was a great number out of a small company of
inhabitants. Some of them looked upon a numerous
company of strange flies in the spring, like bumblebees,
(which coming out of the ground, with a terrible kind of
humming noise, so as the woods did ring therewith) to be
a presage of that mortality which followed very hot, in
the months of June, July and August. But in the end
of that year and winter following, a great mortality hap-
pened among the Massachusetts Indiims, whereby
thousands of them were swept away, which came by the

OF NEW ENGLANB. 196

small pox, a disease which is said, is not usual among
them, if ever it was there known before. John Saga-
more and almost all his people died tliere at Winnesi-
met. James Sagamore, at Lynn, died of the sarre dis-,
ease, with most of his people. It is said that those two
promised, if ever they recovered, to live with the En-
glish, and serve their God.

It is very remarkable, that as about a dozen years be-
fore, the Southern Indians about Plymouth, were visited,
with a kind of pestilential disease, whereby great num-
bers of them were suddenly taken away, and the coun-
try almost depopulated thereby, by which occasion way
was made for the English at Plymouth, in their weak
condition, to settle peacably amongst them, so at this
time the country of the Massachusetts, that was of all
the Indians theicabouts the most populous, was in a
manner unpeopled by this disease, by which means,
room was, as it were, prepared for the English, that now
were ready to people it with a new colony.

This contagious disease was so noisome and terrible
to these naked Indians, that they in many places, left
their dead unburied, as appeared by the multitude of the
bones of dead carcases, that were found np and down
the countries, where had been the greatest numbers of
them. Thus in a sense as it was of old, God cast out
the heathen to make room for his people, some parts of
the country being thereby made to look like a mere
Golgotha.

In June, in the year 1633, fell out a very remarkable
accident upon some that belonged to Pemaquid. One
Abraham Shurd, and one Capt. Wright, with others be-
longing to tiiat place, being bound for Boston in a shal-
lop, intending to turn into Pascataqua by the way, but
just as they were entering into the river's mouth, one
of the seamen going to light a pipe of tobacco, set fire
on a barrel of powder, which tore the boat in pieces, la-
den with about 2001. worth of commodities, which were
all lost. That seaman that kindled the fire was never
seen more, (though the rest were all saved) till after-
wards, the trunk of his body was found with his hands

196 flRNERAL HISTORY

and his feet torn off, which was a very remarkable judg-
ment of God upon him ; for one of his fellows wished
him to forbear taking tobacco, till they came ashore,
which was hard by, to vvhom he replied, that if the devil
sho'ild carry him away quick, he would take one pipe.

The like judgment befel two lewd persons that lived
in service uith or.e o^ Roxbiiry, who rowing in a boat
from the Windmill hill in Boston, struck upon an oyster
bank near the channel, and going out of their boat be-
fore thev had fastened her, to get oysters, the tide came
in bffore they were aware, and floated away the boat,
and they not being acquainted with the channel, were
both drowned on the bank, though they might at first
safi ly have waded through to the shore. One of them
being a littb before reproved for some evil, and warned
of hell, answered that if hell were ten tinjes hotter, he
had rather be there than in service with his master,
agaii^.st vvhom he had lio exception, but only that he had
bound himself for some time, and understood afterward,
that if he were free, he might have had more wages
elsewhere. This happened in August, 1633.

Another accident of like nature lell out at Boston,
within three years after, viz. March 8, 1636, where a
man servant having stolen something from his master,
was only threatened to be brought before authority, yet
presently went and hanged himself like Judas, as if he
had cause to fear a worse punishment, for so small an of-
fence. He was noted to be very profane upon all ac-
counts, much given to cursing and swearing, and fre-
quently using to go from the sermon on the Lordsday,
to steal from his master. He was said also to be very
much discontented, which in probability contributed not
a little to his miserable end. The ground of his discon-
tent was said to be the long time which he was to serve
with his master, by whom he was well used ; and the
very same day in which he destro}'ed hnnself, a letter
was to have been delivered him from his father, with
order to receive money wherewith to buy out his time.
He had tied his neck with a codline to a beam, from
^hicii he might have reached the floor with his knees.

OV NEW ENGLANB, 197

A maid first espying him, was so affrighted with the
sight, tliat not daring to come near him to prevent the
mischief, ran to acquaint somebody else with it ; but
his exit was past, and his hfe beyond recalling, before
they came, whom she went to call. Such examples
left upon record, may serve as buoys to give notice of
the dangerous temptations, that like rocks which lie un-
seen, are found in discontented minds, on which they
often shipwreck their souls forever, as well as lives.

In December 1633, one Cooper, of Pascataqua, going
to an island in the river there, to fetch sack with which
he intended to make merry on the Lord's day, was car-
ried to sea, with his boy that went with him in his canoe,
and were never heard of afterward. Thus they that
wander from the path of understanding, shall sooner or
later, unless they return home by repentance, be found
in the conj^regation of the dead.

In June 1635, two carpenters going to wash them-
selves between Mount Wallaston and Weymouth,
were carried away with the tide and drowned. Those
that want skill to swim in the water, should keep their
footing sure on the firm land.

August 12, 1634, one Crav/ford, with his brother and
a servant, (who all came into the country that summer.)
havii^g put much goods into a little boat which lay in
Charles river, overset the same with the weight of some
hogsheads, (as was supposed) so as they were all three
drowned, though one of them could swim well, and
though the neighbours also came running forth instantly
upon their cry, yet as it fell out, not soon enough to save
any of them from drowning.

This accident was followed with another as sad, on the
20th of October following, at Salem, where six men go-
ing together a fowling in a small canoe, toward Kettle-
island, either with overmuch weight, or want of skill,
turned her over into the sea, so as five of them were
drowned.

On the 21st of November, that year, two men and
two boys going for wood to Noddle's island, were
drowned as they were coming home in the night, in a

198 «BNERAL HISTORY

Northeast storm of snow. Neither of them it seems had
experience or skill, yet would adventure in that danger-
ous time of the year, which might serve for a warning
to all not to tempt God, by undertaking what they have
no ability to ])erform. There was great lamentation for
them at Boston, yet needed they not sorrow for them as
without hope, in that they were both accounted verj- re-
ligious. Two boats were sent after them when they
were first missing, but they could find neither men, nor
boat,, nor wood, it being ebl^ing water wherein they were
supposed to be lost ; but three days after, the boat was
found at Muddy river, with the bottom upward.

An old man that used to go to sea in a small boat,
without any otiier help save a dog, whom he had taught
to steer, sailing down Ipswich river, was warned of a
storm that approached, but he answered that he wou'd
go to sea, though the devil were there. Whether the
devil were there at sea or no (the storm happening on
the I5th of August, 1635) it is no matter. This his
vessel was never seen more by them on the land.

In the year 1632, one Henry Wey of Dorchester,
having gone in a shallop to trade with the Eastern In-
dians the winter before, and was long missing, this sum-
mer it was found that himself and his company were all
treacherously killed by the Indians. Another shallop of
his being sent out in the spring to seek after the other,
was cast away at Agamenticus, and two of the men that
were in her drowned. Thus oft times he that is greedy
of gain, troubles his own house, and instead of gaining
a little pelf of this world, loses his own life in the con-
clusion, which hath been observed as very remarkable
on many that have followed that course of life.

In the year 1633, one John Edy, a religious man, of
Watertown congregation, fell distracted ; and getting
out one evening could not be heard of in eight days, at
the end of which time he came again of himself. He
kept his strenght and c(jlour all that time, yet was con-
ceived to have eaten nothing all that time. By that
means it was thought he recovered his understanding,
and lived very orderly, only now and then would be a
little distempered in his mind.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 199

For a conclusion of the memorable accidents during
this lustre, it will not be unworthy the reader's consider-
ation to take notice of a sad tempest that happened in
the year 1635, on the 15th of August; when there was
such a sudden dismal storm of wind and rain, as the
like was never in this place known, in the memory of
men before or since ; so universal, which passed through
the whole country, overturning sundry houses, uncover-
ing divers others, beating down their Indian corn to the
ground, which never rose any more, which if it had not
been very near the harvest, all the corn had been utter-
ly lost, to the undoing of many poor families. Some
thousands of trees were torn up by the roots thereby,
others broken in pieces, and w^ound about like withs,
though of considerable bigness. The monuments of
which sad storm, were many years after visible in some
parts of the country ; nor were the effects of it less ter-
rible on the sea, where it raised the tide to twenty feet
in some places right up and down ; forcing some of the
Indians to climb up the trees to save themselves from
drowning, which others not being able to do, perished in
the attempt ; as befel eight Indians at Narraganset, as
was credibly reported. And in other places it was ob-
served that the tide was brought into the land twice in
twelve hours, or else that it never ebbed all the time that
storm lasted, (\vhich \yas five or six hours,) or was
brought back before the ebb was half made.

Some ships were then upon the coast, fraught with
passengers and their goods. The veering of the wind
to another point, was the occasion of preserving one,
(wherein Mr. Richard Mather with his family, and Mr.
Jonathan Mitchell, but a youth at that time, that proved
a worthy m.inister, and of much use in the country af-
terwards,) and of dashing another on the rocks near Pe-
maquid ; which was called the Angel Gabriel of Bris-
tol ; but that holy seraphim proved not a tutelar Angel
thereunto, although the passengers were all preserved
alive, losing only their goods. Many things were ob-
served as ominous about^ which vessel, that threatened
some great disaster to like to befal them, as well as the
name, from the time of their first setting out.

300 GENERAL HISTORY

Another vessel sailin.^ that day between Pascataqua
and Boston, bound for Marblehead, wherein were many
passeno;ers that came over in the foresaid ship, called the
Angel Gabriel, was cast away, and but two persons left
alive, to bri;ig tidings to their friends of what had hap-
pened. Amongst them that were lost, was one Mr.
Avery, a minister of good note, who, with his wife and
five children, all perished together. This minister it
seems with some others was cast upon some rocks,
where they had a little respite from death, in which inte-
rim this good man, lifting up his eyes to Heaven, yet
expecting every moment to be washed off from that
place where he was cast, into the devouring sea, uttered
these his last words : " Lord, I cannot challenge a pre-
servation of my life, but according to thy covenant I
challenge Heaven ;" which words as soon as ever he had
expressed, the next wave gave him a present dismission
into his eternal rest. Tiiis is the only vessel which was
known to have been lost with many of its pas;^engerSi in
their way towards New England ; which ought to be
acknowledged as a signal mercy, that none else in so
long a space of time, should miscarry in sea voyages of
that length.

The week before the forementioned storm, that hap-
pened August 15 came up, the wind was observed to
blow all the whi'e hard at South, and Southwest ; and
then on the sudden it came up with such extreme vio-
lence at Northeast, that it drove many ships in the har-
bour before Boston and Charlestown, from their anchors.
A ship called the Great Hope of Ipswich, of four hun-
dred tons, was driven aground on a point beyond
Charlestown, but by a sudden change of the wind to the
Northwest, it was brought back again from thence, and
ran ashore at Charlestown. The ship before mentioned,
that was preserved, was called the James of Bristol, hav-
ing about one hundred passengers, some of whom, with
Mr. Mather their minister, came out of Lancashire,
(four of whose sons were ministers. afterwards of emi-.
nent note and use). Their preservation was very re-
markable ; for being put into the Isle of Shoals, (which

OF NEW ENGLAND. SOI

is no harbour but an open road,) they lost their three
anchors ; and setting sail, no canvass or ropes would
hold, and so wer(^ driven within a cable's length of the
rocks at Pascataqua, when the wind coming suddenly to
the northwest, put them back to tlie Isle of Shoals, and
being there ready to strike upon the rocks, they let out
a piece of their mainsail, and by that means weathered
those rocks, and so were brought safe into their desired
harbour, leaving others behind them, and in the way
they passed by, either buried in the rude waves of the
swelling ocean, cr mournfully beholding their shipwreck-
ed goods floating in the waters ; much of which they
were despoiled of by the boisterous seamen, no less un-
merciful therein than the devouring waves of the sea, that,
without regard to the tears or sighs of the poor owners,
usually swallow down whatever comes in their way. On
such accounts, the people travelling into New England
had occasion, more than others, to meditate on the 107th
Psalm ; which, though it were not penned purposely for
them, yet, in especial manner is suited to their condition :
" Oh that men would praise the Lord for liis goodness,
and for his wonderful works to the children of men !"

Much hurt was done in the country this year by tem-
pestuous weather. Two shallops, going laden to Con-
necticut, were taken in the night with an easterly storm,
and cast away near the mouth of Plymouth harbour, and
the men all drowned.

In the month of October, the same year, a ship's long
boat at the Dutch plantation, with five men in her, was
overset by a gust. The men all got upon her keel, and
were driven to sea, and were there floating the space of
four days, in which time three of them dropt off and
were drowned. On the fifth day, the fourth man Wing
sore pained with hunger and thirst, and sore bruised with
the waves, wilfully fell oflf into the sea and u as drowned.
Soon after the wind, coming up at southeast, carried
the boat with the fifth man lo Long Island, and being
scarce able to creep ashore, was found by the Indians,
and preserved by them. He was quite spent with hunger,
cold, and watching, and must of necessity (according to
26

20S GENERAL HISTORY

reason) have perished by that time ; but he said he saw
such and such (either really or in conceit) come to give
him meat.

November 2d, 1632, Mr. William Pierse his ship,
going back for England, was cast away on the shoals
near Virginia, and twelve seamen and passengers drown-
ed. It happened through negligence of one of the
mates that had the watch, and kept not the lead going,
as he was appointed, which added much to the sadness
of the loss.

April the 10th, 1633, news was brought to Boston, of
the loss of Mr. Pierse his ship, on the coast of Virginia,
wherein were 28 seamen, and 10 passengers : seven of
them that were drowned were seamen, and five of them
passengers. This loss proved no small trial to this poor
plantation ; whereby it is evident that many are the afflic-
tions of the righteous, and that in outward changes all
things come alike to all.

But not to stay the reader any longer in beholding the
backside of the cloud that overshadowed New England
in this lustre : There were other more beautiful provi-
dences worthy to be observed during that space of lime,
as full of light and comfort, as the other were of affliction
and sorrow ; especially in their peaceable and quiet enjoy-
ment of the purity of God's worship, in all the ordinances
of the gospel, of which something hath been spoken in
the foregoing chapters.

CHAP. XXX.

Disturbance^ both civil and ecclesiastical^ in the Massachu-
setts, occasioned by Mr, Roger WiUiamSy in the year
16ofl.

February the 5th, 1630, arrived Mr. William
Pierse at Nantasket ; with him came one Mr. Roger
Williams, of good account in England for a godly and
zealous preacher, but after he came here, he soon discov-
ered himself. He had been some years employed in the
ministry in England. He was one of whom it may be
affirmed by all that knew him, that he had a zeal, and

OP NEW ENGLAND. SOS

great pity it was that it could not be added, according
to knowledge ; for then by the one and by the other, he
might have been of great use in the church of God,
wherever his lot had been cast. But for want of the
latter, the more judicious sort of Christiins, in Old and
New England, looked upon him as a man of a very self-
conceited, unquiet, turbulent, and uncharitable spirit.
" For if he had not looked upon himself as one that had
received a clearer illumination and apprehension of the
state of Christ's kingdom, and of the purity of church
communion, than all Christendom besides," as Mr. Cot-
ton speaks of him, " he would never have taken upon him,
as usually his manner was, to give publick advertisement
and admonition to all men, whether of meaner or more
publick note and jilace, of the corruptions of religion,
which himself observed both in their judgments and
practices ;" of which there needs no other evidence than
what is obvious to the view of every indifferent reader,
ill his dealing with that famuus and reverend divine,
Mr. John Cotton, in his book called the Bloody Tenent.
But here to touch upon his proceedings only after his
coming into New England-i— immediately after his arri-
val he was called by the church of Salem, to join with
Mr. Skelton ; but the govcrnour and council being in-
formed thereof, wrote to Mr. Endicot, to desire they
would forbear any further proceeding therein, till the said
council had conferred further about it ; first, because he
had refused to join with the congregation of Boston, be-
cause they would not make a pubiick declaration of their
repentance, for holding communion with the churches of
England while they lived there. 2dly, Because he de-
clared it his opinion that the civil magistrate might not
punish any breach of the first table ; whereupon they for
the present forbore proceeding with him, which occa-
sioned his being called to Plymouth, where he lived about
two years, was joined to their church, and was well ac-
cepted, as an assistant in the ministry to Mr. Ralph
Smith, then pastor of the church there ; but by degrees,
venting of divers of his own singular opinions, and seek-
ing to impose them upon others, he not firiding such

SO-i GENERAL HISTORY

a concurrence as he ex] • cted, he desired his dismission
to the church of Salem, which, though some were un-
wilUng to, yet throus^h the prudent counsel of Mr.
Brewster, (the ruling eider there,) fearing that his con-
tinuance amongst them miglit cause divisions ; and
there being able men in the Bay, they would better deal
with him, than themselves could, and foreseeing also
(what he professed he feared concerning Mr. VVilliauiS,
and which afterwards came to pass,) that he would run
the same course of rigid separation, and anabaptistry,
which Mr. John Smith, the sebaptist of Amsterdam, had
done ; the church of Plymouth consented to his dismis-
sion, and such as did adhere to him were also dismissed,
and removed with him, or not long after him to Salem.
He came to Salem in the time of Mr. Skelton's weak-
ness, who lived not long after Mr. Williams was come
back from Plymouth ; whereupon, after some time, the
church there was so aiFected with his ministry, that
forthwith they would have called him to office, not-
withstanding they had been formerly blamed for the like
attempt, without advising with the council. But he
having in one year's time filled that place with principles
of rigid separation, and tending to anabaptistry, the
prudent magistrates of the Massachusetts jurisdiction
sent again to the church of Salem, desiring them to for-
bear calling him to officC ; but they not hearkening to the
advice, but ordained him to be their pastor, it was a
cause of much disturbance, for Mr. Williams had be-
gun, and then (being in office) he proceeded more vi-
gorously, to vent many dangerous opinions ; as amongst
many others, these that follow were some ; for having
obtained a great interest in the hearts and affections of
all sorts of his hearers, by his great pretence to holiness,
zeal, and purity, he had thereby strongly leavened the
people of Salem with many strange notions, partly also
confirming the people in some which they had imbibed
from Mr. Skclton.

1. As first that it was the duty of all the female sex
to cover themselves with veils when they went abroad,
especially when they appeared in the publick assemblies ;

OF NEW ENGLANP. SOS

as if he meant to read them a lecture out of Tertullian,
De velaiidis Virginibus, &c. for the uncouthness of the
sight, to see all the women in that congregation veiled,
contrary to the custom of tiie English nation, would
probably have drawn the eyes of the rest upon them, es-
pecially strangers, much more than if thty had attired
tJiemselves after the fashion of their neigiibours. But
in reference to this kind of fancy ; it is observable, that
the reverend Mr. Cotton, taking an occasion about this
time to spend a Lordsday at Salem, in his exercise in
the forenoon, he by his doctrine so enlightened most of
the women in the place, that it unveiled them, so as they
appeared in the afternoon without their veils, being con-
vinced that they need not put on veils on any such ac-
count, as the use of that covering is mentioned in the
scripture for ; viz, not as they were virgins, which the
married sort could not pretend ViUto; much less as har-
lots as Tamar ; nor yet on any such like account as is
mentioned of Ruth in her widowhood — which discourse
let in so much light into their understandings, that they
who before thought it a shame to be seen in the publick
without a veil, were ashamed ever after to be covered with
them.

2. Another notion diffused by him, occasioned more
disturbance, for in his zeal for advancing the purity of
reformation, and abolishing all badges of superstition,
he inspired some persons of great interest in that place,
that the cross in the king's colours ought to be taken
away as a relique of antichristian superstition. What that
good man would have done wdth the cross upon his
coine, (if he had any left,) that bore that sign of super-
stition, is uncertain. But this notion about the king's
colours prevailed with some so far, that it was taken out
of the ensign at Salem by one in place ; but it was so
distasteful to the rest of the assistants or magistrates,
who could see no superstition in the civil use of that
badge, whatever were the occasion of the use thereof,
but a great inconvenience that was like to follow upon
the taking it away, as is more at large declared in the
chapter before. In this manner did over heated zeal
yent itself in the said Mr. Williams, of whom they were

S06 eENERAL HISTORY

wont to say in Essex, where he lived, that he was di-
vinely mad ; as if his too much zeal, as Festus said of
Paul's too much learning, had made him beside himself.

3. Thirdly, also he maintained, that it is not lawful
for an unregenerate man to pray, nor to take an oath,
and in special not the oath of fidelity, to the civil gov-
ernment ; nor was it lawful for a godly man to have any
communion either in family prayer, or m an oath with
such as they judged unregenerate, and therefore he him-
self refused the oath of fidelity, and taught others so to
do.

4. And that it was not lawful, so much as to hear the
godly ministers of England, when any occasionally went
thither ; and therefore he admonished any church mem-
bers, that had so done, ds for heinous sin. Also he
spake dangerous words against the patent, which was
the foundation of the government of the Massachusetts
colony.

5. He affirmed also, that magistrates had nothing to
do with matters of the first table, but only the second,
and that there should be a general and unlimited tole-
ration of all religions, and for any man to be punished
for any matters of his conscience, was persecution.

6. And further he procured the church of Salem's
consent unto letters of admonition, which were written,
and sent by him in their name, to the churches at Bos-
ton, Charlestown, New-Town, (now Cambridge,) &c.
accusing the magistrates, that were members of the re-
spective churches, of sundry heinous offences, which he
laid unto their charge ; and though divers of them, that
joined with him in these letters, afterwards did acknowl-
edge their errour, and gave satisfaction, yet Mr. Wil-
liams himself, notwithstanding all the pains that was
taken with him, by Mr. Cotton, Mr. Hooker, and many
others, to bring him to a sight of his errour and miscar-
riages, and notwithstanding all the court's gentle proceed-
ings with him, he not only persisted, but grew more vi-
olent in his way, insomuch as he, staying at home in his
own house, sent a letter, which was delivered ajid read
in the publick church assembly, the scope of which was

OF NEW ENGLAND. 207

to give them notice, that if the church of Salem would
not separate, not only from the churches of Old England,
but the churches of New England too, he would sepa-
rate from them. The more prudent and sober part of
the church being amazed at his way could not yield unto
him ; whereupon he never came to the church assem-
bly more, professing separation from them, as antichris-
tian ; and not only so, but he withdrew all private reli-
gious communion from any that would hold commun-
ion with the church there ; insomuch as he would not
pray nor give thanks at meals with his own wife, nor
any of his family, because they went to the church as-
semblies. Divers of the weaker sort of church mem-
bers, that had been thoroughly leavened with his opin-
ions, (of which number were divers women,) that were
zealous in their way, did by degrees fall off to him, in-
somuch as he kept a meeting at his own house, unto
which company did resort, both on the Sabbath day,
and at other times in way of separation from, and oppo-
sition to the church assembly there, which the magis-
trates understanding, and seeing things grow more and
more towards a general division and disturbance, after
all other means used in vain, they passed a sentence of
banishment against him out of the Massachusetts colony,
as against a disturber of the peace, both of the church
and commonwealth. After which Mr. Williams re-
moved to the Narraganset country, and sat down there,
in a place called Providence, out of the Massachusetts
jurisdiction, and was followed by sundry of the mem-
bers of the church of Salem, who did zealously adhere
to him ; and who cried out of the persecution that was
against him. Some others also resorted to him from
otiier parts. They had not long been there together,
but from rigid separation they fell to anabaptistry, re-
nouncing the baptism which they had received in their
infancy, and taking up another baptism, began a church
in that way. But Mr. Williams stopped not there long,
for after some time, he told the people that had followed
him, and joined with him in a new baptism, either from
his own unstable mind, or from the suggestion of some

g08 GENERAL HISTORY

Other, that he was out of the way himself, and had niis-
led them, for he did not find that there was any upon
eanh that could adniinislcr baptism, and therefore their
last baptism was a nullity, as well as their first, and
therefore they must lay down ail, and wait for the com-
ing of new apostles. And so they dis^olved them-
selves and turned seekers, keeping that one principle,
that every one should have liberty to worship God ac-
cording to the light of their own consciences, but other-
wise not owning any churches or ordinance of God any
where upon eanh, vvitli other notions of like nature,
which snail be more particularly related afterward.

Thus much was thought meet to be inserted here con-
cerning the great and lamentable apostasy of Mr. Wil-
liams, that it may be a warning to ali others, to take heed
of a gradual declining from God, and forsaking the
churches of Clirist, and ordinances of God in them, lest
they be left of God, to run such a course as he hath
done ; "wherefore let him that thinks he stands, take heed
lest he fall," 1 Cor. x. 12 ; as also to be a motive to
the saints, to remember him unto God in their fervent
prayers tor his return, he having been sometimes a zeal-
ous dispenser of the word of God, and (in several re-
spects) of an exemplary conversation ; but now hath a
\on^ tune sequestered himself to another kind of life and
way.

And } et, that there may be a standing evidence of the
care that was had in those times, to prevent the growth
of errours, and of the exercise of the communion of
churches for that end, it is thought meet to mii^d the
reader, that before the putting forth of the civil pow-
er of the magistrate for the removing of Mr. Williams
from Salem, and besides other means also uted, there
was a publick admonition sent in writing from the church
of B(>.^ton to the church of Salem, for the reducing of
Mr. Wiihams, and the erring part of the church, which
could no whit prevail with him to retract his erroneous
principles, which made way lor the suftcrings which af-
terwards befei him.

Under this cloud of darkness did this child of light

OF NEW ENGLAND. 209

walk, for above forty years after in New England, at
which time he did a little recover himself in his zealous
defending' of the fundamental truths of the christian re-
ligion, against the Quakers, in a book of his, published
about the year 1677, wherein he shewed that his root
had not gone up as rottenness, nor his blossom as dust ;
as might too truly be said of many of his neighbours,
but thr.t the root of the matter was in him all that long
winter season of his departure from the communion of
his christian friends, and also by the fruits of good
works that appeared in his life and conversation, espe-
cially in his faithfulness to the Englisii of the Massachu-
setts, by whom he mi<;ht have accounted he had been so
severely handled. This might suffice concerning Mr.
Williams, but forasmuch as sundry have judged hard-
ly of New England, for their proceedings against him,
by a sentence of banishment, it is thought needful in
this place, to give a more particular account thereof to
the world.

Two things there were that caused the sentence of
his banishment, and two other fell in, that hastened it.

Those that v/ere the causes of it, were, as they are
laid down by Mr. Cotton, in his answer to Mr. Wil-
liams his book, called the Bloody Tenent,

1. " His violent and tumultuous carriage against the
patent. By the patent it is, that m'c received allowance
from the king to depart his kingdom", and to carry our
goods with us, without oifence to his officers, and with-
out paying custom to himself. By the patent, certain
selectmen (as magistrates and freemen,) have power to
make laws, and the magistrates to execute justice
amongst the people, according to such laws. By the
patent, we have power to erect such a government of the
church, as is most agreeable to the word, to the estate
of the people, and to the gaining of natives, (in God's
time) first to civility, and then to Christianity. To this
authority established by the patent, Englishmen do gen-
erally submit themselves. And foreign plantations (the
Frencl), the Dutch, the Sweedish,) do willingly transact
27

810 GENERAL HISTORY

their negotiations with us, as with a colony established
by the Royal Authority of the State of England. This
patent Mr. Williams publickly and vehemently preached
against, as containing matter of falsehood and injustice:
Falsehood in making the king the first christian Prince
who had discovered these parts ; and injustice in giv-
ing the country to his EngUsh subjects, which belonged
to the native Indians. This therefore he pressed upon
the magistrates and people to be humbled for, from time
to time, in days of solemn humiliation ; and to return
the patent back again to the king. It was answered to
him, first, that it was neither. the king's intendment, nor
the English planters' to take possession of the country by
murther of the natives, or by robbery ; but either to
take possession of the void places of the country by the
law of nature, (for vacuum domicilium cedit occupanti,)
or if we took any lands from the natives, it was by way
of purchase or free consent. A little before our com-
ing, God had by pestilence, or other contagious diseas-
es swept away many thousands of the natives, who had
inhabited the Bay of the Massachusetts, for which the
patent was granted. Such few of them as survived
were glad of the coming of the English, who might pre-
serve them from the oppression of the Narragansets ; for
it is the manner of the stronger of the natives to oppress
the weaker. This answer did not satisfy Mr. Williams,
who pleaded, the natives, though they did not nor could
not subdue the country, (but left it vacuum domicili-
um,) yet they hunted all the country over, and for the
expedition of their hunting voyages, they burnt up all
the underwoods in the country, once or twice a year,
and therefore as noblemen possessed great parks, and
the king great forests in England only for the game, and
no man might lawfully invade their propriety, so might
the natives challenge the like propriety here. It was
replied unto him,

1. " That the king and noblemen in England, as
they possessed greater territories than other men, so they
did greater service to church and commonwealth.

OF NEW ENGLANB. Sll

2. " They employed their parks and forests not for
hunting only, but for tinnber, and for the nourishment of
tame beasts, as well as wild, and also for habitation for
sundry tenants.

3. " That our towns here did not disturb the hunt-
ings of th-" natives, but did rather keep their game fitter
for their taking, for they take their deer by traps, and
not by hounds.

4. " That if they complained of any straits we put
them upon, we gave satisfaction in some payment or
other to their content.

5. " We did not conceive that it is a just title to so
vast a continent, to make no other improvement of mil-
lions of acres in it, but only to burn it up for pastime,

*' But these answers not satisfying him, this was still
pressed by him as a national sin, to hold to the patent,
yea, and a national duty to renounce the patent ; which
to have done, had subverted the fundamental state and
government of the country.

*' The second offence which procured his banish-
ment, as was touched before, was this : The magistrates
and other members of the General Court, upon intelli-
gence of some evil practices against the country, they
made an order of court to take trial of the fidelity of the
people, (not by imposing upon them, but) by offering
to them an oath of fidelity, that in case any should re-
fuse to take it, they might not betrust them with place
of publick charge and command. This oath, when it
came abroad, he vehemently withstood it, and dissuaded
sundry from it, partly because it was, as he said, Christ's
prerogative, to have his office established by oath, part-
ly because an oath was a part of God's worship, and
God's worship was not to be put upon carnal persons,
as he conceived many of the people to be. So by tliis
tenent, neither might church members, nor other godly
men take the oath, because it was the establishment,
not of Christ, but of mortal men in their office ; nor
might men out of the church take it, because, in his
eye, they were but carnal. So the court must have been

SIS GENERAL HISTORY

forced to desist from that proceeding, which practice of
his was held to be the more dangerous, because it tend-
ed to unsettle ail the kingdoms and commonwealths in
Europe. These were (as I took it, saith Mr. Cotton,)
the causes of his banishment. Two other there fell in
upon these, that hastened the sentence ; the former fell
out thus : The magistrates discerning by the former
passages the heady and turbulent spirit of Mr, Williams,
both they and others advised the church of Salem, not
to call him to office in their church ; nevertheless, the
major part of the church made choice of him. Soon
after, when the church made suit to the court for a par-
cel of land adjoining to them, the court delayed to grant
their request, (as hath been mentioned before,) because
the church had refused to hearken to the magistrates and
others, in forbearing the choice of Mr. Williams ; where-
upon Mr. Williams took occasion to stir up the church
to join with him in writing letters of admonition unto all
the churches whereof those magistrates were members,
to admonish them of their open transgression of the rule
of justice. Which letters coming to the several church-
es, provoked the magistrates to take the more speedy
course with so heady and violent a spirit. But to pre-
,vent his sufferings, (if it might be) it was moved by
some of the elders, that themselves might have liberty
(according to the rule of Christ) to deal with him, and
with tVie church also, in a church way. It might be, the
church might hear them, and he the church, which being
consented to, some of the churches wrote to the church
of Salem, to present before them the offensive spirit, and
way of their officer, (Mr. Williams) both in judgment
and practice. The church finally began to hearken to
them, and accordingly began to address themselves to
the healing of his spirit, which he discerning, renounced
communion with the church of Salem, pretending they
held communion with the churches in the Bay, and the
churches in the Bay held communion with the parish
churches in England, because they suffered their mem-
fjers to hear the word amongst them in England, as they

OF NEW engla:nd. S13

came over into their native country. He then refusing
to resort to the publick assembly of the church, soon af-
ter sundry began to resort to his family, where he preach-
ed to them on the Lord's day. But this carriage of his
in renouncing the church upon such an occasioii, and
with them, all the churches in the country, and in spread-
ing his leaven to sundry that resorted to him, gave the
magistrates the more cause to observe the heady unruli-
nessof his spirit, and the incorrigibleness thereof in any
church way, all the churches in the country being then
renounced by iiim. And this was the other occasion
that hastened the sei:tence of his banishment upon the
former grounds. If upon these grounds Mr. Williams
be ready (as he professeth) not only to be bound and
banished, but also to die in New England ; let him re-
member (what he knows) " non psena sed causa facit
m irtyrem ;" no martyr of Christ did ever suffer for such
a cause. Thus men of great parts and strong affections,
for want of stability in their judgments to discern the
truth in matters of controversy, like a vessel that carries
too high a sail, are apt to overset in the stream, and ru-
in those that are embarked with them.

CHAP. XXXI. '

The first planting of those parts of JVew England^ on the
east and xvest side of Pascataqua river^ called the Prov-
ince of Maine and New Hampshire^ and the parts ad-
joining. Attempts for a ?ie7V settlement of those lands
by some of the Grand Council of New England^ before
they surrendered their charter into the hands of the
king.

How great a sound soever is, or hath been made a-
bout the Province of Maine, and the lands about Pascat-
aqua river, comprehended in sundry patents and grants,
that were long since said to be jointly and severally made
to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and Capt. John Mason, -^iie
whole history thereof may be comprised in a few words,
so far as any thing may be found in either of them wor*
th^ to be communicated to posterity-.

S14k SBNERAL HISTORY

The several vicissitudes and changes of government
either of them have passed under, are already touched
upon in the second part of the Narrative of the troubles
with the Indians in New England, printed at Boston in
the year 1677. At present therefore only to insist upon
what is most memorable about the first planting thereof,
after it came first to be discovered by Capt. Smith, and
some others employed on that design, about the year
1614 and 1615.

Some merchants and other gentlemen in the west of
England, belonging to the cities of Exeter, Bristol,
Shrewsbury, and towns of Plymouth, Dorchester, &,c.
incited no doubt by the fame of the plantation begun at
New Plymouth in the year 1620, having obtained pa-
tents for several parts of the country of New England,
from the grand council established at Plymouth, (into
whose hands that whole country was committed) made
some attempt of beginning a plantation in some place a-
bout Pascataqua river, about the year 1623. For being
encouraged by the report of divers mariners that came
to make fishing voyages upon that coast, as well as by
the aforementioned occasion, they sent over thkt year,
one Mr. David Thompson, with Mr. Edward Hilton,
and his brother, Mr. William Hilton, who had been fish-
mongers in London, with some others, that came along
with them, furnished with necessaries for carrying on a
plantation there. Possibly others might be sent after
them in the years following, 1624 and 1625; some of
whom first in probability, seized on a place called the
Little Harbour, on the west side of Pascataqua river, to-
ward, or at the mouth thereof ; the Hiltons in the mean
while setting up their stages higher up the river, toward
the northwest, at or about a place since called Dover.
But at that place called the Little Harbour, it is suppos-
ed was the first house set up, that ever was built in
those parts ; the chimney, and some part of the stone
wall, is standing at this day, and certainly was it, which
was called then, or soon after. Mason Hall, because to it
was annexed three or four thousand acres of land, with

OF NEW ENGLAND. M9

intention to erect a manor, or lordship there, according
to the custom of England ; for by consent of the rest of
the undertakers, in some after division, that parcel of
land fell to his share ; and it is mentioned as his proprie-
ty, in his last will and testament, by the name of Mason
Hall. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. John Mason
might have a principal hand in carrying on that design,
but virerc not the sole proprietors therein ; there being
several other gentlemen, that were concerned therein, and
till after the year 1631, there seems to have been not
many other buildings considerable erected, in any other
place about Pascataqua river ; all which is evident by an
indenture, yet extant in the hands of some gentlemen
now living at Portsmouth, a town seated down near the
mouth of the said river, wherein are these words :

" This indenture, made the 3d of November, 1631,
between the Piesident and Council of New England on
the one part, and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Capt. John
Mason, John Cotton, Henry Gardner, George Griffith,
Edwin Guy, Thomas Wanncrton, Thomas Eyre, and
Eleazer Eyre, on the other part, witnesseth," &c. After
which is added, " forasmuch as the forementioned have
by their agents there, taken great pains, and spent much
time in the discovery of the country, all which hath cost
them (as we are credibly informed) three thousand
pounds and upwards, which hitherunto they are wholly
out of purse for, upon hope of doing good for time to come
to the publick, and for other sufficient causes and con-
siderations, the said President and Council especially
moving, have given, granted, bargained, sold, enfeoffed,
and confirmed to Sir Ferdinando Gorges and the rest,
an house with all the privileges thereunto belonging,
wherein Capt. Neal and the colony with him do or late-
ly did reside ; among other things there is also added
salt-works, lying and being situate near the harbour of
Pascataqua, with all the lands adjoining, that run along
five miles westward by the sea-coast, and so to cross
over in an angle of three miles breadth towards a planta-
tion in the hands of Edward Hilton, supposed to be

S16 GENERAL HISTORY

about Dover, and so towards Exeter." And for this
grant, by way of acknowledgment, or somethinaj of like
nature, as is expressed in the indenture, they were to pay
481. per annum to the President and Council of New
England, if demanded. In the same indenture it is ad-
ded, that they gave power to Capt. Cammocke and Mr.
Josselin, as their attornies to put them into possession
thereof, which was surely to be understood, by way of
anticipation, for it is known that Capt. Cammocke (who
is said to be related to the Earl of Warwick) and Mr.
Josselin wer-e in England, at the time when this inden-
ture was dated, and neither of them came to New Eng-
land dll about the year 1633. This indenture of No-
vember 3d, 1631, hath no other subscription in the bot-
tom of it, but this, " Hsec copia debite examinata ver-
batim inventa est concordare cum originali. Per me
notarium infra testatum sacra regia authoriiate admis-
sum, atque juratum, Londini comniorantem, hoc il die
Januarii, 1631.

Tho: de Wache, Notar. Publ."
This indenture, though without any hand or seal an-
nexed, seems to be of as much force, as other instru-
ments of like hature, produced on such like accounts, at
the present time. And whereas there is mention in this
indenture of Capt. Ncal, and the colony with him, there
residing in the said house, it must be understood, that
the agents of Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. Mason,
with the rest, had by their order built an house, and
done something, also about salt-works, sometime before
the year 1630 ; in which year Capt. Neal, with three
other gentlemen, came over to Pascataqua, in the bark
Warwick. He was said to he sent as Governour for Sir
Ferdinando Gorges and the rest ; and to superintend
their affairs there. Another occasion of their sending
over, was said to be searching, or making a more full
discovery of an imaginary province, supposed to lie up
higher into the country, called Laconia. Butaftei' three
years spent in labour and travel for that end, or other
fruitless endeavours, and expense of too much estate.

OF NEW ENGLAND. S17

they returned back to P^ngland with a " non est inventa
provincia." Nor is there any thin^ memorable recorded
as done by him, or his company, during the time of his
three years' stay, unless it were a contest between him and
Capt. Wigt^ans, employed in like manner to begin a
plantation higher up the river, for some of Shrewsbury,
who being forbidden by him, the said Neal, to come up-
on a point of land, that lieth in the midway betwixt Do-
ver and Exeter, Capt. Wiggans intended to have defend-
ed his right by the sword, but it seems both the litigants
had so much wit in their anger, as to wave the battle,
each accounting himself to have done very manfully ia
what was threatened ; so as in respect, not of what did,
but what might have fallen out, the place to this day re-
tains the formidable name of Bloody Point.

But because the plantations of New England were all
raised upon the Grand Charter of New England, given
to the Council of Plymouth, as the foundation of them,
the reader may take notice of the form of the said char-
ter, as it is expressed in what follows, with the names of
all those honourable persons, to whom it was first grant-
ed.

" The charter granted to the Grand Council, estab-
lished at Plymouth, (of which there is often mention in
this history) was put into the hands of the Duke of Le-
nox, Marquis Buckingham, Marquis Hamilton, Earl of
Pembroke, Earl of Arundel, Earl of Bath, Earl of South
Hampton, Earl of Salisbury, Earl of Warwick, Vis-
count Haddington, Lord Zouche, Lord Sheffield, Lord
Gorges, Sir Edward Seymour, Sir Robert Mansell, Sir
Edward Zouche, Sir Dudley Diggs, Sir Thomas Roe,
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Sir Francis Popham, Sir John
Brookes, Sir Thomas Gates, Sir Richard Hawkins, Sir
Richard Edgecombe, Sir Allen Apsley, Sir Warwick
Heal, Sir Richard Catchmay, Sir John Bourgchier, Sir
Nathaniel Rich, Sir Edward Giles, Sir Giles Mompes-
son. Sir Thomas Wroth, Knights ; — Matthew SutclifFe,
Robert Heath, Henry Bourgchier, John Drake, Rawley
Gilbert, George Chudley, Thomas Hammond, and John
28

S18 GENERAL HISTORY

Argall, P'.sqrs. and their successours, one body corporate
and politick, in deed and in name, by the Council estab-
lished at PIjnTiOQth, in the county of Devon, for the
planting, ruling, and governing of New England in A-
merica. We do by these presents, for us, our heirs,
successours, really, and fully incorporate, erect, ordain,
name, constitute, and establish, and that by the same name
of the said Council they and theirsuccessours, forever here-
after, be incorporated, named, and called, and shall by
the same name have perpetual succession. And further
we do hereby for us, our heirs and successours, grant un-
to the said Council established at Plymouth, that they
and their successours, by the same name, be, and shall
be, and shall continue, persons able in the law from time
to time, &c. And our will and pleasure is, that the said
forty persons, or the greatest number of them, shall, or
may from time to time, and at all times hereafter, at their
own will and pleasure according to the laws and ordi-
nances, and orders of or by them, or by the greater part
of them, hereafter in manner and form in these presents
mentioned to be agreed upon, to elect and choose a-
mongst themselves one of the said forty persons for the
time being, to be President of the Council, which Pres-
ident so elected and chosen, we will, and shall continue,
and be President cf the said Council for so long time as
by the orders of the said Council from time to time to
be made, as hereafter is mentioned, shall be thought
fit, and no longer. Unto which President, or in his ab-
sence to any such person as by the orders of the said
Council shall be thereunto appointed, we do give au-
thority, to give order for the warning of the said Coun-
cil, and summoning the company to their meeting. And
our will and pleasure is, that from time to time, when,
and so often, as any of the said Council shall happen to
decease, or to be removed from being of the said Coun-
cil, that then and so often the survivors of them of the
said Council, and no other, or the greater number of
them, whp then shall be from time to time left and re-
maining, and who shall be, or the greater number of

' OF NEW ENGLAND. S19

which, that shall be assembled at a publick court, or
meeting to be held for the said company, shall elect and
choose one or more other person or persons, to be of
the said Council, and which shall be from time to time of
the said Council, so that the number of forty persons of
the said Council, may from time to time be supplied, &c."*
This was rightly called the Grand Charter of New
England, for it was t!ie substratum or ground work
of all the following charters, or grants, that were
given out to all sorts of persons, that were willing to ad-
venture either their persons or estates, to plant or people
that new country. And the first plantation about Pascat-
aqua was begun in that order, as is last mentioned ; and
those that were most active therein, had continual re-
course to the persons that were invested with the power
of that charter, to revive and mfluence their hopes ; for
some of them obtained six or seven several grants of land
between Merrimack river and Kennebeck, although, as
some may be ready to think, every subsequent grant
made the precedent all void. But notwithstanding the
variety of these pretended grants, the planting of that
side of the country went but slowly on, during the first
seven years : for in die year 1S31, when Edward Col-
cot first came thither, (who was afterwards, for want of a
better, for some years together chosen governour of the
plantations about Dover) there were but three houses (as
he affirmed) in ail that side of the country adjoining unto
Pascataqua river, nor is it said that any were built by
Capt. Neal ; but after his return home for England, Sir
Ferdinando Gorges, Capt. Mason, and the rest of the ad-
venturers, sent over other agents and supplies, for carry-
ing on their designs. One Mr. Williams was sent over
about that time, to take care of the salt-works, that were
there begun ; and other artificers, the chiefest of whom
was one Chadbourne, that built the great house (as it
used to be called) at Strawberry Bank, with several oth-
ers, both planters and traders. This Williams being a
prudent man, and of better quality than the rest, was
chosen to be their governour ; when, after Capt. Neal's

• See this charter at length, Hazard i. 103—118, Ed.

220 GENERAL HISTORY

going away, they entered into a combination for the bet-
ter enabling them to live orderly one by another ; for he
it was who was governoar in the year 1638, when the
troubles happened at Dover between Mr. Larkham and
Mr. Knollis ; unless he were put into that place by the
President and Council of Plymouth, of which nothing is
said by any of the inhabitants now left ; and the rest of
the plantations did not long after enter into a combination
among themselves higher up the river, at Dover and
Exeter, which makes it more than probable, that those
did so, who were planted down lower towards the mouth
thereof. For in the year 1640, May 25, " it is recorded
how the inhabitants of Strawberry Bank (since called
Portsmouth) having of their free and voluntary minds,
and good will, given and granted several sums of money
for the building and founding of a parsonage kouse, with
a chapel thereunto united, did grant fifty acres of land to
be annexed thereunto, as a glebe land belonging to the
said parsonage ; and all wiis put into the hands of two
men, viz. Thomas Walford and Henry Sherburne, as
church wardens, to them, and their successours, to be
chosen yearly, as feoffees in trust, and to whom were to
be joined the governour, and assistants for the year be-
ing ; and after their dissolution by the king, two of the
ablest of the parish were to be chosen, to order and man-
age the said parsonage." This was subscribed by

FRANCIS WILLIAMS, Governour.
Ambrose Gibbons, Assistant, and 18 as inhabitants.

This Williams did, soon after this, remove out of the
country into the Barbados, where he died ; and Wan-
nerton was employed also as deputy or assistant under
Williams ; who had been a soldier, and better acquaint-
ed with using the sword of war than the sword of jus-
tice, and accordingly perished by the same sword, as
may be mentioned in the year 1644. He kept Pascata-
qua men under awe divers years.

During these transactions at Stra^vberry Bank towards
the mouth of the river, Capt. VViggans carried on a dis-
tinct interest above in the higher part of the river, in be^

OF NEW ENGLAND. SSI

half of the Shrewsbury men, and others. For having
begun a plantation in that place upon their account in
the year 1631, he went back for England the next year,
and soon after returned again, with more ample power,
and means to promote what was in hand. The Bristol
men had in the mean time sold their interest (which was
two thirds) in the said plantation to the Lord Say, the
Lord Brookes, one Mr. Willis and Mr. Wiiiting, who
likewise employed Capt. Wiggans to act in their behalf,
for the space of seven years next following ; the Shrews-
bury men still retaining their own share. After the time
was expired, the advance not being much, the whole
was prized but at six hundred pounds and sold at that
lay to Capt. Wigcjans ; which he paid at a very easy
rate, as some of his neighbours have used to say.

Those that first enterprized this design, intended re-
ligion as well as civil advantaa:e thereby, and therefore
did they send over with Capt. Wiggans, anno 1633, one
Mr. Lever idge, an able and worthy minister, with prom-
ise of considerable allowance for his better su Insistence ;
but the encouragement proving too small for his main-
tenance, he removed more southward, towards Plymouth
or Long Island. And in his room succeeded one Mr.
Burdet, a person of better kno^vledge and learning, than
other abilities fit for that sacred function. For not long
after he came thither, by the assistance and help of some
that entertained a better opinion of him than ever he de-
served, he invaded the civil government, and thrusting
out Capt. Wiggans, placed there by the Lord Say and
others, he became the governour of the place, but was
himself also not long after forced to remove, by reason
of sundry miscarriages he was charged with, of which
there may be occasion to speak more elsewhere.

In the interim of these affairs, several persons of good
estates, and some account for religion, were by the in-
terest of the lords and other gentlemen, induced to
transplant themselves thither, so many as sufficed to
make a considerable township ; and following the exam-
ple of the plantations about the Massachusetts, they soon

S3S GENERAL HISTORY

after, scil. about the year 1638, attempted to gather
themselves into a church estate, and had officers ordahi-
ed over them for that end. But for want of discretion,
if not of something else, in them that were called to that
solemn work, they soon after fell into factions, and
strange confusions, one part taking upon them to ex-
communicate and punish the other in the church and in
the court ; an ordinary effect of loose and pragmatick
spirits, under any popular government, whether civil or
ecclesiastical.

For though they had no power of government granted
them by patent from the king, either mediately or im-
mediately, yet finding the necessity of civil rule and gov-
ernment to be such, that no affairs could be carried on
without something of that nature, they entered at last,
scil. in the year 1640, into a combination among them-
selves. The form of which combination is after this ten-
our, as is left upon record :

" Whereas, sundry mischiefs and inconveniences have
befallen us, and more and greater may, in regard of want
of civil government, his gracious Majesty having settled
no order for us, to our knowledge, we whose names are
underwritten, being inhabitants upon the river of Pascat-
aqua, have voluntarily agreed to combine ourselves into
a body politick, that we may the more comfortably en-
joy the benefit of his Majesty's laws, and do hereby ac-
tually engage ourselves to submit to his royal Majesty's
laws, together with all such laws as shall be concluded
by a major part of the freemen of our society, in case
they be not repugnant to the laws of England, and ad-
ministered in behalf of his Majesty. And this we have
mutually promised and engaged to do, and so to contin-
ue, till his excellent Majesty shall give other orders con-
cerning us. In witness whereof we have hereunto set
our hands, October 22, in the 16 year of the reign of our
Sovereign Lord, Charles, by the grace of God, king of
Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith,
&:c." Subscribed by

THOMAS LARKHAM, WILLIAM WALDRENE,

RICHARD WALDRENE, with 38 more.

OP NEW ENGLAND. S33

About the same time likewise, was there a plantation
begun about the falls of Pascataqua, on the south side of
the great bay up that river, called by the first inhabitants
Exeter. This was begun by Mr. Wheelwright and
others, who on his account were forced to depart out of
the Massachusetts not long before, or else voluntarily
bore him company. They, in like manner, judged it
needful to enterinto a combination by themselves, for the
better enabling of them to carry on the affairs of their
plantation. Their combination was in this order ex-
pressed :

" Whereas, it hath pleased the Lord to move the
heart of our dread Sovereign, Charles, &c. to grant li-
cense and liberty to sundry of his subjects to plant them-
selves in the western part of America ; we his loyal sub-
jects, members of the church of Exeter, situate and ly-
ing upon the river of Pascataqua, with other inhabitants
there, considering with ourselves the holy will of God,
and our own necessity, that we should not live without
wholesome laws and civil government amongst us, of
which we are altogether destitute, do in the name of
Christ, and in the sight of God, combine ourselves to-
gether to erect, and set up amongst us, such government
as shall be, to our best discerning, agreeable to the will
of God, professing ourselves subjects to our Sovereign
Lord, King Charles, according to the liberty of the Eng-
lish colony of the Massachusetts, and binding ourselves
solemnly, by the grace and help of Christ, and in his
name and fear, to submit ourselves to all such christian
laws, as are established in the realm of England, to our
best knowledge, and to all oiher such laws which shall
upon good grounds be made and enacted among us, ac-
cording to God, that we may live quietly and peaceably
together in all godliness and honesty, October 4, 1639,"
Subscribed by

JOHN WHEELWRIGHT,
WILLIAM WENTWORTH,
GEORGE Vv^ ALTON, with 32 more.

SS4< GENERAL HISTORY

As for the Province of Maine, on the north east side
of the river of Pascataqua, there were several attempts
for the planting of divers places therein by Plymouth
men, who had gotten patents from the great Council of
Plymouth for that end ; amongst whom was one Mr.
Trelanney, whose interest at the last fell into the hands
of Mr. Winter. Several others also claimed an interest
in some of those parts, under the countenance of the Earl
of Warwick ; viz. Capt. Cammocke, Mr. Gaines, and
others, who began to plant about a neck of land, then call-
ed Black Point. About the same time came over one
Mr. Josselin, with intent to settle about Newichawan-
nicke, upon the account of Capt. John Mason, who up-
on the division of the interest which he had with Sir Fer-
dinando Gorges, had that place assigned unto him. But
upon the death of Capt. Mason, (who was the gentleman
that employed him, and having none to succeed him,
who was capable to carry on those designs,) he removed
himself to Black Point, upon some agreement with Sir
Ferdinando Gorges, into whose hands at the last fell all
those places, fit for plantations in that part of the country ;
who obtained a confirmation thereof by a royal charter,
granted to him and his heirs, under the great seal of
England, bearing date anno 1639. After which confir-
mation he granted patents to several gentlemen to hold of
him, in fee, as grand proprietor, viz. to Capt. Bonitham,
about the river Saco ; to Capt. Champernoon, and his
cousin Gorges, about Agamenticus; employing Mr.
Vines as his agent for the most part, for the managing
of the plantation, which he kept in his own hands.

The gentleman who purchased the Plough patent, pro-
cured also a part of the Province of Maine to the west-
ward of Kennebeck, who employed one Mr Cleves to
carry on his interest in those parts, so long as it was
counted worth the looking after. But, in fine the inhabi-
tants of all these plantations at Pascataqua, and in the
Province of Maine, having wearied themselves with end-
less contentions and strifes, and having tried all conclu-
sions of government, both by patent and combination,

OF NEW ENGLAND. SSS

and finding neither sufficient, in any tolerable degree of
comfortable order, to maintain and support the grandeur
of authority, like those mentioned in the prophet, they
took hold of the skirt of the Massachusetts, expecting
that under their wings they might find an healing of their
breaches, which in some measure the more sober part of
the inhabitants were willing to think they had obtained ;
but of late time they have met with some changes,
whether for the better or the worse, future time will best
discover.

But as for the plantation begun on the west side of
Pascataqua river, immediately after the decease of Capt.
Mason, none appearing to keep things in good order, or
that had power to call the agents and servants to an ac-
count, therefore they shared the land and stock that were
taken into, and left in their possession, among themselves,
for the arrears of wages, or on some such like accounts,
until Mrs. Anne Mason, sole executrix of Capt. John
Mason, her husband, sent over her husband's kinsman,
one Mr. Joseph Mason, to look after her interest there ;
who, finding little encouragement to proceed further
therein, returned soon after himself to those that sent
him, with the sad report of the ruins of a fair estate, that
had been laid out upon an unprofitable design, which all
the rest of the partners had experience of, as well as
those that remained of the rest of that gentleman's fami-
ly. There were other attempts by him, which failed in
like manner, for want of means to carry them on, or for
want of faithful agents ; for some who are yet surviving,
do affirm that Capt. Mason did, in the year 1634, send
over agents to set up a saw-mill about Newichawanock,
upon an agreement betwixt himself and Sir Ferdinando
Gorges, who had both of them taken a patent together for
the land between Merrimack river and Sagadehock, bear-
ing date November 17, 1629. And by mutual agree-
ment afterwards, Capt. Mason was to have that part of
the Province of Maine allotted to him as his share of he
division. Much other estate was sent over by him, which
by ill management came to little.
29

SS6 OENERAL HISTORY

It hath been affirmed likewise by Mr. Josselin, who
first came over into New England on Capt. Mason's ac-
count, that there was the same agreement made betwixt
Mr. Matthew Cradock and Capt. John Mason, that the
bounds of the Massachusetts should reach to three miles
to the northward of Merrimack, and the remainder of the
land betwixt that line and Pascataqua river should be
left for Capt. Mason's patent ; which it hath been credi-
bly affirmed that he consented unto. But he dying in
the latter end of the year 1635, all that he had done be-
fore came to litde or nothing. Neither had he opportu-
nity to send over the seventy families, which some to
this day affirm he engaged to do, and which is judged
very probable he did ; because by his last will and testa-
ment he gave about a thousand acres of land to the town
of Lynn, in Norfolk, where himself was born, upon con-
dition that they should send over a certain number of
families within a time prefixed; but his death happen-
ing so soon after, p;ave a supersedeas to all such promis-
es and purposes of his ; and his successours not attempt-
ing to carry on the designs which he had begun, the
whole tract of land, included withiti those grants of his,
were soon after possessed by his servants and others, as
was said before, as a kind of " vacuum domicilium ;"
which is the true estate of those places, challenged at
present by his successour.

Of all the persons who were concerned in the business
of New England, or whose names vvere inserted in the
grand council thereof. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt.
John Mason were the more active, and probably had the
greatest interest therein. Possibly they might, one or
both of them, bear some office in and about that council,
either as Secretary or Treasurer. But having spent much
time and cost, and taken a great deal of pains, and per-
ceiving nothing like to come to perfection, and tearing
that they should ere long be forced to resign up their
Grand Charter into the hands of the King, they adventured
upon a new project in the latter end of the year 1684,
and beginning of the year 1635, which \Vas to have pro-

OF NEW ENGLAND, SS7

cured a general governour for the whole country of New
England to be forthwith sent over, and to reduce the
whole country into twelve provinces, from St. Croix, to
the Lord Baltimore's province in Virginia ; and because
the Massachusetts patent stood in their way, (which
province was then well peopled asid planted) they en^
deavoured to get that patent revoked, and that all miglA
be reduced to a new form of government, under one
general governour. For in June, 1635, it was certified
by letters from the Lord Say, and by the report of di-
.vers passengers, that such petitions were put up to the
King, and to the Lords of the Council, the copies of which
were sent then over. They were put up under the hands
of the Duke of Lenox, Marquis Hamilton, the Earl of
Arundel, Earlof Carlile, Earl of Sterling, the Lord Gor-
ges, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and C ipt. John Mason ;
though it was probably conceived that it was the project
of Sir Ferdinando Gorges himself only.
That to the Lords was after this manner.

" MAY IT PLEASE YOUR LORDSHlPS,

" Whereas, it pleased your Lordships to give order to
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, to confer with such as were
chiefly interested in the plantations of New England, to
resolve whether they would resign wholly to his Majes-
ty the patent of New England, and to leave to his Ma-
jesty and his council the sole managing of the publick
affairs, with reservation of every man's right foimally
granted, or whether they would stand to the said patent,
and prosecute the business amongst themselves, and to
have the said patent renewed, with the reformation, or
addition of such things as should be found expedient :"

Then it followed, '* We whose names are here under-
written, being interested in the business, do humbly sub-
mit to his Majesty's pleasure to do therewith as he pleas-
eth.

" But withal we humbly desire, that upon our resigna-
tion of our said patent, his Majesty being disposer of the
whole country, severally, and immediately from himself,
those divisions upon the seacoast, that are here under

SS8 GENERAL HISTORY

dcsjofned, may be instantly confirmed, and bestowed, by
new grants from his Majesty unto us, to be holden of
his Majesty, paying the fifth part, &c. and with the priv-
ilege of the said patent, and such further royalties, as the
Lord Baltimore hath in his patent for the country of
Maryland, saving- only that we should submit ourselves
to the general governour, now presently to be establish-
ed by his Majesty for the whole country, and after his
decease, or other determination of his office, that then
from the lords of his province, there may be an election
of three by lot, which said three persons, so elected, shall
be presented to the King, that out of that number one
may be chosen by his Majesty, to succeed in the place
of the general governour ; who shall in person, or by his
sufficient deputy, (who shall reside in the country during
the space of three years only,) and so from three years
to three years, another governour to be chosen succes--
sively, and the old governour to be left out of the lot of
choice."

The several divisions of the twelve provinces next
followed after. The first was from St. Croix to Pemaquid.
The second, from Pemaquid to Sagadehock. The third
contained the land between the rivers Ambross Coggin*
and Kennebeck. The fourth, along the sea coast from
Sagadehock to Pascataqua. The fifth, from Pascataqua
to Naumkeek. The sixth, from Naumkeek round the
sea coast by Cape Cod to Narraganset. The seventh,
from Narraganset to the half way bound betwixt that
and Connecticut river, and so 50 miles up into the coun-
try. The eighth, from the half way bound to Connecti-
cut river, and so 50 miles up into the country. The
ninth, from Connecticut river along the sea coast to Hud-
son's river, and so up 30 miles, &c. The tenth, from
the 30 miles end, to cross up 40 miles eastward. The
eleventh, from the west side of Hudson's river, 30 miles
up the country towards the 40th degree, where New Eng-
land beginneth. The twelfth, from the end of the 30
miles up the said river northward, thirty miles further,
and from thence to cross into the land 40 miles. And

♦ Androscoggin. JEd.

OF NEW ENGLANB. SS9

out of every one of those provinces was 5000 acres to
be granted to certain persons there named, in Ueu of
some former grants made to each of them in those divi-
sions which they were now to surrender, and to hold each
man his 5000 acres in fee of the lord of the province ;-
and the lord of every one of these twelve provinces was
to send the same year ten men with the general govern-
our, well provided.

To all which it is added, in the last place :

" It is humbly desired that your lordships would be
pleased to order these things following.

" 1. That the patent for the plantation of the Massachu-
setts Bay may be revoked, and that all those who have
any other grants within any of these provinces, whether
they have planted or not, upon any part of the same, yet
they shall enjoy their lands, laying down their Jura rega-
lia, if they had any, and paying some reasonable ac-
knowledgment as freeholders to the lord of the province,
of whom they are now to take new grants of their said
lands ; and in case any of their lands shall be found hav-
ing exorbitant bounds, to have been unlawfully obtain-
ed, they shall be reduced to a lesser proportion, as may
be fit for the grantor, who is undertaker at the direction
of Sir Ferdinando Gorges ; and if the grantee shall be
any ways refractory, and refuse to surrender, and hold
anew of the said lord of the provihce, that then your
lordships would take order by such course, as law will
permit, to make void the same.

" 2, That every river, that parts two provinces, shall
equally belong, half way over, to that province it lies
contiguous to.

** 3. That the islands upon the sea coast, or within the
river of any province, being not here named, shall be-
long to the province they lie nearest unto.

" 4. That there is offered to your lordships' considera- '
tions, the building of a city for the seat of the govern-
our ; unto which city 40000 acres of land may be al-
lotted, besides the divisions above mentioned. And
that every one that is to have any of these provinces,

S30 GENERAL HISTORY

shall be at the charge of sending over with the gov-
ernour, ten men, towards the building of the said
city ; wherein every such adventurer snail not only have
his share of the trade and buildings, but also shall have
all other fruit of the ten men's labour, sent as aforesaid.

" Moreover there is humbly dedicated to the foundation
of a church in the said city, and maintenance of clergy-
men to serve in the said church, 10000 acres of land,
near adjoining to the said city."

Certainly at the first venting of this project, the au-
thor did not know, at least not consider, that fifty thou,
sand acres of unimproved land in New England was
not at that time worth fifty pounds ; and therefore would
have done but little, as to the building of cities, and en-
dowing of churches. And at this day there is not much
of the land in the country, unless in the midst of two or
three trading towns, is worth little more than hath been
expended in the breaking of it up and fencing of it in.

But to go on. The petition of the aforesaid lords,
&c. to the king's majesty, was after this form.

" MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MOST SACRED MAJESTY,

" It is humbly desired by the Duke of Lenox, &c. an-
cient patentees, and adventurers in the plantation of New
England, that forasmuch as they are now presently to
join in the surrender to your Majesty of the grand pa-
tent of their corporation, that yQur royal Majesty will be
graciously inclined to give order to your attorney gen-
eral, to draw several patents of such parcels of land, as
by their mutual consent have been allotted to them ; and
to have the same patents prepared fit for your Majesty's
royal signature, with such titles, privileges, immunities,
as have been heretofore granted, either to them, or to
any other by your Majesty ; or by your late royal father.
King James, of blessed memory, with reservations of
appeal to the governour or lieutenant of the territories, in
cases reasonable ; that they, knov/ing their own interest,
may be the better able to plant and govern them to your
Majesty's honour, their particular profits, and their peo-
ple's civil government and faithful obedience to the laws
of your sacred Majesty. April 6, 1§35."

OF NEW ENGLAND. SSt

In order to the carrying on of some such design, as
seems to be intended in the forementioned petitions,
there is a copy of some such agreement concerning one
of the forementioned provinces, which the forenamed
persons promised to grant to Capt. John Mason, which
seems to be drawn up not long before, about that, which
runs after this tenour.

" Forasmuch asbv a mutual aarreement, we whose names
are subscribed, patentees or adventurers, and of the
couiicil of New England, are to join in the surrender to
his Majesty of the great charter of that country, wliich
was granted to us iii the 18th year of the reign of King
Janies, oi blessed memory; in whose presence, Feb. 3,
1634, lots were drawn for settling of divers and sundry
divisions of lands on the sea coasts of the said country,
upon most of us, who hitherto have never been confirm-
ed in the lands so allotted :

And to rhe intent that every one of us according to
equity, and in some reasonable manner, answerable to
his adventures, or other interest, may enjoy a proportion
of the lands of the said country, to be immediately hold-
en of his Majesty : We therefore do condescend, and
agree, that all the part of the sea coast of the country
aforesaid, shall belong to Capt. John Mason, to begin at
the middle of Naumkeek river, and from thence to pro-
ceed eastward along the sea coast to Cape Anne, and
round about the same into Pascataqua harbour, and so
forward up tiie river of Newichawanock, and to the fur-
therest head of the said river, and from thence northwest-
ward, till 60 miles be finished from the first entrance of
Pascataqua harbour. Also from Naumkeek through
the harbour and river thereof, up into the land west 60
miles ; from which period to cross over land to the 60
miles end, accounted from Pascataqua, through Newi-
chawanock river, and into the said land northwest as a-
foresaid ; and hereunto is to belong the south half of the
Isle of Slioals, and 10000 acres of land on the southeast
pert of Sagadehock, at the mouth or entrance thereof.
Saving and reserving- out of this division, to every one

S3S GENERAL HISTORY

that hath any lawful grant of lands, or plantation lawful-
ly settled in the same, the freeholding and enjoying of his
right, with the liberties thereunto appertaining, laying
down his jura regalia^ if he have any, to tlie proprietor
of his division, wherein his land lieth, and paying some
small acknowledgment, for that he is now to hold his
said land anew of the proprietor of his division."

LENOX, EDWARD GORGES,

HAMILTON,
ARUNDEL Sc SURREY,
CARLILE, . FERD. GORGES.

. STARLING.

Concordat cum originali facta coilatione per me,

THOMAS MAYDWEL, Notar. Publicum.

It is not known that many of the rest obtained such
like grants as that late described, from the grand coun-
cil, before they surrendered, which it is said was done in
June, 1635, and Capt. Mason deceasing before that year
was expired, he never obtained a confirmation of it from
the king, as Sir Ferdinando Gorges did of the Province
of Maine, in the year 1639. And whether such an act
of consent of the grand council, being not confirmed,
can invalidate the actual possession of others, that enter-
ed upon the land as void of all grant and possession, es-
pecially if their possessions were in like manner granted
by the grand council, were confirmed by any preceding
grant from his royal majesty, is not hard to determine.

By these steps and degrees was the first planting of
the land about Pascataqua carried on ; nor was the right
and title of any of the present inhabitants ever particu-
larly and expressly questioned, or any kind of rent de-
manded of them, till the year 1679, by Mr. Mason, or
any in his name before ; the validity of whose preten-
sions is at this present time under debate, the issue of
which will ere long be made known.

Some gentlemen in England not long before, or about
the time, when the grand charter of New England was
surrendered up into the hands of the king, had prepared
a ship of considerable bigness, which should have been

OF NEW ENGLAND. 833

employed in bringing over the general governour, and
to have been kept there as a inan of war ; but the design .
succeeded very ill, for the ship in the launching, turned on
one side and broke her back, which caused tht-in to lay
aside their purpose, as was mentioned before, Chap. 27.
And not long after, one of the gentlemen, that was
known to be one of the greatest adversaries to the affairs
of the Massachusetts, felr sick, and died soon after. In
his sickness he sent for the minister, and bewailed his
enmity against them, and promised, if he recovered, to be
as great a friend to New England, as ever he had been
an enemy before. But his fatal hour being come, his
purposes of that nature Wf re cut off; which should in-
struct all to do the gc^od they inter.d, while their time
iasteth, for there is no work nor device in the gravCy
whither they arc going. The passage foregoing was
certified by letters jfrom my Lord Say aad others, to the
governour of New England, about the year 1635.

CHAP. XXXII.

The general affairs of the Massachusetts y from the year
I606 to the year 1641.

Things had hitherto been very successfully carried
on in the Massachusetts ; and in the entrance of the year
1636, the 25th of May, Mr. Henry Vane, that arrived
there with sundry other gentlemen in the year 1635, was
chosen governour of the Massachusetts colony, at which
time also Mr. Winthrop was chosen deputy governour,
and Mr. Roger Harlakenden, that came along in the
same ship with Mr. Vane, the year before, was chosen
an assistant.

There was then as great hopes of the continuance of
the peace and prosperity of the plantation, as ever before,
or rather greater. But often a bright morning is follow-
ed with a dark and obscure evening. Many sad ai.d
threatening storms of trouble were observed faJHng ujjon
that country, before this lustre was half run out, so-oe
of which were mingled with showers of blood; although

30

38^ flBNERAL HISTORY

in the beginning thereof there were many new plantations
carrying on, both about the Bay, and up higher in the
country, as far as Connecticut river, an hundred miles
westward from Boston. And now the country increas-
ing, and growing every year more populous than other,
by the addition of many hundred families, that every
season were resorting thither, it was judged reasonable
to make some further progress in settling the govern-
ment, by some other forms or ways of council and
courts of judicature, for the safety and ease of the peo-
ple, and to prevent the travelling of the inhabitants many
miles from their own places to obtain justice ; long jour-
nies at that time being, for want of horses and other
means of transportation, very difficult to any sort of peo-
ple.

Therefore about the beginning of this lustre, a Stand-
ing Council was ordered to be chosen out of the magis-
trates, and to be for term of life, unless for some weigh-
ty cause they were found unworthy ; and the governour
for the time being was always to be president. But
since that time, upon further experience, every particu-
lar magistrate is declared to be of the standing council
of the country. At this time there were but three to be
the standing council, viz. the Governour, Mr. Winihrop,
and Mr. Dudley.

Further also, besides the quarter courts, when all the
magistrates were wont to meet, other particular courts
were ordered to be kept at Boston, New-Town, (since
Cambridge,) Sulem and Ipswich, consisting of one mag-
istrate at least, and three or four associates, chosen by
the court out of the persons nominated by the freemen
of their several jurisdictions, with liberty to appeal to
the quarter courts; (which since that time are reduced
to two, called the Courts of Assistants, one in March,
and the other in September, in every year,) if either
plaintiff or defendant found themselves aggrieved by the
proceedings of those inferiour courts. The prrceedings
in either of these courts, is after the manner of the ses-
sions or assizes, by juries, grand and petit, &c. in the
realm of England.

OF NEW ENGLAND, S85

There were also about that time two general courts
established, in which it was ordered that no act should
proceed, unless the major part both of the magistrates
and deputies should consent ; although since that time,
there hath been some alteration so far made, that in case
of non-agreement, both magistrates and deputies should
vote together, and the major part of both, so voting,
should determine any matter of civil controversy.

At the same time it was also enacted, that every par-
ticular township should have power of their own affairs,
and to set mulcts upon any offender against publick order,
not exceeding 20 shillings, which power the inhabitants
have liberty to exact in their own society, or their pub-
lick meeting days, or by their prudential men, whom they
have liberty to choose, (the whole not exceeding seven,)
to order the affairs of their several townships.

As also in order to the publick safety of the colony,
it was about this time divided into three several regi-
ments, that were to be managed by so many Colonels,
with their Lieutenants ; which yet hath since been alter-
ed, and the military matters committed to a Major in
every particular county, and to a Major General for the
oversight of the whole.

But in the year 1636, under the government of Mr.
Vane, many clouds began to gather, threatening a storm,
both civil and ecclesiastical, like to ensue ere long. The
body of the freemen, having taken much offence at his
managing of the chief affairs, did, at the next court of
election, not only lay him aside from being governour
any longer, making an order immediately, that no man
should ever after be made governour, before he had been
one whole year in the country at least, but also left him
out from being an assistant, not willing he should have
any further hand in the government ; which possibly oc-
casioned his removal back to England, sooner than else
he intended, towards the end of the year 1637, whither
the present history shall not pursue him ; although it is
not unworthy taking notice, what an eminent minister

f^St GENERAL HISTORY

of the country solemnly declartd concerning him, not
long before his departure tlience, which had its accom-
ph>>hment in his fatal end not long since, on the Tower
hill in London ; which yet is not spoken to prejudice any
esteem that christ^ian people then had, of his share in the
eternal mercy of the living God.

But to return : In tlie room of the said Mr. Vane, at
the next court of election, kept at Cambridge, May the
17ih, 16 ~^7, (and difficultly carried on, by reason of some
obstructions laid in the way, by such as were of the
former governour's party in the country,) was chosen
Mr. Winthrop as governour, and Mr. Dudley as depu-
ty governour, under whose wise conduct the country
soon recovered its former beauty, place, and splendour,
which had been very much eclipsed in tiie misguiding
and bad conduct of the former governour ; the particu-
lars of which, and the disturbance occasioned thereby,
shall be discoursed by themselves in the following chap-
ters.

In the year 1638, the court of election happened on
May 2d, vvhei> Mr. ^Vinthrop was again called to be
governour, and Mr. Dudley deputy governour, of whose
wisdom and inlegi ity the country had had so much and
so long experience before, that they were very loath to
change any more.

Ai the same court liberty was granted for the erect-
ing of several new plantations within the bounds of the
Massachusetts colony, as at Hampton and Siilisbury,
places situated I etween the rivers of Merrimack and
Pascataqua, well stored with meadow lands and salt
marshes, although the uplands were something sandy,
and likely to be barren.

J^iberty also was granted for another plantation or
township, at a place called by the English Sudbury,
within five miles of Concord, planted first in the year
1635.

Besides the forementioned plantations, another was
granted to a company that came with an enunent minis*
per pf the gospel, Mr. E^ekiel Rogers, out of Yorkshire,

OF NEW ENGLAND. I^$7

since by them called Rowley, with respect to a town of
that name in Yorkshire, whereof the said reverend per-
son had been a long time minister.

But that which was in this year more to be observed,
was the founding of a college at that place, called before
(in reference to some others formerly planttd) New-
Town ; but now with relation to the seat of the muses,
who at this time had an invitation thither, and a founda-
tion laid for their future flourishing there, called Cam-
bridge ; and which in honour of a worthy minister, Mr.
Harvard by name, that had bequeathed seven hundred
pounds toward so pious a work, was called Harvard Col-
lege. In the year lo36 there was 4001. given by the
general court for the furthering thereof.

In the year 1637 a committee was chosen to take care
about the building of the said college ; and in this pres-
ent year it arose to so much perfection as to have that
honourable name im[)osed upon it. What helps it hath
since received by general benefactors, by whom endow-
ed, and of what use it hatii been in following times to
the promoting of good literature, for the upholding both
of church and state, may be mentioned probably after-
wards:— most of the towns in the country, at this time
about an hundred in all, being furnished with able min-
isters that there had their educadon.

At the following election. May £2, 1639, the former
governour and deputy govcrnour were con.inuedin their
places, as the year before ; during which time it might
be said of New England, as soineti'>ies of Judah, things
went well, and were attended with the ft rmer prosj)erity,
both in encouraging the just, and bearing witness against
the oppressors and unrighteous dealers

May 12, 1640, Mr. Dudley was honoured with the
place of governour, and Mr. Bellijigham with that of
deputy governour; at which court there was liberty
granted for two other plantations, in the more inland
parts 01 the country, to the westward of the towns of
Ipswich and Newbury ; the first called Haverhill, the
other Andovcr, with reference to some of the planters
that belonged to those towns in the realm of England,

3S8 GENERAL HISTORY

Hitherunto divine providence did, with arms of abun-
dant goodness, as a nursing father, uphold this infi.nt
province of New England, as was said of Ephraim, when
God learned him to go, taking him by the hand. But
for the future they were left more to stand upon their
own legs, and shift for themselves ; for now there was a
great change in the state of ihe country, the inhabitants
being put to great straits by reason of the fall of the price
of cattle, the breeding and increase of which had been
the principal means of upholding the country next un-
der divine favour, shining out upon them, by many un-
expected advantages ; for whereas before, all sorts of
great cattle were usually sold for 2*^1. the head, by rea-
son of the continual coming over of new families every
year to plant the wilderness. Now that fountain began
to be dried, and the stream turned another way, and
many that intended to have followed their neighbours
and friends into a land not sown, hoping by the turn of
the times, and the great changes that were then afoot, to
enjoy that at their own doors and homes, which the oth-
er had travelled so far to seek abroad ; there happened
a total cessation of any passengers coming over ; yea,
rather, as at the turn of a tide, many came back with the
help of the same stream, or sea, that carried them thith-
er ; insomuch, that now the country of New England
was to seek of a way to provide themselves of clol!«ing,
which they could not attain by selling of their cattle as
before ; which now were fallen from that huge price
forementioned, first to 141. and 101. an head, and pres-
ently after (at least within a year), to 51. apiece ; nor was
there at that rate ready vent {^r them neither. Thus the
flood that brought in much wealtii to many persons, the
contrary ebb carried all away, out of their reach. To
help in this their exigent, besides the industry that the
present necessity put particular persons upon, for the
necessary supply of their families, the general court
made several orders for the manufacture of woollen and
linen cloth ; which with God's blessing upon man's en-
deavour, in a little time stopped this gap in part, and

OF NEW ENGLANB. 1^39

soon after another door was opened by special provi-
dence. For when one hand was shut by way of supply
from Enarland, another was opened by way of traffick,
first to the West Indies and Wine Islands, whereby,
among other p^oods, much cotton wool was brought into
the country from the Indies; which the inhabitants learn-
ing to sr in, and breeding of sheep, and by sowing of
hemp and flax, they soon found out a way to supply
theT:>seIves with many necessarieSj of linen and woollen
cloth.

Thanks be to the Almighty, the country was not driv-
en to those straits to lay hold of the skirts of the next
comer, for want of meat and clothing ; for being so well
furnished with the owe, they soon found cut a way by
the abundance thereof, to supply themselves with the
other, which hath been the general way of the subsis-
tence of the country ever since ; and is like, by the bles-
sing of heaven, to continue, so long as the original grant
of divine bounty continues, (vvhich is the grand tenour
whereby mankind do hold in capite of the supreme Head
and Governour of the world) of multiplying the fish of
the sea, and beasts on the earth, or fowl in the air, and
the growing of the grass and fruits of the earth, for the
food of man and beast, that their granaries may be full,
their oxen strong to labour, and other creatures bring
forth thousands in their streets.

CHAP, xxxni.

Karious occurrences in the Massachusetts^ from the year
1636 to 1641.

News of the scarceness ot provision in New England
being carried over the sea, in the end of the year 1634,
many ships l-^den therewith, were, by the special favour
of God, early there the next year; most of them that
came m the spring making their way over in five weeks
time ; though some that could not be ready to set out
till the middle of d e summer, made it hve and twenty
l^efore they reached their port ; with whom were em-

ai^ GENERAL HISTORY

barked Mr. Nathaniel Rosters, afterwards called to be
pastor of the church at Ipswich, and Mr. Partridge, after-
wards called to Duxbury, in Plymouth colony. They
were driven to half a pint of water a man, and much
scanted in all other provision ; yet through the gofxlness
of God came all asiiore in good health, in or about the
month of November, 1636.

One of the first ships that arrived here that year was
the Charity, of Dartmouth, laden with provision, at that
time very scarce. She brought comfort in her very name,
and was by special providence preserved in the mouth
of the Bay, between Alerton's point and Nantasket, hav-
ing struck ground twice upon the ebb, in a strong north-
west wind, but was got off" very strangely, and her pro-
vision very charitably distributed to poor people that
then wtre. in great distress, at a moderate ])rice.

Mr. Henry Vane being chosen governour that year,
(the son and heir of Sir Henry Vane, one of the privy
council,) all the ships in the harbour congratulated his
election with a volley of shot. The next week he invit-
ed all the commanders to a treat, fifteen in all ; after that
was ended, he propounded three things, which they all
gladly accepted. 1. That after this year, all ships bound
in hither, should come to an anchor below the Castle,
(which is built on a small island a league below the town)
unless they should signify before hand, by sending their
boat ashore, that they were friends. 2. That before
they offered any goods to sale, they should deliver an in-
voice, and give the governour liberty for -24 hours for
refusal. 3. That their men might not stay ashore (ex-
cept upon necessary business) after sun set. It had been
well, that as the captains of fifteen great ships had conde-
scended to these propositions, all others had been bound
to observe them ; but it is easier to propound good or-
ders, than to see them, or cause them to be perfornied.

A just occasiOTTof makiiig such proposals, was the
arrival (a little before that time) of the St. Patrick, be-
longing to Sir Thomas Wentworth, then deputy of Ire,
land, whereof one Palmer was master. The Lieut, of the

OF NEW ENGLAND. S4?l

Castle made the master strike his flag, although the col-
ours were not then aboard, which he complained of to
the magistrates as an injury. Upon hearing the case,
they condemned the Lieut, for doing that which he had
no commission to do ; and therefore tendered the master
such satisfaction as he desired, which was only this ; that
the Lieut, should, aboard his ship, make acknowledg-
ment of his errour, that so all the ship's company might
receive satisfaction ; lest the lord deputy should also
have been informed that thcv offend hat discourtesy to
his ship, which they never offered to a; v before.

One Miller, master's mate of the Hector, (a stately
ship which lay then in the harbour.) hod told son:e of the
people aboard their ship, that they were all tiaitors and
rebels in New England, because they had not the king's
colours at the Cistle. The governour acquainted Mr,
Fii^iie, the master, with it, who promised to deliver him
to tuein. "Whereupon they sent the marshal for him,
WJtn four Serjeants ; but the master not being aboard at
thp.t time, thi y would not deliver him ; whereupon the
master himself went and brought him to the court, and
the words being proved against him by two witnesses,
he WHS committed. The next day the master, to pac-
ify his men, (uho were in a great tumult,) requested he
might be delivered to him, and did undertake to bring
him before them again the next day, which was granted
him, and he brought him accordingly at the time ap-
pointed. Then in the presence of all the rest of the mas-
ters, he acknowled.sjed his offence, and set his hand to a
submission, and was discharged. Then the governour
desired the masters that they would deal freely, and tell
them if they took any offmce, and what they required of
them. They answered, that in regard they should be ex-
amined upon their return what colours they saw there,
they did desire that the king's colours might be spread
at their fort. It was answered that they had not the
king's colours ; thereupon two of them did freely offer to
give them one. The governour replied, that whatsoev-
er they thought or persuaded of the croft.s in the ensig^n,
31

24}3 GENEUAL HISTORY

as idolatrous in the rise or occasion of it, (and therefore
might not set it in their own ensign,) yet because the fort
was the king's, and maintained in his name, they thought
it might be spread there. So the governour accepted
the colours of Capt. Palmer, and promised they should
be set up at the Castle, which accordingly was done.

In the year 1638 the plantations were begun at Salis-
bury, and at Winniconet, afterwards Hampton. This lat-
ter gave some occasion of diiference between the Massa-
chusetts and some of Pascataqua, which was this.

Mr. Wheelwright, after he \\ as sent out of the Mas-
sachusetts, gathered a company and sat dovvn at the falls
of Pascataqua, and called their town Exeter ; and for
their enlargement they dealt with an Indian there, and
bought of him Winniconet, and then signified to the
Massachusetts what they had done, and that they intend-
ed to lay out all those lands in farms, except they could
show a better title. They wrote also to those who had
begun to plant there, to desist, &c. Those letters com-
ing to the general court, that they looked at this deal-
ing against good neighbourhood, religion, and common
honesty : that knowing they claimed Winniconet
within their patent, or as vacuum doinicilium^ and had
taken possession thereof by building an house there, a-
bout two years since, they should now go about by pur-
chase to procure an unknown title, and then come and
inquire of their right that had been possessed thereof be-
fore. It was in the same letter also manifestly demon-
strated, that the Indians having only a natural right to so
much land as they had or could improve, the rest of the
country lay open to them that should occupy the same,
as by the said letter did more at large appear.

Those of Exeter replied to the answer of the Massa-
chusetts, being resolved still to maintain the Indian right,
and their interest thereby. But in the mean time the
Massachusetts had sent men to discover Merrimack,
and found some part of it about Pennacooketo lie more
northerly than forty three and a half degrees ; and so
returned answer to them, that though they would not

OF NEW ENGLANl). S43

relinquish their interest by priority of possession, for any
right they could have from the Indians ; yet seeing they
had professed not to claim any thing [which] should fall
within the limits of the Massachusetts patent, it was ex-
pected they should look no further than that, in respect of
their claim.

On the 4th of September, 163*^, divers gentle-
men, being joined in a military company, in and about
Boston, desired to be made a corporation. But the
council considerint^^ (from the example of the Piastorian
bands among the Romans, and the Templars in Europe,)
how dangerous it might be, to erect a standing authority
of military men, which might easily in time overtop the
civil power, thought fit to stop it betimes ; yet they were
allowed to be a company, but subordinate to theau-hor-
ityofthe country. ^

Thus were the chief rulers of the country not only
ready to espy, but timely prevent any inconveniency that
might in after time arise. Yet were they not able to
prevent jealousies and animosities, occasioned thereby,
from stirring in men's minds, which did more eminently
appear by the transactions of the year 1638 and 1639.
Some of the deputies at the court of election 639, were
much blamed by the freemen for yielding to a late or-
der made in the general court in the former year, for re-
ducing of the towns to two deputies ; which many ac-
counted an abridgment of their liberty, seeing they
were wont to send three before. Therefore many of the
deputies at the next sessions of the court propounded to
have the same nua^ber restored ; but after mvch debate,
such reasons were given for the diminishing the number
of the deputies, which were now not a little increased
by the addition of many new plantations, that divers of
the deputies who came with intent to reverse the last or-
der, were by force of reason brought to uphold it ; so
that when it was put to the vote, the last order, for two
deputies, was confirmed. Nor could the petition from
Roxbury, strengthened with the hands of some of tlie
elders, prevail to an alteration.

Another matter of jealousy, stirring at the court, was

S44 GENERAL HISTORY

about the stairlin,^ council, wiiich had been established
by serious advice of the elders, and had been in practice
two or three yt^rs, vvithout any inconvenience ; but now
several of the deputies had a pique at it, and tendered aa
order at the next session of the court, that no person cho-
sen a counsellor, should have any authority as a ma^^is-
trate, except he were in the annual election chosen there-
unto. B'lt the magistrates wisely ciiose rather to answer
the difficulty, by explanition of the former fundamental
order, than by drawin<r up any new one; viz. to declare
that the intent of the said order was, that the standing
council always should be chosen out of the magistrates;
therefore that no such counsellor shall have any power
as a magistrate, nor act as a magistrate, &c. except he
be annuallv chosen, &c. according to the patent ; and
this order was after passed by vote, and put a stop to
any further agitation about that matter.

That which led thoae of the council to yield to this
desire of the deputies, was because it concerned them-
selves ; and they did more study to remove those jeal-
ousies out of the people's heads, than to preserve any
power or dignity to themselves above others.

One great occasion also of those jealousies was a se-
cret envy in some spirits against Mr. VVinthrop, because
he was so often chosen governour ; (though no oftener
than his worth deserved, and the condition of the colony
needed ;) a place which he did never ambitiously seek,
yea, did at this time unfeignedly desire to be forborne,
if it might have been, that he might have had leisure to
attend his family concerns, wherein he suffered much in
those days, as is well known, both by the unskilfulness
and unfaithfulness of him whom he trusted to manage
his farm and estate. And at that time the straits of the
whole country were such, that every plantation and family
had enough to do, to know how to subsist, till the prov-
idence of God put them into another way of livelihood,
than formerly they had been acquainted with.

About this time it wis that divers of the inhabitants of
Lynn, finding themselves straitenied, looked out fpr ^

op NEW ENGLANB. 94#

new plantation ; and .^oing to Long Island, they agreed
with the Lord Starling's agent there, (one Mr. Fochead,)
for a parcel of the isle near the west *"nd, and agreed
with the Indians for their right. The Dntch hearing of
this, and laying claim to that part of the island, by a form-
er purchase from the Indians, sent men to take posses-
sion of the place, and set up the arms of the Prince of
Orange upon a tree. The Lynn men sent ten or twelve
men with provisions, &C, who began to build, and took
down the prince's arms, and in the place thereof, an In-
dian had drawn an unhandsome face. The Dutch took
this in high displeasure, and sent soldiers, who fetched
away the Lynn men, and imprisoned them a few days,
not discharging them without taking an oath. Upon
this, the Lynn men, (finding themselves too weak, and
having no encouragement to expect aid from the Eng-
lish,) deserted that place, and took another at the east end
of the island ; and being now about forty families, they
proceeded in their plantation, and called one Mr. Peir-
son, a man of good learning, and eminent piety, a mem-
ber of Boston church, to go with them ; who, with
seven or eight more of the company, gathered into a
church body at Lynn before they went, and the whole
company entered into a civil combination, with the ad-
vice of some of the magistrates of the Bay, to become a
corporation. Upon this occasion the Dutch governour,
one Kieff, (a discreet man,) wrote to the governour at
Boston, of the English usurpations, both at Connecticut
and now also at Long Island, and of the abuse offered to
the prince's arms, &c. and thereupon excused his im-
prisoning their men. To which the governour of the
Massachusetts returned answer, that their desire had
been always to hold a peace and good correspondency
with all their neighbours ; and though they would not
maintain any of their countrymen in any unjust action,
yet they might not suffer them to be injured, &c. As
for their neighbours of Connecticut, he knew they
were not now under their government as formerly ; and
for those of Long Island, they went voluntarily from

* WiUiam Kieft, Ed.

S46 GENERAL HISTORY

them : with which it is supposed he rested satisfied, so
as the plantation at that place, (called South- Hampton,)
went on comfortably, without any let or molestation from
them afterwards.

la this present vear, 1640. there came over great store
of provisions, both out of F'^ngland and Ireland, and but
few passengers, and those brought very little mon-
ey ; which was occasioned by the store of money and
quick markets the merchants found there, the two or
three years before. So as now all their money being
drained away, cattle and all commodities grew exceed-
ing cheap ; which enforced them, the next general court,
to make an order, that corn should pass in payment of
new debts ; Indian at 4s. per bushel, rye at 5s. wheat at
6s. and that upon all executions for former debts, the
creditor might take what goods he pleased, (or if he had
no goods, then his lands,) to be appraised by three men,
one chosen by the creditor, one by the debtor, and the
third by the marshal. On such occasion were particu-
lar orders made in the general court ; but lasted no long-
er than the present exigent continued. For the people,
having long desired a body of laws, and thought their
condition very unsafe while so much power re^-ted in
the discretion of the magistrates, prevailed at the last to
have the matter committed to two divines, each of whom
formed a model ; which were presented to the general
court, 1639, and by them committed to the governour
and deputy, with some others, to he considered of; and
which, after longer deliberation and preparation, were
confirmed by the authority of the next general court,
1641. This matter had been long before under debate,
(yet it may be not long enough,) and referred to some of
the magistrates, and some of the ministers, but still it
came to no effect ; for being conmiittcd to the care ot
many, whatsoever was done by some (as is usual in such
cases) was still disliked by others ; till at the last, falling
into two hands, it was soon after put to an issue in the
said year. A model of Moses his judicials, compiled in
an exact method, had been presented to the general court

OF NEW ENGLAND. 3417

in October, 1636. But other emergent difficulties then
falling in, the business was not revived till the end of
this lustre, and not completely finished till the beginning
of the next,

As^or the college, which was erected in the year
1638, it was matter of great encourage-nent to those
who had laid out their estates, and liazarded their lives,
to make a settled plantation here, to see one of the
schools of the prophets set up ; that from thence they
might be supplied with persons fit to manage the affairs
both of church and state, at such a time when a supply
was like to fail elsewhere. But herein they were very
unhappy, that the firsi man who was called to preside
there, so much failed the expectation of those that re-
posed so much confidence in him ; viz. Mr. Nathaniel
Eaion, who proved a mere Orbilius, and fitter to have
been an officer in the inquisition, or master of an house
of correction, than an instructer of christian youth. It
was said that he had been initiated among the Jesuits,
though he was sent over into Holland for the sake of
Doct. Ames ; but having that opportunity, he might ea-
sily acquaint himself with the other, and from thence re-
ceive those principles of avarice, pride, and cruelty,
which here he began to practise. But being so notori-
ous in the discovery thereof, he was con vented before
the court in September, 1639, where he was put out of
his place, fined an hundred mark, and adjudged to give
301. to Mr. Briscoe, (whom he had taken into his family
to assist him in the nature of an usher,) for his cruel and
unmerciful beating of him with a cudgel, causing two
men to hold him the mean time. After this he fled out
of the country, and could by no means be reduced to an
acknowledgment of his errour. After his departure, one
Mr.-Henry Dunster was called to the place, under whom
that which was before but, at the best, schola illustris,
grew to the stature or perfection of a college, and flour-
ished in the profession of all liberal sciences, for many
years after.

This and the former lustre were the golden age oi

S4d GENERAL HISTORY

New England, when vice was crushed, as well by the
civil, as sacred sword ; especially oppression, and extor-
tion in prices and wages, which is injustice done to the
publick. There was some exemplary punishment ad-
judged to some offenders in this kind, in the year^l639,
for selling above 331. per cent ; but since that time the
common practice of the country hath made double that
advance no sin ; an evil which, though every one feels
the burthen of, yet none know how to ease themselves
thereof. A remarkable instance was that year given in
one F. P. who for asking an excessive price for a pair of
stocks which he was hired to frame, had the honour to
sit an hour in them first himself, to warn others not to
offend in the like kind.

CHAP. XXXIV.

John Oldlmm murdered by the Indians of Block Island;
how discovered^ and the war that followed thereupon
with them, and the Pequods^ their abettors,

Capt. Stone was killed by the Pequods in the year
1634, which they excused with false pretence, earnestly
soliciting the Massachusetts to make a peace with them.
But in the year 1636, John Oldham's death was so man-
ifest, that it could neither be concealed nor excused :
the discovery whereof being ren arkabie, wasasfollow-
eth. One J. Gallop, with one man more, and two boys,
coming from Connecticut, and intending to put in at
Long Island, as he came from thence, being at the
mouth of the harbour, was forced by a sudden change of
the wind to bear up for Block Island, or Fisher's Island;
where, as they were sailing along, they met with a pin-
nace, which they found to be John Oldham's, who had
been sent to trade with the Pequods, (to make trial of
the reality of their pretended friendship, after the murder
of Capt. Stone.) They hailed the vessel, but had no an-
swer, although they saw the deck full of Indians, (fcur-
teen in all,) and a little before that had seen a canoe go
from the vessel full of Indians likewise, and goods.

OF NEW ENGLAND. S^jQ

Whereupon they suspected they had killed John Oldham,
who had only two boys and two Narraganset Indians in
his vessel besides himself; and the rather because they
let slip, and set up sail (being two miles Irom shore, the
>^ind and tide coming off the shore of the island, where-
by they drave toward the main land of Narraganset).
Therefore they went ahead of them, and having nothing
but two pieces and two pistols, they bore up near the
Indians, who stood on the deck of the vessel, ready arm-
ed with guns, swords, and pikes. But John Gallop, a
man of stout courage, let fly among them, and so galled
them, that they got all down under hatches ; and then
they stood off again, and returning with a good gale,
they stemmed her upon the quarter, and almost overset
her; which so affrightened the Indians, that six of them
leaped overboard, and were drowned. Yet they durst not
board her, but stood off again, and fitted their anchor, so
as stemming her the second time, they bored her bow
through with their anchor, and sticking fast to her, they
made divers shot through the sides of her, and so raked
her fore and aft, (being but inch board,) as they must
needs kill or hurt some of the Indians ; but seeing none
of them come forth, they got loose from her, and then
stood off again; then four or five more of the Indians
leaped into the sea, and were likewise drowned. Where-
upon, there being but four left in her, they boarded her ;
whereupon an Indian came up and yielded : him they
bound, and put him into the hold. Then another yield-
ed ; him they also bound : but J. Gallop being well ac-
quainted with their skill to unloose one another, if they
lay near together, and having no place to keep them a-
sunder, he flung him bound into the sea ; then looking
about they found John Oldham under an old sail, stark
naked, having his head cleft to the brains, his hands and
legs cut as if they had been cutting them off, yet warm ;
so they put him into the sea ; but could not well tell
how to come at the other two Indians, (who were in a
little room underneath with their swords ;) so they took
the goods which were left, and the sails, and towed the
32

S50 GENERAL HISTORY

boat avvuy ; but ijight coming on, and the wind rising",
they were forced to turn her off, and the wind carried
her to the Narraganset shore, where they left her.

On the 26th • f said July, the two Indians which were
with John Oldham, and one other Indian, came from
Canonicus, (the chief sachem of the Narragansets,) with a
letter from Mr. Williams, to signify what had befallen
John Oldham, and how grievously they were offended ;
arid that Miantonimo, (the second sachem of the Narra-
gansets,) was gone with seventeen canoes and two hun-
dred men to take revenge. But upon examination of
the other Indian, who was brought prisoner to them,
they found that all the sachems of the Narragansets, ex-
cept Canonicus and Miantonimo, were contrivers of
John Oldham's death ; and the occasion was, because he
went to make peace, and trade with the Pequods last
year. The prisoner said also that Oldham's two Indians
were acquainted with it ; but because they were sent as
messengers from Canonicus, they would not imprison
them. But the governour wrote back to Mr. Williams,
to let the Narragansets know, they expected they should
send home J. Oldham's two boys, and take revenge up-
on the islanders ; and withal gave Mr. Williams caution
to look to himself, if there should be occasion to make
war with the Narragansets, (for Block Island was under
them:) and the next day he wrote to Canonicus, by one
of those Indians, that he had suspicion of him that was
sent, and yet he had sent him back, because he was a
messenger ; but did expect, if he should send for the
said two Indians, he should send them to him.

Four days after, J. Oldham's two boys were sent home
by one of Miantoninio's men, with a letter from Mr.
Williams, that Miantonimo had caused the sachem of
Niantick to send to Block Island for them, and that he
bad near one hundrtd fathom of peag, and much other
goods of Oldham's, which should be reserved for them :
and three of the seven, that were drowned, were sachems,
and that one of the two which was hired by the Niantick
sachem was dead also. So they wrote back to have the
rest of those which were, necessary to be sent, and the

OF NBtf ENGLAND. 2&i

rest of the goods ; and that he should tell Canonicus and
Miantonimo that they held them innocent, but the six
other sachems were guilty.

Lieut. Gibbons and Mr. Higginson were sent soon af-
ter, with Cushammakin,* the sachem of the Massachu-
setts, to Canonicus, to treat with him about the murder
of J. Oldham. They returned with acceptance and
good success of their business ; observing in the sachem
much state, great command of his men, and marvellous
wisdom in his answers ; and in the carriage of the whole
treaty clearing himself and his neighbours of the mur-
der^ and offering revenge of it, yet upon very safe and
wary conditions.

The governour and council having soon after assem-
bled the rest of the magistrates, and the ministers to ad-
vise with them about doing justice for Oldham's death,
they all agreed that it should be done with all exi:>edi-
tion: and accordingly on the 25th of August following,
eighty or ninety men were sent out under the command
of Mr. Endicot, as is declared in the narrative of the war
with the Pequods.

The Narragansets told them afterwards, that there
were thirteen Pequods killed in the expedition, and for-
ty wounded, and but one of the Block Islanders slain.

Miantonimo soon after sent a messenger to tljem with
a letter from Mr. Williams, to signify that they had ta-
ken one of the Indians, who had broken prison, and had
him safe for them, when they should send for him, (as
they had before sent to him for that end,) and that the
other had stolen away, (not knowing, it seems, that lie
was their prisoner,) and that, according to their promise,
they would not entertain any of that island, which should
come to them : but they conceived it was rather in love
to him whom they concealed, for he had been his ser-
vant formerly. But when they sent for those two Indians,
one was sent them, but the other was said to be dead be-
fore the messenger came. But the Pequods harboured
those of Block island, and therefore justly brought the
revenge of the English upon them.

* CualiamagutTif Hutch, Kitchmakin, Blake. Cntshamoguin, Eliot. Ed.

25S GENERAL HISTORY

Amongst those soldiers that were sent under Capt.
Endicot, were twenty that belonged to Saybrook fort,
and were appointed to stay there, to defend the place
against the Pequods. After the said Capt. and the rest
were departed, those twenty lay wind bound in the Pe-
quod hacbour ; and in the mean while went all of them
ashore, with sacks to fetch some of the Pequods' corn.
And having fetched each man one sack full to their boat,
they returned for more ; and having loaded themselves,
the Indians set upon tliem : so they laid down their corn,
and gave fire upon the Indians, and the Indians shot
their arrows against them. The place was open, about the
distance of a musket shot. The Indians kept the cov-
ert, save when they came forth ten at a time and dis-
charged their arrows. The English put themselves in a
single file, and some ten only, that had pieces that could
reach them, shot ; the others stood ready to keep them
from breaking in. So they continued most part of the
afternoon. The EngUsh, as they supposed, killed divers
of them, and hurt others, and the Indians wounded but
one of the English, who was armed, all the rest being
without. For they shot their arrows compass wise, so
as they could easily see and avoid them standing single ;
and one always gathered up their arrows : at the last the
Indians being weary of the sport, gave the English leave
to retire to their boat. This was in October, 1636.

About two days after, five men of Saybrook went up
the river about four miles, to fetch hay out of a meadow
on the Pequod side. The grass was so high, as some Pe-
quods, hiding themselves in it, set upon the English be-
fore they were aware, and took one that had hay on his
back. The rest fled to their boat : one of them had five ar-
rows in him, yet recovered. He that was taken was a
goodly young man, whose name was Butterfield, where-
upon the meadow was ever after called Butterfield's
ineadow.

f' Icarus Icariis nomipa dedit aquis."

About fourteen days after, six of the soldiers were
sent out of the fort to keep an house, which they had set

•F NEW ENGLAND* S98

up in a corn field, about two miles from the fort. Three
of them went forth a fowling, which the Lieut, had
strictly forbidden them ; two had pieces, and the third
only a sword ; when suddenly about an hundred Indians
came out of the covert, and set upon them. He who had
the sword brake through, and received only two shot,
and those not dangerous, and so escaped to the house,
which was not a bow shot off, and persuaded the other
two to follow him ; but they staid still, till the Indians
came and took them, and carried them away with their
pieces. Soon after they beat down the said house and
out houses, and hay stacks, and vidthin a bow shot of the
fort killed a cow, and shot divers others, which came
home with arrows sticking in them.

Soon after this, Miantonimo, sachem of the Narra-
gansets, came to Boston, (being sent for by the govern-
our,) with two of Canonicus's sons, and another sachem,
and near twenty ot their men, whom they call sannaps.
The governour having notice by Cushamakin, the Mas-
sachusetts governour sent twenty musketeers to Roxbu^
ry to meet them. They came to Boston about noon,
where the governour had called together all the magis-
trates and ministers to give countenance to their pro-
ceedings, and to advise about the terms of peace. Af-
ter dinner, Miantonimo declared what he had to s;»y to
them in several propositions, which were to this efibct :
That they had always loved the English, and now desired
a firm peace with them, and that they would continue
war with the Pequods and their confederates, till they
were subdued, and desired that the English would do so
too ; promising to deliver their enemies to them, or kill
them, and two months after to send them a present. The
governour told them they should have an answer the
next morning, which was done, upon articles subscribed
by him ; and they also subscribed with him, wherein a
firm peace was concluded : but because they could not
make them well understand the articles, they told them
they would send a copy of them to Mr, Williams, who
could best interpret the same to them. So, after dinner,

SM- «ENERAL HISTORY

they took leave, and were conveyed out of town by
some musketeers, and dismissed with a volley of shot*

The articles here follow.
, I. " A firm peace betwixt them and their friends on
either part, (if they consent,) and their confederates, (if
ihey will observe the articles,) and their posterity.

2. " Neither part to make peace with the Pcquods
without the other's consent.

6. " Not to harbour any of the Pequods.

4. " To put to death or deliver up any of the murder-
ers of the English.

5. *' To return fugitive servants.

6. " The English to give them notice when they go
out against the Pequods, and the other to send them
guides.

7. ** Free trade to be between them.

8. " None of them to come near the English planta-
tions, during the war with the Pequods, without some
Englishman or known Indian.

9. *' To continue to the posterity of both parts."
These articles were indifferently well observed by the

Narragansets, till the Pequods, their mortal enemies
were totally subdued ; but then they began to grow in-
solent and treacherous, especially this Miantonimo him-
self, as will appear in the sequel.

Cushamakin also, the sachem of the Massachusetts,
Siubscribed those articles with the Englisli.

The issue of the Pequod war is related in a discourse
by itself, which may be annexed to this history, and
therefore is here passed over, only with this intimation,
that they were wholly rooted out of their country, or
made to shelter themselves under the neighbouring sa-
chems. About seven hundred of them thought to be de-
stroyed ; and Sassachus, their chief sachem, flying with
twenty of his men that escaped at the last fight, to the
Mohawks, were all killed by them, and Sassachus his
scalp sent down to the English.

On the 12th of July, .1637, one Aganemo, a sachem of
the Niantick Indians, (who were a branch of the Narra-

OF NEW BNGLANB, S55

ganscts,) came to Boston with seventeen of his men. He
made divers propositions to the English, which they took
into consideration, and promised to give him an answer
the next day. But finding that he had rescued divers of
the Pequods, submitting to him since the last defeat,
they first demand the delivery of them ; which he stick-
ing at, they refused further conference with him : but
the next morning he came and offered what they desired.
So the governour referred him to the captains at the Pe-
quod country, and wrote instructions to them how to deal
with him. So receiving his ten fathom of wampam,
they friendly dismissed him.

In July, 1638, Uncus, the sachem of the Mohegins,
having entertained some of the Pequods, came to the
governour at Boston with a present, and was much de-
jected because that it was not at first accepted. But af-
terward, the governour and council being satisfied about
his innocency, they accepted it ; whereupon he promised
to submit to the order of the EngUsh, both touching the
Pequods he had received, and as concerning the differ-
ences betwixt the Narragansets and himself, and con-
firmed all with this compliment. " This heart," said he,
(laying his hand upon his heart,) "is not mine, but yours;
command me any difficult service, and I will do it. I
have no men, but they are all yours. I will never believe
any Indian against the English any more." And so he
continued forever after, as may be seen in the following
transactions between the Indians and the EngUsh : where-
upon he was dismissed with some small reward, and
went home very joyful, carrying a letter of protection for
himself and his men, through the English plantations.

CHAP. XXXV.

The state of affairs in the Massachusetts, Anno 163$.
while Mr* Fane was governour.

With how much applause soever Mr. Vane was ad-
vanced to the governour's place, and at the first manag-
ed the same ; yet in the latter end of the year, perceiv-

GENERAL HISTORY

ing that there was much discontent in the minds of men,
occasioned by different opinions in religion, then stirring
in the country, the blame of which was in a great meas-
ure imputed to himself, he grew weary of the govern-
ment, and was ready to take any occasion offered, to be
freed therefrom. For in December, receiving letters
from his friends, which necessarily required his presence
there, he imparted the same to the council, (which at
that time consisted but of two, besides himself,) and
some others ; and thereupon being resolved of his return
for England, he called a court of deputies, to the end he
might have free leave of the country. They being as-
sembled in court, and himself declaring the necessity of
his departure, and those of the council af&rming the rea-
sons to be very urgent, though not fit to be imparted to
the whole court, they desired respite to consider thereof
till the morning ; when being assembled again, one of
the assistants using some pathetical expressions of the
loss of such a governour in time of such danger, as did
hang over them from the Indians and Frenchmen, the
governour brake forth into tears, and professed, that
howsoever the causes, propounded for his departure, did
concern the utter ruin of his outward estate, yet he would
rather have hazarded all, than have gone from them at such
a time, if something else had not pressed him more, viz.
the inevitable danger of God's judgments, which he fear-
ed were coming upon them, for the differences and dis-
sentions which he saw amongst them, and the scandal-
ous imputation brought upon himself, as if he should be
the cause of all ; and therefore he thought it were best
for him to give place for a time. Upon this the court
concluded it would not be fit to give way to his depar-
ture upon those grounds ; whereupon he recalled him-
self, and professed, that the reasons concerning his own
estate were sufficient, (to his own satisfaction,) for his
departure, and therefore desired the court he might have
leave to go. As for the other passage it slipped from him
out of passion, and not out of judgment : upon this the
court consented silently to his departure. And in point

OF NEW ENGLAND. S57

of prudence it had been much better for himself, as well
as for the country, to have taken that occasion of remov-
ing, rather than to have been in a manner thrust away,
as things fell out afterwards ; but man knovveth not his
time. But then the question in the court was about
supply of his place. Some were of opinion that it should
be executed by the deputy ; but this scruple being cast
in, that if the deputy should die, then the government
would be vacated, and none have power to call a court,
or preside therein, it was agreed tlierefore to call a court
of election, for a new governour and deputy, in case the
present deputy should be chosen governour : and an
order was made, (in regard of the season,) that such ^s
would, might send their votes by proxy, in papers, seal-
ed up, and delivered to the deputies. And so their court
was adjourned four days ; and two days after, the court
of election was to assemble. These things having thus
passed in the court, divers of the congregation at Boston
met together, and agreed that they did not apprehend
the necessity of the governour's departure upon the rea-
sons alleged, and sent some of them to declare the same
to the court ; whereby it may be observed by the way,
that politicians were not much mistaken, when they ac-
counted that the crosier as well as the distaff, i. e. that
persons led by their private passions and particular in-
terests, would always be found but as a broken reed for
a state to lean upon. But to return : by these insinua-
tions the governour was so overpowered, that he ex-
pressed himself to be such an obedient child of the
church, that notwithstanding the license of the court, yet
without the leave of the church he durst not go away.
Whereupon a great part of the court and country who
understood hereof, declared their purpose to continue
him still in his place ; and therefore so soon as the day
of election came, and the countrymen assembled, it was
thought the best way for avoiding of trouble not to pro-
ceed to election, but to adjourn the court, intended for
election, to the great general court in May. And so the
court of deputies continued still to consider of such
33

S58 GENERAL HISTORY

things, as were then most needful to be attended ; which
were the differences up and down the country in matters
of religion, which had at that time so far prevailed, that
men's affections began strongly to be engaged in them :
so as if at any time any matter about those new opin-
ions was mentioned in the court, they were presently di-
vided, although far the greater part held firm to their
former principles. And at the general court, held at
Boston, March 9th, 1636, so much heat of contention
appeared between the opposite parties, that it was mov-
ed, that the next general court, which was the court of
election, might be kept at New-Town, which went so
against the grain with Mr. Vane, the govemour, that he
refused to put it to vote ; nor was the deputy forward to
do it, except the court would require him, because he
dwelt at Boston ; so the court put it to Mr. Endicot,
who putting it to vote, it was presently carried in the af-
firmative : and accordingly that next court of election,
which fell on the 17th day of May, was kept at New-
Town, Anno 1636. When the day came and the court
sat, which was not till one of the clock in the afternoon,
a petition was preferred by those of Boston. The govem-
our was to have it read ; but the deputy said it was out
of order, it was a court of election, and that must first be
dispatched, (as had been done once before, when the
reading of petitions was laid aside till the election was
over,) and then the petition should be heard : divers
others also opposed that course, as an ill precedent. And
the petition, being about pretence of liberty, (though in-
tended chiefly for revoking the sentence at the last court,
passed against Mr. Wheelwright,) would have spent all
the day in debate. But yet the governour, and those of
that party, would not proceed to election, except the pe-
tition wtrQ read. Much time was already spent about
the debate, and the people crying out for election, it was
moved by t!ie deputy that the people should divide
themselves, and the greater number must carry it. And
so it was dor;e, and the greater number by many was
for election. But the governour and that side kept their

'of new ENGLAND. 259

places still, and would not proceed ; whereupon the dep-
uty told him, that if he would not go to election, he and
the rest of that side would proceed. Upon that he came
from his company, and they went to election, and Mr.
Winthrop was chosen governour, Mr. Dudley deputy
governour, and Mr. Endicot of the standing council ;
and Mr. Israel Stoughton, and Mr. Richard Saltonstall
were called to be assistants ; and Mr. Vane, and Mr.
Haugh, and Mr. Dummer, and Mr. Coddington, (being
all of one profession in the matters of difference,) were
left quite out. There was great danger of a tumult that
day, for those of the opposite party grew into fierce
speeches, and some began to lay hands on others, but
seeing themselves too weak they grew quiet. They
expected a great advantage that day, because the remote
towns were allowed to come in by proxy ; but it fell out
that there were enough besides. And if it had been
otherwise, they must have put in their deputies, (as oth-
er towns had done,) for all matters beside election. And
Boston having deferred to choose their deputies till the
election was past, went home that night, and the next
morning sent for deputies, Mr. Vane, the late governour,
Mr. Coddington, and Mr. Haugh. But the court, not
being pleased thereat, found means to send them home
again, because all the freemen had not notice of the time
of their choice. But the freemen of Boston making the
same choice the next time, they could not be rejected.
Upon the election of the new governour, the Serjeants
that had attended the former governour to the court with
their halberds, (which was a respect put upon Mr. Vane,
and never upon any governour before,) laid them down,
and went home, and refused to attend the governour to
and from the meeting on the Lord's days, as they were
wont; so as the governour made use of li is own ser-
vants in their room, to carry two halberds before him,
(never affecting to seek great things for himself,) though
Mr. Vane had never less than four. The country pre-
ferred to supply the defect of Boston, but the governour
made use of his own servants.

868 GENERAL HISTORY

Mr. Vane, howsoever he had forced himself to put on
so much self denial, as to sit among the deputies, who
the year before had been the governour, (not being un-
willing, as he professed, ro serve the church of God in
the meanest capacity,) showed much discontent that the
people had left him out of all publick office; of which
he made evident proof, by seating himself the next Lord's
day among the deacons, as did Mr. Coddington also,
though he had used, ever since he came first into the
country, to sit among the magistrates, and was at this
time sent to, by the governour, to sit with him. And
upon the general fast soon after, he and some others, viz.
Mr. Coddington, &c. went from Boston to keep the day
at the Mount, where Mr. Wheelwright exercised.

A further occasion of the discontent of that party, was
an order made at that session of the court, imposing a
penalty upon any such as should entertain such as were
not allowed by some of the magistrates ; it being prob-
able that they expected many of their opinion to come
out of England to them.

Upon the account of this order, and some other dif-
ferences between the governour and those of Boston, at
his return from the court, none of them met him, nor
vi^ould any of the four Serjeants, that used to attend the
former governour to all publick meetings, do any such
office to him, alleging that they had done it to the former
governour voluntarily, in respect of his person, and not
of his place. But herein they shewed more of stomach
than wisdom ; for a compliment of honour, once con-
ferred on any office, (though voluntarily,) cannot after
be taken away without contempt and injury ; it is the
place that drowns the person, be he honourable or base.
But the governour being a wise man, could easily over-
look these things ; and in a little time, those that were
so disgusted against him, put more honour upon him,
than ever before. They that honour God, shall be hon-
oured of him. For in the end of the year 1639, there
appeared a great cliange in the church at Boston ; for
whereas they were the year or two before so attached to

* OF NEW ENGLAND. S6l

Mr. Wheelwright, and Mr. Hutchinson, and those new-
opinions, as they extremely slighted both him and Mr.
Wilson their pastor, looking at them as men under a cov-
enant of works, and as their greatest enemies ; but they
bearing all patiently, and not withdrawing themselves,
(as they were strongly scJicited lo have done,) but car-
rying themselves lovingly and helpfully upon all occa-
sions, the Lord brought about the hearts of all the peo-
ple to love and esteem them, more than ever before, so
as all breaches were then made up, and the church saved
from ruin, beyond all expectation ; which could in rea-
son hardly have been, if those two had not been guided
by the Lord to that moderation, &c. And the church
at this time, to manifest their hearty affection to the gov-
ernour, (upon the occasion of some straits he was brought
into, through the unfaithfulness of his bailiff,) sent him
two hundred pounds, as an undoubted testimony there-
of.

And during the present dissatisfaction of them about
Boston, the other towns no whit abated, but rather a-
bounded in their respect to the said governour, guarding
of him from town to town as he travelled that summer,
1637, to Ipswich ; the inhabitants coming to meet him
in every place as he passed along, though it were neith-
er desired, nor expected by himself.

There was news this year of a commission granted in
England to divers gentlemen on the place, for the gov-
erning New England ; but instead thereof, they receiv-
ed a commission from Sir Ferdinando Gorges, to gov-
ern his province of New Somersetshire, or the Province
of Maine, which is from Pascataqua river to Sagade-
hock ; and withal to oversee his servants and private af-
fairs, which was not a little wondered at by some, that
knew how he had carried it towards the Massachusetts
before. But it passed in silence, they excusing them-
selves from intermeddling in his business; because of five
or six, named in the said commission, there was one mis-
taken, and another removed to Connecticut : nor did it
appear to them what authority he had to grant such a

a6a GENERAL HISTORY

commission. But as for the commission from the king,
they received only a copy of it ; the commission itself
staid at the seal, for want of paying the fees, by them
that procured it.

In the latter end of the summer, 1637, Mr. Vane re-
turned for England, and the Lord Ley, (son of the Earl
of Marlborough, who came the same year to see the
country,) in his company. He had great respect shown
him at his departure, by several volleys of shot from
the foot soldiers, that accompanied him to the boat,
which he deserved as a gentleman of good deportment ;
the governour also then being at the court at New-
Town, yet left order with the captains for his honourable
dismission.

CHAP. XXXVL

Troublesome occurrences in JVew England in the years
1637, 1638. Their patent undermined by some in
England ; demanded by the Lords of the committee for
foreign plantations. The answer of the Massachu-
setts,

On the 26th of June, 1637, arrived two great ships
from London, witli whom came Mr. Eaton and Mr.
Hopkins, merchants of London, men of fair estates, and
of great esteem for religion, and wisdom in other affairs,
with the reverend and famous Mr. Davenport, and oth-
er ministers and people of good note : who the next,
year removed out of this jurisdiction, to plant beyond
Connecticut, being much taken with an opinion of the
fruitfulness of the place, and with the remoteness from
the Massachusetts ; hoping thereby to be out of the
reach of a general governour, which at that time was"
much spoken of. It was at first feared to prove a great
weakening to the Massachusetts colony ; but since, they
have taken notice of a special providence of God there-
in. All possible means had been used to accommodate
them there ; Newbury offered them their whole town,
and the court any place that was free ; but they desired
a greater breadth than there could be afforded. But

OF NEW ENGLAND. S6S

their removal to the southward was looked upon after-
ward as advantageous, both for possessing those parts
which hiy open for an enemy, and for strengthening their
friends at Connecticut, and for making room for others
who were daily expected out of England. It was ac-
counted that twenty ships arrived there in the year 1638,
who brought about three thousand passengers with them,
who might the more easily, some of them, be accommo-
dated about the Bay, when others were so far removed
before.

The comming in of these ships was the more joyfully
received, because many this year were afraid of a stop
in England, to the coming of any ships at all, by rea-
son of the complaint made against them in the year 1632,*
forementioned, and about this time renewed — especially
by Mr. Burdet, of Pascataqua ; a copy of whose letter
to the archbishop was found in his study, to this, effect;
that he delayed to go to England, that he might fully in-
form himself of the state of the place as to allegiance,
for it was not new discipline that was aimed at, but sove-
reignty ; and that it was accounted perjury and treason
in their general court, to speak of appeals to the king.
By the first ships that came this year, a letter came from
the archbishop to the said Burdet, rendering him thanks
for the care of his Majesty's service, and that they would
take a time for the redress of such disorders, as he in-
formed them of ; but by reason of much business that
now lay upon them, they could not at this time accom-
plish his desire. This letter to Burdet was, by some
strange providence, shown to the governourof the Mas-
sachusetts, as was a copy of his letter to the archbishop,
whereby his designs were discovered.

For it seems complaints were still carried on against
New England, so as in the year 1635 a commission was
granted to several lords to regulate the plantation of
New England : a copy of which here follows, togeth-
er with the copy of the order of the Lords Commission-
ers, for sending over the patent, with Mr. Winthrop's
answer thereunto.

* 1632 or 1633. See page 151—154. iV

S6'l« GENERAL HISTORY

ji copy of the commission for regulating plantations*

" CHARLES, BT THE GRACE OF GOD, OF ENGLAND, SCOTLAND, FKANCB, AWrf
IRELAND, KING, DEFENDER OF THE FAITH, &C.

" To the right reverend Father in God, our ritjht trusty and well
beloved Counsellor, William, by the providence of God, Arch-
bishop of Caiiterbury, Primate and Metropolitan of all Eng-
land ; to our right trusty and well beloved Counsellor, Thomas
Lord Coventry, Lord Keeper of the great seal of England ; to
our right reverend Father in God, our right trusty and well be-
loved Counsellor, Richard, by the providence of God Arch-
bishop of York, Primate and Metropolitan of England ; to our
right trusty and well beloved Cousin and Counsellor, Richard,
Earl of Portland, and high Treasurer of England ; Henry, Earl
of Manchester, keeper of the privy seal ; Thomas, Earl of A-
rundel and Surry, Earl Marshal of England ; Edward, Earl of
Dorset, Chamberlain to our most dear consort, the Queen ; and
to our trusty and well beloved Counsellor, Francis, Lord Cot-
tington. Chamberlain and under Treasurer of our exchequer ;
Thomas Edmunds, Knight, Treasurer of our household ; John
Cooke, Knight, one of our principal Secretaries of state, and
Francis Windebank, another of our principal Secretaries of
state : Greeting.

" Whereas, divers of the subjects of us, and our late
dear Father, King James, of famous memory, late of
England King, by virtue of our royal authority, granted
not only to enlarge the territories of our empire, but
more especially to propagate the gospel of our Lord Je-
sus Christ, having with the exceeding industry and
charge deduced great numbers of the people of England,
into sundry colonies, in several places of the world, ei-
ther altogether desert, and unpeopled, or enjoyed by
savage and barbarous nations, void of all manner of
knowledge of Almiglity God : We being graciously pleas-
ed to provide for the ease and tranquillity of the said sub-
jects, and reposing assured confidence in your fidelity,
wisdom, justice, and providence, do constitute you, our
said Arch-bibhop of Canterbury, &c. or any five or more
of you, our Counsellors ; and to you, or to any five or
more of you, do commit and give power of protection
and government, as well over the said English colonies
already planted, as over all such other colonies, which
by any of our people of England hereafter shall be de-

OF NEW ENGLAND. S66

duced into any other like parts whatsoever, and power
to make laws, ordinances, and constilutions, concerning
either the state publick of tlie said colonies, or utility of
private persons, and their lands, ^oods, debts, and suc-
cession, within the precincts of the same, and for order-
ing and directing of tbem in their demeanors towards
foreign princes, and their people ; and likewise towards
us and our subjects, as within any foreign parts whatso-
ever beyond the seas, as during their voyages, or upon
the seas to and from the same.

" And for relief and support of the clergy, and the rule
and cure of the souls of our people living in those parts,
and for consip-nin"; of convenient maintenance unto them
by tithes, oblations, and other profits accruing, accord-
ing to your good discretion, with the advice of two or
three of our bisliops, whom you shall think fit to call un-
to vour consultations, touching the distribution of such
maintenance unto the clergy, and all other matters eccle-
siastical ; and to inflict punishment upon all offenders or
violators of the constitutions and ordinances, either by
imprisonment or other restraint, or by loss of life or
member, according as the quality of the offence shall re-
quire ; with power also, (our royal assent being there-
unto first had and obtained,) to remove all governours and
presidents of the said colonies, (upon just cause appear-
ing,) from their several places, and to appoint others iq
their stead, and also to require and take account of them,
touching their office and government ; and whom you
shall find delinquents you shall punish, either by depriv-
ing them of their several places and provinces, over which
they are appointed, or by pecuniary mulcts and penal-
ties, or otherwise, according to the qualities of the of-
fences ; and power also to ordain temporal judges and
civil magistrates, to determine of civil causes, with such
powers, in such a form as to you, or any five or more of
you, shall seem expedient ; and also to ordain judges,
magistrates, and oflictrs for and concerning courts ec-
clesiastical, with such power, and such a form, as to
vou, or any five or more of you, with the advice of the
34

S66 «ENERAL HISTORY

bishops, suffragan to the archbishop of Canterbury for
the time being, shall be held meet ; and power to consti-
tute and ordain tribunals and courts of justice, both ec-
clesiastical and civil, with such powers and, in them, form
of judicature, and manner of process and appeals from
and to the said courts, in all cases and matters, as well
criminal as civil, both personal, real, and mixt, and
touching the determination pertaining to any courts of
justice, ecclesiastical and civil, to jude,e thereof and de-
termine. Provided, nevertheless, the said laws, ordinan-
ces, and constitutions, shall not be put in execution until
our royal assent, expressed under our sign at least, be
first thereunto had and obtained ; the which our royal as-
sent so obtained, together with the said laws, ordinan-
ces, and constitutions, being published and proclaimed in
the provinces in M^hich they are to be executed, the said
laws, ordinances, and constitutions from thenceforth shall
be in force in law. And we do hereby will and com-
mand all persons whom it shall concern, inviolably to
keep and observe the same. Notwithstanding it may
and shall be law^ful to you, and every five and more of
you, with our royal assent, the said laws, ordinances, and
constitutions, (though so published and proclaimed as
aforesaid,) to alter, revoke, and repeal, and other new
laws, he. in form aforesaid from time to time, to make
and publish as aforesaid, and to new and growing evils
and perils to apply new remedies, in such manner, and so
often, as unto you shall appear to be necessary and ex-
pedient.

" Know ye also, that we do constitute you, the said
Archbishop of Canterbury, Etc. and every five or more
of you, our committees, according to your good discre-
tions, to hear and determine all complaints, ar the in-
stance and suit of the party grieved, whether it be against
the whole colonies themselves, or any governour or of-
ficer of the same, or whether complaint touching wrongs
exhibited or depending, either between the whole bod-
ies of the colonies, or any private member thereof, and
to summon the parties before you, and they or their pro-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 2(57

curators or agents being on both sides heard, finally to
determine thereof according to justice : "giving moreo-
ver and granting to you, and any five or more of you,
that it it shall appear that any officer or governour of the
said colonies shall injuriously intend and usurp upon
the authority, power, or possessions of any other, or
shall unjustly wrong one another, or shall not suppress
all rebels to us, or such as shall not obey our commands,
that then it shall be lawful, (upon advice with ourself
first had,) for the causes aforesaid, or upon any other just
reason, to reniand, and cause the offender to return in-
to Knglar.d, or into any other place, according as in your
good discretions you shall think just and necessary.

" And we do furthermore give unto you, or any five
or more of you. Letters Patents, and other writings, what-
soever of us, or of our royal predecessor granted for, or
concerning the planting of any colonies, in any countries,
provinces, islands, or territories whatsoever, beyond the
seas ; and if upon view thereof, the same shall appear to
you, or any five or more of you, to have been surrepti-
tiously and unduly obtained, or that any privileges or
liberties therein granted be hurtful, or prejudicial to us,
our crown, or prei;ogative royal, or to any foreign prin-
ces, to cause the same, according to the laws and cus-
toms of our realm of England to be revoked, and to do
all other things which shall be necessary for the whole-
some government and protection of the said colonies,
and of our people therein abiding.

" Wherefore, we command you, that you diligently
intend the premises, at such times and places which
yourselves for that purpose shall appoint, charging also,
and firmly commanding, all and singular, presidents of
provinces within the aforesaid colonies now planted, or
to be planted, and all and every the said colonies them-
selves, and all other persons whom it doth concern, that
they attend you in the premises, and be obedient to your
commands touching the same, so often as they shall be
thereunto required, at their peril. In witness whereof,
we caused these our letters to be made patent. Wit-

^^

GENERAL HISTORY

ness ourself at Westminster, 28th day of April, in the
tenth year of our reign."

A copy of a letter sent by the appointment of the Lords of
the CoiinciU to Mr. Winthrop, for the patent of this
plantation to be sent to them.

At Whitehall^ April Ath^ 1638.

PRESENT

Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, Earl of Holland,

Lord Keeper, ' Lord Cottington,

Lord Treasurer, Mr. Treasurer,

Lord Privy Seal, Mr. Comptroller,

Earl Marshal, Mr. Secretary Cooke,

Earl of Dorset, Mr. Sec. Windebank.

" Tliis day the I^ords Commissioners for foreign
plantations, taking into consideration that the petitions
and conipjainis of his Majesty's subjects, planters and
traders in New England, grow more frequent than here-
tofore, for want of a settled and orderly government in
those pa>ts; and calling to mind that they had formerly
given order, about two or three years since, to Mr, Cra-
dock, a member of the plantation, to cause the grant, or
letters patent for that plantation, (alleged by him to be
there remaining, in the bands of Mr. Winthrop,) to be
sent over hither ; and that not withstand in u- the same, the
said letters patent were not, as 3'et, brought over : and
their lordships being now informed by Mr. Attorney
General, that a quo warranto had been by him brought
according to former order, against the said patent, and
the same was proceeded to judgment against so many
as had appeared, and that they which had not ap])eared
were outlawed :

" Their lordships, well approving of Mr. Attorney's
care and proceeding therein, did now resolve aud order,
that Mr. Meawtes, clerk of the council, attendant upon
the said con^missioners for foreign plantations, should,
in a letter from himself to Mr. Winthrop, inclose and
convey this order unto him. And their lordships
hereby, in hi§ Majesty's name, and according to his exr

©F NEW ENGLAND.

S69

press will and pleasure, strictly require and enjoin the
said Wmthrop, or any other in whose power or custody
the said letters patents are, that they fail not to transmit
the said patent hither by the return of the ship, in which
the order is conveyed to them ; it being resolved that in
case of any further neglect or contempt by them shewed
therein, their lordships will cause a strict course to be
taken against them, and will move his Majesty lo reas-
sume into his hands the whole plantation."

TO THE RIGHT HONOrRABLi:, THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS FOR FOREIGN PLAN-
TATIONS.

The humble petition of the Massachusetts, in A^ew Eng-
land, in the general court there assembled, the 6th day
of September^ in the fourteenth year of the reign of our
Sovereign Lord, King Charles,

*' Whereas, it hath pleased your Lordships, by order
of the 4th of April last, to require our jjatent to be sent
unto you ; we do here humbly and sincerely profess, that
we are ready to yield all due obedience to our Sovereign
Lord the King's Majesty, and to your Lordships under
him, and in this mind we left our native country, and
according thereunto hath been our practice ever since ;
so as we are much grieved that your Lordships should
call in our patent, there being no cause known to us for
that purpose, our government being setded according to
his Majesty's grant, and we not answerable for any de-
fect in other plantations. This is that which his Ma-
jesty's subjects do believe and profess, and therefore we
are all humble suitors to your Lordships, that you would
be pleased to take into further consideration our condi-
tion, and to affbrd unto us the liberties of subjects, that
we may know what is laid to our charge, and have leave
and time to answer for ourselves before we be condenm-
ed as a people unworthy of his Majesty's favour or pro-
tection. As for the quo warranto mentioned in the said
order, we do assure your Lordships, that we were nev-
er called to make answer to it, and if wq had, we doubt
not but we jjave a sufficient plea to put in.

" It is not unknown to your Lordships that we cam^

S70 GENERAL HISTORY

into these remote parts with his Majesty's license and
encouragement, under his great seal ot" England, and in
the confidence we had of the great assurance of his fa-
vour, we have transported our families and estates, and
here have we built and planted, to the great enlargement
and securing of his Majesty's dominions in these parts,
so as if our patent should be now taken from us, we
should be looked at as runagates and outlaws, and shall
be enforced either to remove to some other place, or to
return to cur native country again, either of which will
put us to insuperable extremities ; and these evils, (a-
mong others,) will necessarily follow :

1. ** Many thousand souls will be exposed to ruin,
being laid open to the injuries of all men.

2. " If we be forced to desert the place, the rest of
the plantations about us, (being too weak* to subsist a-
lone,) will for the most part dissolve and go along with
us, and then will this whole country fall into the hands of
J'rench or Dutch, who would speedily embrace such an
opportunity.

3. " If we should lose all our labour and cost, and
be deprived of those liberties which his Majesty hath
granted us, and nothing laid to our charge, nor any fail-
ing to be found in us in point of allegiance, (which all
our countrymen do take notice of, and we justify our
faithfulness in this belialf,) it will discourage all men

.hereafter from the like undertakings upon confidence of
his Majesty's r.iyal grant.

4. " Lastly, it our patent be taken from us, (where-
by we suppose we may claim interest in his Majesty's
favour and protection,) the common people here will
conceive that his Majesty hath cast them off, and that
hereby they are freed from their allegiance and subjec-
tion, and thereupon will be ready to confederate them-
selves under a new government, for their necessary safe-
ty and subsistence, which will be of dangerous example
unto other plantations, and perilous to ourselves, of in-
curring his Majesty's displeasure, which we would by
all means avoid. Upon these considerations we are bold

OF NEW ENGLAND, ^i

to renew^ our humble supplication to your Lordships,
that we may be suffered to live here in this wilderness,
and that this poor plantation, which hath found more fa-
vour with God than many other, may not find less favour
from your Lordships, that our liberties should be re-
strained, when others are enlarged ; that the door should
be kept shut upon us, while it stands open to all other
plantations ; that men of ability should be debarred from
us, while they have encouragement to other colonies.
We do not question your Lordships' proceedings, we on-
ly desire to open our griefs where the remedy is to be
expected. If in any thing we have offended his Majesty
and your Lordships, we humbly prostrate ourselves at
the footstool of supreme authority.

" Let us be made the objects of his Majesty's clem-
ency, and not cut off in our first appeal from all hope of
favour. Thus with our earnest prayers unto the King
of kings for long life and prosperity to his sacred Majes-
ty, and his royal f:imily, and for all honour and welfare
to your Lordships, we humbly take leave.

" This is a true copy, compared with the original on file,
as attests Edward Rawson, Secretary."

The Lords Commissioners, to whom the letter above
written from Mr. Winthrop was directed, either rested
satisfied in what was therein alleged, and so made no
further demand of returning the patent; or otherwise,
which some think more probable, concernments ol an
higher nature intervening in that juncture of time, gave
a supersedeas to that design and intendment. For this
business upon some consideration or other had been in
hand ever since the year 1634 ; though it had been
overlooked by the interposition possibly of matters of
greater moment to this year, 1638, when the foresaid
letter was sent over to the governour of the Massachu-
setts. For it seems that in or near the year 1635, upon
the petition of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Capt. Mason, and
others, the whole matter came to be examined before his
Majesty and the privy council, at which time his Majes-
ty was pleased to give command, that the great council

37^ GENERAL HISTORY

of New Enn:land, commonly called the Council of Plym-
outh, should ^ive an account by what authority, and by
whose procurement, those of the Massachusetts were
sent over. The said council pleaded ignorance of the
matter, which jet is not to be understood of all of them,
for Sir Ferdinando Gorges's history, printed Anno 1658,
(and himself was one of that number-,) makes mention
how himself was instrumental to procure a liberty for
settling a colony in New England, within the limits of
the said council of Plymouth, and that the Earl of War-
wick wrote to himself to condescend thereunto; and
thereupon, as he adds, he gave his approbation, and that
the king was pleased to enlarge the grant of the said
council, and confirmed the same by the great seal.
However, upon complaint afterwards of disturbance like
to follow, it was ordered by the king's command, that
none should go over thither without Hccnse, because of
divers sects and schisms, that were said to be amongst
them ; on which account some were not backward to
suggest a doubt, that they might shake off the royal ju-
risdiction, as they had done the ecclesiastical govern-
ment.

Things proceeding after this sort, the motion that
was made by some, for the council of Plymouth to re-
sign up their grand charter, did the sooner take place ;
so as on the 25th of April, 1635, a declaration was put
forth by the said council for the surrender of their char-
ter, which was actually done, as it bears date on the 7th
day of June, 1635, as is affirmed in a book, published in
Sii Ferdinando Gorges's name. Immediately thereup-
on, a quo ivarranto was brought by Sir John Banks, the
attorney general, against the governour, deputy govern-
our, and assistants of the corporation of the Massachu-
setts ; whereof about fourteen appearing, and disclaim-
ing the charter, judgment was given for the king, that
the liberties, and franchises of the said corporation of the
Massachusetts, should be seized into the king's hands.

Thereupon it is said, that afterwards, scil. May 3d,
1637, his Majesty did in council order, that the attorney

OF NEW ENGLAND. JB73

general be required to call for the said patent of the Mas-
sachusetts ; and accordingly a letter was sent by Mr.
Meawtes, in the name of the Loids of the Council, as is
above expressed. But nothing more was done therein
during the former king's reign ; and his Majesty now
reigning, since his coronation, confirmed the charter of
the Massachusetts anew, in one of his letters.

CHAP. XXXVII.

Ecclesiastical affairs in the Massachusetts y from the year
1636 to 1641.

The affairs of the church in this next lustre of years
were carried on after the same manner, and in the same
method and order, as in the former, but not with the
same quietness and peace ; nor could it be said, that
there was no voice of axe ojr hammer in their temple
work, in this space of time. The enemy was sowing
tares in God's field, and therefore it was to be feared
some of the servants were asleep ; of which themselves
were not insensible, after they were awakened by the
great troubles that were occasioned thereby. Yet not-
withstanding, there were many churches gathered, and
ministers ordained in them, many differences composed
and healed ; and at the last, errour being suppressed,
the churches were again established in truth and peace.

The first attempt of gathering any church in the year
1636, was at Dorchester, on the first of April ; when the
former pastor, and most of the old church being remov-
ed to Connecticut, Mr. Richard Mather, with several
christians that came along with him out of Lancashire,
having settled their habitations there, and intending to
begin a new church, desired the approbation of the mag-
istrates, and of the neighbouring churches, (whose min-
isters and messengers used to be always present on such
occasions,) and were at this time there assembled for that
end. When Mr. Mather, their intended teacher, and
the rest of them designed for that work, had made con-
fession of their faith, they proceeded to give an account
35

%7^ GENERAL HISTORY \

of the work of God's grace on their hearts ; wherein,
through unacquaintedness with the nature of the thing
desired, that which was held forth by the most of them
did not amount to full satisfaction ; so as they were ad-
vised not to join together in church fellowship without
some further consideration, and accordingly they did
forbear at that present. But on the 8th of September*
following, being better informed about the nature of that
which was expected from them, scil. a declaration of the
work of their repentance, how they were brought by the
ministry of the word, not only to look upon sin as hurt-
ful, but as hateful, and to close with the Lord Jesus by
a lively faith, as the Lamb of God, that came to take
away the sin of the world, &c. they were gathered into a
church state, with the approbation of the messengers of
the churches, then assembled for that end.

The 6th of April, 1637, those of Concord set a day
apart for the ordination of their two ministers, viz. Mr.
Jones to be their pastor, and Mr. Bulkley to be their
teacher. But neither the governour, Mr. Vane, nor Mr.
Cotton, nor the two ruling elders, nor any oiher of Bos-
ton church would be present ; because the two foremen-
tioned ministers were looked upon in that hour of temp-
tation, as too legal preachers, and therefore they would
not be present to give approbation to their ordination.

The 20th of February, Mr. Ward, of Ipswich, having
laid down his pastoral office, Mr. Rogers and Mr. Nor-
ton were ordained, the one pastor, the other teacher of
the said church.

The 9th of January, 1637, divers of the ministers went
to Weymouth, to reconcile the differences between the
people and Mr. Jenner, whom they had called thither,
with intent to have him their pastor, and had good suc-
cess of their prayers. For the 30th of January, 1638,
there was a church gathered there, with the approbation
of the magistrates and ministers. They had a church
gathered there at Weymouth before, bu' c >uld not hold
together, nor couW have any elder join oi hoid with them,

* Augnst 23. Dorchester records. Ed.

OF NEW ENGLAND, 87^

because they did not begin according to the rule of the
gospel, as vas judged ; but at this time humbling them-
selves for it, and beginning again upon a new founda-
tion, they went on with a blessing.

The people of this town of Weymouth had invited
one Mr. Lenthall to come to them, with intention to call
him to be their minister. This man, though of good
report in England, coming hither was found to have
drunk in some of Mrs. Hutchinson's opinions, as of jus-
tification before faith, &c. and opposed the custom of
gathering of churches in such a way of mutual restipula-
tion, as was then practised. From the former, he was soon
taken off by conference with Mr. Cotton, but he stuck
clobe to the other, that only baptism was the door of en-
trance into the visible church, &c. so as the common
sort of people did eagerly embrace his opinion ; and
some laboured to get such a church on foot, as all bap-
tized ones might commuricate in, without any further
trial of them, &c. For this end they procured many
hands in Weymouth, to a blank, intending to have Mr.
Lenthali's advice to the form of their call ; and he like-
wise was very forward, to become a minister to them in
such a way, and did openly maintain the cause. But
the magistrates hearing of this disturbance and combin-
ation, thought it needful to stop it betimes, and therefore
they called Mr. Lenthall, and the chief of the faction, to the
next general court, in March ; where Mr. Lenthall, hav-
ing before conferred with some of the magistrates and
ministers, and being convinced of his errour in judgment,
and his sin in practice, to the disturbance of their peace,
&.C. did openly and freely retract, with expression of
much grief of heart for his offence, and did deliver his
retractation in writing under his hand in open court ;
whereupon he was enjoined to appear at the next court,
and in the mean time to make and deliver the like recan-
tation in some publick assembly at Weymouth. So
the court forbore any further censure by fine or other-
wise, though it was much urged by some. At the same
court, some of the principal abettors were censured ; as

S70 GENERAL HISTORY

one Smith, and one Silvester, and one Britten, who had
spoken reproachfuliy of the answer which was sent to
Mr. Bernard's book, against their church covenant, and
of some of the ministers there, for which he was severe-
ly punished ; but not taking warning he fell into gross-
er evil, whereby he brought capital punishment upon
himself, not long after.

7 he 7th of September, 1639, there was a church gath-
ered at Braintree, formerly Mount Wollaston, and Mr.
Wheelwright, (whom the people of Boston, that were
concerned in that place, had intended to be the minister
thereof,) being by the order of the court removed out of
the jurisdiction, Mr Thompson, that came out of Lan-
cashire, a pious and learned minister, and had for a time
been preacher at Agamenticus, where he had been an
instrument of much good, was ordained the pastor there-
of, the 19ih of November following; with whom was
joined Mr. Henry Flint, as teacher. Mr. Ezekiel Rog-
ers, son of Mr. Richard Rogers of Weathersfield, De-
cember 3d of the same year, was ordained pastor of a
church at Rowley, where was a plantation newly erected,
between Ipswich and Newbury. Mr. Eaton and Mr.
Davenport laboured by ail means to have drawn him
with his people to New Haven, and had so far prevailed
with him, (being newly come, and unacquainted with
the state of the country,) as to engage him to go \Aith
them, upon propositions which they could not well ful-
fil ; whereupon, by the advice of the ministers about
the Bay, he took hiniself released from his foresaid en-
gagement, and then came with his people to that place
beyond Ipswich, where he was ordained their pastor, as
is said before.

On the 18th of March, 1639, Mr. Norris was ordain-
ed teacher of the church at Salem, all the elders of the
other churches being present.

The 19th of December Mr, Knowles, sometimes fel-
low of Emanuel College, in Cambridge, was ordained
second pastor of the church of Watertovvn ; the former
yet surviving, so as at this time they had two pastors

OF NEW ENGLAND. ^77

and no teacher, therein differing from the practice of the
rest of the churches ; as they did also in their private
way of proceeding, not fiji^'i^g notice thereof, either to
the magistrates, or neighbour churches, as the common
practice was then, and still is, by an order, established by
the general court for that end ; but that was the humour
of some in chief place of that church. And so apt are
the best of men oft times to come in danger of Scylla,
that they may be sure to keep clear of Charybdis.

One Hugh Bewet was at the next court of assistants,
March the 1st, sent cut of the jurisdiction, for holding
publickly, and maintaining that he was free from origin-
al sin; it being justly to be feared, that if he had staid
still, he would have made himself, and others too, guilty
of more actual sin, than his neighbours, (as is ordinarily
found by experience of those great pretenders to perfec-
tion and holiness ) although he did also affirm, that for
half a year before, he had been likewise free from actual
sin.

The church of Dorchester, not contentisig themselves
with a single officer in the ministry of their church, in-
vited one Mr. Burr, (who had been a minister in Eng-
land, and of very good report there, for piety and learn-
ing,) with intent also to call him to office. And accord-
ingly, after he was received a member cf their church,
and had given good proof of his piety, and other minis-
terial abilities, they gave him a call to office, which he
deferring to accept upon some private reasons, known to
himself, some of the church took some exceptions at
some things which he in the mean time delivered, (his
expressions possibly either not being well understood,
or so far wire-drawn as that they seemed too much in-
clining to the notions then prevaihng much at Boston,)
and they desired him to give satisfaction, and he not see-
ing need for it, it was agreed that Mr. Mather and he
should confer together, and so the church should know
where the difference lay. Accordingly Mr. Burr wrote
his judgment in the points of difference in such manner
and terms, as from some of his propositions, taken sin-

S78 GENERAL HISTORY

gly, something that was erroneous might be gathered, and
might seem naturally to follow therefrom ; but was so
qualified in other parts, as might admit of a charitable
construction. Mr. Mather reports to the church the
seeming erroneous matter that might be collected, with-
out mentioning the qualification, or acquainting Mr.
Burr with it before hand. When this was published,
Mr. Burr disclaimed the erroneous matter, and Mr.
Mather maintained it from his writings. Whereupon
the church was divided about it, some joining with the
one, and some with the other, so as it grew to some heat,
and alienation of minds, and many days were spent for
reconciliation, but all in vain. In the end they agreed to
call in help from other churches ; so as, the 2d of Feb-
ruary, 1640, there was a meeting at Dorchester of the
Governour, and another of the magistrates, and ten of
the ministers of the neighbouring churches, wherein
four days were spent in opening the cause, and such of-
fence as had fallen out in the prosecution ; and in con-
clusion they all declared their judgment and advice in
the case to this effect :

That both sides had cause to be humbled for their
failings ; Mr. Burr for his doubtful and unsafe expres-
sions, and backwardness to give clear satisfaction ; Mr.
Mather for his inconsideration, both in not acquainting
Mr. Burr with his collections, before he published them
to the church, and in not certifying the qualifications of
the erroneous expressions which were in his writings;
for which they were advised to set a day apart for re-
conciliation. Upon this both Mr. Mather and iVlr. Burr
took the blame of their failings upon themselves, and
freely submitted to the judgment and advice given, to
which the rest of the church yielded a silent assent. And
God was much glorified in the close thereof, and Mr.
Burr did fully renounce these errours of which he was
suspected, confessing he had been in the dark about
those points, till God, by occasion of this agitation, had
cleared them to him ; which he did with much meekness
and tears. But that holy man continued not long after,

OF NEW ENGLAXD. S79

being observed to express so much of heaven in his
pubhck ministry, as his hearers judged he would not
continue long upon the earth, as it came to pass.

About that time, viz. November 8th, a church was
gathered at Dedham, with good approbation : and the
28th of the same month, Mr. Peck was ordained teacher
of the church at Hingham.

Concerning other ecclesiastical matters which fell out
in this histre, being of such a nature as they require a
more particular discourse, viz. divers errours prevailing
in and about Boston, and so violently carried on, as did
need the help of the civil power to redress them, they
shall be treated of in the following chapters : only let it
be here noted, that as well Boston, as many other church-
es, having received the infection of many dangerous er-
rours, by the application of due means, like athletick bod-
ies, did in a little time either work out the contagion
themselves, or by the discipline of the church, did purge
out the leaven of corrupt and unsound doctrine and
practices, and so became a new lurrip, as the apostle
speaks.

The hands of those on that side of the country, near
Connecticut, were strengthened by the coming over of
Mr. Feiiwick, a gentleman of great estate, and eminent
for wisdom and piety. July 15th, 1639, he arrived at
New Haven with a ship of three hundred and fifty tuns,
with his lady and family. His intent was to make a plan-
tation at Say brook, about the mouth of Connecticut riv-
er. He laid the foundation thereof, and within a few years
after returned to England. Two other plantations were
begun at that time beyond New Haven ; but every one
stood so much for iheir liberty, that every plantation al-
most intended a peculiar government of "tliemselves, if
they could have brought it about ; but those designs
tended to the weakening of the country, and hinderance
of the general good of the whole.

380 GENERAL HISTORY

CHAP. XXXVIII.

Disturbance in the Alassachusetts colony ^ in New Eng-
land^ from the year 1636 to 1641, by Mr. TFheel-
wricrht and Mrs, Hutchinson,

Hitherto the beauty of the Lord had been upon the
prinutive plantations of New England, prospering their
handy work, and blessing the labour of their hands, so
as in them might have been, in a sense, observed that
which was said of the primitive church, in the days of
the apostles, that they had rest ; and, walking in the fear
oi God, and comforts of the Holy Ghost, were multipli-
ed ; for hitherto their churches, as well as their tov/n-
ships and families, were increased ; nor were they with-
out the comforts of the Holy Ghost in their measure.
But the wicked one, that always envies at the prosperity
of the church, took all opportunities to obstruct their
flourishing, either in civil or ecclesiastical respects ; for
he had stirred up several of his instruments, as the Pe-
quod Indians, (the history of which may be seen in the
Narrative thereof, page 117,) who made cruel and fierce
war, besides troubles from within, by several persons
that laboured to infest the plantation, by sowing the
seeds of dissension and corrupt doctrine, the one much
increasing and fomenting of the other, as may appear
briefly in what follows. That which is in sacred writ
recorded of John Baptist may in its measure not unfitly
be applied to Mr. John Cotton, that holy man of God,
and reverend teacher of the church of Boston, viz. that
he was a burning and shining light ; and so many of his
hearers, that abundantly resorted to his weekly lecture,
might be said to have rejoiced in his light for a season,
and much gloried in their gifts and enjoyments, looking
upon themselves in so flourishing a condition as were
scarce any where else to be paralleled. For some have
been heard to say, they believed tiie chnrcii of Boston to
be the most glorions church in the world ; and indeed
they deserved to be highly honoured, both for ttieir faith

OF NEW ENGLAND. 8BA

and order, with their eminent gifts of utterance and
knowledge. But lie who uses to stain the pride of tiie
glory of all flesh, by withdrawing or withholding the in-
fluence of his grace, (which at that time some pretended
so much to magnify,) blasted their beauty, that it might
appear, that all flesh was grass, and the goodliness there-
of, as the flower of the tieid. For some of the church
and town of Boston, and the neighbouring assemblies,
who either did not understand, or notoriously abused,
what their reverend teacher had expressed, concerning
the doctrine of free grace, union with Christ, and evi-
dencing that union, had secretly vented sundry corrupt
and dangerous errors and heresies,, denying all inheient
rigiiteousness, and all evidencing a good estate thereby
in any sort, and, (to use Mr. Cotton's own words in
print,) " some of them denyiiig the immortality of thi.
soul, and resurrection of the body." And when the-
were questioned by some brethren about these things-
they carried it as if they held forth nothing but what they
had received from Mr. Cotton ; and possibly they might
strangely pervert some unwary expressions, occasional-
ly let fail by that worthy and eminent divine, to a far dif-
ferent and contrary sense, than ever they were intended
by the speaker, insomuch that himself, after he was ad-
vertised thereof, and had preached against these errours,
yet did this generation of familists make their friends
believe, that they were otherwise informed by himself in
private. So as when Mr. Cotton himself, who, by rea-
son of his candour and charity, was not forward to be-
lieve, that those erring brethren and sisters were so cor-
rupt in their judgments as they were reported to be,
much suffered thereby in his repute ; for it occasioned
some of the country to have a jealousy that himself was
a secret fomenter of the spirit of familism ; if he were
not far leavened that way. 1'hese erroneous notions in-
spired many of the place also with a strange kind of se-
ditious and turbulent spirit, and that upon every occa-
sion they were ready to challenge all, that did not run
with them, to be legal christians, and under a covenant
36

383 GENERAL HISTORV

of works. Under the veil of this pretence, men of cor-
rupt minds and haughty spirits secretly sowed seeds of
division and schism in the country, and were ready to
mutiny against the civil authority. For at a general
court, held March 9th, 1636, complaint was made of a
sermon, preached by Mr. Wheelwright a little before,
supposed to tend to sedition and disturbance of the pub-
lick peace ; and being sent for to the court, he was evi-
dently convict of sedition and contempt of authority, for
sundry passages in his sermon, which he stood to justi-
fy ; and notwithstanding all means used, would not be
brought in the least to retract. On which account the
court saw cause to order his removal out of the jurisdic-
tion. The magistrates set forth an apology to justify
the sentence, which the adverse party had remonstrated
oninst, altering the words and meaning of such passag-
B as were the grounds of the court's sentence. Mr.
cVheelwright also himself put forth a small tractate, to
i^lear the doctrine of his sermon from sedition, as if he
had only declared therein the covenant of grace, which
was also differing from his sermon, and was confuted by
some of the ministers by many strong arguments. Mr.
Cotton replied largely to their answer, and brought the
diiferences to a narrow scantling. But Mr. Wheel-
wright could not be prevailed with, to make any kind of
recantation, which might have saved himself and others
much trouble. The court also, though they had power
enough to crush that party, yet deferred passing their
sentence, that their moderation and desire of reconcilia-
tion might appear ; but himself persisting in his way, it
was at the last declared, and put in execution.

And in the latter session of the general court, where-
in he was sentenced, sundry persons were called in ques-
tion for subscribing their names to a remonstrance or
petition, (there were about sixty of them in all,) where-
in they did not only justify Mr. Wheelwright's doctrine
and practice, but strongly reflect upon the proceedings
of the court against him ; whereupon the petitioners
were all called before the court, and proceeded with ac-

OF NEW ENGLAND. SSS

©ording to the degrees of their offence, (which none of
them were willing to see or acknowledge,) in some, to
their removal out of the patent ; in others, to their dis-
franchisement only. With all which they were so dis-
satisfied, as they generally, at least many of them, re-
moved out of the patent, and made a plantation at Rhode
Island, near the Narraganset country, where their suc-
cessors and their posterity are remaining at this day ; so
as the sentence of the court was not prejudicial, but oc-
casionally an advantage to their outward estate, being
by that means seated in one of the fertilest ]>laces of the
country ; only, for fear of making great disturbance,
which might have ruined them all, the authority of the
Massachusetts was not willing to have them to abide
longer amongst them within their jurisdiction.

At the same court also was called in question one Mrs.
Hutchinson, supposed to be the occasion of all the fore-
mentioned commotions in the colony of the Massachu-
setts ; whose name it is wished might have been for-
borne out of respect to some of her family, long after,
and still surviving, noted for eminent piety, great in-
tegrity of judgmeiit, and faithful service in the church of
God.

This gentlewoman was of a nimble wit, voluble
tongue, eminent knowledge in the scriptures, of great
charity, and notable helpiulness, especially in such occa-
sions, where those of that sex stand in need of the mu-
tual help of each other ; which was the opportunity usu-
ally taken for insinuating into the spiritual state of those
she came amongst, telling them of the danger of being
under a covenant of works ; by which means the affec-
tions of those that laboured under wants, and bodiiy in-
firmities, were notabl) prepared to become susceptible
of any novel impressions ; especially such as seemed to
tend to the exalting of free grace, and depressing of tlie
creature, and leaving ail ior Christ to do. And as when
the devil attempted to ruin marikind by the insinuation
of a new divinity, he began with Lve, aid by her sur-
prised her husband; the same, course is still found the

SSti GENERAL HISTORY

most successful for that end : and was to admiration at
this time verified in and about Boston*

When the said Mrs. Hutchinson was brought into the
court, it was laid to her charge, that she had a srreat hand
in the publick disturbance of the country, pardy by er-
roneous opinions, wiiich slie broached and divulged, and
partly by countenancing, and encouraging such, as sow-
ed sedition therein, and partly by casting reproach upon
the faithful ministers of the country, and their ministry ;
thereby weakening their hands in the day of the Lord,
and raising prejudice against them in the hearts of the
people. It was added, that they would either have her
acknowledge and reform her crrours, and other offences,
or else they must take such a course with her, that she
might trouble them no further. After a long agitation
with her, she pressed to declare her mind about the man-
ner of God's dealing with her ; which having at last lib-
erty to do, she expressed herself in a way of immediate
revelation ; applying to herself, and her present condi-
tion, sundry texts of scripture, as, Jerem. xlvi. 28, and
Isaiah xxx. 20, and viii. 0; adding, that the Lord spake
that to her, with a strong hand, and also using that in-
stance of Daniel, Dan. vi. where the princes and presi-
dents sought something against him, concerning the law
of his God, when they could fiiid nothing else, and so
concluded; see this scripture fulfilled this day in mine
eyes, take heed what you go about to do unto nie, Sec.
I am in the hands of tlie eternal Jehovah, my Saviour.
She insisted much upon that place of scripture, Jer. xlvi.
ult. though I make a full end of all nations, yet will I not
make a full eiul of thee ; which was very remarkable,
as to the end that befel her, for in a very few years after
the sentence ' of the court, occasioning her to remove,
first to Rhode Island, and not being contented there, she
withdrew voluntarily into some remote part of the coun-
try, from her friends and neighbours at Rhode Island,
(with- whom neither could she agree,) she herself, with
mosii or many of her family, were destroyed by the In-
diafis, as shall be showed afterwards, when none else

OF NEW ENGLANB, 285

were ; whereby it is evident how dangerous a thing it is,
to trust to such pretended revelations, and neglect the
word of God, which is our only rule, both as to faith and
manners.

The court hearing of her thus speak, gathered from
her own w^ords that she walked by such a rule as cannot
stand with the peace of any state or church, for such
bottomless revelaiions, if they be allowed in one thing,
they must be admitted for a rule in all ; and upon such
a found:^tion were built the tragedies of Munster and
other places, and might be also in America, if such things
went on after this sort ; for they who are above reason
and scripture will be subject to no controul. The court
therefore, fiiiding no hope of her being persuaded to re-
cal her opinions, or reform her way, judged it necessary
to proceed against her by such a sentence as necessarily
required her departure out of the country. The church
likewise passed a sentence of excommunication upon
her, by Mn Cotton's consent and approbation, as well
as of the church.

This discovery of a new rule of practice by immedi-
ate revelation, and the consideration of such dangerous
consequences, which have and might follow thereof, oc-
casioned the court to disarm all such of that party, as
had their hands to the petition aforesaid? and some oth-
ers who had openly defended the same, (which was a
true shibboleth, whereby the disaft'ected were discover-
ed,) except they would give satisfiiction to the magis-
trates therein ; which sotne presently did, about twenty
in all : others made a great question about bringing in
their arms, but they were too weak to stand it out, and
therefore at the last submitted.

CHAP. XXXIX.

The occasion of spreading erroneous opinions in JVeiv Eng-
land^ and much disturbance occasiofied thereby in and
about Boston, in the years 1636, 1637, ^c,

Mrs. Hutchinson, of whom large mention is

S86 GENERAL HISTORY

made in the foregoing chapter, did by degrees discover
two dangerous errours, which she brought with her out
of Englaiid, (it being not probable that she gathered them
from the ministry of Mr. Cotton, or any other minister
in New England.) The one was, that the Holy Ghost
dwelt personally in a justified person ; the other was,
that nothing of sanctification can help to evidence to be-
lievers their justification. From these two grew many
other branches ; as that our union with the Holy Ghost
is such, that a christian remains in himself dead to any
spiritual action, and hath no gilts or graces, other than
such as are in hypocrites, nor any other sanctification
than the Holy Ghost himself. There joined with her
in those opinions, or in some other very near them, one
Mr. Wheelwright, brother-in-law to her, sometimes a
silenced minister in England; of whom mention is als©
made in the former chapter.

The other ministers of the Bay hearing of those things,
came to Boston about the end of October, 1636, in the
time of the general court, and entered a conference in
private with the elders, and others there, to the end
that they might know the certainty of these things ; if
heed were that they might write to the church of Boston,
about them, to prevent, (if it were possible,) the dangers
which seemed to hang over that, and the rest of the
churches. At this conference Mr. Cotton was present,
and gave satisfaction to them, so as he agreed with them
all in the point of sanctification, and so did Mr. VVheel-
v/right ; so as they all did hold, that sanctification did help
to evidence justification, the same he had delivered plain-
ly in publick divers times ; but for the indwelling of the
person of the Holy Ghost he held that still, but not un-
ion with the person of the Holy Ghost, so as to amount
to a personal union.

A few days after, scil. October 30th, some of Boston
church being of the forementioned opinion, were labour-
ing to have the said Mr. Wheelwright to be called to be
a teacher there. It was propounded the Lord's day be-
fore, and was this day moved again for a resolution. One

OF NEW ENGLAND. 287

of the church stood up, and said he could not consent :
his reason was, because the church being well furnished
already with able ministers, whose spirits they knew, and
whose labours God had blessed in much love and sweet
peace, he thought it not fit, (no necessity urging,) to put
the welfare of the church to the least hazard, as he fear-
ed they should, by calling in one whose spirit they knew
not, and one who seemed to dissent in judgment; and
instanced in two points, which he delivered in a late ex-
ercise there, 1. that a believer was more than a new crea-
ture ; 2. that the person of the Holy Ghost and a believ-
er were united. Hereupon the governour, Mr. Vane,
spake, that he marvelled at this, seeing Mr. Cotton had
lately approved his doctrine. To this Mr. Cotton an-
swered, that he did not remember the first, and desired
Mr. Wheelwright to explain his meaning: he denied
not the points, but showed upon what occasion he deliv-
ered them. Whereupon there being an endeavour to
make a reconciliation, the first replied, that although Mr.
Wheelwright and himself might agree about the points,
and though he thought reverendly of his godliness and
abiliries, so as he could be content to live under such a
ministry, yet seeing he was apt to raise doubtful dispu- -
tations, he could not consent to choose him to the place :
whereupon the church gave way, that he might be called
to office in a new church, to be gathered at Mount WoU
laston, now Braintree. Divers of the brethren took of-
fence at this speech against Mr. Wheelwright ; where-
upon the same brother spake in the congregation the
next Lord's day, to this effect : that hearing how some
brethren took offence at his former speech, and for that
offences were dangerous, he was desirous to give satis-
faction. The offence, he said, was in three things :
1. for that he charged that brother in publick, and for a
thing so long since delivered, and had not first dealed
with him privately : for this he acknowledged that it was
a failing ; but the occasion was, that when he heard the
points delivered, he took them in a good sense, as spok-
en figuratively, seeing tlie whole scope of the doctrine

S88 ©ENERAL HISTORY

was sound, and savouring of the spirit of God ; but hear-
ing very lately, that he was suspected to hold such opin-
ions, it caused him to think he spake as he meant. The
second cause of offence was, that in his speech appeared
some bitterness : for that he answered, that they well
knew his manner of speech was always earnest, in things
which he conceived to be serious ; and professed that he
did love that brother's person, and did honour the gifts
and graces of God in him. The third was, that he had
charged him, to have held things which he did not : for
this lie answered, that he had spoke since with the said
brother; asid for the two points, 1. that a believer should
be mort than a r»ew creature ; and, 2. that there should
be a personal union between the Holy Ghost atid a be-
liever. He denied to hold either of them, but by neces-
sary consequence he doth hold both ; for he holds, (said
he,) that there is a real union with the person of the Ho-
ly Ghost, and then of necessity must be personal, and so
a believer must be more than a creature ; viz. God man,
as Christ Jesus ; for though in a true union the two
terms may still remain the same, &c. as between hus-
band ad wife, he is a man still and she is a woman, (for
the union is only in sympathy and relation,) yet in a real
or personal union, it is not. Now whether this were
agreeable to the doctrine of the gospel, he left to the
church to judge, hoping the Lord would direct their
teacher to clear these points fully, as he had well done
in good measure already : withal he made this request
to tiie brethren, that, (which he said he did seriously and
affectionately,) seeing diose variances grew, (and some
estrangement withal,) from some words and expressions,
which were of human invention, and tended to doubtful
disputation, rather than to edification, and had no footing
in scripture, nor had been of use in the purest churches
for three hundred years after Christ, that for the peace of
the church, they might be forborne, (he meant the person
of the Holy Ghost, and real union;) he concluded, that
he did not intend to dispute the matter, (as not having
"place nor calling thereunto,) yet if any brother desired to

•P NEW ENGLAND. S89

^e what light he walked b}^, he would b|? ready to im-
part it to him. How this was taken, by the congregation
it did not appear, for no man spake to it. This speech
was vcr\ solid, radonal, and candi<l, and If men's minds
had not been strant^ely forestalled with prejudice ati:ainst
the truth, and a secret inclination to novelties aod errour,
it mijit have put a stop to the confusion they at Boston
were at that tiine runr.ing into.

A day or two after, the same brother wrote his mind
fully with such scriptures and arguments, as came to
hand, and sent it to Mr. Cotton.

The governour, Mr. Vane, a gentleman pretending
much to wisdom and piety, held with Mr. Cotton the
iiid welling of the person of the Holy Ghost in a believer,
and went so far beyond the rest, as to maintain a person-
al union with the Holy Ghost. But the deputy, Mr.
Winthrop, (a gentleman notinferiour in natural abilities,
but much better grounded in the true principles of learn-
ing, both divine and human,) together with iVlr. Wil-
son, the pastor, and divers others, denied both : and the
question proceeded so far by disputation, (in writing, for
the peace-sake of the church, which all were tender of,)
as at length they could not find the person of the Holy
Ghost in scripture, nor in the primitive churches three
hundred years after Christ; so that all agreeing iitiie
chief matter of substance, came to this, viz. that the Ho-
ly Ghost is God, and that he doth dwell in believtrb, (as
the Father and Son are also said to do,) but whether by
his gifts and power only, or by any other manner of pres-
ence, seeing the scripture doth not declare it, it was
earnestly desired that the word person might be forborne,
being a term of human invention, and tending to doubt-
ful disputation in this case. For though th.e word per-
son be used in the Hebrews, i. 3, yet in the Greek it is
hypostasis, or subsistence, not t^os-aito*, which is to be
rendered person.

At a general court, occasionally called in December
following, (that v/as intended for a court of election,) the
ministers were called for advice about composing and
37

S90 GEXERAL HISTORY

pacifying the difference among the churches in point of
opinion. The gover lour having declared the occasion
to them, Mr. Dudley desired that men would be free
and open, &c ; another of the magistrates spake, that it
would much further the end they came for, if men would
freely declare what they held differing from others, as
himself would do in what point soever he should be op-
posed. The governour said, that he would be content
to do the like, but that he understood the ministers were
about it in a church way, which he spake upon this occa-
sion. The ministers had met a little before, and had
drawn into heads all the points, wherein they suspected
Mr. Cotton did differ from them, and had propounded
them to him, and pressed him to a direct answer, affirm-
ative or negative, to every one of which he had promis-
ed, and had taken time for. This meeting being spoken
of the day before in the court, the governour took great
offence at it, as being without his privity, &c. which this
day one of the ministers told him as plainly of, (with all
due reverence,) and how he had saddened the spirits of the
ministers, that he should be jealous of their meetings, or
seem to restrain their liberties, &c. The governour ex-
cused his speech as sudden, and upon a mistake ; the
same minister told him also, that within less than two
years since, the churches were at peace, &c. The gov-
ernour answered, that the light of the gospel brings a
sword, and the children of the bond woman would per-
secute those of the free woman, and such like canting
language. The minister besought him humbly to con-
sider his short experience in the things of God, and to
beware of peremptory conclusiopis, which he perceived
him to be very apt unto : he declared further what had
been observed, both in the Low Countries and here, as
the principal reasons of new opinions and divisions there-
upon, viz. j^ride, idleness, and ungrounded knowledge,
&.C. Mr. Wilson, pastor of Boston, made a serious
speech of the condition of the churches, and the inevita-
ble danger of separation, if those differences and aliena-
tions among brethren were not speedily remedied ; and

OF NEW ENGLAND. S91

laid the blame on those new opinions, risen up amongst
them ; which all the magistrates, except the governour
and two others, did confirm, as did all the ministers also,
except two.

In this discourse a question arose about sanctification ;
Mr. Cotton, in his sermon that day, had laid down this
ground ; that evident sanctification was a ground of jus-
tification, and thereupon had taught, that in cases of spir-
itual desertion, true desires rf sanctification was found to
be sanctification as our divines usually hold: and fur-
ther, if a man were laid so flat upon the ground, as he
could see no desires, &c. but only as a bruised reed did
wait at the foot of Christ, yet here was matter of com-
fort, for this was found to be true sanctification in the
root and principle of it.

The question here grew, whether any of these, or evi-
dent sanctification, could be evident to a man, without a
concurrent sight of his justification. The governour
and Mr. Cotton denied it : but this was one of the ques-
tions disputed afterwards in the synod.

But the speech of Mr. Wilson it seems did stick in
many of their stomachs, and was taken ill by Mr. Cotton
himself and divers others of the church of Boston, so as
he and divers of them went to admonish him : but Mr.
Wilson and some others could see no breach of rule,
seeing he was called by the court, about the same mat-
ter with the rest of the elders, and exhorted to deliver
their minds freely and faithfully, both for discovering
the dangers, and means of help, and the things he spake
of were only in general, and such as were under a com-
mon fame ; and being questioned about his intent, he
did not mean Boston church, nor the members thereof,
more than others. But this would not satisfy, but they
called him to answer publickly on the Lord's day, De-
cember 31, and there the governour pressed it violently
against him, aiid most of the congregation, except the
deputy and a few more ; and many of them with much
bitterness and reproaches : but he answered them all
with words of truth and soberness, and marvellous wis-

29S GENERAL HISTORY '

dom. It was strange to see how the common people
were led by example to c.oiidemn him, in that which it
is vc TV probable divers of them did not understand, nor
the rule which he was supposed to have broken ; and
that such as had known him so long, and what good he
had done for the church, should fall upon him with such
bitterness f(>r justifying himself in a good cause ; for he
was a very holy, upright man, and for faith and love in-
feriour to none in the country, and most dear to all men
beside prejudiced people. The teacher joined with the
greater part at that time in their judgment of him, (not
without some appearance of prejudice,) }et with much
wisdom and moderation. They were eager to proceed
to present censure, but the teacher staid them for that,
telling them he might not do it because some opposed
it, but gave him a grave exhortation. The pastor was
not much troubled at it, accounting it but man's day :
Barnabas was sometimes carried away with the errour
of the rest. The next Lord's day the said Mr. Wilson
pn-ached notwithstanding, and the Lord so assisted him,
as he gave great satisfaction, and the governour himself
gave publick witness to him.

One of the brethren wrote to Mr. Cotton about it, and
laid before him divers failings, (as he supposed,) and some
reasons to justify Mr. Wilson, and dealt very plainly
with him. Mr. Cotton maile a very loving and gentle
answer, clearing his intentions, and persisting in his
judgment of Mr. Wilson's ofttnce, laying down divers
argumenis for it. The said brother replied to him in
like loving manner, and desired leave to shew his letter
to Mr. Wilson, which he readily assented unto: but for
an answer to his arguments, he forbore to rep y to Mr.
Cotton, (because he was overburdened with business,)
but wiote to the two ruling elders, (wnom the matter
more concerned,) and by way of defence of Mr. Wil-
son, answered ali Mr. Cotton'b arguments,

Lpon these occasions many erroui:5 broke out publick-
ly in the churcn ot Boston — as that the Koly Ghost
dwelt ill a believer, as he did m heaven : timt a man is

OF NEW ENGLAND. S89

justified before he believes ; and that faith is no cause of
justification: av>d others superadded more — as tnat the
letter of the s; riptine holds forth nothi..g but a covenant
of works; and that the covenant of grace was the spirit
of the scripture, and was known only to bt lie vers, aid
that this covenant of works was given by Moses in the
ten commandmeiUs : and there was a seed, viz. Ab'a-
h-t.n's carnal seed, went alon^j; in it. And there was a
spirit and life in it, by vinne whereof a man might attain
to any sanctification in gifts and graces, and miglit have
spiritual and comfortable communion witb Jesus Christ,
and yet be damned ; after it was granted that faith was
before justification, but it was only p.issive, an empty
ver,sel, &c. Bat in conclusion of all, the jiround of all
was fouad to be assurance by immediate revclaiion.

All the congregation of Bost hi in a manner, except
four or five, closed with these opinions, or the most of
them ; but one of the brethren wrote a^j^aiist them, avid
bore witness to the truth, togetlier with the pastor, and
very few others joined with them. Things being brought
to this pass, the rest of the ministers taking offence at
some doctrines delivered by Mr. Cotton, and especially
at some opinions which some of his church did broach,
(for he seemed to have too good an opinion of, and too
much familiarity with those persons,) and drew out irix-
ttfcn points, and gave them to him, entreating him to de-
liver his judgmert directly in thtm, which accordingly he
did, and many copies of them were dispersed about.
Some doubts he well cleared, but in some things he gave
not satisfaction. The rest of the ministers replied to
these ansvvers, and at large showed their dissent, and die
grounds thereof; and at the next general court, held the
9th of March following, they all assembled at Boston,
and agreed to put ( ft all lectures inr three weeks, that
they might bring things to some issue.

But whatever private conferences or means were used,
the differences in the Siiid pxjints of religion increased
more ancj niore, and the ministc rs on both sides, (there
being only Mr. Cotton and Mr. Wheelwright on one

291 GENERAL HISTORY

part,) did publickly declare their judgment in some of
them, so as all men's mouths were full of nothing else ;
and about this time, February 3, there being a ship in
the harbour bound for England with many passengers,
Mr. Cotton took occasion to speak to them about the
differences, &.c. and willed them to tell our countrymen
that all the strife an^ongst them was about magnifying
the grace of God : one person seeking to advance the
grace of God within us, and the other to advance the
grace of God towards us, (meaning by the one justifica-
tion, by the other sanctificaiion,) and so bid them tell
them, that if there were any among them that could
strive for grace, they should come hither, and so declar-
ed some particulars. Mr. Wilson spake after him, and
declared that he knew none of the elders, or brethren of
the churches, but did labour to advance the free grace cf
God in justification, so far as the word of God required ;
and spake also about the doctrine of sanctification, and
the use and necessity of it ; by occasion whereof no man
could tell (except some few who knew the bottom of the
mattt r) where any difference was ; which speech, though
it offended those of Mr. Cotton's part, }et it was very
seasonable to clear the rest, who otherwise would have
been reputed to oppose free grace. This only occasion
increased the contention, and raised great alienations of
minds, and tlie members of Boston (frequenting the lec-
tures of other ministers) did make much disturbance
by publick questions and objections against their doc-
trines, which did any way disagree from their opinions :
and it began to be as common there, to distinguish be-
tween men, by being under a covenant of works and a
covenant of grace, as in other countries between Protest-
ants and Papists. For at the general court the next
vear, one Greensmith was punished, for saying all the
ministers in the country preached a covenant of works,
but two ; but notwithstanding his talking of an appeal,
he was committed till he submitted to the sentence,
which was in part to make an acknowledgement in all
ihe congregations of the country.

OF NEW ENGLAND, S95

At the next general court, which was on the 9th of
March, 1636, they questioned the proceedings against
Mr. Wilson, and by the greater part his speech was ap.
proved, and declared to be a seasonable caution, and no
charge or accusation.

And at that time the ministers, being called to give
their advice about the authority of the court in things
concerning the church, did alia gree of these two things :
1. That no member of court ought publickly to be
questioned by the church, for any speech in the court,
viz. which concerned the court and authority thereof:
the reason was because the court may have sufficient
reason, that may excuse the same, which yet may not be
fit to acquaint the church with, being a secret of state.
The second thing was, that in all such heresies and errours
of any church member as are manifest and dangerous to
the state, the court may proceed without tarrying for the
church ; but if the opinions be doubtful, &.c. they are
first to refer them to the church. At this court like-
wise, when Mr. Wheelwright was questioned for his
sermon, v/hich seemed to tend to sedition, &c. near all
the church of Boston presented a petition to the court for
two things among others, 1st, That as freemen they
might be present in cases of judicature : 2dly, that the
court v/ould declare that they might deal in cases of con-
science before the church. This was taken as a ground-
less and presumptuous act, especially at this season, and
was rejected with this answer, that the court had never
used to proceed judicially, but it was openly : for mat-
ter of consultation, and preparation in causes, they might
and would be private.

Such were the uncomfortable agitations in those times
both in the church and court, by reason of new opin-
ions. But for the difference between Mr. Cotton and
his party and Mr. Wilson, there was a reconciliation
made betwixt them the next summer, viz. in August,
(Mr. Hooker being then in the bay, and Mr. Davenport
at Boston,) for that was a d;jy appointed for a conference
amongst the elders or a synod on the oOth of August,

S96 • GENERAL HISTORY

and a day of humiliation on the 24th, with consent of
the magistrates. At their private meetings some recon-
ciHation was made between Mr. Cotton and Mr. Wheel-
writ>;ht, and Mv. Wilson ; he professing that by his
speech in the court, with which they were so much of-
fended, he did not intend the doctrine of Mr, Cotton or
Mr. Wheelwright, delivered in the publick congpega-
tion, but some opinions, (naming three or four,) which
were privately carried on in Boston and other parts of
the country, and accordingly Mr. Cotton declared so
much in the congregation the Lord's day following ; and
for the rest of his speech it was agreed by all the mihis-
. ters to be inoffensive, considering his call thereto by the
court. This sudden change was the more observed by
some, who were privy that Mr. Wilson had professed so
much before, both privately to the elders, and publickly
in the congregation, and that the said opinions had been
delivered to the elders of Boston in writing, as those
which Mr. Wilson intended. But every thing is beauti-
ful in its season ; sometimes when men's eyes are held
thev cannot see that which else, is very manifest and easy
to be discerned.

There ^vas great hope that the assembly of the minis-
ters, this year called together, would have had some good
cifect for the composmg the troulilcs and disscntions
about matters of religion ; hut it fell out otherwise, for
although Mr. Wheelwright had been clearly coiifuted
and confounded in the assembly, yet they persisted in
their opinions, and \vere as busy in nourishing and car-
rying on contentions (the piincipal of them) as ever be-
fore ; yea, were rather the mo.''e engaged in defending
their crrours, upon occasion of the proceedings against
him and Mr. Hutchinson in the court, and in the said
assembly. For now were other grosser errours openly-
professed and maintained by them, that before were only
secretly carried by way of inquiry, and so many of
- Boston tainted with them ; as Mr. Cotton finding how
he had been abused, and made (as himself said) their
stalking horse, (for tliey pretended to hold nothing but

OF NEW ENGLAND, J897

what Mr. Cotton held, and himself did at the first think
the same,) did spend most of his tiiie, both publickly and
privately, to discover those errours, and reduce such as
were gone astray. The magistrates also vv.th the minis-
ter.-> sjient two or tliree days t< -gether m consultation how
to redress those growing evils.

Some of those growi.g evils or errours were these :

That there is no inherent righteousness in a child of
God.

That we are not bound to the law, no, not as a rule.

That the Sabbath is but as other da\s.

That the soul is mortal till it be united to Christ.

That there is no resurrection of the body, &.c.

But by the blessiiig of God upon all endeavours, the
church of Boston at last having agreed with one consent
to pass the sentence of excommunication against Mrs.
Hutchinson, for many moral evils in hi r conversation,
as well as for corruj)t opinions ; many, i\ ho had been se-
duced by her, by what they heard and saw that day,
were, through the grace of God, brought off quite from
her errours and settled in the truth.

And at a gineral fast, on the 13th of December,
1638, Mr. Cotton in his sermon that dav at Boston did
coMfess and bewail, as the churches, so his own security
and credulity, whereupon so many dangerous errours had
gotten up and spread in the churches, and went over all
the particulars, and shewed how he came to be deceived ;
the errours beijig farmed (in W' ids) so near the truth,
which he t.ad preached, and tlic falsehood of the main-
tainers of them was such, as they usually would deny to
him what the\ had dciivcrtrd to others. He acknowledg-
ed that such as had been seductr-* of others (instancing
in some of those <f Rioue I^la' d, though he named them
not) had bten justly banished ; }et he said such as only
had been mised. and others whu had done any thuig out
of misguided conscience, (not beintr grossly evil,) should
be borne w ithal, and first referred to the church, and if
that could not heal them, they should raiher be iinprison-
38

S98 GENERAL HISTORY

ed or fined, tl^an banished, it being likely that no other
church would receive them.

At the s^eneral court in March, 1638, divers of the
chief military officers of Boston, who had been favourers
of the familistical persons and opinions, being sent for by
the court, and told that they desired good sati^faction
from them, having reason to be jealous of them, ingen-
uously acknowledged that they had been deceived and
misled by the appearance which was held forth, of ad-
vancing Christ and debasing the creature, which since
they had found to be otherwise, and that their opinion
and practice tended to disturbance and delusion ; and so
blessed God that had so thoroughly discovered their er-
rour and danger to them.

CHAP. XL.

A synod called in A''e%v En^land^ Anno 1637, at Cam-
btidge. The occasion and success thereof*

The forementioned commotions in the country, oc-
casioned by the spreading of sundry familistical opinions,
which had received too much countenance and growth
under the wing of the former governour, required the
help of the ecclesiastical, as well as the civil power, to
suppress and scatter them ; and therefore the general
court of tiie Massachusetts judged it necessary to call an
assembly of all the eiders of tlie churches, throughout
the country, to consider thereof.

Many of the foresaid opinions were fathered upon Mr.
Cotton, or were supposed to be gathered from some
positions laid down by him in his publick preaching, the
which being reduced to several heads were discussed by
the synod when they met together' in the first place, as well
for the clearing of the truths in question, as the vindicat-
ing the honour of that reverend divine, not a little eclipsed
by the layirg those opinions to his charge.

' When the svnod v/as assembled, Mr. Thomas Hook-
er and Mr. Peter Buiklcy were chosen moderators for
the first day, and continued all the rest of the synod;

OF NEW ENGLAND. 299

two as able and judicious divines as any the country af-
forded, l3y whom t!ie disputes were managed with all hb-
erty and fidelity to be desired ; and the matters in con-
troversy debated with as much seriousness and intense*
ness of mind, in the ministers, as the nature and circum-
stances thereof required ; being apprehended by some
more dangerous in their tendency and consequences than
in the notions themselves.

The errours spreading in the country were first con-
demned by one consent in the asseuioly; then they came
to discourse some questions in controversy between Mr.
Cotton and Mr. Wheelwright on the one part, and the
rest of the ministers on the other part.

The questions at that time discussed were five, which
follow, with the answers given thereunto, by Mr. Cotton
and the rest of the ministers, set dowii distinct.

Quest. 1. Whether our union with Christ be com-
plete before and without fnth ?

Reply of Mr. Cotton. Not before the habit, though
without the act of faith, i. c. not before Christ hath
wrought faith in us ; for in unitmg himself to us, he
works faith in us, yet before our faith hath laid hold on
him ; not before the gift of faith, though before the work
of faith.

Then were two or three arguments urged by Mr.
Cotton, that seem to carry some strength with them.

Arg. 1. From the utter impotcncy of the soul without
or before union with Christ to any good act. (1 mean
complete union, for union standeth indivisible.) If we
put forth an act of faith to lay hold on Christ, before We
be completely united to him, then we put forth a good
act, and so bring forth good fruit before we be in him,
and before we be good trees.

Arg. 2. In our regeneration we are merely passive,
our faith is not then active. But in our regeneration we
are completely united to Christ, when our faith is not ac-
tive. Many other great divines seem to speak this way.
Ml. Stiong in alate treatise of the two covenants, page
76, saith, that in our union we arc pabsive, as weii as in
our conversion.

300 GENERAL HISTORT

Arg, 3. Tf our union with Chris*; be an act of our faith,
then ii is ly a work of ours, and tlicn it is not a work of
grace, acconiing to Rom. xi. 6.

R'vply. Answers of the ministers in the synod.

We are not comj^letely united to Christ by the habit
of fiitri without the act, or by a faith merely passive.

We ajiprehcnd it to be beyond the reach of reason, or
any expression in the scripture, how this joining can be
made by the hi bit merely, not putiint^ f jrth any act upon
the object. The habit of faith in the hand of the Spirit
must needs be sotne cause of the union in question, ad
therefore must act therein. For faith is not said to re-
ceive in scripture as a vessel receives water, but as the
wife takes the husband, John i. 12, where tiie same
Word is u-.ed uith that in Matt. i. 20, for Joseph's taking
Mnrv lor his wife.

Quest. 2. Whether faith be an instrumental cause of
apjjiving Christ's righteousness to our justification ?

Reply of Mr. Cotton. It is an instrument to receive
the righteous! less of Ciirist applied to us of God lor our
justification, but not properly an instrumental cause.

Reply of the ministers. Faith is an in ^trumental cause
in applying Christ's righteousness, and faith is active and
not merely passive herein.

Qutst. 3. Whether the Spirit of God in our justifica-
tion doth bear witness in an absolute promise of free
grace, without qualification or condition ?

Reply <if Mr. Cotton. The Spirit doth bear witness
to our justification, either in an absolute promise, or
conditional, m case the condition be understood, or
applud abs)lut'-ly, not attending the condition, as the
caui>e or ground of our assurance, but as the effect or
consequence of it.

Rrply ot the ministers. The Spirit in evidencing our
justiiication doth bear witness only in a conditio al
promise, i. e. where some saving condition or qnal;fica-
tion, wrought m us by the Spirit of Christ, is either ex-
pressed or understood ; expressed, Acts xiii. 39 ; un-
derstood, Isaiah xliji. 25.

OF NEW ENGLAND. SOI

Quest. 4. Wliether some s iving qualification may be
a ^1 St tvidf nee of justifiration *?

Reply <,f ?vlr. Cottijii. \ nuui may have an argument
fro -1 thence, but not a first evidence.

Reply of the miiiibters. Some saving qualification,
wrousj^htor discovered by the Spirit in the promise, may
be a first evidence of our ju?itifijation.

Qu< St, 5. Whether Christ and his benefits be dis-
pensed in a covenant of works ?

Reply of Air. Co'.ton. Christ is dispensed to the elect
in a covenant of grace, to others he may be dispensed in
some s jrt, viz m a taste of him, either in a covenant of
works, or in a covenant of a;race ieg-alJy applied

Rvply of the ministers. Although Christ and his ben-
efits may be revealed, offered, and after a sort exhibited
to meii that be under a covenant of works, yet tiiey are
not rtvealed and offered by a covenant of works.

These things were thoroughly sifted and scanned di-
vers duys in the synod, where every one had liberty to
make his proposals and use his arguments, pro or con,
as he stood affected. And upon this disquisition the
presence of G>;d did manifestly appear for the clearing
of the truth in controversy to general satisfaction, so
that a right understanding was th rtby obtained between
the rest of the eiders and Mr. Cotton, who had been for
some time b« fore much estranged the one from the other.
Many of Boston church, and some others, were offended
with the procedure of the assembly in the producing so
many errours, as if it were a reproach laid upon the coun-
try without cause, and called to have the persons named
which held those errours; but it was answered and affirm-
ed by many, both elders and others, that all those opin-
ions could be proved by sufficient testimony to be held
by some in the cou.Ury, but it was not thought fit to
name the persons, because that assembly (not owning
themselves to have any judicial power) had not to do
with persons, but doctrines only. For according to the
principles of those churches of the Congregational per-
suasion, the question is only to be carried to the synod;

30® GENERAL HISTORY

the case remains with the particular church to which the
person is related. But this would not satisfy some, but
they oft called for witnesses ; yea, many of them were
so obstreperous, that the magistrates were constrained to
interpose with their authority to prevent civil disturbance ;
upon which divers of Boston departed home and came
no more at the assembly.

In the first handling of the five questions premised,
either part delivered their arguments in writing, which
were read in the assem!)ly, and afterwards the answers
to them, which spent much time without any effect ;
but after they came to open dispute about the questions,
they were soon determined, and by that means also they
came to understand one another much better.

And in conclusion, the judgment of the assembly did
appear in the points controverted between them and Mr.
Cotton, and if he were not convinced, yet he was per-
suaded to an amicable compliance with the other minis-
ters, by studious abstaining on his part from all expres-
sions that were like to be offensive ; for although it was
thought he did still retain his own sense, and enjoy his
own apprehension, in all or most of the things then con-
troverted, (as is manifest by some expressions of his, in
a treatise of the new covenant, since that time published
by Mr. Thomas Allen of Norwich,) yet was there an
healing of the breach, that had been between him and
the rest of the elders, and a putting a stop to the course
of errours in thf» country for the future, through the joint
endeavours of himself and the rest of the ministers, in
their respective places and congregations. By that means
did that reverend and worthy minister of the gospel re-
cover his former splendour throughout the whole country
of New England, with his wonted esteem and interest
in the hearts of all his friends and acquaintance, so as his
latter days were like the clear shining of the sun after
rain, whatever distance had appeared heretofore ; but as
for others, whether broachers, or fomenters and main-
tainers of familistical notions, they were all condemned
in the synod, and by that occasion prevented from spread-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 303

ing in the country, notwithstanding the many active per-
sons concerned with them.

Some had run on headily so far in the defending of
those errours, that one offered to maintain in the synod,
that Christ himself was part of the new creature ; which
made one of his disciples (who usually are more zealous
in defence of any opinions than their masters) undertake
before the whole assembly in Boston church to maintain
it by scripture, that Christ and the new creature were all
one : not much unlike the gentleman, that to make it ap-
pear how resolute a Catholick he was, was heard to say,
he not only believed Christ was really present in the sa-
crament, but that he was there booted and spurred, as he
rode to Jerusalem : so this young familist, not content
to affirm that Christ was part of the new creature, will
boldly affirm he is the new creature ; alleging for proof
that in the 2 Cor. v. 17; for having some smattering in
the French tongue, he observed that in the French bible
[qu' il soit] is written in a different character, as if in the
original it must therefore be, [if any man be in Christ,
the new creature,] To whom Mr. Cotton, according to
his wonted meekness and moderation, yet with a nimble
sagacity, replied, brother, if the words [he is] are not
literally expressed, they are necessarily understood and
implied ; for read them in your sense, [if any man be in
Ciirist, the new creature,] what follows then ? what sense
will that be ? at which the nonsensical familist was not a
little confounded, which made him soon quit that station
of defence and retire himself into a present silence as his
best refuge. But this may suffice for a taste of the
strange spirit of errour, that had begun to leaven several
forward professors in that place with such strange notions.
Such was the issue of this synod^ of which it might truly
be affirmed,

" Est sjniodus, nodus, sed quo constringuit* errox'."

In the last day of the assembly some other questions
were debated and resolved, as about the publick exercis-
ing of women's gifts, (as was then the custom in Boston,

• Qu. Constrinj^itur ? Ed.

304 SENERAL HISTORt

though in a private house.) when fifty or sixty persons
were observed lo attend constantly evt^ry week upon one
woiTian, (who in a prophetical way would lake upon her
to res')lve questions ot doctrine, and expound iicripturt,)
This was condemned to he disorderly and without rule.

And about askins: of questions in publick by the
brethren after sermon, not so much for information as
for reproof, (then too much in use,) whereby the doc-
trines delivered were endeavoured to be refuted, a.id the
ministers themselves reproached, which was also con-
demned.

There vvas likewise a motion at that time made by the
governour about the way of raising^ maintenance for the
ministers, there having been sone difference amongst the
churches a little before on that account. It was there-
fore desired that it might now be determined, by the
present synod, what way was most agreeable to the gos-
pel ; but the mmisters did not like to meddle with the
question in that assembly, lest some that were not well
minded should thereby take occasion to say, that the
ministers of the country had caused an assembly to be
gathered together for their own ends and advantage :
and seeing it is positively declared, 1 Cor. ix. 14, in the
gospel, as a thing ordained of God, that they which
preach the gospel should live of the gospel; it was
thought best to leave it to the liberty of each church and
people, ^o take that course for the maintenance of their
ministers, which, all things considered, appears most
agreeable to their state and condition.

For a conclusion, the reverend Mr. Davenport (as he
had been desired by the assembly) preached out of
Philip, iii. 16, " Nevertheless, whereunto we have already
attained, let us walk by the same rule, let us mind the
same thing;" out of which words he laid down the oc-
casion of differences amongst christians, and declared
the fruit and effect of the present assembly, and with
much wisdom, and sound arguments, persuaded all to
endeavour the keeping of the unity of the Spirit in the
bond of peace.

OP NEW ENGLAND. 30!^

CHAP. XLT.

The first planting of the country about the river of Con-
necticut. The occas ons leadng thereunto^ and pro-
gress thereof^ in the years 1635 and 1636, xvi^h some
occurrehces which have since happened there, both in
their civil and ecclesiastical affairs,

The discovery of the famous river of Connecticut,
known to the Dutch by the name of the Fresh river, and
by them intimated to tne inhabitants of New Plymouth,
(possibiy to make them some amends for the abuse for-
merly offered in supplanting them upon their first ad-
venturing into those parts,) hath been mentioned already,
where it is declared how the Ensijlish about the same
time happened to discover it by land, as the other had
done by sea. The Dutch had only resorted thither on
the account of trade with the Indians ; and if those of
Plymouth had entertained any thoughts of removing
thither, they spent too much time in dtliberation about
the matter, and so were prevented by the inhabitants of
the Massachusetts, who were at that time overpressed
with multitudes of new families, that daily resorted thith-
er, so as like an hive of bees overstocked, there was a ne-
cessity that some should swarm out. The pkices about
the Bay were already in a manner all taken up, and the
country about the said river, (whose fame peradventure
did not a little outdo its real excellency,) though more
remote, yet was thought to make compensation for that,
by the abundant fertiiity of the soil ; a great number
therefore of the j)lar,ters of the old towns, viz. Dorches-
ter, Roxbury, Watertown, and Camliridge, were easily
induct d to attempt a rem' val of themselves and families
upon the first opportunity afforded ; which was not a lit-
tle advanced by the fame and interest of Mr. Hooker,
whose worth and abilities had no small influence upon the
people of the towns forementioned. It was also said,
that besides the causa procatarctica^ there was a causa
^potiyai^nn, an impulsive cause, that did more secretly and
39

30ft tSENERAL HISTORY

powerfully drive on the business. Some men do not well
like, at least, cannot well bear to be opposed in their
judgments and notions, and thence were they not un-
willing to remove from under the power, as well as out
of the bounds of the Massachusetts. Nature doth not
allow two suns in one firmament, and some spirits can
as ill bear an equal as others a superiour : but whether
they have mended themselves by their choice, they are
best able to judge, that have had longest experience of
another colony. Possibl}' it mitrht have been as well for
the whole, if they could have been included in one juris-
diction ; for by that means their union together by an
incorporation had been much firmer and stronger, than
by a confederation, as afterwards it came to pass.

It was generally accounted no wisdom to be straitened
in a wilderness, where there was land enough ; and
therefore these, with Isaac, preferred a Rehoboth before
a Sitnah ; and it were to be wished, that men's desires
being obtained as to room, there may never be conten-
tion about their bounds. But whatever were the cause,
or gave the occasion of setting up these plantations, the
design being resolved upon in the year lo34, some were
deputed from amongst the towns in the Bay, to view the
country, wiio returning from this Eshcol with a large
commendation ot t-ie commodiousness of the place, and
fruitfulness of the soil, they took up a resolution forth-
with to begin several plantations there : accordingly in
the year 1(535, several funiiiies, with tiie approbation of
the authority of the Massachusetts, undertook, the remov-
al of themselves to that Canaan of Connecticut ; and in
the way thereunto, whether they so well expected it and
prepared for it or no, they met with many diliiculties,
and trials of a wilderness, before they were co-nfortably
settled there. For those their hasty resolves, that had
so early budded, were sorely nii^ped, and almost quite
blasted, by the sbarpPiCss of the winter season that year,
and other sad occurrences, which they were called to en-
counter with in ti)e following year, by the barbarous out-
rage of the Pequod Indians, who, like Amaiek of old.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 807

that set upon the rear of Israel in the wilderness, did
sorely annoy those plantations upon Connecticut river,
at their first settling there.

The place which those that went from Cambridge had
by their agents chosen to settle upon, was by the Indians
called Suckiang, where some of them began the planta-
tion in the end of the year 1635 ; Mr. Hooker and Mr.
Stone, the ministers of the church, engaging to follow
them the next year, which they did, and called it Hart-
ford. Those of Dorchester settled upon a place called
by the Indians Mattaueaug, or Cufchankamaug, after
whom Mr. Wareham and the rest of the church engag-
ed to follow, and so likewise did the next year, and call-
ed it Windsor. Those that went from Watertown
(whereof not above seven were members of the church,
and Mr. Smith was afterwards their minister) pitched
upon a place known to the Indians by the name of Pau-
quiaug, which was afterwards by the English named
Weathersfield.

The place which these Weathersfield men settled their
plantation upon, was a very desirable tract of interval
land, which those of Hartford intended for themselves,
purposing to stretch one of the wings of their plantation
over it; but the other were too quick for them, and
seized it to settle their own plantation upon, being situ-
ate about three miles from Hartford. In such kind of
possessions the premier seimi is the best title ; they,
therefore, being found the first occupants, could not be
dispossessed by the pretensions of their neighbours.
However it was said, that this preoccupation of theirs
had no small influence (directly or indirectly) into those
contentions, which for many years (soon after the first
planting) disturbed that place, before they could be heal-
ed ; of which there may be more occasion to speak af-
terwards. Much of the trouble was said to arise from
Mr, Smith, aforesaid, the minister, and one Mr. Chap-
lin, the ruling elder. If they did answer the apostle's
qualification, 1 Tim. v. 17, of ruling well, and labouring
in the word and doctrine, they were not, as the text re-
quires, rewarded with double honour.

308 GENERAL HISTORY

Those that went from Roxiniry (the principal of whom
were Mr. \\ illiam Pynchon, and one John Burr, a car-
p'j'ntcr) settled, at least laid the f)und'ition of a plantation,
hi;:(her up the river, called by the Indians Ai^awani, but
by the English afterwards named Springfield, in remem-
brance of the said Mr. Pynchon, who hrid his mansion
house at a town of that name, near Chelmsford in Kssex,
before he removed to New England : hut this plantaiiori
was afterwards found to fall within the line ol the Mas-
sachusetts patent, and so was alw iys after left lo their ju-
lisdiction.

These nevv plantations were reduced to great extrem-
ity the first winter, l)y reason of i!ie early setting in of
the hard weather, which detained their provisions (that
came by sea) at the river's n)outh, near sixty nsiles off
from them, (the stream being frosen up all the way be-
tween them,) so as the several cotnpanies were dispers-
ed ; some repairing towards the mouth of the river, the
rest returning back through the woods with the peril of
their lives, leaving some few behind them, (which was of
necessity to look after tlie cattle they carried up,) with
whom they were forced to leave all the provisions they
could spare, scarce reserving enough for them that were
to travel back, insomuch as one or two of them, for want
of relief, perished by the way. Many of their cattle also,
which they left upon the place, were lost that winter, for
Want of lookiog nfter : on ail which accounts the first
planters conflicted with niuch hardship, and many sor-
rows, before they were fully settled.

But for the better managing of affairs, (as to the gov-
ernment,) in diose first beginnings in the year 1635, sev-
eral gentlemen, th.at re.novcd thither, were appointed by
some kind of commission from tiie Mabsachnsetts to
take care of the government of the place, viz. Roger
Ludlow, Esq. Vir. John Steel, Mr. William Phelps, Mr.
William Wcstwood, Mr. Andrew Ward, and some
others that were joi'ied with them in the same commis-
sion, for the government of the said plantations. As for
the mischief they sustained by the Indians, which occa-

Ot NEW ENGLAND. 80ft

sioned the war with the Pequorl Indians, near adjoini.'g
to them, it is particularly described in the history thereof.

Soon after the settins^ up of these plantations, the in-
habitants being fully satisfied that they were all or most
of them without the linjits of the iMasScichusetts, (of
which they had no small presumption Ixfore,) and there-
fore not belonging' to their jurisdiction, thry entered in-
to a combination amonj;^ themselves, and so became a
body politick by mutual consent, ind framed such laws
and constitutions as were necessary for the foundation of
a civil government ; choosing S' me prudent and meet
persons } early to be both magistrates and representatives
of the people in some general assembly, impowering
them as well to enact new orders as to put the former in
execution, so far as was needful for the wtUare of tiie
people; which possibly was the the occasion, that those,
of that colony took a larger compaj^s, as to their free i, en,
than the Massachusetts had done before them ; not re-
straining the freedom of their civil government to the
membership of their churches ; for where a government
is founded on the consent of the people, it will be neces-
sitated to extend the favour of a civil freedom to many,
who otherwise might be looked upon, not so capable, at
least not so worthy thereof.

In this way of government the {plantations of Connec-
ticut continued until the year 1641., within which time
George Fen wick, Eaq. a worthy aitd pious gentleman,
came over thither, and in the behalf of sundry lords and
gentlemen took up much land about the mouth of Con-
necticut river, and there began another plantation, which
was called Saybrook, in remembrance of those two no-
ble lords, the lord Say and the lord Brook, clainiing the
government and propriety of those places, by virtue of a
patent, granted to the foresaid lords and other gentUmen,
and their associates, by the right honourable Robert,
earl of Warwick. Although it is since kiiow^n that there
was a grant made of lands containing sixty miles in length
and breadth betwixt the river of Connecticut and the
Narraganset country, to the marquis Hamilton, by the

310 QENERAL HISTORY

grand council of Plymouth, bearing date in the eleventh
year of king Charles the first ; but whether the patent
aforesaid, granted by the earl of Warwick, were of a
more ancient date, must be determined by them that
have power assigned them for that end, seeing the heirs
of the said marquis still challenge an interest therein.
But for the extent of the patent, granted by the earl of
Warwick, it reaches unto, and takes in all that part of
New England, in America, which lies and extends itself
from a river, there called Narraganset river, the space of
forty leagues upon a straight line, near the sea shore, to-
wards the southwest, west and by south or west, as the
coast lieth, towards Virginia, accounting three English
miles to the league ; and also all and singular the lands
and hereditaments whatsoever, lying and being within the
lands aforesaid, north and south in latitude and breadth,
and in length and longitude, of and witfein all the breadth
aforesaid, throughout the main lands there, from the
Western ocean to the South sea, &c. December 5, 1644,
they made their purchase of Mr. Fenwick. The troubles
and unnatural wars breaking forth, and increasing in
England, the good people of the colony of Connecticut
rested contented with what they had, and did not seek
for a confirmation of their purchase of the then prevailing
powers in England ; but as soon as the times were
changed, and our gracious king, Charles the second,
(whom God preserve,) was restored to the quiet posses-
sion of his crown and dignities, the general court of that
colony saw reason to make their application to his majes-
ty, to procure a royal stamp and confirmation upon the
former purchase, conquests, and improvements ; and the
design being of great importance, for the managing of it
they improved their honourable governour, John Win-
throp, Esq. a man eminently qualified with all suitable
endowments for such a service, and exceeding ready to
spend and be spent in what would advance the publick
good. Upon their desires manifested in court. May 16,
1661, he readily complied with the motion, and went for
England, addressed himself to the service, and God.

OP NEW ENGLAND. 311

(who hath the hearts of kings at his dispose) was gra-
ciously pleased to incline the heart of the king towards
them, so as he was not unwilling to grant them a gra-
cious charter, and therein many great privileges, and a
large tract of land, viz. all that part of his majesty's do-
minions in New England, in America, bounded on the
east by Narraganset river, commonly called Narraganset
bay, where the said river falleth into the sea, and on the
line of the Massachusetts plantation, and on the south by
the sea, and in longitude as the line of the Massachusetts
colony, running from east to west, that is to say, from
the said Narraganset bay on the east to the South sea on
the west part, with all the islands adjoining, &c. as by
his majesty's grant, dated in Westminster, the three and
twentieth day of April, in the fourteenth year of his
reign, will appear.

Sometime after the charter of the colony of Connecti-
cut came over, and the government was established ac-
cording to the charter ; the plantations of New Haven,
(who began to settle soon after the Pequod war,) being
comprised within their charter limits, (according to the
desire of Connecticut, and the honourable William Leet,
Esq. then governour of New Haven, as by his letter to
governour Winthrop, then going for England, may ap-
pear,) did (soon after colonel Nicols his arrival at New
York, viz. in the year 1664) conjointhemselves with the
colony of Connecticut, about the latter end of the year ;
and all the privileges of the charter were confirmed upon
them, and four of their honoured magistrates, at the next
court of election at Hartford, May 11, 1665, were by the
freemen of the colony chosen to be assistants to the gov-
ernour, in the management of the government, accord-
ing to the charter.

May 10, 1666, at a general court held at Hartford, for
the better government of the people of the colony, and
administration of justice, according as occasion should
require, they divided the colony into four counties, viz.
the county of Hartford, in which are these plantations,
Hartford, Windsor, Weathcrsfield, Farmington, Mid.

31S GENERAL HISTORY

dletown, Simsbury, and Haddam, in which towns, except
it be the two last, are churches rlready settled, in the
two last also are preachers of the gospel settled and now
abidiiii^ there.

There is also the county of New London, in which
are these towns, viz. New London, Say brook, Norwich,
Stcnington, Kenilworth, and Lime, in which towns are
churches settled, only the last hath not yet so far attain-
ed, althou[^h they have a reverend and able minister set-
tled there.

There is also the county of New Haven, in which are
these towns, viz. New Haven, Milford, Guilford, Brand-
ford, Wallin.^ford, and Derby, in which towns, except
the two last, are churches already gathered and settled: in
the two last are ministers of the gospel setded, and Wal-
lingford are preparing for gathering themselves into a
church fellowship : and lastly.

There is also the county of Fairfield, in which are
these towns, viz. Fairfield, Stratford, Norwalk, Stand-
ford, Greenwich, Rye, and Woodbury, in which are
churches already gathered, except in the three last ; and
there is a church settling in the last of the said three, and
had been upon the place, but the fury of the last war
prevented their settlement for the present.

In each county are two county courts annually to be
held at the county towns, where justice, for the ease of
the people within the county, is to be administered by^
the persons a5)pointed, and commissionated to that work,'
by the general court yearly.

In the Narraganset country there is a town called
Wickford, who were to have recourse to New London
for justice, but the fury of the Indian war, 1675, hath
demolished that place ; yet now it is again beginning to
be inhabited.

By what hath been said in the premises, it doth ap-
pear, that the foresaid colony of Connecticut hath had ex-
perience of a double settlement, the first by combination
and consent among themselves, the other by right of a
royal charter or patent from the king. In both which the

•r NEW ENGLANB. 318

constitution of the civil government hath in some things
always differed from that of the Massachusetts, as was
hinted b< fore, especially in reference to the persons be-
trusted with the choice of their governour and magis-
trates, who are not determined by church membership,
as in the other colony, but by some other qualification.
But as to their ecclesiastical affairs in that colony, it
is to be noted, that the two principal towns, viz. Hart-
ford and Windsor, were peopled with such as wtre set-
tled in tlieir church state before their removal thither,
conformable in all things to the churches in the Massa-
chusetts ; and so lived in great peace together all the
da}s of Mr. Hooker, for about eleven years space. Al-
though at Weathersfield the case was much otherwise;
for there was scarce men enough removed thither to
constitute a church ; neither were they supplied with a
minister before they removed, and he whom they called
to that function among them after their removal was not
so happy in his conduct, or in his colleague, (who bore
the ruling elder's place,) as to maintain the place in any
tolerable degree of unity and peace, insonmch that they
were looked upon as a people, by a kind of fatal necessi-
ty, destined to contention for manj years after. Whether
there were any indirect means used in a kind of surrep-
titious seizure of the land, (which made the plantation,)
that of right belonged to their neighbours of Hartford,
as some have said, or any other secret occurrence, they
were not so blessed in the enjoyment of it, as v/as to be
desired ; for it might have been said, not only (as they
about Jericho said to Elisha) t!iat the situation was plea-
sant, and the land also very fertile, but for want of agree-
ment amongst themselves they had not much comfort
therein, for a long time after. For about the year 1639
it was found, not only that the church was divided, but
that the rent grew greater, notwithstanding the great
pains which had been taken for the healing thereof : and
the church was not only divided from the rest of the
town, but of those seven, which made the church, four
fell off, so as it was conceived that thereby the church
4i

S14 SENERAL HISTORY

was dissolved, ^^hich occasioned the church of Water-
town (which had divers of their members there not yet
dismissed) to send two of their church to look after their
members, and to t:ike order with them ; but the conten-
tion and alienation of their minils one from another was
such, as they could not brincj them to any other accord
than this, that the one part must remove to some other
place, (which they botii consented to,) but still the diffi-
culty remained ; for tliose three, who pretended them-
selves to be the church, pleaded that privilep^e for their
stay, and the other four alleged tlieir multitude, as being
the greater number, so as neither would give place;
whereby it seemed, that tb.ey either minded not the ex-
ample of Abram's ofter to Lot, or else they wanted
Abraham's (and indeed the christian) spirit of peace and
love.

This controversy proceeded so far that it occasioned
the calling in of Mr. Davenport, with others of New
Haven, by way of mediation ; but they, not accordnig
with those of Connecticut about the case, gave some ad-
vantage to the enemy to sow some seeds of contention
between those plantations also ; but being godly and
wise men, on both parts, things were the more easily re-
conciled not long after. But as to the church and town
of Weathersfield, some ( f the inhabitants chose rather to
remove elsewhere, and to live in a cottage in a wilder-
ness, than to abide any longer in the fire of contention in
a beautiful habitation. But after the removal of some,
those that stayed behind lived not so peaceably together
as they should nei'her : and some time after Mr. Chap-
lin, the ruling elder, removed back again to England,
but did not carry awjy all the matter of contention; but
there was enough left to naiintain the old quarrel, or new
fuel was afterward gatlicred together to rekindle the
same fire. But some years after there was an apjxarance
of great unanimity, upon the choice of another minister,
one Mi. Russeil, who was calkd to take uj>on him the
pastoral office there, which he faithfulh discharged for
some time, till another occasion of trouble arose at Hart-

OF NEW ENGLANB, SIS

ford, soon after Mr. Hooker's deatli, when the said Rns-
sell removed to another place higher up the river ; for
that town of Hartford being^ the centre and chief town of
that coloiiy, any leaven of division arising there did the
more easily diffuse itself over the whole colony, or \ great
part thereof. If there were any notions or principles
tending that way before, latent in the mi) ids of any per-
sons of interest there, they never had discovered them-
selves during the lime of Mr. Hooker's life, and if there
had any such thing appeared, his interest and authority
would easily have suppressed it.

Bnt after the removal of him and some other of the
principal persons out of the jurisdiction, by death or
otherwise, some of the inhabitants, holding more strictly
to the former principles of discipline, could not well bear
that any, in whose real piety they w^re not sausfied, (as
not being confirmed members in the church,) should
partake of any higher privileges, civil or ecclesiastical,
than formerly belonged to non- members. The first ap-
pearance of disturbance, which on that account happened
amongst tliem, was at Hartford, occasioned on the call
of a person to supply the place of Mr. Hooker, who de-
ceased m the year 1647, and that being the principal
town of the colony (as was said before) the trouble there
easily diflhsed itself into the body of the colony. Dis-
cords upon such an occasion have upon experience
been found to make way for sad breaches, in many of
those churches that have embraced the Congregational
way, which yet cannot be said to arise from any defect
in the persuasion itself, but the perverseness of some
men's tempers, together with their unacquaintedness
with the practice, that are unwilling to sul)mit to the
remedy, which is in that way provided for, as well as in
any of the other Reformed churches, where any ecclesi-
astical subordination is supposed the only means to pre-
vent or redress such grievances ; for the best sort of
government, like the best complexion, may, in case of
mal-administration, be as soon or sooner overthrown,

Md «BNERAL HISTORy

as any other that may be judged more remote from the
case. Bat that point is not now to be debated here.

And not long after there arose another difference in
thatcolony,Avhichvvas occasioned through the endeavours
of some of their ministers for enlarging of baptism, and
extending the right of membership to children, before
their admission into full (.ommunion ; which notion, first
started in that colony, produced a kind of synodical
meeting and dispute of sundry ministers at Boston, anno

1657, managed by twenty six of the chief ministers of
that and the other colonies, the rcbult of which was not
long alter pu!>lished in print, and the substance of it
weaved into the answer of the synod at Boston to the
two questions propounded ard discussed, anno 1662, as
shall be more particu'ariy declared in its proper place.

But the aforesaid differences, in the years 1656, 1657,

1658, arose to such a ]:)aroxvsin that it ended m the re-
moval (yet orderly and pt.aceably) of one part of the
churches and towns of Hartford, and Weathersfield, and
Windsor to another plantation or two up higher, upon
Connecticut river, the one of which was called Hadley,
the other Northampton ; and since that time other
towns have been erected there.

Thus was the particular difference between Paul and
Barnabas of old overruled by Divine Providence, for the
advantage of the church in general, that it might be fur-
ther propagated and eiilarged thereby. *»

But when once the fire of contention hath begun to
kindle, it is hard to say when it will be quenched. Hap-
py lUerefore are those societies, which, attending the
counsel of Solomon, leave off contention before it be
meddled withal, seeing the beginnuig of strife is as when
one letteth out water. For the following differences,
that arose in that jurisdiction, about the enlarging of
baptism, or such like accounts, ended rather in the di-
viding than multiplying of some of their churches and
congregations, cohabiting still within the bounds of the
same parish, which was the product of an act of their
general court, granting liberty for [distinct walking] (for

OF NEW ENGLAND. S17

how can two walk together unless they be agreed ;) but
whether such a commission hath or is hke much to ad-
vance the honour of God, the peace and purity of his
church, there or elsewhere, future time will declare.
However it may truly be affirmed, that no difference in
their civil matters hath been occasioned thereby. The
sudden and unexpected (as some say) incorporatinij; of
New Haven colony, with that of Connecticut, (which
was about the nineteenth year of his majesty, Charles the
second, now reigning,) being by this time pretty well
digested, and all supposed inconveniences, probably fear-
ed to arise therefrom, healed and composed (thouijh it
could not be wholly prevented) by a wise and tiuicly
condescension on all hands, there seems now to be such
a perfect coalescence of all minds and spirits, as leaves no
remembrance of the former distinction of two colonies.

CHAP. XLH.

The first planting of New Haven, Some of the most re^
markahle passages concerning tJiat colony^ as also of
Rhode Island^ Providence^ and the places adjoining^
near the Narraganset bay, in the years 1637, 1638.

The same grounds, that stirred up the spirits of ma-
ny in all parts of England, did also prevail with Mr. John
Davenport, the then famous minister in Coleman street,
and sundry of his eminent hearers, with many other their
friend3 in and about London, to join in the design of
coming over into these parts ; accordingly Mr. Daven-
port, more secretly, as being then under a cloud by rea-
son of his non-compliance in ecclesiastical matters, and
Mr. Theophilus Eaton, more manifestly, in behalf of
their friends, took part in the patent for Massachusetts
Bay, then in designation, which obtained in the season
by Providence presented. They passed over into these
parts of the world, as many had done before them, and,
according to their primitive intention, endeavoured to set-
tle themselves within the proper precincts of the said
patent ; which was also desired by the magistrates, and

318 «ENERAL HISTORY

Others there already in their new beginnings settled ; but
upon some considerable trial, not finding any place of
meet capacity for theai and their nriany friends expected,
which would require sundry townships, and hearing
froni Connecticut, then lately planted, of considerable
tracts of land to the southwest, upon the sea coast,
beyond Cape Cod, they inclined to remove thither, as
hoping to find the conveniences they were hitherto short-
ened in thereby red'essed, and in order thereunto they
sent up to their friends at Connecticut to purchase for
them all those lands, lying between them and Hudson's
river, of the native proprietors, which was in part effect-
ed. Things being thus prepared, the aforesaid worthy
men v/ith their partners began to go more southward,
and they for their own parts pitched on a place, called
Qiiillipiuk, which is a pleasant land lying on both sides
of the mouth of a small river, where it makes a bay of
some miles in length, and proportionably broad. The
place being by them chosen, they began to make im-
provement upon it, and to dispose of it into allotments,
in a way suitable to their then designs and hopes ; for
the chief of their company being Londoners, and mer-
chants of considerable estates and dealing in the world,
they propounded to themselves the setting up a place of
trade, for which they were most fitted, and accordingly
chose their town plot upon the face of the bay, and laid
out very small proportions to the inhabitants, such as
were agreeable enough to their end, if it had stood. But
since the frustration thereof, and that they have been
forced to husbandry for their subsistence, they have
found much incommodity in their situation, by being so
close crowded together: however, having made this be-
ginning, they quickly grew to be a considerable people,
not so much for numbers, as for the excellency of the
ministry, and eminency of sundry persons suited for civil
affairs, and capable to manage those of a much vaster
territojy than this was, or ever like to be ; yet they es-
teemed themselves weak and solitary while alone, and
therefore were in expectation of their friends from Eng-

©F NEW ENGLAND. 318

land, but a great change coming about there, soon after,
stopped many that had their eyes that way ; yet some
came and disposed themselves along upon the sea coast,
as they found place and opportunity. A company came
out of the southern parts of England, Kent, Suffolk,
Surry, &c. with Mt. Henry Whitfield, with whom came
also Mr. William Leet, the late worthy governour of
Connecticut colojiy, then a young man. These chose a
place about sixteen miles easterly from Quillipiuk, (since
called New Huven J and there sat down, which is since
called Guilford. Another company from Hartford there,
and the parts thereabouts, came over with Mr. Peter
Pruddc-n, and settled themselves nine or ten miles west-
ward from New Haven, at a place since called Milford.
Another company came over from Weathersfield, a town
upon Connecticut river, upon occasion of some disturb-
ance there, and pitched upon a place forty miles west-
ward from New Haven, siiice called Stamford ; and not
long after some more of Weathersfield inhabitants, with
others, pitched upon a small tract of land, overlooked till
the greater were taken up, about six or seven miles east-
ward from New Haven, since called Brainford. There
are other towns, sundry upon the sea coast, between and
amongst some of these, which yet I make no mention of,
because no part of New Haven colony, (but by special
occasions, not needful to be insisted upon,) conjoined
with Connecticut, but the towns named did all, in their
several times of settlement, or other opportunities, con-
join jihemselves to New Haven, as the principal, and so
one with another, as the body politick, to order and man-
age the concerns accordingly. And to these towns upon
the main was joined a small plantation upon Long Island,
called Southhold, which came to pass by reason of the
purchase of the land by some of New Haven, who dis-
posed it to tlie inhabitants upon condition of their union.
And thus was this small colony born into the world ;
small indeed at the best, and something incommodiously
stated, by reason of intermixture of towns, and interpos-
ure of waters, yet fceimg less inconveniency upon those

3S0 f^BNBRAL HISTORY

accounts than may be imagined. In this their settlement
chey wanted indeed the legal basis of a patent, which is
the less to be wondered at, considering the confusions
that were in England in the times of the civil war, but
in want thereof they took what help and strength they
could from the Massachusetts patent, shewing therein
their good will to the like for themselves, if it had been
attainable ; and so they began to lay their foundation, both
civil and ecclesisstical, taking the word of God religious-
ly and conscionably for their guide. For their civil
foundations, they were much the same with the other col-
onies, especially with the Massachusetts ; the magis-
trates and deputies of towns having the legislative pow-
er, and the magistrates the execution of law, and that
without a jury, their main difference from their brethren,
which was so setded upon some reasons urged by Mr.
Eaton (a great reader and traveller) against that way.
And for their church settlements, they were extraordina-
rily exact and thorough, trying, over and over again,
those that were to be laid in the foundation, by mutual
disciourses and other helps, and proportion ably careful in
after admissions, wherein New Haven was exemplary
to other plantations ; in which their proceedings, if any
differently persuaded shall judge they were over strict,
yet the commendable care and zeal for the truth and
power of religion, therein appearing, cannot but have a
sweet savour to tlie present, yea, and to future genera-
tions. These transactions were all, or for the main, be-
tween the years 1637 and 1643, when they began for-
mally to act as a distinct colony ; being so owned in the
articles of confederation, which were that year concluded
and agreed upon by the several New England colonies.
They chose for governour, in their first election, Mr.
Theophilus f^aton, and continued him as the very pillar
of their strength in that office for about fourteen years
together, when he died, as we shall see in the course of
the story. For dt puty governour was chosen Mr. Ste-
phen Goodyear, a man at first of good t-st^ite, and of a
publick and humble spirit, he was also continued in that

OF NEW ENGLAND. 3l&i

place to his death : and Mr. Thomas Gri^son was chos-
en maj^istrate f()r New Huveii town, a man of quick spirit
and parts, but he lived not long. Others were chosen for
other plantations.

Being thus settled upon their basis, we shall, without
a particular relation of their small affairs, only point out
the remarkable passaejes that befel their colony in the
progress of their plantations. And the first thing con-
siderable was, what issue Divine Providence put to the
design of trade, by them first intended at New Haven,
for that side of the country. There was then no settled
place of trade, at least of any great moment, in the coun-
try, and the main founders of New Haven were men of
great estates, notably well versed in trading and mer-
chandising, strongly bent for trade, and to gain their sub-
sistence in that way, choosing their seat on purpose in
order thereunto, so that if the providence of God had
gone along with an answerable blessing, they had stood
fair for the first born of that employment. But that mer-
cy, as hath since appeared, was provided for another
place, and a meaner condition for them ; for they quick-
ly began to meet with insuperable difficulties, and though
they built some shipping, and sent abroad their provi-
sions into foreign parts, and purchased lands at Dela-
ware, and other places, to set up trading houses for bea-
ver, yet all would not help ; they sank apace, and their
stock wasted, so that in five or six years they were very
near the bottom : yet being not willing to give over, they
did, as it were, gather together all their remaining
strength, to the building and loading out one ship for
England, to try if any better success might befal them
for their retrievement. Into this ship they put, in a man-
ner, all their tradable estates, much corn,'lurge quantities
of plate, and sundry considerable persons also went,
amongst whom was Mr. Grigson forementioncd, who,
besides his own private occasions, carried with him some
estate in order to the procuring of a patent ; but all this,
though done by very wise men, yet hath since been
thought to be carried by a kind ot infatuation ; for the
41

333 ftENERAL HISTORY

ship was ill built, very wait sided, and to increase the in-
converriency thereof, ill laden, the lighter goods at the
bottom ; so that understanding men did even beforehand
conclude in their deliberate thoughts a calamitous issue,
especially beitig a winter voyage, and so in the dead of
winter, that they were necessitated with saws to cut open
the ice, for the passage of the ship, frozen in, for a large
way together ; yet were all these things overlooked, and
men went on in an hurry till it was too late, when such
circumstances as these were called to mind. The issue
was, the ship was never heard of, foundered in the sea,
as is most probable, and with the loss of it their hopes
of trade gave up the ghost, which was gasping for life
before in New Haven : but this was not all the loss ; be-
sides the goods there were sundry precious christians
lost, not less than ten belonging to the church there,
who, as Mr. Cotton's expression upon it was, went to
heaven in a chariot of water, as Elijah long before in a
chariot of fire. There were also some writings of Mr.
Hooker's and Mr. Davenport's lost, that never were at
all or not fully repaired, which was a loss to the world it-
self: this was anno Doin. 1645. Since that blow they
have done little at foreign trade on that side of the coun-
try ; but proceedrd ia a way of barter with their neigh-
bours at Boston, to the east, or at the Dutch plantation,
to the westward, especially while it stood under the
Dutch government.

The next head to be spoken to is the conflicts and ex-
ercises they have met with, from time to time, from their
foreign neighbours, whether Dutch or Indian. For
the Indians, they have been mercifully preserved from
harm and violence all along from them, setting aside a
particular assault or two, the means whereof hath been
a due ciirefuJness in doing justice to them upon all occa-
sions against the English, yet liir avoiding any thing
looking like servility, or flattery for base ends. But for
the Dutch, they were, for a course of many years, more
than a little troublesome; for they laid a kind of claim,
such as it was, to all the land between Cape Henlopen

OP NEW ENGLAN». S2S

(some place near Virj^inia) and Cape Cod, in pursuance
whereof (not mentioning here the disturbance made at
Hartford, upon Connecticut, as being proper to the sto-
ry of that colony) they did frequently send letters, arro-
gant and imperious enough, and protests in the name of
the Hogen Mogens and the Bewnithebbers of the West
India company, setting up the piince of Ourania's arms
in a small village near Stamford, threatening to do the
like at New Haven, (called by them the Dead Hills,) seiz-
ing upon a ship belonging to some Dutch merchants in
New Haven liarbour, burning their trading houses, seiz-
ing upon and imprisoning the persons of sundry as they
came in the way of their indignation, with other such lii.e
injuries, which continued without remedy, though rnai.y
means were used, both under Kieft, the first goveniour
of the Dutch plantations, and Stuyvesant, the last, till a
decision of comproniise was made at Hartford, by both
parties, with ultimate refv-^rence to the principals in Eu-
rope, anno 1650. These and such like molebta'ions,
though they never produced any violent effects by war,
or the like, ycL did provoke and exasperate all that side
of the country, so that when there was an opportunity,
by the war between England and Holland in 165^, they
were more than a little forward t(3 pull so troublesome a
thorn out of their feet, and had they not been crossed by
some of their confederate brethren, led by other inter-
ests, had surely attempted it; but all wise Providence
Otherwise disposed, whether for affliction or mercy to
these parts, slanders by may consider, but they them-
selves think they can best judge.

In the next place we shall take a view of some of their
most observable managements among themselves. 1 hey
were very vigorous in the execution of justice, and es-
pecially the punishment of offenders, and fiiat with great
authority under the countenance of Mr. Eaton, having
comj^iled by his help a body of very substantial and dis-
tinct laws, which are in print, and so the less need be
said of them, all which notwithstanding, they were much
exercised and humbled by the outbreaking, (by a strange

334? GB^fERAL HISTORY

kind of antiperistasis,) at several times, of very gross
iniquities, even in unnatural ways ; God hereby in his
holy wisdom hiding pride from them, which would have
been ready to rise, if success had answered their exact-
ness. They made many attempts all along from the first
to the last of their being a distinct colony, even such as
were above their strength, to promote learning by pub-
lick schools ; yea, it was in their liearts to set up a col-
lege, and there were sundry provisions made and some
bank laid up in order thereto, in which desires, though
they in the issue failed, yet it is an honourable testimony
of their good will to learning and liberal education of
youth, and may have its acceptance in proportion ^\ ith
David desiring to build a temple, though it was effect-
ed by his son. They have been at several seasons sorely
aiRicted with diseases, especially fevers, which have
proved mortal to many. All that southerly part of the
sea coast having, as more propinquity to Virginia, in
situation, so a participation with it in its climatical dis-
eases, commonly there called the seasoning, which is an
ague and fever seizing upon men in the heat of summer,
chiefly upon new comers, therefore called by that name,
but not sparing the more settled inhabitants, especially in
case of intemperate drinking. Upon these southern
coasts of New England it is not annual, as in Virginia,
there being sundry years when there is nothing consid-
erable of it, nor ordinarily so violent and universal ; yet
at some times it fails very hard upon the inhabitants, not
without strange varieties of the dispensations of Provi-
dence, for some years it hath been almost universal upon
the plantations, yet little mortality ; at other times it hath
been very mortal in a plantation or two, when others, that
have had as many sick, have scarcely made one grave ; it
hath been known also in some years that some one plan-
tation hath been singled out and visited after a sore man-
ner, when others have been healthy round about ; so that
the considerate inhabitants have seen cause to conclude,
that though there might be something in the climate,
yet a Divine Hand hath overruled, that so suitable ac-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 325

knowledgments of his greatness and sovereignty might
be drawn from those that are unwilUng to Itarn lessons
of that importance. At one time or other every planta-
tion, within less than these forty years, hath had its turn
of heavy mortahty, and some twice or thrice over ; and
though somewhat hath been thought to be in the situa-
tion of the plantations, that some of them have not been
so well seated for brisk and wholesome air, either for
want of judgment in the planters, or overlooking that in
comparison of other inconveniences, yet therein (not de-
nying the ordinary interest of second causes) things have
been carried above such sentiments ; while some planta-
tions reputed most healthy have been turned as it were
into graves, and others reputed for sickly have had a long
and pleasant vacation. This disease, wherever it comes,
is attended with great prostration of spirits, and some-
times in the hot fit with strange stupefaction of the brain.
Strengthening the body with cordials, and gentle con-
ducticious aiding of nature, hath been found better than
sudden and violent means by purgation or otherwise ;
and blcod letting, though much used in Europe for fe-
vers, especially in the hotter countries, is found deadly
in this fever, even almost without escaping ; the reason
whereof is left to be ii. quired by those it may properly
concern. Setting aside the effects of this disease, those
places have been generally very healthy, and, that not-
withstanding, have been all along, and are to this day, in
a very increasing way, growing numerous, overstocked,
and ready to look out for new plantations almost every
where.

There is yet another thing very observable concerning
this colony, that they have been sundry times attempting
to remove, yet always prevented by strange interposures
of Providence : the main occasion of such thoughts was
from New Haven itself. They were, as appears by the
former part of this discourse, Londoners, (i. e. the chief
of them,) and intended to live by trade ; when that fail-
ed, and they were forced to husbandry, it pinched hard
upon them ; for their soil generally, till they knew how

8^ WBNERAL HISTORY

to husband it, was but poor and thin, and they had seat-
ed themselves, for the harbour's sake, at too great a dis-
tance from the main body of the meadow, by which their
cattle must subsist : themselves also were very unskilled
in husbandry, their bodies unable to bear labour, and yet
strong labour was required ; their estates exceedingly
wasted, help of servants hard to be procured, and those
that were, very costly, and not over diligent. These and
many other things withal inclined the New Haven people
to look out, and so to settle themselves elsewhere more
commodious for their sub.sistence, and with them also
joined a great part of the other plantations of their union,
partly from their love and desire to be togethc r, and part-
ly stimulated by some like reasons among themselves ;
accordingly they made attempts once and again at Dela-
ware bay, where they had purchased large tracts of land,
but were prevented by injuries of the Dutch, or one
means or other. They had also offers from Ireland, after
the wars there ended, and entered some treaty about the
city of Galloway, to have it as a small province to them-
selves. They had also oifers from Jamaica by the powers
which then prevailed, designing to people that place, and
hearing of their unhatisfied station where they were. But
after all proffers, thoughts, attempts. Providence overrul-
ed them, and continued them in the same station, yea,
and after all those frequent conclusions taken up, that
there should be no subsistence for posterity ; but when
the remaining strength of the land was worn out, beggary
and misery must needs ensue ; that very posterity, so tak-
en care for, have appeared not to need it, as sufficiently
able to take care for themselves : for as that first genera-
tion could not aptly skill of husbandry, were removed
by death, or returned to England orotherways, and have
given place to other younger people, many of them their
servants, and others of lower calculation, and some of
their children, they, having more taken into the ways of
husbandry with dexterity and understanding, do make
out a comfortable livelihood, yea, and not a few of them
grow rich in all those towns intended to be deserted ;

OF NEW EXGLAN». SS7

and so amongst the rest in New Haven, where are at this
day a nuaierous people, who, though they live in mean-
er houses, and content themselves with smaller begin-
nings, than those did at first, (whose errour in great build-
ings (scarce to be paralleled in the country) hath been
long since apparent to themselves and others,) yet are
they in a substantial and holding way, that may, in the
ordinary course of things, continue from generation to
generation ; and though they have (as the rest of the
country) all along upon the sea coast felt the stroke of
the blast on [their wheat*] to their impairment, yet hath it
been but an occasion to quicken their industry, putting
them Upon a more studious diligence in manuring their
land for winter grain, which they find not so liable to the
blast, especially if early, so that accordhig to probability,
if they are spared and abated as to the blast, as of late
years they have been, that sea coast is like to prove not
the meanest granary rf the country.

The next thing we shall give account of is the death
or removal of some famous men among them, upon
whom the weight of affairs lay much, in their life time,
and upon their death accordingly alterations followed:
these were some in the magistracy, some in the ministry,
whom we shall take notice of in the order of time, as
they went off the stage. The first considerable weaken-
ing that was that way (passing over those lost in the ship
forementioned, 1645) was the removal to England of Mr.
Henry Whitfield, the gracious faithful pastor of the
church at Guilford, (the most easterly town of that com-
bination,) which was in 1650. He was of good extrac-
tion, and which is more, of eminent holiness. He began
betimes, and held out lively to a good old age. In his
childhood he was piously addicted, ^nd would often be
at prayer even at school amongst the scholars, and to
hide what he was doing from them would sit as though
he were looking upon his book, whilst his heart was else-
where. He grew up into great acquaintance with his own
heart and the riches of free grace in Christ Jesus, con-
cerning his interest wherein he was also persuaded to a

* Ms. illegible. Ed.

CENERAL HlSTORt

full and long lasting assurance, insomuch as he hath been
heard to say, he hath not met with any considerable
doubts about his good estate for forty years together.
He came ir.to New En.i.dand upon the same account as
others, and settled a precious church, wherein it was re-
markable that all besides himself, who began that work,
were young men, an unusual thing in those times. Af-
ter sundry years continuance in the country he found it
too difficult for him, partly from the sharpness of the air,
he having a weak body, and partly from the toughness
of those employments wherein his livelihood was to be
sought, he having been tenderly and delicately brought
up ; althous^h I mean not that he was, as many others of
like education, put upon bodily labour. He, therefore,
finding his estate wasted very much, his body decaying,
and many other things concurring, removed back again
to England, not without the tears and unspeakable lamen-
tations of his dear flock. This was a great loss not only
to them but to all that side of the country, especially con-
sidenng (besides a great spirit of wisdom and prudence
found in him) w^hat he was in the pulpit, an experiment-,
al, soul searching preacher, and ir« the course of his min-
istry aiming at heart, and life, and conversion, not with-
out good fruit by the blessing of the Lord Jesus Christ.
The next blow was the death of Mr. Peter Prudden,
the pastor of Milford. He died 1656. He was a man of
great zeal, courage, wisdom, and exemplary gravity in
his conversation ; a sharp enemy against the growing
vices of the times. He had a better faculty than many
of his coat to accommodate himself to the difficult cir-
cumstances of the country, so as to provide comfortably
for his numerous family, yet without indecent distrac-
tions from his study. He had an excellent faculty in
qualifying and sweetening men's spirits to the preventing
and healing contention, as appeared within his own town,
which continued in peace all his days, but not long after
fell into such divisions as were not healed in some years
after ; yet in God's time that breach was closed up again,
with gracious returns of a divine presence and blessing
upon them.

OP NEW ENGLAND. 3S9

These two i)lllars were thus pulled out of the building
of this little colony, which could not otherwise be but a
very sensible loss ; yet Mr. Theophilus Eaton was still
alive, the governour of the colony, so annually chosen,
and whilst he stood, all was as it were made up and con-
tinued in his worth ; but the next year, 1657, it pleased
God to put a period to his days, (which year also died
two more great men of this poor Israel, governoursalso
in their respective colonies, Mr. Hopkins, then in Lon-
don, but frequently chose governour of Connecticut col-
ony, and Mr. Bradford of Plymouth.) For Mr. Eaton,
he was son to a minister in Coventry, in the very heart
of England, brought up to merchandize, belonging to
the Baltick company, and in great reputation with them,
and in a very thriving way as to his worldly estate. He
came over into this country, as was said in the beginning,
with Mr. Davenport, and abode firm with him all his
days, to the very death. Soon after bis being in these
parts he was in great hazard of life, by a cancerous sore,
or something near of khi to it, in his breast, which was
not without great difficulty cured, not so but that he had
some remembrance of it all his life after ; and whether
the remainder of that venenate humour were not at last
the occasion of his death, cannot certainly be determined.
He brought over a great estate with him, but after he
saw the manner of the country, he soon gave overtrading
and betook himself to husbandry, wherein, though he
met with the inconveniences usual to others, which very
much consumed his estate, yet he maintained a port in
some measure answerable to his place ; and although he
was capable of, and had been much used in affairs of a
far nobler and broader nature, as having with good ad-
vantage more than once stood before kings, yet did he
apply himself to the mean and low things of New Eng-
land, with diat dexterity and humility as was much to
see, and with as much constancy that no temptations or
solicitations could prevail with him to leave his work
and look back towards Europe again. Hl died suddenly
in the night, of an apoplectical distemper, as is suppos-
42

33® •BNEBAL HISTORY

ed. He supped well in the evening and went so to bed,
but in the night was heard to turn himself aiid groan, (un-
usual symptoms to him, who was a sound sleeper,) but
before any cou^d step into the chamber was near speech-
less, and within a very little time died; and vvith him the
main strength of the colony was as it were buried in the
dust, which yet is not intended as a disparagement to the
worth of those that rose up and did worthily in their
places afterwards. This man had in him gre;tt gifts, and.
as m'dny excellencies as are usually found in any one
man : h( had an excellent princely face and port, com-
mandiiig respect from all others : he Wcts a good scholar,
a traveller, a great reader, of an exceeding steady and
even spirit, not easily moved to passion, and standing
unshaken in his principles, when once tixed upon, of a
profound judgn^ent full of majesty and authority in his
judicatures, so that it was a vain thing to offer to brave
him out, and yet in hisordi-nary conversation, and among
friends, of such pleasantness of behaviour, and such feli-
city and fecundity of liarmless wit, as hardly can be paral-
leled : but above all he was seasoned with religion, close
in closet duties, solemn and substantial in family wor-
ship, a diligent and constant attender upon all publick
ordinances, taking notes c^f the sermons he heard exact-
ly, and improving them accordingly ; in short, approving
himself in the whole course of his life in faithfulness,
wisdom, and inoffensiveness before God and man. Af-
ter his death they were at some loss the next election
whom to put in his place, but for some reasons Mr.
Frnncis Newman was pitched upon, one that had lived
at New Haven, and been as it were brought up under
Mr. Eaton. He was a serious, holy, christian man, and
shewed more worth than was thought to be in hun when
he was so called to place ; but he continued not long,
little above two years before he also put oft' his earthly
tabernacle, and went to rest. These thi'^gs one after
another brought the colony very low, especially in con-
junction with the removal of sundry useful men to Eng-
land, amongst whom was Mr. William Hooke, the faith-

OF NEW ENGLAN*. 384

ful colleague of Mr. Davenport, in the ministry of the
gospel at New Haven, who about this time went over to
Eiigland ; as also the death of Mr. Samuel Eaton, eldest
son to the governour, who died sometime before his
father, a man of g' eat hope ; yet in the midst of their
sorrows the hands of Mr. William Leet, w ho was next
chosen governour, were strengthened to hold up the
walls of this building for sundry jears, even to the disso-
lution of the colony, and its conjunction with Connecti-
cut ; of both which colonies, so united, he was tiie late
governour, and his praise is in the gates ; but also was
not long after called to his rest, about the year 1680.

There remains now only to give an account of the dis-
solution, but now mentioned, ot New Haven colony, if
it may be so called. There had been an appearance of
unquietness in the minds of sundry upon the account of
enfranchisement, and sundry civil privilege's thence flow-
ing, which they thought too shortly tethered up in the
foundation of the government. This spirit began to ap-
pear after Mr. Eaton's death, and not considerably be-
fore, yet thuigs were kept in a tolerable stay by the pru-
dence and vigilancy of their magistracy until Connecti-
cut, after the king's restoration, had procured a patent
from his majesty for that side of the country, which,
considering tne situation of New Haven colony, and the
intermixture of towns with those formerly belonging to
Connecticut, could not conveniently be drawn without
inclusion thereof, and was accordingly done. But when
the colonies came to treat together about union, there
was for a time some misunderstanding between them ;
New Haven thought Connecticut was too hasty in en-
tertaining some parcels out of several towns in a divided
way from the rest, who were more forward to cuibrace
the alteration than their neighbours could be ; on the
other hand Connecticut was apt to think New Haven
was too slow and backward to entertain a motion, so
much to their own and the general advantage of the
country. These with other like considerations produc-
ed some less pleasant passages in letters and treaties ;

S3S GENERAL HISTORY

but after New Haven had taken time, (which sure they
might well be allowed to do,) something like Jephtlia's
daughter in bewailing her virginity, viz. to breathe upon
and look round about them, as to the consequences of so
great a mutation, wherein they that had for twenty years
time stood and been on all hands owned as a body poli-
tick, with entire power and jurisdiction within them-
selves, should now be divested of all at once, and be swal-
lowed up in another body, wherein tiiey could not ascer-
tain themselves that things should be carried so much
to their satisfaction as they had been while the staff was
in their own hands; these things, being at leisure thought
upon, could not but affect them ; but spirits began to set-
tle at length, and so in the issue to come up to a closure,
which hath in time by the blessing of God, who delights
in the union of his people, grown up to that measure of
comfortableness as that the former days, and troublesome
birth pangs, sometime felt, are no more remembered,
while every one is sitting under his own vine and his
fig tree with peace and tranquillity.

Those who were employed in laying the foundation of
New Haven colony, though famed for much wisdom,
experience, and judgment, yet did not they foresee all
inconveniences that might arise from such a frame of gov-
ernment, so differing from the other colonies in the con-
stitution thereof, manifest in their declining that prudent
and equal temperament of all interests in their adminis-
tration of justice, with them managed by the sole author-
ity of the rulers, without the concurrence of a jury, the
benefit of which had been so long confirmed by the ex-
perience of some ages in our own nation ; for where the
whole determining, as well both matter of fact as matter
of law, with the sentence and execution thereof, depends
on the sole authority of the judges, what can be more
done for the establishing of an arbitrary power, which is
much complained of elsewhere in the world.

It can never be safe to leave so large a compass for
the power of rulers, which is apt to overflow the strictest
bounds and limits that can be set. The motions of those

GF NEW ENGLANB. 333

engines, which are carried throuL^h many pullies, must
needs be more steady, equal, deliberate, and uniform.
The best man's passions (which at no time work the
righteous! jess of God) are too often apt to mix themselves
with thtir definitive sentences, if not wholly to overrule
them, therefore hath the wisdom of all ages found out
some way to balance sovereign and absolute power,
which else would move very extravagantly, if not de-
structively as to the good of the whole. The want of
which, as some wise men think, was that which made
the Israelites complain so much of the heaviness of Sol-
omon's yoke, with whom it was no more than go and
fall upon him ; and the people had too much reason to
fear that his successor, that had not the tithe of his facher's
wisdom, might yet double or increase the weight of his
father's hand in point of severity. It cannot but be more
safe for any people not to have sentences pass, or take
place, without the consent of neighbours and peers, as is
well known in England, commended for the most equal
and best tempered government of any in the whole world.
Too much rigour and severity in church administrations
is attended also with as great inconveniences as the other ;
for though negligence and remissness in all publick ad-
ministrations tends to the ruin of a church or state, like
a ship or vessel, whose tackling is loosed, so as they can-
not strengthen the mast, and where the law will easily
take the prey ; yet on the other hand when things are by
an undue severity, or an unjustifiable uKpi^etx, strained to
the height, it hazards the breaking all in pieces. Witness
the experience of late attempts in those that, not content
with the wisdom of their predecessors, have endeavour-
ed the new moulding of societies, after a more exact
mode, (as at Frankfort, Amsterdam, and elsewhere,) but
have generally shipwrecked their designs upon this un-
disccrned rock.

A great errour was likewise committed by these gen-
tlemen that founded New Haven colony, in that, having
been most of them inhabitants and traffickers in the great
city of London, the famous mart of the whole world in a

S34 •ENERAL HISTORY

manner, they contrived the frame of their chief towns as
if trade and merchandize had been as inseparably ann.rx-
ed to them as the shadow is to the body, in the shinii^g
of the sun ; in expectation whereof, a'ld hope ofdra ving
the whole stream thereof to themselves, tht^y laid out
too much of tiieir stocks and estates in building of fair
and stately houses, whertin they at the first outdid the
rest of the couMtry, which had been much better reserv-
ed till afterwards, when thev could havt found the mat-
ter feasible ; therein forgetring the counsel of the wise
man, first to prepare their matters in the field, or abroad,
before they go about to erect their fal;>ricks. Who
ever built a tower and wine press before he planted
his vineyard, or proved the sinl to be commodious for
that purpose, that did not thereby leave behind some
monument of his errour and mistake? Thus the lot is
cast into the lap, but the disposing thereof is from the
Lord. Riches is not always to men of understanding,
(of which there seemed less want in the aforesaid gentle-
men than elsewhere,) but time and chance happens to
them all. It is the providence of the Almighty that
rules the world, and not the wisdom and contrivements
of the sons of men ; he pulleth down one and raiseth up
another. However the grace and blessing of God emi-
nently appeared towards that people, who were brought
up to a different course of life, yet did they willingly sub-
mit themselves to the pleasure of him that governs the
world, when his providence put them upon another kind
of employment than formerly they had been accustomed
unto, and wherein they have been very successful, and
in a manner outdone others, that by their education had
much more advantage to attain the greatest skill therein.

As to the planting of Rhode Island, Providence, and
the places adjoining, near the Narraganset bay, in the
years 1637 and 1638 :

The persons who were dismissed out of the colony of
the Massachusetts, especially from Boston, or disfran-
chised therein for theiV tumultuous and seditious car-
riages, tending to the subversion both of church and

0F NEW ENGLANB. 335

State, being advised of an island beyond Cape Cod, and
near adjoining to, or in the Narraganset bay, called
Aquidneyk, made means to purchase it for themselves,
and those that should see cause to remove their families
thither upon occasion of the troubles they met with at
Boston. There were several of them men of estate and
quality, who engaged in the business, and had peacea! le
possession of the island by lawfol purchase as well as free
consent of the natives, that inhabited it before. And so
having transplanted themselves, within a few years by
the commodi'Uisness of the soil, with other advantages,
that attended the planters, they soon raised two flourish-
ing plantations upon the island ; and not long after, the
bounds of the said island proving too narrow, those that
were willing to join with them in their way of living and
government made purchase of some of those lands that
lie upon the main, where Mr. Williams and his friends
had made some begiiinings of a plantation before, anno
163i and 1635, calling it by the name of Providence, by
whom also was procured another neck of land not far off,
in like manner, called by them Warwick.

Their civil government was by way of combination at
first, until they had opportunity afterwards to purchase a
patent for themselves. The laws by which they were
governed were those of En.L\land, unless in some particu-
lars, which those laws could not reach, in which cases
they made some orders and constitutions of their own.

CHAP. XLIII.

Ecclesiastical affairs^ xvith other occurrences^ at Provi-
detire and Rhode Island to the year 1643. Intercourse
between them and the Massachusetts,

As to matters of religfon it was hard to give an ex-
act account to the world of their protvedings therein, by
any wIjo have not Ijeen conversant with them from the
beginning of their plantations; yet this is commonly
said, by all that ever had any occa.-^ion to be among
them, that they always agreed in this principle, that n»

GENERAL HISTORY

man or company of men ought to be molested, by the
civil power, upon the account of religion, or for any
opinion received or practised in any matter of that na-
ture ; accounting it no small part of their happiness that
they ma}^ therein be left to their own liberty, as if they
were in those things, sine ju^e, and not liable to give any
account of what they practise or profess in the matters
either of doctrine or worship ; by which meaiis it hath
come to pass that the inhabitants are of many different
persuasions, as Quakers, Anabaptists, Familists, Seekers.
But what tendency that liberty hath had by so long expe-
rience towards the promoting of the power of godliness,
and purity of religion, they are best able to judge that
have had occasion to be most conversant amongst them.
Mrs. Hutchinson persisting in her opinions, notwith-
standing all the means which had been used both in the
court and in the church to reclaim her, she was at last or-
dered to remove out of the jurisdiction of the Massachu-
setts ; whereupon, on the 28th of March, 1638, she went
by water to her farm at Mount Wollaston, with intent
(as was supposed) there to take water with her brother
Wheelwright, his wife and family, to go to Pascataqua ;
but there she changed her mind, and went by land to
Providence, and so to Aquidneyk, or Rhode Island, with
her husband, who, with the rest of that persuasion, had
purchased the island of the Indians : Plymouth men
having first refused to grant them liberty to make a plan-
tation within their jurisdiction, as they had desired.
Amongst those, who at that time removed from about
Boston, divers inclined to rigid separation, and favoured
Anabaptism, and tliey removed to Providence, purpos-
ing to join with Mr. Williams and those of his company.
But others, who were the greater number, passed over
to the said island, on the account of Mrs Hutchinson, so
as that side of the country by this occasion began to be
well peopled ; they all agreeing fully in one principle,
not to trouble one another on the account of religion, al-
though in other principal and fundamental points of civil
power there was no small difference between them.

OP NfiW ENGLAXB. S37

Those who took up their starion at the island, like
men that are wandered out of the right way, and know
not where to stop, daily invented and broached new er-
rours, which they disseminated in their new plantation :
and since that time they have ftourished well in that soil,
as to outward things.

Nicholas Eason, a tanner, that removed thither from
Newbury, taught that gifts ar^d graces were the Anti-
christ, mentioned in the Thessalonians, and that which
withheld, &.c. was the preaching of the law ; and that
every one of the elect has the Holv Ghost, and also the
Devil, indwelling in him. One Hearne maintained there
likewise, tiiat Adam was not created in true holiness, &c.
for then he could not have lost it.

At Providence also the Devil was not idle ; for where-
as at their first coming thither Mr. Williams had made
an order, that no man should be molested for his con-
science ; men's wives, children, and servants, in that
place, claimed liberty thereby to go to all religious meet-
ings, although never so often, and on the week day, or
never so private ; and, therefore, because one Verrin re-
fused to let his wife go to Mr. Williams, so often as she
was called for, they required to have him censured. But
there stood up one Arnold, of their own company, (who,
though he was bewildered in his notions, about some re-
ligious points, yet was minded not to go against the very
light of nature, and dictates of right reason, no more
than the express word of God,) and withstood it, telling
them, that when he consented to that order, he never in-
tended it should extend to the breach of any ordinance
of God, such as the subjection of wives to their hus-
bands, and gave divers solid reasons against it. Then
one Green (who had married the wife of one Beggerly,
who was yet living, and not divorced) answered, that if
they should restrain their wives, &c. all the women in
the country would cry out of them. Sec. Arnold answer-
ed him thus: Did you pretend to leave the Massachusetts
because you would not offend God to please men, and
would you now break an ordinance and commandment
4S

338 GENERAL HISTORY

of God to please women ? Some of the company were
of opinion, that if Verrin would not suffer his wife to
have her liberty, the church should dispose her to some
other man, that would use her better. Arnold then told
them it was not the woman's desire to go so aside from
home, but only Mr. Williams and others would have
them so do. In conclusioi), when they would have cen-
sured Verrin, Arnold told them it was against their own
order, for Verrin did vvliat he did for his conscience.
These being the principles they acted by, it is the less
wonder that they wandered so far from the truth, since
they were separated from their friends in the Massachu-
setts ; and things grew still worse and worse by the in-
crease of their number. For a near relation of Mrs.
Hutchinson's, the wife of one Scott, being infested with
Anabaptistry, and going the last year to live at Provi-
dence, Mr. Williams v^ as imboidened by her to make
open profession thereof, and accordingly was rebaptized
by one Holeman, (a mean fellow, that went from about
Salem;) then Mr. Williams rebaptized him, and some
ten more. They also denied the baptism of infants, and
the having of magistrates, &c. But soon after one of
their company, of a like capricious brahi, started this ob-
jcxiion, which none of them could answer, viz. if they re-
nounced their former baptism, as well or because it was
antichristian in its administration, then what right had
Holeman to baj)ti2e Mr. Williams ; Vv'hich so gravelled
them all, both the bapiizers and the baptized, that they
turned Seekers, and so continued ever after.

At Rhode Island also Mrs- Hutchinson exercised pub-
lickly, and she and her j^arty (ouve three or four families)
would have no mati^istrates ; and soon after sent an ad-
monition to the church of Boston ; but the elders would
not read it publickly, because she was excommunicated.

By these examples al! men may see how dangerous it
is to slight tifC ordinances of God, and the censures of
his church ; for it was apparent, by these their actings,
that God had given thein up" to strange delusions. Those
of the island likewise had entertained two men, whom

©F NEW ENGLAND. 339

the church of Roxbury had excommunicated, and one
of them did exercise publickly there ; for which the
church of Boston called in question such as were yet
their members ; and Mr. Coddingtoa being present, and
not freely acknowledging his sin, (although he confessed
himself in some fault,) was solemniy admonished; yet,
for aught ever appeared, M'ent on in the same course.

This is further to be observed concerning the delu-
sions, which this people were taken with. Mrs. Ilutchin-
son and some of her adherents happened to be at prayer
when the great earthquake was all over the country, and
the house being shaken theieby, they were persuaded,
(and boasted of it,) that the Holy Ghost did shake it in
coming down upon them, as He did upon the apostles.
Thus are people apt to be lifted up in their own imagi-
nations. Being thus left to themselves, they grew very
tumultuous, as any thing seemed to stand in the way of
what they aimed to bring about ; therefore, putting Mr.
Coddington and three other magistrates out of their
places, they chose Mr. William Hutchinson only for
their ruler, a man of a mild temper, yet not of the strong-
est parts, and guided wholly by his wife, who had been
the beginner of all the former troubles, and intended still
to drive on the same trade, as she did afterwards to her
life's end. But not having as yet cast off all shew and
form of religion, they gathered a church, but in a very
disordered way, taking in some excommunicate persons,
and others which were members of the church of Bos-
ton, but not dismissed, which was afterwards increased
something in number, but never put into much better
order ; yet had they afterw ards one Mr. Clarke for their
minister, who had been bred to learning.

As for Providence, Mr. Williams soon after grew sick
of his second baptism, as was said, and though he was a
few months before in all haste rebaptized, yet now not
being able to derive the authority of it from the apostles,
otherwise than by the miiiisters of the church of Eng-
land, (whom he judged to be all antichristian,) he con-
ceived God would raise up some apostolical power; there-

840 CEXERAL HISTORY

fore he l^nt himself that way, expecting (as was suppos-
ed) to beconie an apostle ; and having a little before re-
fused communion with all, save his own wife, he would
now preich, if not pray, \» ith all comers ; whereupon
some of his followers left him and returned to their for-
rner place.

The church of Boston had all this time with patience
waited to see whether those, that belonged to their church
at the island, would not bethink themselves; and to that
end, the 24th of March, 16o9, sent three messengers,
viz. Capt. Edwaid Gibbons, Mr. Hibbins, and Mr. John
Oliver, with letters to Mr. Coddiugton, ard the rest of
their members there, to understand their minds in divers
po^'its of religion, formerly maiivained by all, or divers
ofihem, and to require them to give an account to the
church of their uiiwarrantable practices in communicat-
ing with excommunicate persons, &c. When they came
thty found those of ihcm thatdueit at Newport had join-
ed themselves to a cliurch newly constituted there, and
thereupon refused to hear them, as messengers of the
church, or to receive their church's letters ; whereupon,
at their return, the elders and most of the church would
have cast them out, as refusing to hear the church, but
all not being agreed it was deferred.

Things proceeding after this sort, other accidents fell
hi, about the same time, that strangely concurred to
strengthen them in their ways ; as persons given up to a
reprobate si'nse are apt to take encouragement from that,
which in reality is but a fuller demonstration of the judg-
ment ot God they are left unto.

In tiie year 1640 there came divers from Christopher's
this way, pretending to religion, amongstuhom were one
Mr. Hales and one Mr. Collins, that were bred up schol-
ars, and being full of zeal had applied themselves to
preaching, and had thereby brought over many of the
said Christopher's people to embrace the religion held
forth by them, and on the account thereof to remove
from thence into these parts, being prosecuted and re-
§trajf>ecl of their liberty there. They met with a bad

«F NEW engla:»». 841

market for the commodities, u e. opinions they bror.ght
from thence, which, it may be, cooled but their zjal to the
true religion and love to the place whitiier they were
come. But to let that pass, they at the first arrived at
New Haven, and from thence dispersed the.nselves,
some here, some there ; some went to Ireland ; but Mr.
Collins (who had been an hopeful professor and preach-
er also privately, at Gloucester in England, till he came
10 be seduced there, being carried about with one of the
female sex, and of familistical principles,) was ttntertahied
first at Hartford, to teach a school. But Mr. Hales (very
well conceited of himself and censorious of others) went
to Rhode Island, where he soon fell i ito acquaintance
with Mrs. Hutchinson, and became her disciple. His
friend Collins, having heard of Mrs. Hutchinson's opin-
ions, wrote to him to beware thereof; but Mr. Hiles
made him such a return as strangely bewitched the
schoolmaster, so as the very next morning, leaving his
school, he hasted to Rhode Island, to wait at the feet of
the she-Gamaliel there ; for coming thither, as Paul
speaks of the Galatians, he was so bewitched with their
notions, as he resolved to live and die with them, which
indeed he did, not long after, by a sad providence. But
in the first place he was so taken with the family, and
they with him, as he soon matched himself with one of
the daughters of Mrs. Hutchinson, presently after engag-
ing in her quarrel and defence of her religion.

The church of Boston was not willing to give them
over yet, but resolved to write to them once again, which
accordingly was done, and the letters drawn up by Mr.
Cotton ; wherein he fully repeated all former proceedings
both of the church and of the court, and justified both,
and condemned their errours, and disturbance to the
peace here, and also Mr. Wheelwright's sermons, with
their remonstrance, (which formerly had by many been
justified and commended,) and shewed how the church
had been wronged by them. But all wrought no change
in any of them ; for every year they broached new er-
rours, the issue of their depraved minds, more misshapen

34(8 GENERAL HISTORY

than those monsters, which were credibly reported to be
bom of the bodies of some of them.

Divers of them had imbibed some other opinions from
their neii^hbours of Providence ; at last turning profess-
ed Anabaptists, and denying all magistrates among chris-
tians, maintaining also, that there were no churches since
those founded by the apostles and evangelists, nor could
any be, nor aiiy pastors ordained, nor seals administered
but by such ; and that the church was to want all these,
all the time that she continued in the wilderness, as yet
she was> Mrs. Hutchinson's son Francis, a member of
Boston church, and this Mr. Collins, her son in law,
came to Boston soon after, and were there sent for to
come before the council, but they refused to come, ex-
cept they were brought ; so the oflicers led them. And
when they were come, (divers of the ministers being
present,) Mr. Collins was questioned for a letter, whi'^h
he sent to one of the Massachusetts colony, wherein he
charged all the .ministers and churches there to be anti-
christian, with many other reproachful speeches, terming
the King also, king of Babylon, seeking to possess the
people there with evil thoughts of the government and
of the churches. He acknowledged the letter, and what
he had written, yet sought to evade by confessing there
"was a true magistracy in the world, and that christians
must be subject to it. He maintained also, that there
were no Gentile churches, (as he termed them,) since the
apostles' time, and that there was none now could ordain
ministers, &c. Francis Hutchinson did agree with him
in some of these, but not resolutely in all. But he had
reviled the church of Boston, calling it a strumpet.
They were both committed to prison. One of the con-
stables of Boston, being required to take Francis Hutch-
inson into his custody till the afternoon, scrupled whether
he might or no, being offended with the governour for
proceeding with a member of the church in the court,
before he had been dealt witl* in the church ; but being
himself like to fall into the same condemnation for his re-
fusal, he was convinced of his crrour, and gave satisfac-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 348

tion. Mr. Collins and the said Francis Hutchinson were
fined, the one an hundred the other fifty pounds, and to
lie in prison till they gave security. Their fines were set
the higher, because their family had cost the country
some hundreds of pounds before ; but they were soon
after released, and their own bonds taken for their fines,
which were abated, the one to forty the other to twenty
pounds.

Other troubles arose in the said island by reason of
Nicholas Eason, foreinentioned,a man very bold and in-
solent, though ignorant, who used to teach at Newport,
where Mr. Coddington, their go veraour, lived. He main-
tained that man had no power nor will in himself, but as
he is acted by God ; and seeing that God filled all things,
nothing could be, or move, but by him, and so must
needs be the author of sin, &c. and that a christian is
united to the essence of God. Being shewed what blas-
phemous consequences would follow therefrom, they
seemed to abhor the consequences, but^ still defended
their propositions, which discovered their ignorance ; not
apprehending how God could make a creature, and that
no part of his essence, as we .see by familiar instances :
the light is in the air, and in every part of it, yet it is not
air, but a thing distinct from it. Mr. Coddington, Mr.
Coggshall, (a great professor formerly in fLngland,) and
some others, joined with this Nicholas Eason in those de-
lusions ; but their minister, Mr. Clarke, and Mr. Lent-
hall, and Mr. Harding, with some others, dissented, and
publickly opposed, whereby it grew to such lieat of con-
tention, that it made a schic-im amongst them.

Those of Providence in the mean time (being all Ana-
baptists) were divided in judgment : some were only
against baptism of infants, others denied all magistracy
and churches ; of which Samuel Gorton (that had made
so much disturbance at the island before, as brought him
under the lash for the same, as is mer.^ioned elsewhere)
was their instructer and captain. These, being too strong
for the other party, provoked them so by injuries, as they
came armed into the field, each against the other ; but

S41 OBNESAL HISTOBT

Mr. Williams pacified them for the present. This oc-
casioned those of the weaker part to write a letter (under
all their hands) to the governour and magistrates of the
Massachusetts, complaining of the wrongs they suffer-
ed, desiring aid, or (if not that yet) counsel from them.
They answered them, that they could not levy any war,
&c. without trie j>;eneral court: for counsel, they told
them, that except tl»ey did submit themselves to some
jurisdiction, (either Plymouth or theirs,) they had no call
or warrant to interpose in their crmtentions ; but if they
were once subject to either of their jurisdictions, they
should then have a call to protect them. After this an-
swer, they heard no more of them for a time.

In the beginning of the year 1642, Mr. Aspin wall, that
had been censured by the court for joining with these,
and having his hand to the remonstrance about Mr.
Wheelwright, bemg licensed by the general court to
come and tender his submission, was, on the 27th of
March that year, reconciled to the church of Boston.
He made a very free and full acknowledgment of his er-
rour and seducement, and that with much detestation of
his sin. The like he did afterwards before the magis-
trates, who were appointed by the court to take hissub-
n)ission ; and upoii their certificate the reof, the sentence
of bai ishment, passed against him with the rest, was
taken off.

At a general court in September, 1649, four of Provi-
dence, who could not consent with Gorton and his com-
pany, and were continually molest'.d ai d injured by
them, came and offered theniselves and their lands to
the Massachusetts, and were accepted under their gov-
ernment and protection. This was done partly to rescue
those men from unjust violence, and partly to d/aw in
tile rest in those parts, (either under themselves or Ply-
moudi,) who now lived under no government, but grew
very offensive ; avd the place was like to be of use to
them, if there should be occasion of sending out against
any of the Indians of the Narragansets, and likt wise for
an outlet into the Narraganset bay. And seeing it came

OF NEW ENGLAND* 84)0

without their seeking, and would be no charge to them,
they thought it not wisdom to let such an opportunity
slip.

As for Mrs. Hutchinson, a woman of an unquiet and
restless spirit, she met with something at Rhode Island
that disturbed her spirit, and therefore, in or about the
year 1642, cither out of dislike of the people or place,
she, with her family, and some others, removed to some
place under the Dutch, beyond aM the English planta-
tions, where she had not continncd 1 ?ng before she was
cut off by tiie I.jdians thereabouts. For in the year 1643
the Ldians, taking occasion to quarrel with the Dutch,
set upon the English, who dwelt under their jurisdiction.
Tlie Indians came to her house in a way of friendly
neighb'Urhood, as they had been accustomed to do, and
taking the opportunity of their inability to resist, or defend
themselves, they killed ht-r and her son in law, Mr. Col-
lins, with her son Francis, and the rest of her family,
with divers others that belonged to Mr. Throgmorton's
and Mr. Cornhill's families, sixteen in all, viz. all that
were at home ; and then putting their cattle into their
houses burnt them also. But oy a good providence of
God, there was a boat came in there at that instant, to
which some of the women and children fled, and so were
saved. But two of the boatmen going up to the houses,
were shot down and killed also ; as if it had been matter
of great danger to come nigh the tomb of these children
©f Korah. They that forsake God may expect that God
will forsake them in time of their greatest need.

Those people had cast off all ordinances and churches,
and now at last their own people ; and for larger accom-
modations, had subjected themselves to the Dutch, and
dwelt scatteringly, near a mile asunder. And some that
escaped, and had removed only for want (as they said)
of hay for their cattle, (which increased much,) now
coming again to Rhode Island, they wanted cattle for
their grass, with which that island doth much abound,
more than the rest of the country.

Thodc Indians having killed and driven away all the
44

3#6 GENERAL HISTORY

English upon the main, as far as Stamford, (for so far the
Dutch had gained possession by the English,) they pass-
ed over to Long Island, and there assaulted the lady
Moodey in her house divers times, so that if there had
not been forty men to have guarded her, she might have
perished by their hands likewise. lor she had not long
before removed from Salem, upon the account of Ana-
baptism, and seated herself towards the westernmost
part of that island, under the command likewise of the
Dutch.

, About these times, a door of liberty being opened by
the parliament in London, familistical opinions began to
swarm in many plantations of the English abroad in other
parts, to the disturbance of the civil government where
they came.

In the year 1643 the governour of the Massachusetts
received letters from Philip Bell, Esq. governour of the
Barbados, complaining of the distracted condition of
that island, in regard of divers sects of foniilists sprung
up there, and their turbulent practices, which had forced
him to proceed against some of them by banishment, and
others of mean quality by whipping, &c. earnestly de-
sinng him to send them some godly ministers and other
good people, that the island might be planted with men
of better principles. The governour imparted this letter
to the court, and to the ministers ; but considering what
little good was like to be done upon persons led away
with those notions, and what little encouragement there
was like to be in such a plantation as that was, none were
forward to hearken to the motion, and answer was re-
turned accordingly. It may ap{)ear by this intimation,
that New England is not the only place that hath made
use of the civil power to prevent the spreading of errone-
ous principles, that are like otherwise so much to disturb
the civil peace. And it was on that account that they
suffered under authority, and not for their oj)inions ; for
if men that have drunk in any erroneous principles, would
also make use of so much jjrudence as not to publish
them in a tumultuous manner, and to the rcpioach of the

OP NEW ENGLAND. 34^

religion and worship established in the place where they
live, they would not have occasion to complain of the
severity of the civil laws.

About the year 1644 the Anabaptists increased much
in the Massachusetts colony of New England. Now be-
cause they had found, by sad experience, that those of
that persuasion did also usually maintain the unlawful-
ness either of any civil magistrates, or thattheexercisiiig
of their power in matters of the first table was unlawful,
they drew up an order to banish tho^e who did publick-
ly oppose the truth in that point ; which notwithstanding
divers that have questioned the lawfulness of baptizing
infants, yet have lived in the country ever since, without
any disturbance, and might continue so to do ; but when
men cannot be content to enjoy their own liberty of opin-
ion, or soberly defend it, without reproaching the con-
trary practice of otherj>, they do justly, in the account of
all the civil governments that have been in the world, de-
serve to suffer ; which is all that can be said of any in
that place. There was one named Painter, that had lived
at divers places in the Massachusetts, aiid at New Haven,
and had been scandalous, and burdensome to them all,
by his idleness and troublesome behaviour. This fellow
in the year 1644 was suddenly turned Anabaptist, and
having a child born would not suffer his wife to carry it to
be baptized. He was complained of for this to the court,
and enjoined by them to suffer his child to be baptized,
(which it seems his wife, a christian woman, desired;)
but he still continuing not only to refuse that, but also to
reproach their baptism as antichristian ; he was for this
afterwards brought totlie court, where he 0|)enly profess-
ed as much, and for the same, having nothing but his
person to satisfy the law, he was sentenced to be whip-
ped ; and endured his punishment without any seeming
sense of pain, through the obstinacy of his mind. He
boastingly said, when it was over, thai God had marvel-
lously assisted him ; whereupon two or three honest men,
that were his neighbours, affirmed before all the compa-
ny, that he was of very loose behaviour at home, given

Z4B GENERAL HISTORY

much to lying and idleness, &c. Nor was there any oc-
casion for him, or any other in like case, to talk of God's
assistance; for many notoiious malefactors, and one about
that tin.c at the court had shewn the like silence, when
their punishment was iiiflicted upon them. It may he,
that some others that at that time came down from Prov-
idence and Rhode Island, and entering into the assem-
blies in some places in the Massachusetts, would in time
of singing keep on their hats, as it were to brave it out
with tiiem, and so occasion disturbance, and breach of
the peace. If any such have by that means been brought
to s'.:fFer cor[ioral punishment, tiiey will certainly in the
account of all indifferent and prudent people have cause
to find no fault with any thing but their own obstinacy
and folly.

Mr. Roger Williams, of whom there is large mention
before, having suffered not a little on tiiis score, taking
upon himself a kind of voluntary exile, did now take the
opportunity of passing over into England, to promote
some designs of his own, or of his friends about Provi-
dence; and did in the year 1644 return again to New
England, bringing with him a letter, under the hands of
several honourable and worthy personages, (to whom he
was either known before, or had now made himself
known unto,) wherein they express their compassion to-
ward him, which he might have found from his neigh-
bours here, long before, if the way had not been obstruct-
ed by himself. The co{)y of the said letter, to prevent
mistakes or misreports, here followeth.

To the right worshipful the Govermmr and assistants^ and
the rest oj our worthy friends in the plantation of the
Mass' chusetts Bay,

OUR MUCH HDNOURKP FRIENDS,

Taking notice (some of us of longtime) of Mr. Roger
WiUiams his good affcciions and conscience, and of his
sufferings y our common enemy, and oppressors of
God's people, the prelates ; as also of his great industry
?ind travels, \\\ his printed Indian labours in your parts.

OF NEW ENGLAVB, 849

{the like whereof we have not seen extant from any part
of America,) and in which respect it hath pleased both
houses of parliament to grant unto b.im, and friends whh
him, a fee and absf^hite charter of civil government for
those parts of his abode : and withal sorrowfully resent-
ing, that amongst gciorl men (uur friend^?) driven to the
ends of the world, exercised widi the trials of a wilder-
ness, and who mutually give good testimony each <^f
Other, (as we observe you do ot him^ and he abundantly
of you,) there should be such a distance ; we thought it
fit (upon divers considerations) to profess our great de-
sirf^s of both your utmost endeavo^irs of nearer closing,
and of ready expressing those good affections (which we
perceive ) ou bear each to other) in the actual perform-
ance of all friendly offices ; the rather because of those
bad neighbours you are like to find too near you in Vir-
ginia, and the unfriendly visits from the west of England
and from Ireland ; that howsoever it may please the Most
High to shake our foundations, yet the report of your
peaceable and prosperous plantations may be some re-
freshings to }our true and faithful friends,

NORTH UxMBERLAND, MILES CORf.ET,
ROBERT HARLEY, P. WHARTON,

JOHN GURDON, THO. BARRINGTON,

COR. HOLLAND, WILLIAM MASH AM,

JOHN BLACKLISTOW, OLIVER ST. JOHN,
ISAAC PENNINGTON, GILBERT PICKERING.

Upon the receipt of the said letter the governour and
magistrates of the Massachusetts found, upon examina-
tion of their hearts, they saw no reason to condemn
themselves for any former proceedings against Mr. \Vil-
liams ; but for any offices of christian love, and duties of
humanity, they were very willing to maintain a mutual
correspondency with him. But as to his dangerous prin-
ciples of St paration, unless he can be brought to lay them
down, they see no reason why to concede to him, or any
so persuaded, free liberty of ingress and egress, lest any
of their people should be drawn away with his erroneous
opinions,

9S9 OBXERAL HISTORY

He had so much interest sometimes with the people
of Rhode Island, as well as Providence, as to be chosen
their governour, (whethtr before or since his obtaining
the charter, specified in the letter abcKe, is not much ma-
terial,) but for the most part he hath contented himself
with a private and retired life ; nor will his outward es-
tate admit of any other ; on which accouiU he hath many
ti'ties been an object of charity to divers persons of the
Massachusetts, that way disposed. But as to the differ-
ing sorts of religion fom^.d at Raode Island; those of the
persuasion of the Qiakers, as they have had great resort
to the place of late years, so are they at present the pre-
vailing party there, or lately were so. They have been
strenuously opposed in th ir damnable opinions by Mr.
Roger Williams, who, though himself had vented divers
strange notions about separation, yet apprehending the
danger of the Quakers' principles, which do overthrow
the very fundamentals of Christian religion, he stoutly
engaged with sundry of their chief leaders in a publick
dispute, since published by himself, anno 1677. But
forasmuch as it will be very difficult in an historical way
to give a particular and distinct account of all the affairs
of that colony, without much reflection upon the persons,
or relations yet surviving, of some that were much con-
cerned therein, no more shall be added ; only intimating
the fear of their neighbours round about them, that the
Spanish saying of the English nation may not unfitly be
applied to them of Rhode Island, " bona terra, mala gens."

CHAP. XLIV.

Ecclesiastical affairs^ ivith other occurrences, at Pascata-
qna and the places adjacent. Contests between Mr,
Clceves and Mr. Fines about the bounds of L^gonia,

Mr. Wheelwright, as was declared before, be-
ing sentenced to depart out of the jurisdiction of the
Massachusetts, was not so ill grounded in the truth as to
be carried away with any daiuierouscrrours of the Anti-
nomian doctrine, therefore, refusing to go along with the

eP NEW ENGLANR. 851

rest of that sect, removed, with some few that adhered to
hiai, to Pascataqua, and seated themselves upon some
of the upper branches or falls of that river, and called the
place Exeter ; looking at it altogether without the bounds
of the Massachusetts. In this place they gathered a
church, and walktd together in an orderly christian way,
till it appeared, by the stretching- the line of the Massa-
chusetts more northward, that the place where he first
settled was yet within the liberties of the Massachusetts,
which, as is judged, occasioned his removal, soon after,
from thence into the. Province of Maine, to a plantation
since by the inhabitants called Wells.

Capt Underhill, after those stirs at Boston, had taken
a voyage to England, a!id returning; again to New Eng-
land, in the year 16r8, was intended to have removed
after Mr. Wheelwright, for whose sake he hid not long
before incurred the displeasure of the court of the Massa-
chusetts. In order thereunto petitioning for three hun-
dred acres of land, formerly promised him by the court,
he was by occasion thereof questioned for some speeches
uttered by him in the ship, as he returned lately from
England, viz. that they at Boston were zealous, as the
scribes and pharisees were, and as Paul was before his
conversion ; which he denying, they were proved to his
face, by a sober woman, whom he had seduced in the
ship, and drawn to his opinion ; but she was afterward
better informed in the truth. Among other passages, he
told her how he came by his assurance, saying, that hav-
ing long lain under a spirit of bondage, and continued in
a legal way near five years, he could get no assurance,
till at length, as he was taking a pipe of the good crea-
ture tobacco, the Spirit fell home upon his heart, an ab-
solute promise of free grace, with such assurance and
joy, as he never doubted since of his irood estate, neither
should he, whatsoever sin he should fall into ; (a good
preparative for such motions as he familiarly used to
make to some of that sex.) He would neither confess
nor deny the words, but objected against the validity of
a single testimony, and withal said he was still of the

353 GENERAL HISTORY

sa^ e opinion he had been of, about the petition or re-
monstrance, and that his retractation was only as to the
manner, and not the matter. Whereupon his said re-
tractation (which he had lately delivered to the governour,
to be presented to the court) was read, wherein he pro-
fesseth how that the Lord had brought him to see his
sin in condemning the court, and passing the bounds of
modesty and submission, which is required in private
persons, &c. and in what trouble of spirit he had been in
for It, &c. Upon this the court committed him for abus-
ing them with a shew of retractation, when there was no
such thing intended by him. The next day he was call-
ed ag-iin and baiiished. "^rhe Lord's day after, he made
a speech in the assembly, shewing that as the Lord was
pleased to convert Paul as he was persecuting, &c. so he
might manifest himself to him as he was making moderate
use of the good creature, called tobacco. He professed
withal that he kutw not whcrei'i he had deseived the
sentence of the G'6Urt, and that he was sure Christ was
his, &c.

The elders reproved him for his speech, and Mr. Cot-
ton told him that he did break a ru!e, puhlickly to con-
demn the court, unless he had privately convinced the
magistrates, or some of them; and told him also, that al-
though God dodi often lay a man under a spirit of bon-
dage, while he is walkin.^ in sin, as Paul was, yet he
never sends such a spnit of conifort but in an ordinance,
as he did to the same Paul by Ananias, and therefore ad-
vised him well to examine the revelation and joy which
he pretended to.

The nextLord's day thisCapt. Underbill, having been
privately dealt widi upon suspicion of incontinency with
a neighbour's wife, and not hearkening to it, was ques-
tioned for it before the church, and put under admoni-
tion. The woman was young and beautiful withal, of a
jovial spirit and behaviour, and it was known that he did
daily frequent her house, and was divers times found
there alone with her, the door being locked on the inside.
He confessed it was ill, because it had an appearance of

©F NEW ENGLAND, 353

evil ill it, but his excuse was, that the woman was in
great trouble of mind, and some temptations, and that he
resorted to her to comfort her, and that when the door
was found locked upon them, they were in private praver
together; hut this practice v/as clearly condemned also by
the elders, affirming that it liRd not been of go^jd report
for any of them to have done the like, and that t'^ey
ought, in such case, to have called in some brethren or
sistt-rs, and not to have locked the door. They also de-
clared that once he procured thc^m to go unto her, telling
them that she was in great trouble of mind ; Ijut taking
her, (upon the sudden it seems,) they found no such mut-
ter.

However it seems the church, not hav'ng sufficient
matter of conviction, and proof <.f what lie was suspected
as guilty of, left him only undir an admonition, a.id he,
liKe a prophane person, as was sometime said of Cain,
that he went from the presence of the Lord, and dwelt
on the east of Eden, so this gentleman went to the east-
ward, and made a great bluster among the inhabitants of
Exeter and Dover, and ambitiously affected the govern-
ment amongst them.

Those of Dover had about this time gotten one Mr.
Burdet to be their minister. This Burdet, upon a pre-
tended quarrel with the bishops and ceremonies of the
church of England, had, about the year 1634, left Yar-
mouth, in England, and coming over into New England
was brought to Salem, where he was received a member
of their church, and was employed to preach amongst
them for a year or more, being an able scholar, and of
plausible parts and carriage. But finding the discipline
of the church as much too strict for his loose conscience,
as the other was in pretence too large, he left his brethren
at Salem, out of love to his friends at Pascataqua, where
he continued for some time in good esteem (at least in
appearance) with Mr. Wiggans, that had the power of a
governour thereabouts, until he declared himself of what
sort he was; for the tree is not known but by its fruits.

The general court of the Massachusetts had left it with
45

394( GENERAL HISTORY

the R-nverpour to write a letter to Mr. Wip:gans, and the
said Biirdet, and others of the plantations on the upper
part of Pascat;'qi]a,to this effect — that whereas there had
bef-n pjood correspondence between them formerly, they
could not but be sensible of their entertaining and coun-
terancinfy, &c. some whom they had cast out, &c. and
that their purpose was to survey their utmost limits, and
make use of them.

Mr. Biirdet returned a scornful answer, and would not
give tl le governour his tide, &C. This was very ill tak-
en, because he was one of their civil body, and sworn to
their government, as well as a member of the church of
Salem ; so as the governour was purposed to summon
him to appear at their court and answer for his contempt.
But advising with Mr. Dudley, the deputy, about it, he
was dissuaded from that course, as not willing to give
him any opportunity thereby to ingratiate himself fur-
ther with some that were their professed enemies in
England, with whom they knew he had intelligence ;
judging also that by such courses he would become
thoroughly known to those of Pascataqua. Whereupon
the governour wrote to Mr. Edward Hilton, declaring his
ill dealing, to whom he also sent a copy of Burdet's let-
ter, advising them that they take heed how they put
themselves into his power, he, but rather to give those
of fhe Massachusetts a proof of their respect to them.
He intimated likewise how ill it would relish \\ith their
court and people, if they there *should advance Capt. Un-
df rhiil, who had lately been thrust out for abusing the
authority of the Massachusetts, first by a seditious re-
monstrance, and then by feigning a retractation, as well
■c\fi for hia corrupt opinions, &.c. and for casting reproach
upon their churches ; signifying withal that he was
charged u ith foul incontinency. For beside the suspicion
forementioned, l.e was likewise challenged by a sober
young woman to have solicited her chastity, under pre-
tence of christian love, and to have owned to her that he
had had his will of the woman in question, (a cooper's
wile,) and all out of the strength of love, as he pretended,

OF NEW ENGLAND. 355

&c. and that the church had sent unto him to come and
give satisfaction, with a license und^r the hands of the
governour and council, but he refused to come, excus-
ing himself by letters to the elders, that the license was
not sufficient, and that he had no rule to conie, unless
his sentence of banishment were released. But Pascat-
aqua men it seems had chosen him their governour, be-
fore this letter came to their hands ; for it is like it was in-
tercepted and opened by the forcmentioned persons, who
were most concerned in the contents thereof, and they
were so enraged therebv, as they wrote pret^ently to
England against them, discovering not only what they
kne\v, but what they falsely imagined of their resisting
any authority that should come out of England against
them. But how much soever they were moved upon
the said letter, no advantage could be taken ag.^mst him
or them that sent it, being so drawn up, as Air. Hilton
might without offence have shewn it to eithcrof iticm.
But Capt. Undcrhill thereupon wrote a letter to Mr. Cot-
ton, full of threatening ai.d high words, and anotlier to
the governour of a contrary strain, and m very fair terms,
entreating there might be an obliteration of all that was
past, and a bearing with human infirmities, disavowing
all purposes of revenge.

But those of Exeter, in the mean time, were taken up
with things of another naUirc; for having gathered a
church, as was intimated bef(;re, they wrote a Inter
about the middle of December, 1638, to the church of
Boston, to desire Mr. VVheelwriglit's dismission to them
for an officer or minister ; but because it was not desired
by himself, the elders did not propound it to the church.
But soon after, upon his own letter, they granted a dis-
mission to him, a^d to some others also, (upon their re-
quest,) who desired to be disnnsscd thither.

Things proceeding af^er this rate, they of the Massa-
chusetts looked upon it as very unneighbourly for the
inhabitants of PiS'-aiaqna to encourage and promote
those whom they had thrust out ; and not long afitr they
themselves were very sensible of their errour, in neglect-

356 GENERAL HISTORY

ing the counsel and advice of the vine and fig-tree, and
puitiiig their trust under the siiadow of a bramble. For
they soon found that Mr. iiurdct, whom they had for-
merly received for governour in the room of Mr. Wig-
gans, set in there by the lords, (as hath been said,) being
laid aside, and Capt. Ui)c!erhill by them called to that
pki'-e, they had not much advantaged themselves, save
only in that the latter was not siosubde or malicious, and
therefore not so capable to do them mischief. But Mr.
Burdet, either out of necessity or design, (some foul prac-
tices of his being discovered,) removed not long after to
a plantation of Sir Ferdinando Gors^es, on the northeast
side ol Pascataqua river, and within the Province of
Maine, where we shall leave hiui for a little time, driving
on the same trade, (or a worse,) which occasioned his
removal ( ut of the country in tlie issue.

Capt. Underhill, being now quietly possessed of the
government, how lair soever he pretended to the gover-
nour of the Bay, could not so dissemble it with others ;
for at the sauic time he wrote a letter to a young gentle-
man, that sojourned in the said governour's house,
wherein he reviled the governour, with reproachful terms
and imprecations of revenge upon him, and the whole
colony ; which, being shewn to the governour and coun-
cil, was afterward sent to Mr. Hilton, (though too late to
prevent his exaltation,) and did not a little nettle the new
governour of Dover, to have his wickedness laid open,
and his call to answer for his offences before the church
of Boston, withal procuring him safe conduct for three
moivths, from the general court, then sitting, in the year
16 >9. But instead of coming, he procured a new church
at that place, called by them Dover, of some few of the
looser sort of persons, who had called one Mr. Hanserd
Knolhs; whom Dr. Bustwick once not untruly styled,
with a liule variation of the letters of his name, Absurdo
Knowless. This M r. Knollis had lately come out of Eng-
land, in the year 1638, and was rejected by the Massa-
chusetts for holding some of the formentioned Antino-
mianttnets; aiid, repairing to Pascataqua, was chosen to

OF NEW ENGLAND. 857

be the minister within Capt. Underhiirs territories, who
soon after suborned him to write letterj» to the church of
Boston i:\ his Cfmimendation, whercia he was styled the
rii^ht worshjpfal their honourahle governour, ail which
notwithstanding^, the church of Boston proceeded wirh
him. And in the mean time the general ( ourt wrote to
all the chief inhabitants of Pascaiaqua, and sent them a
copy of his letters, (wherein he professeth himself to be
an instrument of God fur their ruin,) to know whether it
were with their privity and consent that he ^C'tt ti;em
such a defiance, &c. and w ijeiher they would maiiitain
him in such practires a^jainst th«ni.

ri ose of the plantations returned answer, that they
disclaimed all such miscarriages, and (offered to call hijrt
to an account, whe.ever they would send ariy to inform
against him. They at the river's mouth disclaimed like-
wise, and shewed their indignation against him for his
insolencies, and their readiness to join in any fair course
for their satisfaction ; only they desired them to have
some compassion on him, and not to send any force
against him.

After this Capt. Underbill's courage became very
much abated, for the chiefest of the river fell from him,
and the rest liule regarded him, so as he wrote letters of
retractation to divers, and (according to his wonted poli-
cy) w^ote a letter to the deputy, and the court, (not men-
tioning the governour,) wherein he sent the copies of
some of the goveriiour's letters to Pascataqua, supposing
that something would appear in them, either to extenu-
ate his own fault, or to lay some fault upon the gover-
nour ; but he failed in both, for the governour was able
to make out what he had written.

Mr. KnoUis coming over into New England amongst
some familisiical opimonists, upon that account was de-
nied residence in the Massachusetts, and was also by Mr.
Burdet (the preacher and governour at that time at Pas-
cataqua) inhibited from preaching there ; but he being
in a short time removed to Agameniicus, as was said be-
fore, the people having chosen Underhill their goveie

868 OENERAL HISTORY

nour, (that they might he like priest like people,) chose
him tneir pastor, who, to ini^ratiate himself with said
Underhill, the governour there, wrote a letter into Eng-
la.d, to his friends in London, wherein he bitterly in-
veighed against the government of the Massachusetts,
making it worse than the high commission, and that
there was not so much as a face of reli8:ion in the coun-
try : but a copy of the said letter being sent over, (of the
which he had notice from the governour,) he was ex-
ceedingly perplexed about it, being indeed convinced in
his conscience of the great wrong which he had done
them. He wrote to tije governour desiring a safe con-
duct, that he might come into the Bay to give satisfac-
tion, saying that he could have no rest in his spirit till he
had so done. This being granted him, under the hand
of the governour, with consent of the council, he came,
and thtre at Boston, upon a lecture day, (most of the
magistrates and ministers being then assembled,) he
made a very free and open confession of his offence, with
much aggravation against hhnself, so as the assembly
were all as well satisfied as could be expected, upon a
verbal confession of such an offence. He wrote also a
letter to his said friends in England to the same effect,
which he left with the governour to be sent to them.
Capt. Underhill also, about the same time, being struck
with horrour and remorse for his many ar.d great offences,
both against the church and against the country, he could
have no rest till at last he had also obtained safe conduct
to come and give satisfaction ; and accordingly at the lec-
ture at Boston, (it being then court time,) he made a pub-
lick confession, both of his living in adultery with the
said woman, (of which he was before suspected,) and of
attempting the like with another woman, and also of the
injury he had done to the Massachusetts, and acknowl-
edged also the justice of the court in proceedmg against
him, &c. Yet all his confessions were mixed with such
excuses and extenuations, tliat they gave no satisfaction
as to the truth of his repentance : but, however, his of-
fences being so foul and scandalous, the church present-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 35^

iy cast him out. He seemed at the first to submit to the
censure, and was for the time he staid at Boston, (four or
five days,) much dejected ; but returning home he gave
not the proof of a broken heart, as he gave hope of at
Boston ; for to ingratiate himself with some gentlemen
at the river's mouth, that had much dependence upon
the commissioners in England, he sent thirteen men
armed to Exeter to fetch or.e Fish out of the officer's
hands for speaking against the king ; and when the
church and people of Dover desired him to forbear com.
ing to the court, till they had considered of his case, and
had promised so to do, yet hearing that they were con-
sulting to remove him from his government, (which he
had before proffered to lay down, tut when it came to
be done in good earnest he could not bear it,) came and
took his place, and grew passionate, and would not stay
to receive his dismis^^ion, nor seem to accept it when it
was sent after him ; yet they proceeded, and chose one
Mr. Roberts, to be president of the court, and returned
back Fish, to Exeter.

Besides this, in the open court he committed one of
his fellow magistrates, for rising up and saying he would
not sit with an adulterer, &c. But the chief matter for
which they proceeded against him was, that when he
himself was the first mover of them to break off their
agreement with the Massachusetts, he had written to
their governour to lay it upon the. people, especially up-
on some among them. Soon after this he went again to
Boston to tender satisfaction ; but not being satisfied
about his repentance, they would not admit him to pub-
lick speech, and so he returned home again ; but half a
year after, viz. in September, 1640, he was brought to a
true and thorough remorse of conscience for his foul sins,
and did openly, in a great assembly at Boston, on the
lecture day, and in the court time, and in a ruthful habit,
(being accustomed to take great pride in his bravery and
neatness,) standing upon a form, lay open, with many
deep sighs, and abundance of tears, his wicked course of
life, his adultery and h} pocrisy, his prosecution of people

360 GENERAL HISTORY

there, and especially his pride, as the root of all, (which
caused God to ^ive him over to his other siiiful courses,)
and contempt of the magistrates ; justifying God, and the
court, and the church, in all that had been inflicted on
him, and declaring also what power Satan had over him
since his casting out of the church, and how his pre-
sumptuous laying hold of a mercy and pardon, befoie
Gnd gave it, did then fail him, when the terrours of God
came upon hitn, so as he could have no rest, nor see any
issue, which had put him divers times upon a resolution
of destroy ine: himstlf, had not the L'>rd prevented him,
even when his sword was drawn to have done the execu-
tion &c. so with other expressions arguing much brok-
enness of heart, and looking like one worn out with sor-
row, he earnestly and humbly besought the church to
have comp issiun on him, and deliver him out of the
hands of Satan. Indeed it wab a spc ctacle which caused
many weeping eyes, though also it afforded matter of re-
joicing to behold the power of the Lord Jesus in his own
ordinances, when they are dispensed in his own way,
holding forth the authority of his sceptre, in the simplici-
ty of the gospel. Upon this manifestation of his re-
pentance the sentence of excommunication was taken off
in the church, and of his banishment, by the court, and
he was also stt free from the punishment of his adultery ;
for the law against it being made since the fact commit-
ted by him, it could not touch his life.

This story is the more particularly related for the sat-
isfaction of all that may ever after hear of such practices,
what they may expect from a sort of men that cry down
sanctification, and inherent righteousness, under a pre-
tence of magnifying free grace. And indeed they of the
Antinomian persuasion had need fortify themselves with
arguments to keep off the force of the moral law, that
have so little ability or grace to observe and keep the
same. But it was to be feared this Was but one stray
sheep that returned amongst ninety nine that have been
entangled in the same snare of temptation, of whose re-
pentance there was little heard.

OF NEW ENGLAND. S6l

In the same summer,scil. 1640, there arrived there one
Mr. Thomas Gorges, a kinsman to Sir Ferdinando, a
young gentleman of the inns of court. He wuh sober and
well disposed, and careful in the prosecution of his
charge, (which was to govern the Province of Maine, or
New Somersetsi;ire,)to take advice of the magistrates in
the Bay how to manage liis affairs. When he came to
Agamenticiis he found all out of order, both as to the
personal as well as politic:il state of that province. For
as to the state of the proprietor, ( vhatever vast sum of
expense was then or is since pretended,) it was all em-
bezzled, with all the househould stuff, save an old pot,
and a pair of cob irons and tongs, as the gentleman him-
self did express to a friend at his return. And as for the
government, Mr. Burdet that ruled, or rathej misruled
ali, had let loose the reins to his lust, so as he was grown
very notorious for his pride andaduhery ; taking no no-
tice of any law, unless that whicii might be improved to
establish iniquity. But the neighbours, now finding that
Mr. Gorges was well inclined to reform things, they com-
plained of him, and produced such foul matters against
him, that he was laid hqld on, and bound to appear at
their court at Saco. But he had dealt so with some
other of the commissioners, such as Mr. Vines, the for-
mer agent, and two more, that when the court came, they
there stood for him ; but Mr. Gorges having the greater
part on his side, and the jury finding him guilty of adul-
tery, with much labour and difficulty he was laid under
a fine of thirty pounds. He appealed unto E igland, but
Mr. Gorges would not adnui of any appeal; bur seized
some of his cattle. Upon this Mr. Burdet went into
England, but when he came there he found the siatc of
things so changed, as his hopes were soon blastc d ; f)r
falling in with one party he was taken by the ottier, and
committed to prison, where we shall leave him, not hav-
ing any occasion to call for him again in the pursuit of
this history.

The upper part of Pascataqua, all this time, passed un-
der such a vicissitude of chaiiges,as it were designed to
46

36s OBVERAL HISTORY

become a stag;e rf ^reat disturbance and trouble ; for be-
in^ cleared of Mr. Burdet, l>y his removal to Ai^^amenti-
cus, it was soon after ridden by another churchman,
who, though he pretended to more of sobriety and re-
ligion, yet was not of much bt tter conduct. His name
was Lark ham ; one that had been a minister at Northam,
n- ar Barnstable in England, arid comine^ to New Eng-
la id, but not favouring their discipline, he removed to
this part of Pascataqna, af.d being of good parts, and
gifted to speak well in a pulpit, the people of Dover were
much taken with him, and not being able to maintain two
muiisters, they resolved to cast off Mr. Knollisand em-
brace Mr. Larkham ; whereupon Mr. Knollis, making
a virtue of necessity, for the present gave place. And
the other soon after he was chosen discovered himself by
receiving into the church all that offered themselves,
though never so notoriously scandalous and ignorant, so
they would promise amendment ; and soon after fell in-
to contention with the people, taking upon him to rule
all, even the magistrates themselves, (such as they were,)
so as there soon grew very sharp contention between
him and Mr. Knollis, who, either yet retained, or else on
that occasion reassumed his pastoral office ; whereupon
they were neither able quietly to divide into two church-
es, nor peaceabh live together in one ; the more religious
sort still adhering to Mr. Kuollis, the first pastor. At
the last, the contention proceeded so far that Mr. Knollis
and his company, without any more ado, excommuni-
cated Mr. Larkham, in the name if not of the major
part, yet of the melior part. And he again laid violent
hands on Mr. Knollis, and taking the hat from his head,
pretending it was not paid for ; but he was so civil as to
send it him ai;ain. In this heat it began to grow to a tu-
mult, and some of the magistrates joined with Mr. Lark-
ham, and asseiiibkd a company to fetch Capt. Underhill,
(another of their magistrates and their captain,) to their
court. And he also gathered some of the neighbours
togetlier, to defend thcnjstives, and see tlie peace kept :
so ihey marched foith towards Mr. Larkham i one car-

OF NEW ENGLAND. S6S

ryin,8^ a bible, one an halbert, for an ensign, and Mr.
KnoUis with them, armed with a pistol. When Mr.>
Larkham saw them thus provided, they of his part pro-
ceeded no further, but sent down to iVlr. Williams, gov-
ernour of tiiat called Strawberry bank, towards the mouth
of the river, who came up with a comnany of armed
men, and beset Mr. KnoUis his house, v\h« re then Capt.
Underbill was, and kept a guard upon him nieht and
day, till they had opportunity to call a court ; and when
that was assembled, Mr. Williams sitting as judge, they
found Capt. Underbill and his company guilty of a riot,
and set great fines upon them, ordering him and some
others to depart out of the plantation.

The cause of this eager ]:)rosecuiiun was because Capt.
Underbill had procured a good part of the inhabitants to
offer themselves again to the government of the Massa-
chusetts; ai d being then prosecuted, thev sent a petition
to them for aid. The governour and council considered
of their peti-ion, and gave a commission to Mr. Brad-
street, Mr. Peters, and Mr. Dalton, to go thitht-r and
endeavour to reconcile them, and if they could not, then
to inquire how things stood, and certify them in the Bay,
&,c. They met accordingly, and finding both sides to be
in the fault, thty at the length brought matters to a peace-
able end ; so as Mr. Larkham was released of his excom-
munication, and Capt. Underbill and the rest from their
censures.

And by reason of these agitations, Mr. Knollis was
discovered to be tardy in the same guilt with others of
the Antinomian sect, viz. to have solicited the chastity
of two maids, his servants, and to have ubed wanton dal-
liance with them ; which he acknowledged before the
church there, ai^d so being dismissed, he rcnioved from
Pascataqua. This sin of his was the more notori' us, in
that it was first discovered the same niii,ht afr( r he had
been exhorting the people, by reason and scripture, to
proceed against Capt. Underbill for his adultery. So apt
are men to be blinded in their own case, and forbid others
to steal, while themseives are committing sacrilege. This

864) UENERAL HISTORY

example, added to the former, makes it the more observ-
jible, that God doth vnanv times justiv give up those that
cry down any evidence by sanctification, to such fillhy
ways, that they should find no sanctihcation in themseives,
to evidence a justified estate by.

The two ministers employed in this service, with
another they took aloni^ with them, (intended for the min-
ister of A^amentiCLis ) in going from Pascataqna to
Agamenticus, (witnin but ^ix miles distant from the
other,) lost tiieir way, and wandered two days and oue
night, without food or fire, in th-' snow and wet. But God
he ifd their prayers, wiierein thev earnestly pressed him
foi the honour of his great name ; but when they were
even quite spent he brought tlien to the sea side, near
the place whitiier they were bouncT.

I'iic next year after, fvlr. Lark ham suddenly departed
from his place at Dover, against his o vn promise, as
well as the persuaoion of his people, (for every heart
knows best its own grief and guilt,) to prevent the
shame of a scandalous evil, (of like nature with that fore-
mentioned of Mr, KuoUis,) which otherw ise would una-
voidably have f.dlen upon him. In the mean time leav-
ing the people to provide for themselves as well as they
could for a su])ply, which not long after they obtained,
by one Mr. Maud, whom they enjoyed many years for
their minister, who was a good man, and of a serious
spirit, and ol a peaceable and quiet disposition. Hecontin-
ued with them to his death ; after whom they procured
Mr. Rey nor, from Plymouth. About the year 1654, he
was called to the pastoral office at Dover, whicli he dis-
c /jrged with good satisfaction and faithfulness all his
days.

xVbout this time the people of the lower part of Pas-
cataqua, toward the mouth of the river, having invited
Mr. James Parker of Weymouth, well esteemed of for
godliiie. s and scholarship, obtained him for a winter, in
the year 1642; in which time he gave such proof of his
ministry, that they earnestly desired that he might be set-
tled as a iiiinister amongst them, and signified so much

©r NEW ENGLAND. S6f

to the magjistrates and ministers of the Bay, under forty
of their hands ; but he having a call to remove elsewhere,
either for want of due encourajjement, or suitable en-
deavours of the people, they were dest^itute of a settled
minister for many years after. But the light of the gos-
pel, A:>y the ministry thereof, did then begin to dawn,
which ijfterwards did arise with more brightness and
power upon them.

In SepieiTiber, 1641, Capt. Underhill not able longer
to subsist at Pascataqua, upon the occasions foremen-
tioned, and being reconciled to the court of the Massa-
chusetts, and church of Boston, returned thither with his
family to seek some way of subsistence ; where having
no employment that would maintain him, and having
good offers made him by the Dutch governour, (lie
speaking the Dutch tongue very well, and his wife a
Dutch woman,) he removed thither. The church of Bos-
ton furnished him out, and provided a pii-nace to trans-
port him; advising him rather to setde at Stamford,
where was a town of the English, and in church estate,
and near the Dutch ; to the which he hearkened. At first
the people there offered him employment and mainte-
nance, according to their ability ; but upon one account
or other he changed his mind afterward aiKi went to the
Dutch, who gave him good encouragement, ha"ing at
that time great need of him, by reason of their war with
the Indians, wherein he did them good service, having
with one huridred and twenty men, Dutch and English,
killed one hu'idred and fifty Indians on Long Island,and
three hundred on the main laid.

Mr. Wheelwright afterwards, in the year 1643, had re-
moved from Plxeter to Wells, near Cape Porpoise, where
he was pastor of a church ; but being sensible of the gi eat
inconveniency he was in, while excluded from the socie-
ty of the ministers, as well as otiier friends, by the sen-
tence of banishment, which he still continued under, he
wrote a letter to the governour at Boston, entreating the
favour of the court that he might have leave to come
into the Bay, upon some special occasions ; which was

366 GENERAL HISTORY

readily granted him ; whereupon he came and spake
with divers of the ministers, and gave the in such satis*
faction, as they intended to intercede with the court for
the release of his banishment. T''e contents of his letter
were to this purpose: — "Upon the long and mature con-
sideration of things, I perceive that the main difference
between yourselves and some of the reverend elders and
me in point of justification, and the evidencing thereof, is
not of that nature as was then presented to me in the
false glass of Satan's temptations, and my own distem-
pered passions, which makes me unfeignedly sorry that
I had such an hand in those sharp and vehement conten-
tions, raised thereabouts, to the great disturbance of the
churches of Christ. It is the grief of my soul that I used
such vehement, censorious speeches in the application of
my sermon, or in any other writing, whereby I reflected
any dishonour upon your worships, the reverend elders,
or any of contrary judgment to myself. I repent me that
I did so much adhere to persons of corrupt judgments,
to the countenancing and encouraging of ihem in any of
their errours, or evil practices, though 1 intended no such
thing ; and that in the synod I used such unsafe and ob-
scure expressions, falling from me as a man da-^zkd with
the buffetings of Satan ; and that I did appeal from mis-
apprehension of things. I confess that herein I have done
very sinfully, and do humbly crave pardon of your hon-
oured selves. If it shall appear to me, by scripture light,
that in any carriage, word, or writing, I have walked
contrary to rule, 1 shall be ready, by the grace of God, to
give satisfaction. Thus, hoping that you will pardon my
boldness, I humbly take my leave of your worships,
committing you to the good providence of the Almighty,
and ever remain your worships' in all service to be com-
manded in the Lord.

J. W HEEL WRIGHT.
mils, Ith, lOth, 1643."

Upon this letter the court was very well inclined to re-
lease his banishment, and thereupon ordered that he

OF NEW ENGLAND. 96f

» «

might have safe conduct to come to the court. Jas-

Htreof the governour certified him by letter, andj to the

ed this following answer from him. ^t were de-

*' R. W. .-y should be^'

I have received your letters, where'* .^^,' , ^* ^ '^rne
that you have imparted my letter to'^^'^. ^'^ ^ulcd court,
and that it finds good acceptance ; for which I rejoice with
all thankfulness, as also for liberty of safe conduct granted
by the court, and in case I desire letters for that end. I
should very willingly (tipon letters obtained) express by
word of mouth, openly in court, that which I did by writ-
ing, might I, without offence, express my true intent and
meaning more fuUv to this effect. That notwithstanding
my failings, (for vhich I crave pardon,} yet I cannot, with
a good conscience, condemn myself for such capital
crimes, dangerous revelations, and gross errours, as have
been charged upon me ; the concurrence of which, (as I
take it,) make up ihe substance of the cause of all my suf-
ferings. I do not see but in so mixt a cause I am bound to
use (tnay it be permitted) my just defence, so far as I ap-
prehend myself to be innocent, and to make my confes-
sion, where I am convi.iced of any delinquency ; other-
wise I shall seemingly, and in appearance, fall under guilt
of many heinous offences, for which my conscience doth
acquit me. If I seem to make suit to the court for relax-
ation to be granted as an act of mercy, upon my sole con-
fession, 1 must offend my conscience ; if by an act of
justice, upo.i my apcjlogy, and lawful defence, I fear
here I shall offend your worships. I leave all things to
your wise and holy consideration, hoping you will par-
don my simplicity and plainness, which I am forced un-
to by the power of an overruling conscience. I rest your
worship's in the Lord.

J. WHEELWRIGHT.
freils, March 1, 1643."

To which the governour replied to this effect, viz.
that though his liberty might be obtained without his
personal appearance, yet that was doubiful ; nor did he

S68 (iBNEKAL HISTORY

reacceive that a wise and moderate apologj'- would preju-
with die acceptance of a free and ingenuous confession;
faction, 'dff latter would jusiify the sentence of the court,
v\»e release orVonly at his action ; and yet by the former
hce to this purpln the liberty of his conscience, in clear-
in,e^ htlon of things,im those ill deserving crimes, which
the court apprehif^Med by his actions. Ai'd withal, (be-
cause there n»ight want opportunity of conveyance be-
fore the court,) he sent him enclosed a safe conduct, &c.
But the next court released his banishment, without his
appearance ; and so if they had overdone in passing rhe
sentence, it might in part help to balance it, that they
were so ready to gn nt him a release. Soon after this he
removed his dwelling, ai.d being invited to the pastoral
office in the church of Hampton, after Mr Batchelour's
deposition, he accepted of the call, and tariicd with them
till hia removal to England, not long after, where he tar-
ried many years, till ujon the turn of tnr:es he came back
to New England again ; after wl ich he was called to
Salisbury, where he accepted of the pastoral office, in
which he continued to the day of his death, which hap-
pened about the year 1681.

As for the more eastern parts of the Province of
Maine, towards Pemaquid, one Mr. Rigbee, a wealthy
gentleman in England, and counsellor at law, and one of
the Long parliament, having purchased the Plough Pa-
tent at Sagadehock, called Ligonia, gave a commission
to one Mr. Cleaves, as his deputy to govern the people
there, and sent him over to New England in the } ear
1643. The ship landed at Boston, and Mr. Cleaves,
considering how distaste fi;l this would be to the gover-
nours of Sir Feidinando Gorges, who challenged juris-
diction in a great part of Ligonia, petitioned the general
court of the Massachusetts to write to them on his behalf;
but the court thought tit rather to leave it to the gover-
nour to write in his own name, whii h accordingly he
did. But when Mr. Cleaves came to set his cou mission
afoot, and called a couit at Casco,^ Mr. Richard Vines
and other commissioners of Sir Ferdhiundo Gorges op-

OF NEW ENGLA>IDi

posed it, and called another court at Saco,the same time;
whereupon the inhabitants were divided. Those of Cas-
C(\ Sec. wrote to Mr Vines that they would ?tand to the
judgment of the magistrates of the Bay, till it were de-
cided in England to which government they should be-
long ; and sent this ktter by one Tucker. Mr. Vines
imprisoned him, and the next day took his bond for his
appearance at Saco, and his good behaviour. Upon this
Mr. Cleaves and the rest, about thirty persons, wrote to
the governour of the Bay for assistance against Mr.
Vines, and tendered themselves to the consociation of
the United Colonies. The governour returned answer
that he must first advise with the commissioners of t!ie
other colonies, although they could not well be admitted
upon some articles of the confederation, that Mr. Cleaves
did not come up unto. Tins contention continued still
undetermined between Mr. Cleaves and Mr. Vines and
Mr. Josselin, one of the com.viiiiriioners also of Sir Fer-
dinando Gorges. Botli parties wrote letters to the gov-
ernour and council of the Massachusetts, complaining of
injuries from each other; Mr. Cleaves desiring aid
against open force, threatened by the other part. They
of [he Massachusetts Bay returned answer to them sev-
erally to this effect, to persuade them both to continue in
peace, and to forbear all violent courses, until some Lon-
don ships should arrive here, by which it was expected
that order would come from the commii)Sioncrs of foreign
plantations, to settle their differences. These letters'
prevailed so far wiih them, that they agreed to refer the
cause to the determination of 'the court of assi-stants at
Boston, winch was to be held the 3d of June next. For
Mr. Rigbee came Mr. Cleaves and Mr. Tucker; for the
Province of Maine came Mr. Josselin and Mr. Roberts.
The court appointed them a dav for hearing cf their
cause, and caused a special jury to be empannelled: Mr.
Cleaves was plaintiff, and delivered in a declaration in
writing ; the defendants (ihough they had a copv there-
of before) pleaded to it by word only. Some of the mag-
istrates advised not to intermeddle with it, seeing it was
47

ayO GENERAL HISTORy

not within their jurisdiction, and that the a,^ents had no
comnnission to bind the interest of the .gentlemen in
Eno;land. Others, and the most, thouj^ht fit to give them
a trial, both for that it was an usual practice in Europe
for two parties that are at odds to make a third judge be-
twixt them, and though the principal parties could not
be bound bv any sentence of their court, (for having no
jurisdiction they had nocoaction, and therefore whatever
thty should conclude were but advice,) yet it might set-
tle ]-)eace for the present, &c. But the suit going on, up-
on a full hearing, both parties failed in their proof. The
plaintiff could not prove the place in question to be with-
in his patent, nor could derive a good title of the patent
itself to Mr. Rigbee, (there being six or eight patentees,
and the assignment only from two of them.) Also the
defendant had no patent of the province, but only a copy
thereof^ attested by witnesses, which is not pleadable in
law ; which so perplexed the jury as that they could find
for neither, but gave in a non liquet. And because the
parties would have it tried by a jury, the magistrates for-
bore to deal any further in it, only they persuaded the
parties to live in peace, &c. till the matter might be de-
termined by authority out of England. And so the mat-
ter rested for the present, and for a long time after ; the
successours or assigns of either party keeping possession
and making improvement of what they had occupied be-
fore, according to mutual agreement between themselves,
either implicitly or explicitly declared ; until Mr. Rig-
bee or his agents and assigns flung up all their title to any
part of the premises, as an unprofitable concern, as is
commonly said. What Sir Ferdinaudo Gorges's heirs or
assigns have done unto or gained by what was ever chal-
lenged by any of them, may be declared afterwards.

CHAP. XLV.

The general affairs of New England^ from 1641 ^ol646.

In the beginningof this lustre, scih June 2, 1641, Mr.
Bellingham waschosengovernour,and Mr. Endicot deputy

OF NBW ENGLAND. 37i

governour ; the first carried it but by six votes, if so many-
could regularly be made out. It was long before either
of these gentlemen were accepted into the chief place of
the government, yet had they this advantage superadded,
that they were in after times oftener called thereunto, or
ratlier continued therein, after the death of Mr. Winthrop
and Mr. Dudley, longer than any of their predecessors.
In the end of this year, 1641, upon the supposal that
great revolutions were now at hand, two of the ministers
of the Massachusetts, with Mr. Hibbii^.s, were sent over
to Ergland, viz. Mr. Weld and Mr. Peters. The first
had given the greatest encouragement of any man else
for invitation of his friends to coine over to New Eng-
land, yet was it observed true of him, which some note
of Peter, the hermit, who sounded an alarum and march
to all other Christians, to the Holy Land, but a retreat
to himself; and indeed he returned not with the dove,
which came with an olive branch in her mouth. As for
the other, it had been well if he had never gone, or soon
after to have returned ; and might have been warned by
Funccius his example, disce meo exemplo, &.c. or rather
to have taken St. Paul's counsel, to abide in tliecalling,
wherein he was called, whereby he might have prevented
a sad sentence, that afterward befell h.im, as a bird that
wanders from her nest. About this time'also the Mas-
chusetts began to look more circumspectly into their
bounds, than before time they had leisure to do, both
westward and northward. For at Connecticut river it
did appear that Springfield fell within their limits, which,
by a mistake, had been hitherto taken for a member of
Hartford jurisdiction ; so the loss fell upon them that
were not content with an equal allotment ; for the busi-
ness had else never been so narrowly looked into, as is
said, if injury had not been offered to some that were there
planted, and supposed to be under their jurisdiction.
On the other side, toward Pascataqua, some gentlemen,
that had a long time tried the pleasure of being lords,
to have none to rule over them, but finding they were
not able to manage or carry on what they had taken in

37S GENERAL HISTORY

hand, were pretty williiiji^ to he eased of the burthen, and
therefore petitioned the Massachusetts, by several hands
subscribed, and some oi^ their patentees, in the name of
the rest, to accept of them into their government; which
they did, not so much out of ambition of the power, as
compassion to the poor inhabitants, who had been almost
wearied out with dissensions among themselves, both in
their civil as well as church affairs, if not in danger to be
ruined thereby. The lords and gentleme<i, which had
these two patents, finding no means to govern the people
there, ,nor restrain them from spoiling their timber,
agreed to assign all their interest of jurisdiction to the
Massaciiuseus, reserving the land to themselves, as is
said by tiiem who took notice of things that passed in
those times. So that on Sej)t. 24, 1641, the iniiabitants
on the sou'h side of Pascataqua, both at Dover and
Strawberry Bank, (since Portsmouth,) were declared to
belong to the MassLichusr-tts jurisdiction, and in pursu-
ance thereof a committee was cliosen to order matters
accordingly. A villaae this year was granted at Billeri-
ca ; another the next year on Ipswich river, called since
Topsfield.

Qn the 18th of May, 1642, the government of the
Massachusetts fell ng<un into the hands of that honoura-
ble gentleman, Mr. VVinlhrop, the deputy's place re-
maining widi Mr. Endicot; at which election, also, Mr.
Samuel Symonds, a geiuleman of an ancient and wor-
shipful family, from Yeldham, in Essex, was added to
the number of the assistants. At this court, a body of
laws, that had been a long time under debate, were now
established; reserving a liberty in some lesser offences to
alter the penalty according to circumstances, about which
there WiS much agitation in the general court. By this
time the college at Cambridge was brought to some per-
fection, and feoffees were this year appointed, viz. all the
magistrates of the colony, and the elders of the six next
adjoining churches; a needful provision for the taking
care of the sons of the prophets, over whom we know of

OF NEW ENGLAND, # Z^S

old they were set that vrere able, both as prophets to
teach, aiKl judges to rule and govern.

May the 10th, 1643, Mr. Winthrop was again chosen
governour, and Mr. Endicot deputy governour. This
year the practice of Dover, and the other inhabitants, en-
couraged those of Exeter to follow their example, who
were in like manner, upon their petition, received under
the government of the Massachusetts, and accordingly
declared to belong thereto.

May 29, 1644, Mr. Endicot was a second time chos-
en governour, and Mr. Winthrop deputy governour, and
Mr. Dudley, the first major general, was chosen at this
election. This year the Anabaptists began to grow
troublesome in the Massachusetts, which irritated the
zeal of some principal persons in the country to sharpen
the edge of authority against them, the court being by
this occasion put on to make laws against them, as is in-
timated before, but with what success is hard to say ; all
men being naturally inclined to pity them that suffer,
how much soever they are incensed against offenders in
general. But natural conscience, and the reverence of a
Deity, that is deeply engraven on the hearts of all, makes
men more apt to favour them that suffer for religion,
(true or false,) on which consideration some are ready to
think, that corrosives and sharp medicines do but draw
evil and malignant humours to the ill affected part, and
therefore they say of all arguments against corrupt opin-
ions those are the least proper, and most ineffectual, that
conclude in ferio ; the worst mode and figure lor a re-
ligious topick. Though men had need take heed on
what account they take sanctuary in the holy place of con-
science, which is God's throne ; for, as one sailh, God,
who is a God of truth, hath appointed no city of refuge
for presumptuous sinners, such as are the father of lies,
and murtherer of souls, or any of his instruments. Joab
must be taken from the horns of the altar. However, it
were well if all those, who cannot complv with the re-
ligion of tne state and place where they live, yet had so
much manners as not to justle against it, nor openly

374 GENERAL HISTORY

practise that that is inconsistent therewith, as if they
would bid a kind of defiance thereunto. Moses would
not do that in Egypt, upon the account of rehgious wor-
ship, th it might seem a matter of abomination, to them
that were lords of the place ; especially where the differ-
ence is not in the circumstantial but in the essential
parts of religion, as that of the Quakers and Anabaptists.
Therefore the repressing of those kind of persons put the
government upon inquiry into the nature and intent of
the patent, and the power invested in the general court
thereby, whether legislative and jurisdictive, or directive
and consultative; and upon consultation had, with the wis-
est, most learned and judicious in the place, it was, by an
unanimous consent, determined in the affirmative, in re-
spect of all those several kinds of power, wherein the
general court rested satisfied.

The next year Mr. Dudley took his turn again at the
helm of the government, being chosen thereunto. May
14, 1645, to whom was joined Mr. Winthrop as deputy;
who, while he lived, was almost always either governour
or next him that supplied that place. But this year he
met with much opposition from his neighbours of Hing-
ham, w^ho were borne out therein, as was usually done,
by one of the magistrates, that in some things seemed
much prejudiced against him ; the particulars may be
declared afterwards, or in another way.

As the country had hitherto begun to flourish in most
English manufactures, so liberty was this year granted
to make iron ; for which purpose a work was set up at
Lynn, upon a very commodious stream, which was very
much promoted, and strenuously carried on, for some
considerable time ; but at length, \\/hcthcr faber autfor-
ceps^ aut ars, igfiara fefe/lit, instead of drawing out bars
of ir<jn, tor the country's u.-se, there was hammered out
nothing but contention and lawsuits, which was but a
bad return for the undertakers ; however it gave the oc-
casion to others to acquaint themselves with that skill, to
the great advantage of the colonies, who have since that
time found out many convenient places where very good

y"

OF NEW ENGLAND. 375

iron, not much inferiour to that of Bilboa, may be pro-
duced ; as at this day is seen in a village near Topsfield,
seven or eight miles west from Ipswich.

In the following years troublesome occurrents have
fallen out, occasioned by the civil wars in England ;
whence it came to pass that sundry shipmasters, upon
pretence of a commission from the parliament, seized
some ships in the harbour of Boston, without the license
or privity of the court there, taking them to belong to
some of the king's party, which, in the language of those
times, was interpreted enemies to the parliament. These
things done on the sudden, by a prevailii g party, could
not be helped; for ofttimes might overcomes right, ac-
cording to the proverb, else there were some upon the
phce that could have adventured much to have secured
the harbour.

CHAP. XLVI.

Various occurrents in New England^ from 1641 to 1646.

At this time the people of New England were as-
saulted with difficulties about their subsistence, with other
various accidents, concerning the limits of the civil pow-
er, conspiracy of the Indians, uniting of the colonies,
with several more troubles, both intestine and foreign.
For the great turn of affairs, that happened at this time,
putting a stop to tiie wonted way of their subsistence in
New England, occasioned many, through want of faith
and patience to wait upon God and observe his provi-
dence, to run themselves into divers straits and diffi-
culties ; as not being able to see a way of livelihood any
longer in the wilderness, not considering the words of
the Psalmist, "Trust in the Lord and do good ; so shalt
thou dwell in the land, and verily thou shalt be fed." For
many began now to inquire after the southern parts, be-
ing much taken with the supposed advantages, and easy
way of living, in Virginia, and the Caribbee islands, es-
pecially the isle of Providence, which at this time was in
great request ; as if there were any place of the earth

376 WENERAL HISTORt

where that part of the curse should not take place, " Iri
the sweat of thy brows thou shah eat thy bread." But the
ease and plenty of those countries was so taking with
many» as they sold rheir estates there in New En.2;land,
to transplant themselves and families to that Spanish isl-
and ; the chief of whom was a gentleman of good es-
teem in the countr}'^, one of the patentees, a man of great
activirv, and one of the first beginners in the promoting
the plantation of the Massachusetts. He was labouring
much in this new design ; for his estate being somewhat
low for wi'nt of prudent managing, he offered his service
to the lords that had the interest in the said isle, (to whom
he was well known,) and was by them accepted for their
next governour, and thereupon laboured much to draw
on others to join with him in this (as it was judged) un-
warrantable course. For though it was thought very
needfnl to further the plantation of Protestant churches
in the West Indies, and all were willing to endeavour it,
yet it was looked upon as very unsuitable for those that
had but new begun to peopl<? another part of America,
(more agreeable to the temper and condition of Eiiglish-
men,) and with the disparagement of that place, wherein
they could not but take notice of many signal providences
of God, tending to the establishment thereof. But men
that were engaged in the design would not be taken off
by such considerations as were laid before them by the
wisest of the place where they were, viz. not only to dis-
courage the hearts of their brethren, whom they had at
the first occasio-ied to remove into the wilderness, but to
expose themselves to the danger of a potent enemy, (the
Spaniard,) and a new climate, they had no experience of,
and to be under the command of those uhich should be
set over them by others. These motives prevailed with
some to alter their resolution, yet others persistc d strong-
ly therein, not taking notice of sundry remarkable provi-
dences that crossed their first attempts.

The gentlemen of the Massachusetts were credibly in-
formed how the lord Say had laboured, by discouraging
their plantation, to divert men from coming to them, and

OF NEW ENGLAND, 877

SO to draw them to the West Indies, and how, finding
that wise men were unwilling to come under such gov-
ernours as were not chosen by themselves, &c. they had
condescended to divers articles suited to that form, al-
though they had formerly declared for an aristocracy,
and an hereditary magistracy, to be settled upon some
great persons, &c. Mr. VVinthrop, the usual governour
of the Massachusetts, had written to the lord Say about
the, reports aforesaid, and shewed his lordship how evi-
dent it was that God had chosen that country to plant his
people if, and that it would be displeasing unto him to
hinder that work, and persuade such as were still inclined
(if not by their presence, yet by their assistance) to pro-
mote it, to desist, by insinuating into their minds that
there was no possii^iiity of subsistence there ; and told
him that God would never have sent so many of his peo-
ple thither, if he had not seen the place sufficient to main-
tain them, or that he intended to make it such. His
lordship returned answer that he could not deny much of
what was written, nor the evidence of God's owning his
people in the country of New England, but alleged it
was a place appointed only for a present refuge, and that
a better place being now found out, they ought all to re-
move thither. But it is not good judging of things at
so great a distance, and to depend upon uncertain reports
in things of so great moment. Their lordships that were
so highly persucided of the West Indies, and their plan-
tation at Providence there, were soon after convinced,
by the loss of ihe island to the Spaniards, ^and 60,000
pounds charge they had been at, that they had raised
their hopes but on a sandy tbundation. And the gcntle-
niRn forementioned, Mr. J. H. who with the disparage-
ment of New England had maintained his hopes of a full
supply from the Spanish Providence, was that year awak-
ened, by a solemn providence of Heaven, to consider bet-
ter of his ways ; for his barn, with all his corn and hay,
was in the year 1640 consumed by fire, through the care-
lessness of his servants ;. and himself and family being, in
48

S78 GENERAL HISTORY

spite of all his endeavours for Providence, detained in
New England another season.

But the next year, news was brought to New England
that a church being gathered at Providence the pastor,
one Mr. Sherwood, with another minister, were sent
home prisoners into England, by one Carter, the deputy
governour, (a merciful providence of God to them,
whereby they escaped being made prisoners by the Span-
iards, soon after ;) and letters came also from the rest of
the church to New England, complaining of the perse-
cution of their magistrates and others, and desiung help
from them. Many that were before resolved, and pre-
paring for the island, were the more encouraged, and
drew on others, that did not so well approve of the de-
sign before, to hasten away thither, which might caution
others, (considering the issue,) not to build too much up-
on Providences, without a surer rule from the word or
revealed will of God ; for, immediately after, Mr. Wil-
liam Peirse, (that had been very serviceable in transport-
ing passengers to New England,) with two vessels,
(wherein were much goods, and some families,) bound
tor the island of Providence, were unhappily disappoint-
ed of their entertainments, by the Spaniards, that had
newly retaken the place ; so as the said Mr. Peirse, pass-
ing towards the island, was shut in within command of
the fort, before he discerned the danger ; but then sud-
denly was slain, with another active man, (that was for-
ward in carrying on the business,) before they could tack
about ; beirtg then forced to return to the despised coun-
try of New England, with shame and sorrow ; having
some encouragement left in their minds from the last
chapter in Genesis, which tlie master read in the morn-
ing, " Behold I die, but God will surely visit you," &c.
for it is said, that as they touched at Christopher's, and
hearing that there was some probability the island might
be taken by the Spanish fleet, (which was then abroad,)
he would have persuaded the passengers to return back,
but they would not hearken in time to good advice, and
that then Mr. Peirse should reply, Then I am a dead

OF NEW ENGLAND. 379

man ; as if he had received the sentence of death in him-
self, as ofttimes cometh to pass.

This solemn accident brought some of them at last to
see their errour, and acknowledge it to their friends at
their return, Sept. 3, 1641. They were very loath to
return back, and would have been set ashore any where
in the warm country of the West ladies, but the seamen
would not be overruled so to do.

A vessel that returned at that time from the isle of Sa-
bles made a better voyage, bringing 400 pair of seahorse
teeth, with divers tun of oil, besides much other goods of
like sort, which they left behind, worth 1500 pounds.
And others also, in those times, did vvith more advan-
tage improve the islands of the West Indies in a way of
traffick, still keeping their residence in New England.

But now the plantation at the Spanish island being laid
aside, those that v/ere disaffected to New England, not
discerning at the present a way of subsistence, nor having
patience and confidence in the Almighty to wait upon
him, till a door of hope were opened by his wisdom and
goodness, took their flight elsewhere. Whether they have
thereby mended themselves, considering the hazards
they have run, in making out their way, themselves are
best able to judge. The affairs of the world are carried
in a moveable wheel, wherein it is oft found that what
is highest in one season is laid quite underneath soon af-
ter.

The gentleman forementioned (so strongly bent to re-
move) did at last himself go over into England, leaving
his children behind, without taking due care for their
governing and education, whereby there were divers of
them (being under age) shamefully abused and defiled by
wicked persons, to such an high degree as the wisest in
the country were at a loss to design any punishment,
short of death, suitable to the nature of their offences.
For, as was observed of old, children left to themselves,
bring her that bare them to shame. Thus was this fam-
ily strangely, though secretly polluted, though it brake
not out till he had left the country, which he had been

S8Q liENERAL HISTORY

contriviriE^ to do divers years before, ai^ahist the advice of
his best friends.

Biit besides these afflictive dispensations about their
subsistence ; as ia the former lustre, the people of -New
EPigland were exercised with ecclesiastical troubles, so
in this, with many difficulties in their civil affairs.

The general court, held in the 10th month, 1641, was
not without uncomfortable agitations, and contentions,
principally occasioned in a case wherein the deputy gov-
ernour was concerned about a mortgage of land ; there-
by was all bi.siness retarded, and an occasion of grief to
godly minds, and of reproach to the court. There are
dead flies in the apothecary's best ointment. But such
intirmities, like dark shades in portraitures, and acupict
embroideries, do not take away from the beauty of the
whole piece in the issue. However, according to the old
observ'ation, that good laws take their original from bad
manners, on that condition an wholesome law was made
for recording all deeds of conveyance, whether absolute
or conditional, that so neither creditors might be defraud-
ed, nor courts troubled with vexatious suits, and endless
contentions, about sales and mortgages. Righteousness
exalteth a nation, and maketh them honourable, even in
the sight of very heathen, as was manifest at this time
amongst the Indians, in their observation of the proceed-
ings of the English. For in the year 1642, those of New
Haven, intending a plantation at Delaware, sent some to
purchase a large portion of land from the Indians there.
But when they refused to deal with them, it so fell out
that a Pequot sachem, who had fled his country in the
time of the wars with them, and seated himself there up-
on that river, was accidentally present at that time, and
taking notice of the English, and their desire, persuaded
the other sachem to deal with them, and told him that
howsoever they had killed his countrymen, and driven
him out, yet they were honest men, and had just cause
to do what they did, for the Pequots he owned had done
them wrong, and refused to give them reasonable satis-
faction, which was demanded. Whereupon the sachem

OF NEW ENGLAND. 381

entertained them, and let them have what land they de-
>sired.

In the year 1642, the isles of Shoals being found to
fall within the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, and hav-
ing submitted to the government thereof, were provoked
to revolt from them, by one Mr. Gibson, a scholar, whom
they had entertained in the nature of a minister, and he
exercised that function after the manner of the church of
England. He had been sent to Richmond island, that
belonged to Mr. Trelany, but not liking to abide there
he removed to Pascataqua, Strawberry Bank, and so at
last came to an employment amongst the fishermen at
the Shoals. While he officiated there he was incensed by
some speeches in a sermon of Mr. Larkham's, the min-
ister of Dover, wherein he inveighed against such hire-
lings. Mr. Gibson, in way of retaliation, or rather re-
venge, sent him an open letter, wherein he scandalized
the government of the Massachusetts, and opposed their
title to those parts ; but being called in question by
them, whose authority he had contemned at a distance,
he submitted himself to an acknowledgement of his of-
fence, and was discharged, (in regard he was a stranger,)
without either fee or fine.

In the same year, 1642, one Darbyfield, an Irishman,
with some others, travelled to an high mountain, called
the White Hills, an hundred miles, or near upon, to the
west of Saco. It is the highest hill in these parts of
America. They passed through many of the lower and
rainy clouds as they ascended up to the top thereof, but
some that were there afterwards, saw clouds above them.
There is a plain of sixty feet square on the top, a very
steep precipice on the u'est side, and all the country-
round about them seemed like a level, and much beneath
them. There was a great expectation of some precious
things to be found, either on the top or in the ascent, by
the glistering of some white stones. Something was
found like crystal, but nothing of value. It appeared to
them that made the most diligent observation of the
country round about, that many great rivers of New Eng-

CEVERAL HIST6RT

land rise out of that mountain, as Saco, Kennebeck, to
the north and east, Connecticut, to the south, as they con-
ceived ; as cosmographers observe that four great riv-
ers arise out of the mountains of Helvetia, accounted the
highest land in Europe. In each of those rivers they re-
port, at the first issue, there is water enough to drive a
mill.

In the same year fell out a new occasion of starting the
old question about the negative vote in the magistrates ;
for the country, and all the courts thereof, (general and
particular,) in a manner, were filled with much trouble,
about something that strayed from a poor man's posses-
sion in the year 1636 ; but in this year were revived so
many controversies, about the true title thereof, as en-
gaged all the Wisdom and religion in the country to put
an end thereunto. The poor man's cause is like to en-
gage the multitude with a kind of compassion, against
which, as well as against the bribes of the rich, the law
of God doth caution judges. It proved almost as long
and chargeable as Arrestum Parliamenti Tliolosarini, in
the case of Martin Guerra, to find who vi^as the right
owner of the thing in controversy. It is much to see the
restless and unreasonable striving in the spirit of man,
that a lesser court, that hath power to determine an ac-
tion of an hundred or a thousand pounds, could not put
an issue to a matter of so small a value. It proceeded
so far at the last, (through some prejudice taken up
against the defendant,) that the very foundations of the
whole authority of the country were in danger to be
blown up thereby ; a report being taken up by the com-
mon people of the country that the negative vote of the
magistrates (who did in that, as they should in all cases,
look more to the nature of the evidence than any preoc-
cupating notion or prejudice to or against the plaintiff* or
deiendunt) had hindered the course of justice. On that
occasion it was strongly moved that the said negative
vote might be taken away ; for by the patent no matter
should pass m the general court without the concurrence
of six of the magistrates at- the least, with the governour

OF NEW ENGLAND. 383

or deputy, which in this case could not he found ; there-
fore was it the more on this account sohcitously en-
deavoured that the power of the negative vote in the
general court might be taken away. And it was so impet-
uously now carried on, that there was scarce any possi-
bility to resist the torrent of common fame, jealousy,
****'|- and prejudice of minds, so as at the last, for peace
sake, and quieting the minds of the people in the present
exigence of the said business, the magistrates yielded to
a private reference, as to some circumstances of the ac-
tion ; and the defendant was persuaded to return the
poor woman her charges, i, e. what he had received up-
on the account of a former action, viz. three pounds, as
part of twenty pounds, that was granted by the jury;
which was done rather out of charity, and respect to the
publick good, than out of conviction of duty in point of
justice, as wise men always apprehended the case. But
for the negative vote, it will more naturally fall to be
spoken to afterwards.

July 28, 1642, a Dutch ship arrived at Boston, laden
with salt from the West Indies, which she sold there for
plank and pipe staves, (as good encouragement to pro-
mote the trafficks of the country, then newly set on foot.)
She brought two Spanish merchants, who, being taken
at sea, while they went in a frigate from Domingo, to find
an F.nglish ship which they had freighted home, and was
(by their agreement) stolen out of the harbour, where
she was long imbarred, they hired this Dutchman to
bring them thither, where they had appointed this shij)
to come, (not daring to go into England, or Spain, &c.)
They stayed about a month and after, but their ship came
not ; so they went away again. It was hc^rd afterward
that their ship had been beating upon the coast fourteen
days, but being put back still by northwest winds she
bore up and went for England, and arrived at South-
hampton. The parliament made use of the treasure
which God diverted from New England, that their hearts
might not be taken with her wealth, and that it might not
cause the Spaniard to have an evil eye upon them.

•J- Ms. illegible. Ed.

384 GENERAL HISTORY

Many difficulties falling in together about those times
in New England, put divers that were discontented be-
fore, into such an unsettled franae of spirit, that conclud-
ing there would be no subsistence for them and their
children there, they counted it their wisdom to shift for
themselves in time, and retire to places of safety before
the storm came; but most of them by that means did but
the sooner fall into the misery they hoped to fly from.
Amongst others Mr. J. H, forementioned, with four or
five other persons of note, returning that year for Eng-
land, against the advice of their friends, and thinking
their passage was like to be short and prosperous, gave
too much liberty to their own spirits to speak evil both
of the people and place they left behind them ; possibly
their spirits might be too much elevated by their present
success to expect great matters in the country whither
they were going, as if they had been already in posses-
sion thereof. But when they were upon the coast of
England, the wind came up just against them, and toss-
ed them up and down so long, that they had not only
spent all their provisions, i:)ut at the last were by tempest-
uous winds in danger of being dashed in pieces on the
rocks, which put them into a serious incuir}-, not only
into the grounds of their removal, but into the frame of
their spirits in the way ; by their reflecting on which they
saw cause to humble themselves before God for their
miscarriage therein, and like Jonah to see their great er-
rour in running from the presence of the Lord to Tar-
shish ; where they found afterwards, many of them, that
their hopes were disappointed, as was reported by some,
who knew what entertainment divers of them found
there.

Those who first removed into the country, upon due
grounds, were (implicitly at least) engaged to support
each other in whatever exigents should fall out, and
therefore should not have been too forward to have re-
moved, without the free consent of the rest of their
friends, v> itii whom the}^ were so confederated. It will
be hard to lay down such rules as shall necessarily bind

OP NEW ENGLAND. 385

all particular persons to a strict observation of them,
without some allowance ; but this may be observed here,
that there having so much of God appeared in carrying
on that plantation of New England from the first, those
that were lawfully called to en.^as^e therein had need
have had as clear a call from God before the} had desert-
ed the same. The church of God is not now confined
to a family or nation, as in former ages, but is, in these
days of the gospel, dispersed over the whole world ; and
every part of the same have in every age had their par-
ticular work and service to attend, and may therein ob-
serve the pillar and cloud of God's presence gon)g be-
fore them, to lind out a resting place for them, as they
in New England have now for fifty years together had
experience of; in all which time God hath so ordered his
dispensations toward his people there, that they have found
as comfortable a way of subsistence, by their diligence
and industry, as their friends have done in other places.

Besides the forementioned occurrents, which exercis-
ed the minds of the principal inhabitajits there, in the
year 1642, there was another troublesome business that
then fell out, occasioned by a small treatise, brought
into the court of election that year, directly levelled
against the institution of the standing council, which
the author pretended to be a sinful innovation, and there-
fore ought to be reformed. Upon the first discovery
thereof, the governour moved to have the contents there-
of examined, and then, (if there appeared a cause,) to have
the author inquired after. The greatest part of the gen-
eral court, ^consisting of deputies,) being well persuaded
of the honest intentions of the compiler thereof, (as tend-
ing to favour the liberty of the people,) would not con-
sent thereunto, but desired rather to inquire how it came
into the court. It was at the last yielded to be read in
the court, and it was found to have been made by one
of the assistants, and by him to be delivered to a princi-
pal man among the deputies, to be tendered to the court,
if he should approve of it ; but upon one account or oiher
that gentleman did not acquaint the court with it, butde-
49

386 tiEXERAL HISTORY

livered it to one of the freemen, further to consider of,
Avith whom it remained about half a year, and then was it
(contrar}^ to the first intention of the author) delivered to
one of the principal members of the said council. A
worse hand it could not have fallen into as to the design
aimed at ; for by him, and the rest of the council, it was
complained of, as an attempt to undermine one of the
fundamental orders of the government. An answer was
also drawn up to it, and read at the next sessions of the
court, wherein all the harsher and unpleasing passages
were laid open, with all the aggravations that an able pen
could possibly fasten upon them. Some observations
were likewise made thereof by Mr. Norris, the minister
of Salem, of like nature, (which were also, with some
diraculty, at the same time read in the court,) who not
suspecting the author, handled him more sharply than
otherwise perhaps he would have done, according as he
judged the merit of the matter required.

The governour (who according to the first institution
of the said council was to be president thereof, for the
time being,) moved a second time that the matter of the
book might be considered ; but the whole court would
not admit thereof, except the author were first acquitted
from any censure concerning the said treatise, though
some passages of the same, that were looked upon as
very oiFensive and unwarrantable, vverc mentioned to in-
duce them thereunto. But at the last, the author's in-
demnity from any censure being first voted, the matter of
it was inquired into, and divers expressions therein were
much blamed bv many, as that the said council was first
instituted unwarily to satisfy the desire of Mr. Vane, &c.
whereas it was well knov.-n to many in the court, (as
themselves afirme*!,) that it was upon the advice and so-
licitation of the ministers, and after much deliberation
from couTt to court, established. Some also conceived
that Mr. Cotton had sufiiciently proved, from scripture
and from reason, that the chtef magistrates ought to be
for life, as those of this standing council were (when first
chosen) to be, and therefore any passages that did reflect

OF NBW ENGLAND. 887

upon such a constitution, with reproachful expressions,
were the worse taken, by those that were called to be of
that order. In the conclusion, a motion was made to
take the advice of the ministers of the country, concern-
ing the soundness of the propositions and arguments al-
leged for its confirmation ; accordingly it was agreed by
the whole court that there should be a meeting of all the
uiinisters at Ipswich, on the 18th of October, the same
year, to consider thereof. And being there met, and
taking into their consideration tiiat which was committtd
to them by the general court, though they were different
in their judgments about it, yet at length they all agreed
upon this answer :

First, that the propositions laid down, in the general,
were granted, (widi a distinction in the first,) which w.«re
these : '

1. First, that a christian people (rightly and religious-
ly constituted) have no power, office, administration, or
authority, but such as is commanded and ordained of
God. This was granted witli this limitation ; that all
lawful powers are ordained, &c. either expressly or by
consequence, by particular examples or by general rules.

2. That those powers, offices, 8cc. ordained of God,
&c. being given, dispensed, and erected in such a chris-
tian society, (by his general providence,) projjortioncd
to his rule by their state and condition, established by
his power, carried on and accompanied with his presence
and blessing, ought not to be by them changed or altered
but upon such grounds, for such ends, in such manner,
and so far only, as the mind of God may be manifest
therein.

3. The mind of God is never manifested concerning
the change or alteration of any civil orduiance, erected
or established by him, ?kc. so long as all the ca^es, Cf)un-
sels, services, and occasion thereof may be duly and ful-
ly ended or ordered, executed and performed, without
any change or alteration of government.

Secondly, for the application of tiie aforesaid proposi-
tions to the standing council, and the arguments enforc-

388 GENERAL HISTORY

ing the same. They distinguished between a standing
council invested niih a kind of transient authority,
beyond other magistrates, or else any kind of standing
couiicil, distinct from magistracy. The former they
seemed implicitly to disallow. The latter they approv-
ed as necessary for them, not disproportionable for their
estate, nor of any dangerous consequence, for disunion
among the magistrates, or factions among the people,
(which were the arguments used by the author against
the said council.) Some passages also they wished had
been s^. arcd, and other tilings they found omitted, which
if s'ippiicd might have cleared other passages, which
seei ;ed to reflect upon the gentlemen that were of the
pri ent standing council, which yet they thought not to
b< ol that moment but that, (the uprightness of his in-
te.-tions considered, and the liberty given for advice,) ac-
ctrjdingto the rules of religion, peace, and prudence,
t\ \y might be passed by.

Lastly, they declared their present thoughts about the
moulding and perfecting of a council, in four rules.

1. That all the magistrates by their calling and office,
together with the care of judicature, are to consult for
the provision, protection, and universal welfare of the
people.

2. That some select men, taken out from among the
assistants, or other freemen being called thereunto, be in
special to attend, by way of council, for the provision,
protection, and welfare of the people.

2. This council, or members of it as such, to have no
power of judicature.

4. In cases of instant danger to the people, in the in-
terim, before a general court can be called, (\\hich were
meet to be done with all speed,) whatsoever shall be
consented unio and concluded by this council, or the
major part of them, together with the consent of the
magistrates, or the major part of them, may stand good
and firm till the general court.

In the end, after much agitation in the court and coun-
try about the business, by the wisdom and faithfulness of

OF XEW ENGLAXD. 889

some of the ministers, the author of the aforesaid treatise
was brought to see his errour, which he did ii.genuously
acknowledge, and so was reconciled to those that were
offended thereat ; but some others that had engaged ia
that cause, (possibly upon some particular prejudice,)
manifested too much stiffness to be brou£:ht thereunto.

By this it appears how difficult it is, if possible, for
any order or constitution amongst men to be so warily
stated but some will be found nibbling thereat, and pre-
tend matter of reason and moment to object against it,
and when all is done are forced to sit dosvn with silence
and submission, which they might have done before,
without troubhng themselves or others.

It is well known, by the experience of all places and
people, that some are necessarily called to preside and
take the charge and oversight of the whole series of af-
fairs distinct from their office, that are to intend matters
of judicature. According to the diversity of gifcs man-
kind is furnished withal, many are found to excel in the
faculties of some particular science and profession that
are not of like ability, in point of prudence, to counsel
and advise in managing the general affairs of a people or
place. And it will be equally hard to find a competent
number of any order to have the same degrees of wisdom
and prudence; in case therefore that any notable differ-
ence do appear, what inconvenience will be found in ad-
vancing some of the same order to an higher degree
both of honour and trust. David of old had among his
captains and worthies some that were advanced above
the rest ; and some also that were not advanced among
the first three, were notwithstanding placed in an order
above the rest of the thirty. And in the Persian mon-
archy, we read of three that were set over the rest of the
governours of the w hole number of the provinces.

ijut this business of the book against the standing
council was no sooner ended, but another controversy
was revived about the negative vote, upon occasion of
the forementioned controversy, which at this time, in the
year 1643, was by the restless importunit\^ of some, that

390 GENERAL HISTORY

liked to labour in the fire, called over again ; and this
caused the same question to be moved afresh, about the
magistrates' negative vote in the general court. The^
deputies were very earnest to have it taken away.
Whereup(jn one of the magistrates wrote a small treatise,
wherein he laid down the or igipal of it from the patent,
and the establishing of it by order jaf the general court,
in the year 1634 ; shewing thereby how it was funda-
mental to the government, which if it were taken away
would be a mere democracy. He shewed also the ne-
cessity and usefulness of it, from scripture, reason, and
common practice, &:c. Yet this would not satisfy, but
the deputies were earnest to have it taken away ; and
yet it was apparent, (as some of the deputies themselves
confessed,) the most did not understand it. But where
men's aft'ectioiis are once engaged upon any design,
whether reason persuade to it or not, it is usually with
great earnestness pressed on. Those that were at this
time inclined that way were much strengthened in their
purpose by a discourse that fell into their hands, (drawn
up by one of the magistrates, as was conceived ;) sup-
posing they had now enough clearly to carry the cause,
and avoid the danger of all arguments and reasons laid
down in the former treatise, and therefore pressed ear-
nestly to have the matter presently determined. But the
magistrates told them the matter was of great concern-
ment, even to the very frame of their government, and
that it had bten established upon serious consultation
and consent of all the ministers, and had been continued
without any apparent mischief and inconvenience now
these fourteen years ; therefore it would not be safe nor
convenient to alter on such a sudden, and without the
advice of the miiiisters of the country, offering withal
that if upon such advice and consideration it should ap-
pear to be inconvenient, and not warranted by the patent
and by the said order, &c, tLey should be ready to join
with them in the taking it away. Upon these proposi-
tions their heat was moderated, and an order drawn up
:hat every member of the court should take advice ; and

OF NEW ENGLAND. 891

that it should be no ofFence for any either publickly or
privately with modesty to declare their opinion in the
case ; and that the ministers should be desired to give
their advice, before the next meeting of the court. It was
the magistrates' only care to gain this, that so the people's
minds might be the more easily quieted ; for they knew
the ministers would hear reason, and that so there might
be liberty to reply to tlie said answer of one of the magis-
trates, (very long and tedious, but not with that strength
of reason, as was by some apprehended,) which accord-
ingly was done soon after the court, and published to
good satisfaction. One of the ministers also wrote a
small treatise, wherein he both scholastically and relig-
iously handled the question, laying down the several
forms of government, both simple and mixed, and the
true form of the Massachusetts government, and the un-
avoidable change of the government into a democracy, if
the negative vote were taken away.

Thus the deputies, and the people also, having the
heat of their spirits allayed by time, and their judgments
better informed by what they had learned about it, let the
cause fall, and the gentleman who had written the an-
swer to the first defence, &c. appeared no further in it for
that time ; and it was conceived that there would have
been a final end put to that controversy by an order made
in the next court, March 25, 1644, when there was a
motion of the deputies that the court should sit apart in
tlieir consultations, the magistrates by themselves, and
the deputies by themselves, and what the one agreed
upon they should send to the other, and if both agreed
then to pass, &c. But the controversy could not be so
easily determined, so it was laid aside for that time ; but
afterward it was agreed that in case the major part of the
deputies, and also of the magistrates, did not unite in the
same conclusion, in any matter of judicature, that then
the whole court being met together, the vote of the major
part should put an issue to the case; which establishment
continued for a long time after.

But at the next court of election there arose a ques-

393 fiENERAL HISTORY

tion of another nature, about the extent of the standing
council ; whether all the magistrates were not by the
patent to be reputed of the council of the copntry.

Those of the county of Essex, havin,^ at the former
court procured that the deputies of their shires should
meet before the court, to prepare business, they did ac-
cordingly, and propounded divers things, which they
agitated and consulted among themselves, without com-
municating of them to the other shires, (who conceived
thev had been only such things as concerned the good
of the whole,) but when they came to be put to the court,
it appeared that their chief intent was only to advantage
their own shire ; as by drawing the government courts
and a good part of the country's stock thither, because
the present governour, Mr. Endicot, lived there. En-
deavours were also used for procuring four, of those
parts, to be joined in commission with the magistrates ;
and for this end they had made so strong a party among
the deputies of the smaller towns, (being most of them
ofi mean estate, and that had small understanding in mat-
ters of state,) as they easily carried all those things among
the deputies ; but when the bills came to the magistrates,
they discerned the plot, and that the things were hurtful
to the common good, and therefore refused to pass them ;
and a committee of both parts of the court being appoint-
ed, to consider of the reasons on both sides, those of the
magistrates prevailed. Another motion was then made
for having three of the deputies joined in commission
with seven of the magistrates, to order all the affairs of
the country, in the vacancy of the general court. The
magistrates returned this answer thereunto, that such a
commission tended to the overthrow of the foundation of
the government, and of the freemen's liberty, and
therefore desired the deputies to consider of a way how
this danger might be avoided, and the liberty of the
freemen "preserved inviolable ; else they could not com-
fortably proceed in other affairs. Upon this all the dep-
uties came to confer with the magistrates, who then de-
clared their exceptions against the said proposal. 1. That

OF NEW ENGLAND. 893

this court should create general officers, which the free-
men had referred to the court of election. 2- That they
should put out all the rest of the magistrates, besides the
seven, from that power and trust which the freemen had
committed to them. 3. That they ought not to accept
that power, by commission from the g'eneral court, that
belonged to them by the patent, and by their election.
The deputies had very little to answer to this, yet they
alleged a precedent or two, >vhere the general court had
ordered some of the magistrates, and some others, to be
a council of war ; and that having varied from the pa-
tent in some other things, they were not bound to it in
this ; but they chiefly stood upon this, that the gover-
nour and magistrates had no power out of court but
what was given them by the general court. To which
the magistrates replied, that such examples as were
against rules, or common right, were errours, and no
precedents, and that the said council was for one partic-
ular case only, and not of general extent ; and that those
things wherein they had varied from the patent did not
touch the foundation of the government ; and lastly, that
the governour and assistants had power of government
before they had any written laws or had kept any court ;
and to make a man a governour over a people gives him
(by consequence) power to govern the people, otherwise
there were no power to order or punish in any case that
there were no positive law declared in. It was at last
consented to, that the present court had authority to order
and direct the power of these magistrates for time, place,
persons, Sec. for the common good, but not wholly to
deprive them of it, their office continuing ; so as these
being chosen by the people, according to patent, to gov-
ern the people, (a chief part whereof consists in counsel,)
they are the standing council of the country ; and in the
vacancy of the general court may act in all the affairs
thereof, without any commission. Upon this the depu-
ties withdrew, and after a few hours tendered a commis-
sion for war only, and none of the magistrates to be left
out. But the magistrates refused to accept of any com-
50

39^ GENERAL HISTORY

mission ; but they would consent the same should pass
by order, so as the free power of the mac^istrates were
declared in it, or to a commission of association, to add
three or nine to the magistrates, or to advise with the
ministers, Sec. But this not beinp; admitted, they moved
that the magistrates would consent that nothing might be
done till the court met again, (which was before adjourn-
ed to October.) To this was answered, that if occasion
rcqiiirt d,they mnst act, according to the power and trust
comniitted to them. To which their speaker (daringly
enough) replied, you will not be obeyed. Two days af-
ter, the present court was broke up, before any thing
more was done about the premises ; but upon some in-
tervening oecurrents, about the Indians, it was called to
meet again the next month ; at which time a debate fell
in concerning a commission to be prepared for the major
general. It was agreed upon and sealed ; and in it he
was referred to receive his instructions from the council
of the country ; but who were this council was not
agreed. Whereupon the magistrates (all save two) sign-
ed a declaration in maintenance of their authority, and
to clear aspersions cast upon them, as if they intended
to bring in an arbitrary government, &c. And this they
sent in first to the deputies, with intimation that they in-
tended to publish it. The deputies sent to desire the
publitshing of it might be forborne, and that a committee
might be chosen to state the difference between them,
which was done, and the difference brought under this
question :

Whether the magistrates are by patent and election of
the people the standing council of the country, in the va-
cancy of the general court, and have power accordingly
to act in all things subject unto government, according
to the rules oi tiie said patent, and laws of the jurisdic-
tion ; and when any necessary occasions call for action
from authority, in cases wherein there is no particular ex-
press law provided, there to be guided by the word of
God, till the general court give particular rules in such
cases ?

OP NEW ENGLANJ*. 893

This difference being thus stated, the deputies drew
up this order follovvinoj, and sent it to the magistrates :
Whereas, there is a difference between the governourand
assistants, and the deputies of this court, concerning the
power of the magistrates, in the vacancy of the general
court ; we thereupon, {salvo jure,) for the peace and
safety of the colony, do consent that the governour and
assistants shall take order for the welfare of the people,
in all sudden cases which may happen within the juris-
diction, until the next session of this court, when we de-
sire this question may be determined.

This they accepted, (with the salvo jure,) but they re-
fused another, which they had sent before in these words :
We do authorize those three, which are of the standing
council, to proceed, &.C.

Upon this agreement they consented that their decla-
ration should remain with the secretary, and not to be
published without the consent of the major part of the
magistrates, which they intended not to do, except they
were necessitated thereunto, by the deputies' misreport
of their proceedings ; and indeed some of the magis- "
trates did decline the publication thereoP, upon this ap-
prehension, that it would cause a publick breach thiough
the country ; and if it should come to that, the pc-ple
would fall into factions, and the noii members would
certainly take part with the magistrates, (they should not
be able to avoid that,) and it would make them and their
cause, though never so just, obnoxious to the common
sort of freemen, the issue whereof must needs be very
doubtful.

In the end of October following, the general court as-
sembled again, and all the ministers were sent for to re-
concile the difference between the magistrates and the
deputies ; aiid when they were come, they put the ques-
tion to them, as it was stated the last session. After they
had received the question they withdrew fortonsultation
about it, and the next dav were readv to attend tl;e court
with their answer. The deputies sent four of their num-
ber as a committee to hear their answer, which was af-

396 «;bneral history

firmative on the magistrates' behalf, in the very words of
the question, not one dissenting.

Upon the return of this answer the deputies prepared
other questions to be projjounded likewise to the mniis-
ters, and sent them first to the magistrates to take a view
of them. The magistrates also prepared four questions,
and sent them to the deputies.

The magistrates' questions, with the ministers' an-
swer, were,

1. Whether the deputies in the general court have ju-
dicial and magistratical authority ?

2. Whether the general court, consisting of magis-
trates and deputies, as a general court, have judicial and
magistratical authority ?

3. Whether they may warrantably prescribe certain
penalties to offences, which may probably admit varia-
ble degrees of guilt ?

4. VV'hetht r a judge be bound to pronoimce such sen-
tence as a positive law prescribes, in case it be apparent-
ly above or beneath the merit of the offence ?

The ministers' answer.

1. The patent in express words giveth full power and
authority, as to the governour and assistants, so to the
freemen also assembled in general court.

2. Whereas there is a threefold power of magistrati-
cal authority, viz. legislative, judicial, and consultative
or directive of the publick affairs of the country, for
provision and protection, &c. The first of these is ex-
pressly given to the freemen, jointly with the governour
and assistants. The third is also granted by the patent
as the other. But for the second, the power of judica-
ture, if we speak of the constant and usual administra-
tion thereof, we do not find that it is granted to the free-
men or deputies in the gent ral court, either by the pa-
tent or the election of the people, or by any law of the
country; but if we speak of the occasional administration
thereof, we find power of judicature administrable by the
freemen, jointly with the governour and assistants, upon
a double occasion, 1. In case of defect or delinquency of

«r NEW ENGLAND. 397

a magistrate, the whole court (consisting of magistrates
and deputies) may remove him. 2. If by the law of the
country there he any appeal to the general court, or any
special cauee be relerred to their judgment, it will .-itces-
sarily infer that in such cases, by such laws, the freemen,
jointly with the governour and assistants, have power of
judicature, touching the appellant's cause of appeal ; and
for those reserved cases, what is spoken of tiie power of
freemen by patent, the same may be said of the deputies,
so far forth as the power of the freemen is delegated to
them by order of law.

3, 4. As to tiie third and fourth questions, they
answer :

i. Certain penahies nr-y and ought to be prescribed
to capital crimes, although they may admit variable de-
grees of guilt ; as in case of prepensed malice and sud-
de-. prov jcaLion there is prescribed the same nunishment
of death in ijoth, th')Ugh murder upon pre) ti: bed malice
be of far greater guilt than upon suddt-n provocation,
Nuiiib. xKxv, 16 — J 8, vvith 20, 21, Also in crimes of
less guilt, aa theft ; thoui^h sonie theft may be of L^reater
guiii than otiier, (as for some man to steal who hath less
need is of greater guilt than for another who ht^th more
need,) the Lord prescribed the same measure of restitu-
tion to both.

2, In case that variable circumstances of an offence do
so much vary the degrees of guilt, as that the offence is
raised to an higher nature, there that must be varied to
an higher answerable proportion. '1 he striking of a
neighbour may be punished vvith some pecuniary mulct,
when the striking of a father may be punished with death ;
so any sin committed with an high hai d, as the gather-
ing of sticks on the Sabbath day, may be punished with
death, when a lesser punishment may serve for gather-
ing sticks privately and in some need.

3. In case circumstances do so vary a sin, as that many
sins are complicated and wrapped up in it, the penalty is
to be varied, according to the penalties of those various
sins. A single lie may be punished with a less mulct

398 GENERAL HISTORY

than that which is told before the judgment seat, or else-
where to the damage of any person, whether in his good
name, by slander, or in his estate, by detriment in his
commerce ; in which case a lie, aggravated by such cir-
cuiiistances, is to be puni^ed with Irespect both to a lie,
and to a slander, and to the detriment another sustaineth
theieby.

4. In case the circumstances which vary the degrees
of guilt concern only the person of the offender, as
whetner it be the first offence or customary, or whether
he were enticed thereto or whether he were the enticer,
whether he were the principal or the accessary, wliether
he were unadvised or wittmg and willing, &c. there it
were meet the penalty should be expressed, (supposed five
shilhngs or, as the case may be, five stripes,) and the
highest degree twenty shillings or twenty stripes, more
or less; within which compass, (jr latitude, it may bt free
to a magistrate to aggravate or mitigate the penalty, &c.
yet even here also care would be taken that a magistrate
attend in his sentence, as much as may be, to a certain
rule in these circumstances ; lest some persons, whose
sins be alike circumstanced with others, if their punish-
ments be not equal, may think themselves more unequal-
ly dealt withal than others.

5. In those cases wherein the judge is persuaded in
conscience that a crime deserveth a greater punishment
than the law iuflicteth, he may lawfully pronounce sen-
tence according to the prescript penalty, f^c. because he
hath no power committed to him by law to go higher ;
but where the law may seem, to the conscience of the
judge, to inflict a greater penalty than the offence deserv-
eth, it is his part to suspend his sentence, till by confer-
ence with the lawgivers he find liberty either to inflict the
sentence or to mitigate it.

6. The penalties of great crimes may sometimes be
mitigated, by such as are in chief power, out of respect
to the publick good service, which "the delinquent hath
done to the state in former times, as Solomon did to
Abiathar, 1 Kings ii. 26, 27.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 399

Questions propounded to the ministers by the depu-
ties.

Quest. 1. Whether the governourand assistants have
any power by patent to dispense justice, in the vacancy
of the general court, without some law -or order of the
same to declare the rule ?

Ans. They answer negatively ; and further they cau-
tion it meet the rule should be express for the regulating
all particulars, as far as may be, and where such cannot
be had, to be supplied by general rules.

Quest. 2, Whether any general court hath not power
by patent, in particular cases, to choose any commission-
ers, (either assistants or freemen,) exempting all others,
and to give them commission to set forth their power and
places? By any ' particular case' they mean in all things,
and in the choice of all officers, that the country stands in
need of, between election and election ; not taking away
the people's liberty in elections, nor turning out any offi-
cer so elected by them, without shewing any cause.

Ans. 1. If the terms * all things' imply or intend all
cases of constant judicature and counsel, we answer nega-
tively, &c. because then it would follow that the magis-
trates might be excluded from all cases of constant ju-
dicature and counsel, which is their proper and principal
work, whereby also the end of the people's election would
be frustrated.

2. But if these terms * all things' imply or intend cases
(whether occasional or others) belonging neither to con-
stasit judicature nor counsel, we answer affirmatively,
&c. which yet we understand with this distinction, viz.
that if the affiiirs, committed to such officers and com-
missioners, be of general concernment, we conceive the
freemen, according to patent, are to choose them, the
general court to set forth their powers and places.
Whereas we give cases of constant judicature and coun-
sel to the magistrates we thus interpret the word * coun-
sel.' Counsel consists of care and action. In respect of
care the magistrates are not limited. In respect of ac-
tion they are to be limited by the general court, or by the
supreme council.

400 <iENERAL HISTORY

Finally, it is our humble request that in case any dif-
ference grow in the general court, between magistrates
and deputies, either in these or anv other cases, which
cannot presently be issued with mutual peace, that both
parlies will please to defer the satiie to further delibera-
tion, for the honour of God and of the court.

Upon other propositions, made by the deputies, the
ministers gave this further answer, viz.

That the general court, consistiMg f>f magistrates and
deputies, is the chief civil power of this country, and may
act in all things bel(jnging to such a puwcr^ both con-
cerning counsel, and in consulting about the weight) af-
fairs of the country, and concerning making of laws, and
concerning judicature, in orderly impeaching and sen-
tencing any officers, even the highest, according to law;
likewise in receiving appeals, whether touching civil or
criminal cases, wherein appeals are or shall be allowed
by the general court, (provided that all such apjieals
proceed orderly from intenour courts to the court of as-
sistants, and from thence to the general court, or if the
case there first depending in the court of assistants then
to proceed from thence to the general court,) in all such
cases as are appealable : [" as in cases evidently against
law, or in cases wherein the subject is sentenced to ban-
ishment, or loss of limb, or life, without any express law,
or in cases weight}* and difficult, (not admitting small
matters, the pursuit whereof would be more burdensome
to the court and country than behooffiil to the appellant,
nor needlessly interrupting the ordinary course ol justice,
in the court of assistants, or other inferiour courts ;) pro-
vided, also, that if it do appear that the appeal proceed
not out of regard of right, but from delay of justice, and
out of contention, that a due and just pu-iishment be by
law ordained and inflicted on such appellant;"] that no
magistrate have power to vary from tiie penali} of any
law, &c. without consulting with the general court.

Quest. 3. Whether the titles of governour, deputy,
and assistants do necessarily imply magistratical author-
ity in the patent ?

OF NEW ENGLAND. 40i

Ans. The ministers' answer was affirmative.

Quest. 4. Whether the magistrates' power be not giv-
en by the patent to the peojile, or general court, and by
them to the governour and assistants?

Ans. The magistrates' power is given to the gover-
nour, &c. by the patent ; to the people is given, by the
same patent, to design the persons to those places of
government ; and to the genera! court power is given to
make laws, as the rules of tlieir administration.

These resolutions of the ministers were after put to
vote, and were ail allowed to be received, except the last
clause, in answer to the second question.

Most of the deputies were now well satisfied concern-
ing the authority of the magistrates, &c. but some few
leading men (who had drawn on the rest) were still fixed
upon their own opinions ; so hard it is to draw men
(though wise and godly) from the love uf the fruit of
their own inventions.

Mr. Winthrop, at this time deputy governour, having
formerly, and from time to time, opposed the deputies'
claim of judicial authority, and the prescribii>g of set
penalties in cases which may admit variable degrees of
guilt, occasioned some to suspect that he, and some other
of the magistrates, did affect an arbitrary govcriunent.
He now wrote a small treatise of that point, shewing what
arbitrary government was, and that the government (in
the state it now stood) was not arbitrary, neither in the
ground and foundation of it, nor in the exercise and ad-
ministration thereof, which tended nmch to the satisfac-
tion of them that desired distinctly to understand the na-
ture of these things.

CHAP. XLVH.

Troubles occa.v.oned to the Massachusetts mhabitants by
one Samuel Gorton^ and his company, all (f them noto-
rious familists.

Two Indian sachems having submitted themselves
to the government of the Massachusetts, for fear of the
51

40S GENERAL HISTORY

Narra,s;ansets, their more potent neighbours, and that
they might be protected from the injuries of some vag'a-
bond English, (astht^y are calied in Sir Ferdinando Gor-
ges' History of New England, page 38,) were after that
fiuljmission of theirs many ways molested by the said
English, which occasioiicd much tiouble to themselves,
as well as to the Massachusetts, and the other English
plantations round about them. This disturbance hap-
pened in the year 1643. The evil consequences of which
continued some years, and occasioned as well the death
of Miantonimo, the great sachem of the Narragansets,
as the ruin of their own estates.

The ringleader of those English at Providence was
one Samuel Gorton, (as saith Mr. Cotton, in the Bloody
Tenet Washed, page 5 and 6,) a citizen of London, a
man of an haughty spirit, and very heretical principles, a
prodigious minter of exorbitant novelties, even the very
dregs of familism. He arrived first at Boston, in the year
1636, and continued a while there, till a reverend minis-
ter of London (Mr. Walker) sent over directions to some
.friends to demand an hundred pound debt of him,
which he having borrowed of a citizen, the citizen be-
queathed it to some good use, whereof Mr. Walker was
called to some trust. But when Gorton departed out of
this jurisdiction to Plymouth, and there beginning to
spread some of his opinions, to the disturbance of the
church, and fearing disturbance to himself, and because
he could not procure sufficient bail for his good a bearing
in the place, he came to Rhode Island, and there, raising
some seditious opposition against the magistrates, he
met with publick correction. From thence therefore he
went to Providence, the place where Mi^Roger Wil-
liams and hiis friends had sat down, and there abusing the
poor Indians by taking away their lands, aiid some Eng-
lish there that had submitted to the Massachusetts, they
comjilained to the Massachusetts, (to whom^ they had
submitted themselves,) of that and other injuries, which
they had suffered. The court of the Massachusetts sent
over to Gorton and his company to come down, and

OP NEW ENGLAND. 403

shew what right they had to those lands, which they had
taken from those Indians, their subjects. But Gorton
and his company, instead of coming or sending any to
clear their right, sent two books, written by some of
themselves, full of vile heresies and malignant blasphe-
mies, against Christ, and against his churches, his minis-
ters, ordinances, and magistrates; yet withal offered, that
if they would send their agencs over unto them they
would clear their right to the lands, which they took from
the Indians. The court therefore sent over some with
commission to treat with them, and because Gorton had
threatened the former messengers with the offer of some
violence, they sent as many armed men with these as
might secure their agents from injury ; and incase they
refused to shew the right and equity of their cause, then
to bring some of the principal of them by strong hand to
clear it here. When hither they were come, Gorton de-
sired to speak his mind freely, which being granted he
held it forth, as the mind of himself and his company,
that Christ was incarnate when Adam was made alter
God's image, for God had but one image, and that im-
age was Christ, and this making of Adam in that image
was the exinanition of Clirist. But wh^n it was object-
ed, that that exinanition of Christ was unto life in Adam,
but Christ was to suffer exinanition unto death, he an-
swered, that Christ died when the image of God died ;
and the image of God died in Adam's fall. But when
it was further objected, that Christ's death was the pur-
chase and price of our redemption, but the fall of Adam
was not the price of our redemption, but the cause of
our condemnation, he stopped, having nothing to reply,
and yet would not revoke his hellish blasphemy. This
being all the satisfaction was like to be had of this Gorton
and his companions, after all their insolencies and inju-
ries, they were detained for a time about Boston, atsev-
eral towns, whither they were sent, and where they had
more civil entertainment than they deserved, all the time
of their continuance there; yet were very for\vard in any
publick assembly, where they came, to be venting of

404 OENllRAL HISTORY

their familistical notions. But after some months detain-
ment, authority finding no way to imprint any good in-
struction upon their minds, they were dismissed to their
own homes, as is declared afterwards, where they always
continued secret and malicious enemies to the United
Colonies, like Hadad, the Edomite, that abhorred Israel
to the last, which enmity of theirs principally appeared
in their encouraging the Narragansets to rise in reloellion
against them.

The ground of the quarrel between Gorton's company
and the two sachems, that had submitted to the Massa-
chusetts, was brit'fly this: Saconoroco and Pumham,two
sachems near Providence, having under them two or
three hundred men, finding themselves overborne by
Miantonimo, the sachem of Narraganset, and Gorton
with his company having so far prevailed with Mianton-
imo as he forced one of them to join with him in setting
his hand or mark to a writing, v/hereby a part of his land
was sold to them, for which Miantonimo received, but
the other sachem would not receive that which was for
his part, alleging that he did not intend to sell his land,
though, for fear of Miantonimo, he had put his mark to
the writing, thereupon those two sachems came to the
governour of the Massachusetts, and by Benedict Ar-
nold, their interpreter, did desire they would receive
them under their government, and withal brought a small
present of wampam, about ten fathom. The governour
gave them encouragement, but referred them to the
court, and received their present, intending to return it
to them again, if the court should not accord to them.
The governour acquainted another of the magistrates
with this matter, and both agreed to write to Gorton and
his company, to let them know what tho sachems had
complained of, and how they had tendered themselves to
come under their jurisdiction, and therefore if they had
any thing to allege against it, they should come or send
to their next court, &c. They sent also to Miantonimo
to signify the same to him. Whereupon, in the beginning
©f the court, Miantonimo c^me to Boston, and being de-

or NEW ENGLAND. 405

manded in open court, before divers of his own men,
and Cutshamakin, a sachem near Boston, with other In-
dians, whether he had any interest in the other two sa-
chems, as his subjects, he could not prove any ; and Cut-
shamakin also, in his presence, affirmed that he had no
interest in them, but that they were as free sachems as
himself, only, because that he was a great sachem, they
had sometimes sent him some presents and aided him in
his wars against the Pequots ; and Benedict Arnold, the
interpreter, partly upon his own knowledge, and partly
upon the relation of divers Indians of those parts, told
them the Indians did usually pay their deer skins to those
two sachems, and not to Miantonimo, (which deer skins
are a tribute usually paid to their chief sachem,) which
Miantonimo could not contradict. Whereupon it was
referred to the governour and some other magistrates and
deputies to send for the two sachems after the court, and
to treat with them about their receiving them into their
jurisdiction. But before this, Gorton and his company,
instead of coming to the court at Boston, sent a writing
of four sheets of paper, full of reproaches against the
magistrates, ministers, and churches, and stuffed hke-
wise with absurd familistical stuff, and wherein they jus-
tified the purchase of the sachems' lands, and professed
to maintain it to the death. They sent word to them af-
terward, as Benedict Arnold reported to them, that if
they sent any men against them they were ready to meet
them, being assured of victory from God, &.c. Where-
upon the court sent two deputies to them, to know
whether they would own that writing, which was sub-
scribed by them all, being about twelve in number. Up-
pon conference they did own the said writing, and justi-
fied it.

The governour also sending for the two sachems, af-
ter the court, thev both of them came to Boston, at the
tmie appomted ; and a form of submission being drawn
up, (which by Benedict Arnold, their neighbour and in-
terpreter, who spake their language very readily, they

4)06 ** GENERAL HISTORY

were made to understand particularly,) they signed it-
openly, which was as foUoweth :

" This writing is to testify that we, Pumham, sachem
of Showamock, and Saconoroco, sachem of Patuxet,
have, and by these presents do, voluntarily, and without
any constraint or persuasion, but of our own free motion,
put ourselves, our subjects, lands, and estates under the
government and jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, to be
governed and protected by them, according to their just
laws and orders, so far as we shall be made capable of
understanding them ; and we do promise for ourselves,
and our subjects, and all our posterity, to be true and
faithful to the said government, and aiding to the main-
tenance tliereof, to our best ability, and from time to
time to give speedy notice of any conspiracies, attempt,
or evil intention of any, which we shall know or hear of,
against the same ; and we do promise to be willing from
time to time to be instructed in the knowledge and wor-
ship of God." And in witness hereof they set their marks,
in the presence of the ministers and many others. And
being told by the court that they did not receive them as
confederates but as subjects, they answered, they were so
little in respect of them that they could expect no other.

These two sachems and their subjects being thus re-
ceived under their jurisdiction, they counted themselves
injustice bound not to suffer them to be abused, as they
complained they were, as did some of the English like-
wise about Patuxet, that had submitted themselves be-
fore this time to the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts;
which was the ground of their sending to fetch Gorton
and his company by force, to give an account of tiieir in-
jurious proceedings aforesaid. And when they were
come, and not being able to allege any thing rational for
their defence, seven of them were sentenced to be dis-
persed into so many several towns, and there kept to
work for their living, and to wear irons upon one leg, and
not to depart the limits of the towns, nor by word or
writing maintain any of their blasphemous and wicked
errours, upon pain of death. This sentence to continue

OP NEW ENGLAND. 407

during the pleasure of the court. There were three more
taken with them in the house, but because they had not
their hands to the letters, they were dismissed ; two of
thcni upon a small ransom, (as captives taken in war,)
and the third freely, for that he was but in his master's
house, 8cc. A fourth, being found to be anMgnorant
young man, was on'y enjoined to abide in Watertown,
upon pain of the court's displeasure. About a week af-
ter this sentence was past on them, they sent men to take
away so many of their cattle as might defray their
charges, both of the soldiers and the court. Many days
being spent about them, the whole of the charges, taking
in their maintenance in prison, was adjudged to amount
to one hundred and sixty pounds. Besides these, there
were three who escaped out of the house, where they
were taken ; these being sent for to come in, two of them
did so; and one of them, because his hand also was not
to the letter, was freely discharged ; the other was sent
home, upon his own bond to appear at the next court,
only some of his cattle were taken likewise towards the
charges. There was a fourth who had his hand to Gor-
ton's first letter, but he died before their soldiers went.
They were detained under the sentence aforesaid, but
finding that they could not keep them from seducing
others, nor yet bring them to any sight of their folly and
wickedness, the general court, in March, 1643, sent them
away with this caution, that they should not come into
any place where the said court had jurisdiction, upon
pain of death.

In the beginning of the year 1643 Cutshamakin and
Masconomo, sachems about Boston and Ipswich, were
received under the protection of the Massachusetts, with
many other Indians, upon the same terms that Pumham
and Saconoroco were, being first made to understand
the articles of agreement, and the ten commandments,
which they solemnly promised to observe, which gave
some ground of encouragement to hope that the time
was at hand that these heathens should embrace the
christian faith ; but their progress that way was not of

s

40S GEXESAL HISTORY

long continuance, like them that followed Christ for
loaves. The sachems also about Watchusets, being en-
couraged by the kindness shewed to Pumham, oflfcred to
submit to their government ; but it was thought to pro-
ceed more from fear of some other eneniit^ Lhan any love
to the Ch-^istian religion. But it seemed that as yet was
not come the day of Christ's power, for tlien his people
shall be willing.

CHAP. XL VIII.

Ecclesiastical affcars in \e-iV England from the year 1641

to 1646.

In the vear 1641 one Mr. Blinman, a ininister in
Wales, came over into New England, with some friends
of his, and being invited to Green's Harbour, near Ply-
mouth, ihev removed thither, and seated themselves
amongst the old planters ; but after a little time they
agreed no better than the piece of new cloth in the old
garment, making a rent so bad that it could never be
made up again ; so they were advised to part, and Mr.
Blinman came with his company and sat down at Cape
Ann, which at a general court, in the same year, was es-
tablished to be a plantation, ar.d called Gloucester.

In the latter end of the same year, some of the inhabit-
ants of Charlesto\m having settled a village within the
bounds of their town, called it \\'obum. They gathered
a church there, and on the 22d of November, 1642, Mr.
Carter was ordained pastor thereof. There was some
little difference a ;out the manner of his ordination ; for
in regard they had no other otScer in their church be-
sides, nor any of their members that thought themselves
fit to solemnize such an ordinance, they were advised by
some to desire the elders of other churches to perform
it, by imposing hands on the said Mr. Carter; but
others, supix)sing it might be an occasion of introducing
Hot dependency- of churches, &c and so of a presbytery,
were not so free to admit thereof, and therefore it was
performed by one of their own members, though not so

»

OF NEW ENGLAND. 409

well to the satisfaction of some of the magistrates and
ministers then present ; and since that time it hath been
more frequent in such cases to desire the elders of neigh-
bouring churches, by virtue of communion of churches,
to ordain such as are by the churches and people chosen
to be their officers, where there are no elders before.

In the year 1644 there was a town erected at Nantask-
et ; and at this time there being near twenty houses built,
and having obtained a minister, it was by the general
court named Hull.

In the year 16 '2, there being an assembly of divines
called by the parliament to sit at Westminster, to con-
sider and advise a!)OUt church government, divers lords
of the upper house, and some members of the house of
commons, with some ministers, who stood for the inde-
pendency of churches, sent letters into New England, to
Mr. Cotton of Boston, Mr. Hooker of Hartford, and
Mr. Davenport of New Haven, to call them, or some of
them, (if all could not,) to assist in the said synod.

Upon this some of the magistrates and ministers as
were at hand met together, and were most of them of
opinion that it was a call of God, yet took respite of con-
cluding till they might hear from Connecticut and New
Haven. Upon the return of the messenger that was sent
to those towns it appeared that Mr. Hooker liked not the
business, nor thought it any sufficient call for them to go
a thousand leagues to confer with a few persons that dif-
fered from the rest in matter of church government.
Mr, Davenport thought otherwise of it ; but the breth-
ren of his church having set tin\e apart to understand the
mind of God in the case, came to this conclusion, that in
regard they had but one officer, they could not see their
way clear to spare him for so long a time as such a jour-
ney required.

Mr. Cotton apprehended strongly a call of God in it,
and was inclinable to have undertaken a journey, (not-
withstanding his natural averseness to a sea voyage,) if
others had attended the same ; but soon after, upon the
receipt of other letters, the difficulty came to an end.
52

410 CBNERAL HISTOIIY

In the same year one Mr. Bennet, a gentleman of Vir-
ginia, arrived at Boston, brini^ing letters with him from
sundry well disposed people there, to the ministers of
New England, bewailing their sad condition for want of
the means cf salvation, and earnestly entreating a supply
of faithful ministers, whom upon experience of their gifts
and godliness they might call to office. Upon these let-
ters, (which were openly read at Boston, on a lecture
day,) the ministers there met, agreed to set a day apart to
seek God in the thing, and agreed upon three, which
might most easily be spared, viz. Mr. Phillips of Water-
town, Mr. Thonipson of Braintree,and Mr. Miller of Row-
ley, (these churc'^es having each of them two ministers,)
which the general court approved of, and ordered that the
governour should commend them, by his letters, to the
governour and council of Virginia. But Mr. Phillips
not being wilhng to go, Mr. Knowles, his fellow labour-
er, and Mr. Thompson were sent away, with the consent
of their churches, and departed on their wiy, on the 7th
of October, 1642, to meet the vessel that should trans-
port them at Narraganset ; but Mr. Miller, because of
his bodily weakness, did not accept the call. Both the
churches were willing to dismiss their ministers to that
work, and the court likewise did allow and further it,
for the advancement of the kingdom of the Lord Jesus,
not fearing to part with such desirable persons, because
they looked at it as seed sown, that might bring in a ,
plentiful harvest. They did also account it as an hon-
our, which God put upon his churches there, that other
parts of the world should send to them for help in that
kind ; for about the sarhe time letters were brought to
them from Barbadoes, and other islands in those parts,
entreating a supply also of ministers.

They that were sent to Virginia were long wind
bound at Rhode Island, and met with many other difficul-
ties, so as they made it eleven weeks of a dangerous pas-
sage before they arrived there, but had this advantage in
the way, that they took a third minister along with them,
viz. Mr. James, (formerly the pastor of the church at

OF NEW ENGLAND. 411

Charlestown,) from New Haven. They found loving
and liberal entertainment in the country, and were be-
stowed in several places, by the care of some honest
minded persons, that much desired their company, rather
than by any care of the governours. And though the diffi-
culties and dangers they were continually exercised with
in their way thither put them upon some question,
whether their call were of God or not, yet were they
much encouraged by the success of their ministry,
through the blessing of God, in that place. Mr. Thomp-
son, a man of a melancholy temper and crazy body,
wrote word back to his friends that he found his health
so repaired, and his spirit so enlarged, that he had not
been in the like condition since he first left England.
But it fared with them, as it had done before with the
apostles in the primitive times, that the people magnified
them, and their hearts seemed to be much inflamed wiih
an earnest desire after the gospel, though the civil rulers
of the country did not allow of their publick preaching,
because they did not conform to the orders of the church
of England ; however the people resorted to them, m
private houses, as much as before. At their return,
(which was the next summer,) by the letters they brought
with them, it appears that God had greatly blessed their
ministry, for the time while they were there, which was
not long ; for the rulers of the country did in a sense
drive them out, having made an order that all such as
would not conform to the discipline of the English church
should depart the country bv such a day, which a sad
massacre of the English (by the Indians, that had con-
spired against them) intervening had prevented.

For a ship coming from Virginia the 3d of May, 1644,
certified of a great slaughter made up )n the English, by,
the natives there, whereby three hundred, at the least,
were suddenly cutoff. An Indian taken amongst them
had confessed that all the Indians fur six hundred miles
were confederate together to root all strangers out of the
country. It was very observable that the niassacre came
upon them soon after they had driven away the ministers

"iia GENERAL HISTORY

sent from New England. A great mortality also did ac-
company the said massacre, so as divers sober persons
removed from thence, and many of the rest were forced
to give glory unto God, in acknowledging that this evil
was sent upon them for r<:jeoting the gospel, and those
faithful ministers of Christ that were sent amongst them.
About this time some difference happened in New
England about the way of raising the maintenance of the
ininisters, in regard that m.any churches (through the de-
fect of money and otiier considerations) proceeded there-
in rather by way of taxation than by coi tribuiion. This
new way of easement was offensive to seme in the coun-
try, who, it seems, could love none but evxyyeXtov aSxTrxvov.

Amongst others it was very grievous to one Briscoe, a
tanner of Watertown, (not of the temper of that tanner
that entertained the apostle Peter;) for this man publish-
ed a book underhand against the way of maintenance,
(wherein himself and those that were no members were
taxed to maintain the ministers of the place they belong-
ed unto,) fuller of teeth to bite, and reproach the minis-
ters of the country, than arguments to convince the read-
ers. He was convened before the court to answer for
his reproachful speeches, which he was forced publickly
to acknowledge his errour in ; but for his arguments they
were not worth the answering ; for he that shall deny
the exerting of the civil power to provide for the com-
fortable subsistence of them that preach the gospd, fuste
potnis erudiendus quam argumento^ as they say of them
that are wont negare principia, if it be the duty of magis-
trates to provide that the gospel is to be preached in their
territories, it is doubtless a duty incumbent on the same
power to provide that they may live thereby. Let him
that is taught communicate to him that teacheth, in all
good things, saith the apostle. As for the quota pars it
cannot be less, (whether decima, or duodecima, or vicessi-
ma,) than that he may live thereon.

About this time contentions in Hampton were grown
to a very great height ; the whole town being divided
into two factions, one with Mr. Batchelour, the late pas-

OP NEW ENGLAND, 418

tor, the other with Mr. Dalton, the teacher of the church.
They were managed with a great deal more passion on
both sides, as some said, than reason, or discretion,
which made it long before they were composed.

At a general court, March, 16 i5, two petitions were
preferred, one for suspending (if not abolishing) a law
made ai^ainst Anabii prists, the former year, the other was
for easing a law of like nature, made in Mrs. Hutchin-
son's time, forbidding the entertaining of any strangers,
without license of two magistrates, which was not easily
obtained in those days. Austin long since complained
that the church in his time was overburdened with too
many canons, and ceremonious impositions. Many
christian states have as much reason to complain of too
many laws, (unless they were beiter observed,) especial-
ly such as are made to obviate a particular evil, which
ofttimes proves no small d'sadvantage to the general
good.

It was always the apprehension of the wisest rulers in
New England that it had been better for the country to
have left more liberty in the hands of the magistrates,
and not to have tied them up so strictly to the observa-
tion of particular laws, that many times are very preju-
dicial to honest men, which cannot well be helped,
against laws, whilst they are in force. Some at this time
were much afraid of the increase of Anab:iptism, which,
by a kind of antiperistasis, is observed the more to in-
crease thereby ; there being little observable in them,
that make profession of that and otlier novel errours, but
the glory of their suffering for something, that with this
sort of people goes for truth.

This was the reason why the greater part prevailed for
the strict observation of the foresaid laws, although per-
adventure, on some accounts, a little moderatio;i, as lo
some particular cases, might have done very well, if not
much better.

One Capt. Partridge arrived at Boston in October,
1645, who was observed in the ship, as he came, to have
broached and zealously maintained several points of

414 GENERAL HISTORY

familism and Antinomianism ; for which he was called
before the ma,Q;istrates and charcjed with the said opin-
ions, but he refused to give any answer. But before he
departed he was wiihug to confer with Mr. Cotton,
which accordingly he did, and Mr. Cotton reported to
the magistrates that he found him corrupt in his judg-
ment, but ignorant of those points which he had main-
tained, so as he perceived he had been but lately taken
with them, and that upon argument he was come off
from the most of them, and he had good hf)pe to reclaim
him wholly. But some of the magistrates requiring a
present renouncing of all under his hand, he was unwil-
ling to that before he were clearly convinced of his er-
rour in them. It was moved by some that he might
have liberty to tarry till the spring, because of the near
approach of the winter ; but the greater number in the
court overruled, and voted the contrary, so as he was
forced to depart before winter, and so he removed to
Rhode Island. This strictness was offensive to some,
and approved by others ; and surely where there is hope
of reducing any from the errour of his way, and from
the snare of the Devil, the rule of love (besides that of
hospitality to strangers) doth seem to require more mod-
eration and indulgence toward human infirmity, where
there appears not obstinacy against the clear truth.

This year twenty families (most of them of the church
of Braintree) petitioned the court for liberty to begin a
plantation where Gorton and his company had erected
two or three houses at Showamet, some part of Pum-
ham's land, but it was challenged by Mr. Brown of
Plymouth, as belonging to their jurisdiction. This he
did without any order from their court or council, (as
they declared afterward,) but only out of respect to some
private end of his own. It might have been of some
advantage to the interest of the English on the frontiers
of the Narraganset country ; but ofttimes regard to par-
ticular profit proves prejudicial to the general good. For
if there had been a plantation erected there, by those of
Braintree, it might have been as a bulwark against the

OF NEW ENGLAND. 415

corruption in faith and manners prevailing in that part of
New England, about Providence ; but it is to be feared
those parts of the country, like the miry places and
marshes, spoken of in Ezek. xlvii. 11, are not as yet to
be healed, but to be given to salt. "*

Many books coming out of England in the year 1645,
some in defence of Anabaptism and other errours, and
for liberty of conscience, as a shelter for a general tolera-
tion of all opinions, h.c. others in maintenance of the
Pres!:)yterial government, (agreed upon by the assembly
of divines ac Westminster,) against the Congregational
way, which was practised in New England, the minis-
ters of the churches, through all the United Colonies,
agreed upon a meeting at Caai bridge, where they con-
ferred their counsels, and examined the writings which
some of them had prepared in answer to the said books,
which, being agreed upon and perfected, were sent over
into England to be printed, viz. Mr. Hooker's Survey in
answer to Mr. Rutherford, Mr. Mather's, Mr. Allen's,
and Mr. Shepard's discourses about the same subject ;
though all did not undergo the same destiny, habent enim
sua fata libtlli ; for Mr. tlooker's book, which he had so
elaborately penned, was lost in the New Haven ship,
that perished about that time in the main ocean. The
author did not long survive after it, nor could ever be
persuaded to let another copy be sent over in his life
time ; but after his death a copy was sent over, (whether
so perfect an one as the original shall not now be dis-
cussed,) and was printed in the year 1648, which put
such a stop to the Presbyterial career, for the present,
that it brought that cause to a stand, till the antagonista
there took a time to rally up his broken arguments for the
defence of that cause, in something an angry, not to say
hasty and disorderly posture, to make gojd the Presby-
terial platform, as so.netimes Shammah did, with more
manly force, the field of the Lentiles. Those of that per-
suasion that began to muster together in New England,
in the year 1643, were at the first sight easily routed by
an assembly that met together on that account in the year
1643.

416 GENERAL HISTORY

September 19, 1644, two churches were appointed to
be gathered, the one at Haverhill, the other at Andover,
(both upon Merrimack river.) They had given notice
thereof to the magistrates and ministers of the neighbour-
ing churches, as the maiiner is with them in New Eng-
land. The meeting of the assembly was to be at that time
at Rowley, (the fore mentioned plantations, being then
but newly erected, were not capable to entertain them
that were like to be gathered together on that occasion.)
But vvlien they were assembled, most of those who were
to join together in church fellowship at that time refus-,
ed to make the confession of their faith and repentance,
because, as was said, they declared it openly before
in other churches, upon their admission into them.
Whereupon, the messengers of the churches not being
satisfied, the assembly brake up, before they had accom-
plished what they intended. But in October, 1645,
messengers of churches met together again on the same
account, when such satisfaction was given, that Mr. John
Ward was ordained pastor of the church of Haverhill, on
the north side of the said Merrimack, and Mr. John
Woodbridge was ordained pastor of the church of An-
dover, on the south side of the same.

On the 5th day of November following there was a
church gathered at Reading, six miles to the west of
Lynn, and Mr. Henry Green was ordained pastor there-
of. Thus the people of New England having rest, their
churches were multiplied and edified, walking in the fear
of God and comfort of the Holy Ghost, as was said of
old concerning the primitive times.

And at the general court in the year 1645 it was or-
dered, that divers farmers belonging to Ipswich and Sa-
lem, (but so far distant from either town that they could
not duly repair to the publick worsliip there,) should
erect a village, and have liberty to gather a church.
This was much opposed by those of the tov/n of Ipswich,
pleading their interest in the land, &c. But it was an-
swered, that when the land was granted to the towns it
was not intended only for the benefit of the near inhabit-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 417

ants, or for the maintenance of the officers of that one
church only, but of all the inhabitants, and of any other
church which should be there gatiiered ; and a principal
motive which led the court to grant them, and othtT
towns, such vast bounds was, that (when the towns should
be increased by their children and servants, &.c.) Jthey
might have place to erect villages, where they might be
planted, and so the land come to be improved to the
more common benefit.

Many years after, that village was raised to a town-
ship, and called Topsfield, and a church being there
gathered, Mr. Thomas Gilbert was the first pastor that
was ordained there, which was many years after.

A troublesome business fell out the same year at
Hingham, which was the cause of much disturbance,
both to the town and church there, the occasion of which
was this : The captain's place being void in that town, they
chose one Eames (that had been the lieutenant, >vith good
approbation, seven or eight years) into that office, and
presented him to the standing council, in the year 1644,
to be established therein ; but before it was accomplished
the greater part of the town took some light occasion of
offence against him, and chose one Allen into the place,
and presented him to the magistrates to be allowed ; but
the magistrates considering the injury that would thereby
accrue to Eames, that had been the chit-f commander so
many years, and had deserved well in his place, and that
Allen had no other skill but what he had learned of
Eames, refu«ed to confirm him, but willed both sides to
return home, and every officer to keep his place, until
the court sliould take further order. Upon this the par-
ty that stood for Allen endeavoured, with a kind of vio-
lence, to bring him into the place, and upon a training
day (appointed by themselves) did by vote choose him
thereunto, and he accepted thereof, and exercised^the
company two or three days, as their captain, only about a
third part of them followed Eames, their lieutenant. In
the agitation of the business, when Allen was chosen to
be captain, some had reported that authority had advised
53

418 aENERAL HISTORY

Eames to lay down his place, but he denied it, and in
some sort put the He upon them that had so reported it ;
whereupon he was the next Lord's day called to answer
it before the church, when he stood to maintain what he
had said. Five witnesses were produced to convince
him ; some of them affirmed the words, the others ex-
plained their meaning to be, that one magistrate had so
advised him; but he denied both. Upon which the
pastor (Mr. Peter Hobart, brother to three principal per-
sons in the faction) was very forward to have excommu-
nicated the lieutenant presently ; but upon some opposi-
tion it was put off to another day.

The pastor was reported to be of a Presbyterial spirit,
and managed all affairs without advice of the brethren,
which divers of the congregation not liking, they were
divided into two parts ; and the lieutenant having com-
plained of the injury done him, to the magistrates, they
would the more eagerly have cast him out, pretending
he had told a lie. Afterwards some motion was made
to the elders of other churches, (both by some of the
magistrates and some of Eames his friends,) by whose in-
tercession their proceedings were stayed awhile. But he,
and about twelve more, perceiving the pastor was resolv-
ed to proceed to censure, and that there was no way of
reconciliation, they withdrew from the church, and open-
ly declared it in the congregation. This course was not
approved of by the elders of the neighbour churches ;
and therefore, (during the adjournment of the court,
where the case was depending,) upon the desire of the
pastor, (fearing the case was likely to go against him and
his party m the church,) the said elders were called to
Hmgham, who readily accepted the motion, and spent
three or four days in hearing the case ; but though they
found the pastor and his party in great fault, yet could
not bring tliem to any acknowledgment, and therefore
were forced to return home, re infecta. At the last, the
pastor, and the prevailing part of the church, proceeded
to pass the sentence of excommunication on the lieuten-
ant and two or three more. But upon further advice

OF NEW ENGLAND. 419

with the ciders of the other cliurches, it was concluded,
that seeing neitlier clavis litigans, nor errans, ligat, those
that were without just cause cast out at Hingham were
received into the church of Weymouth, in the town next
adjoining; and the matter so continued, through the
stiffness of tlieir minds, and their self willed resolution ;
by which it is to be feared that many who are called un-
to liberty use it for an occasion to the flesh, and forget
that golden rule of our Saviour, and the precept of the
apostle, by love to serve one another.

CHAP. XLIX.

Memorable accidents in New England from 1641 to 1646.

March, 1641, one Swain, of Agamenticus, fell in-
to despair, and being often heard to utter dreadful
speeches against himself, and cry^ out that he was all on
fire under the wrath of God, but would never discover
any other heinous sin but that having gotten about forty-
pounds by his labour, &c. he went over into England
and spent it in wicked company. After he had so con-
tinued awhile he hanged himself. One of his neighbours,
J, Baker, a member of the church of Boston, having gone
away from the church in a disorderly manner, and fallen
into drunkenness, was so awakened by this sight, that of
his own accord he returned to the church, and made
open confession of his sin, and manifested repentance to
the satisfaction of the church ; yet not taking heed to
himself, fell into gross distempers soon after, and at last
died by the hand of justice, in London, upon a worse
account.

In April, on a Lord's day, the same year, two children
were left at home alone, in the town of Concord, one in
the cradle ; the other having burned a cloth, and for fear
his mother should see it, went to hide it in the hay stack
near the house, the fire not being quite out, whereby the
hay, house, and child in the cradle were burnt up.

About the same time, a woman at Boston, counted
religious, some time a citizen of London, having brought

420 GENERAL HISTORY ^

with her a parcel of fine linen, of great value, which she
set her heart too much upon, was at charge to have it
washed, and curiously folded and pressed ; but the very
next night after, a negro maid, going late into the room
where it stood, cast the snuff of her candle accidentally
upon some of the linen, whereby it was all burnt to tin-
der before the morning, yet the house not burnt. It
pleased God, by the loss of this, to take off her heart from
all worldly comforts, and fit her for a greater affliction
that soon after befell her, by the untimely death of her
husband, slain at the isle of Providence, as was intimated
before.

June 21, 1641, a young man at Boston, going to wash
himself in a creek, said, jestingly, I will go and drown
myself now, which fell out accordingly ; for his feet slid-
ing from under him, by the slipperiness of the earth, he
fell in past his depth, and having no skill to swim was
drowned, though company were at hand, and one in the
water with him. It is bad jesting about matters of life
and death.

About this time, three boys that had stole away from
the Summer islands, above two hundred leagues off, in
a skiff, and having been eight weeks at sea, their boat
was cast away, upon a point of sand lying out at Long
island, and the persons saved by the Indians.

In November, 1641, one Archibald Thompson, of
Marblehei^d, carrying dung on the Lord's day to his
land, in a canoe, it sunk down under him, in the har-
bour, the weather being fair, and he was never heard of
again,

November 19, 1641,' the Charles, of Dartmouth, a
ship of 400 tons, lying in the harbour, was wrecked in a
storm, being forced from her anchors. They had unrig-
ged their ship on the Lord's day, to be new masted,
though they were admonished not so to do.

This year, Mr. Stephen Batchelour, pastor of the
church at Hampton, (having suffered much from the
hands of the bishops, about the ceremonies,) when he
was eighty \ ears of age, was complained of for soliciting

OF NEW ENGLAND; , 4S1

the chastity of his neighbour's wife, though he had at
that time a comely grave woman for his own wife. Being
dealt withal for his offence, he denied it, (as he told the
woman he would,) and complained to authority of the
man and the woman, for slandering him ; yet was forced
soon after, by the terrour of his conscience, to confess it
openly in the church, and for the scandal of the same,
notwithstanding his confession, he was cast out of the
church, and two years after, upon his repentance, he was
released of his sentence. In this time his house, and
near all his substance, was consumed by fire.

January, 1641, a shallop, with eight men, would go
from Pascataqua, (though advised to the contrary,) on
the Lord's day, towards Pemaquid, but were by the
northwest wind driven to sea, for fourteen days ; at the
length they recovered Monhegin, and four of them in
this time perished with the cold. The bay before Bos-
ton was that year frozen over, from the 18th of January
to February 21, so as they passed over with horse and
cart. About which time one Ward of Salem, an honest
young man, going to shew a traveller the safest way over
the ice, fell in himself, though he had a pitchfork in his
hand, and was presently carried with the tide undei the
ice and drowned. The traveller, going to help him, fell
in with one leg, and so escaped. He brought all the let-
ters that used to come by the fishing ships in those times
to Pascataqua, which by that means were kept safe.

One Turner of Charlestown, being fifty years of age,
having led a loose and disordered life, his conscience be-
ing terrified by a sermon of Mr. Shepard's, he went
and drowned himself on a Lord's day night, in a pit
where there was not two feet water. He neither reveal-
ed the distress of his mind, nor carefully attended the
ministry for comfort, by which he had been wounded.

About the same time, in the southern colony, a beast
brought forth a creature in an human shape, which was
observed to have a blemish in one eye, like as a loose
fellow in the town had, on which account being suspect-
ed, he confessed, upon examination, and was executed.

GENERAL HISTORY

April 14, 1642, eight or nine persons were cast away
in a vessel and drowned ; they were noted to be loose
fellows, that lived by trucking with the Indians.

1642, One Huet's wife, of Hingham, having been long
in a sad melancholy distemper, near to frenzy, and hav-
ing formerly in the year 1637 attempted to drown her
child, did now again take her child of three years old,
and stripping it of its clothes, threw it into the creek, but
it scrambling out of the water and mud, came to the mo-
ther, who took it another time and threw it so far into
the creek, that it could not possibly get out, yet by good
providence a young man that accidentally passed by took
it up. The mother conceived she had sinned the sin
against the Holy Ghost. She was afterwards proceeded
with by church council, and by that means was brought
off from those satanical delusions, and after the manifes-
tations of repentance, was received into the church again,
being brought to a sound mind.

June 8, 1642, one Nathaniel Briscoe, of Boston, count-
ed sober and religious, yet carried out too much after
the world, being asked over night to help his father in
his necessity, (being poor, though very godly,) refused,
but went early in the morning to help another man for
wages, and was drowned before night out of a boat which
he was loading with wood.

June 22, 1642, a windmill of Boston was smitten in a
tempest of thunder and lightning. The upper sail yard
shattered in many pieces, whereof some were carried
a bowshot off. It struck into the mill, and wrung the
axletree in pieces. The main standard, bound about
with a great iron hoop, fastened with many spikes,
was broken in pieces, the iron being thrown off; one
one of the main spars riven to the ground in three pieces ;
the boards rived off the sides, the sacks fired ; the miller
at work beneath the mill was smitten down, but came to
himself the next day, but knew nothing of what had be-
fallen him ; within two hours after he was smitten he be-
gan to stir with such force that six men could hardly
hold him ; it was the next day before he came perfectly
to his senses again.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 433

About September 1642, one Richard Silvester, of
Weymouth, he and his wife going to the assembly on the
Lord's day, left three children at home ; the eldest was
abroad looking after the catde ; the second, about hve
years old, taking his father's fowling piece, laid it upon a
block, and then pulled up the cock and let down the ham-
mer and then went to blow in at the muzzle of the piece,
as he had seen his father use to do, but the spring being
weak gave way and fired the gun, which shot the child
in at the mouth and through the head. The parents with
astonishment and trembling came to understand it by the
speech and signs given by the youngest, not above three
years old.

Much hurt was done by fire this year. Amongst oth-
ers, about the 7th of November, 1642, one Briscoe, a rich
tanner of Watertown, refused to let his neighbours have
leather for corn, saying he had corn enough, soon after
had his barn, leather, and corn burnt, to the value of two
hundred pounds.

In the beginning of the year 1643, the wife of one On-
ion of Roxbury died in great despair. While a servant
she was stubborn and self-willed, and used to deny what
she was guilty of, and when married proved very world-
ly ; upon her first child, (that was still-born through her
unruliness,) she fell into a fever, and withal into so great
horrour and trembling, shaking the very room where she
was, crying out of her torment, and complaining of her
stubbornness and worldliness, saying that she had neg-
lected her spiritual good for a little worldly trash, and
now must go into everlasting torments ; exhorting others
to be warned by her example to take heed of such evils,
and being moved to lay hold on the mercy of God, she
replied, I cannot for my life, and so died.

In the year 1643, a young fellow, servant to one Wil-
liams of Dorchester, being out of service, fell to work for
himself, and by his excessive wages, working only for
ready money, in a little more than a year he had scraped
together twenty five pounds in money, and then returned
with his prey into England, speaking evil of the coun-
try by the way. He was not gone far after his arrival be-

4^ GENERAL HISTORY

fore he met with some of the sons of Mars that eased him
of his money ; so knowing no better way he hurried back
to New England with more wit but less money than he
carried out, hoping to repair his loss in the place which
he had so much disparaged.

July 2, 1643, arrived here at Boston Mr. Carman, in a
ship of 180 tons. He sailed from New Haven the Decem-
ber foregoing to the Canaries, and being earnestly com-
mended to God's protection by the prayers of the church
there. At the isle of Palma he was set upon by a Turk-
ish pirate of 300 tons and twenty five pieces of ordnance
and two hundred men. He fought with her three hours,
having but twenty men and seven guns, (his muskets be-
ing all unserviceable by rust.) The Turk lay cross his
hawser so as he was forced to shoot through his own ves-
sel, yet by those shots killed many of the enemy ; then the
Turk came and boarded him side by side, and poured an
hundred of his men upon him at once, but Mr. Carman
by some lucky shots broke the tiller, and killed the captain
of the Turks, and forced them to fall off, leaving fitty of
their men behind, who were either killed or forced to leap
overboard into the sea. This fight was within sight of
their port, whither they got safe and were courteously
entertained, and supplied with whatsoever they wanted,
losing but one man in the fight.

July 23, 1643, arrived at Boston Capt. Chaddock in a
bark of 100 tons, belonging to the Earl of Warwick,
from Trinidada. He came for people and provisions, but
the people of New England were now grown so wise, and
encouraged by hope of trade appearing, that they refused
all proffers for removing, which made the captain alter
his designs, and went towards Canada, guarding home
La Tour.

The father of this Chaddock had been governour of
Bermudas, from which with his family and an hundred
more he removed to Trinidada, where the most of them
died, with himself and wife. This Capt. Chaddock, (not
so well minded as his father,) as he returned to Boston,
five of his men fell off the main yard, as they were hand-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 4S0

ing the sail, and notwitlistaiding it was smooth water,
three of the in were drowned, not havin|^ their boat out.
The rest not beins^ warned hereby, but falli i^ to drinking
and swearing, their pinnace (which they brought from
the French) vvas soon after blown up by the firing of two
barrels of powder, whereby five more of the company
were destroyed. The captain said the day before, tnat
New England were a base heathen people, and being
contradicted therein bv the master, he swore blood and
wounds he would kill him; but he was prevented by the
company, and fined twent}'^ pounds by the court for quar-
relling.

On the 18th of January that year there were strange
sights seen about Castle Island and the Governour's
Island over against it, in form like a man, that would
sometimes cast flames and sparkles of fire. This was
seen about eight of the clock in the evening by many.
About the same time a voice was heard between Boston
and Dorchester upon the water in a dreadful manner,
crying out, boy, boy, come away, come away; and then
it shifted suddenly from one place to another a great dis-
tance about twenty times. About fourteen days after, the
same voice vvas heard in the like dreadful manner ; divers
sober persons were ear witnesses hereof, atbothtiu.es,
on the other side of the town towards Noddle's lslai»d.

These prodigies seemed to have reference to the place
where Capt. Chaddock's pinnace was blown up, and gave
occasion of speech concerning one of the company, who
professed himself to have skill in necromancy, and to
have done some strange things in the way from Virginia
hither, (and was suspected to have murdered his master
there,) but the magistrates had no notice of him till after
he was blown up. This is to be ob:>erved, that his fel-
lows were all found, as were those that were blown up in
the former ship or pinnace, and many others who have
miscarried by drowning, were usually found, but this
man's body was never heard of again.

About January 2, 1G43, Capt. Patrick was shot dead
with a pistol by a Dutciiman at Stamford. He was en-
54

4S6 GENERAL HISTORY

tertained in the Massacluisetts, anrl brouj^ht out of Hol-
land (having been one of the Prince's j^uard there)to teach
the people military discipline He was made a freennan, ad-
mitted a member of the church of Watertown, but being
proud and otherwise vicious, he was left of God to a prof-
ligate life, which brought him at last to destruction by
the hand of one of that people, from whom he sought pro-
tection, after he had fled from the yoke of Christ in the
Massachusetts, the strictness of whose dlscipliye he could
neither bear in the church, nor yet in the country.

At the court of Assistants in the end of the year 1643,
James Britten and Mary Latham were condemned to die
for adultery, upon a law formerly made and published.
J. Britten had been a professor in England, and went to
New-England on that account, but not approvii;g their
church government, became a great enemy thereunto, and
so was given over unto dissoluteness, hating both the
power and profession of gorlliness. At the last he grew
so profane, that in the evening after a day of humiliation,
much company sitting up late in the night a drinkmg,
he was seen upon the ground with this woman near the
house, &c. But soon after, being smitten with the dead
palsy, and followed with horrour of conscience withal, he
could not keep secret, but discovered this and other like
practices with other women, and was forced to acknow-
ledge the justice of God, in that having oft called others
fools for -" confessing against themselves, he was now
forced to do the like himself.

The woman was young and handsome, religiously
brought up. Beii^g rejected by a youi'g man she had an
affection unto, or else hindtred bs her friends, [she] vowed
to marry the next man that profiered her marriage, and
made good her word to her shame andsorfo^v, nmtching
herself against the mind of all her friei.ds to an antient
fellow, whom she never affect, d, and one that vv^s neiiher
suitable to her ten4:)er, nor of ability to maintain her;
which made her the more ready to despise and abuse
hi!n, and was easiU drawn away by lewd persons, that
prevailed with her to drink wine, and keep bad company.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 4S7

amongst whom this Britten was one. She confessed the
fact with him, and many others, having often abused her
husband with words and deeds; and setting a knife to his
l:)reast, would threaten to kill him. When she came to
die, she suffered very penitently, (as did the man,) exhort-
ing young maids to be obedient to their parents, and take
heed of evil company, which brought her to an untime-
ly endi in the very flower of youth, before she had attained
to the twentieth year of her age.

In the year 1643, three fishermen, belonging to the
Isles of Shoals, very profane and scorners of religion, be-
ing drinking all the Lord's day, the boat was cast away
the next week, and themselves all drowned.

In May 1644, one Dalkin and his wife going home to
Medford, or Mystick, after sermon on the Lord's day,
and passing over at a ford, where (t!ie tide not being fallen
enough for them comfortably to pass over) the woman
was carried away with the stream, and crying out, he»
husband not daring to help her, the dog in the house neai
by came running out, and seeing something stir in the
water, swam to it, so as she catching hold of his tail was_
thereby drawn to the shore, and saved her life.

In the latter end of the year 1643, Thomas JMorton,
the old adversary of New Englai)d, and accuser of the
brethren, being cast off by his frienJs in England, by
whose help he expected means to be revenged of the
country, returned thither again for shelter, not having
else whither to betake himself; which in justice seem-
ed to be so ordered by Providence, that his malicious
practices being there publickly laid open, he might be-
come a spectacle of shame and reproach to his dying day
in that place, "and an^ongst that people, whom he iiad so
spitefully, and without cause, so much reproached. He
could not lurk up and down there so privily, but he was
detected soon aftc r his arrival, and brought to the Court
of Assistants in Septejuber 1644, to answer for his for-
mer injuries and offences. He had prosecuted the coun-
try with a quo -warranto in the year 1634, or thereaboucs,
which he did not deny. He had charged them also with

4S8 GENERAL HISTORY

treason and rebellion, and published a book a.eainst them
full of scoffs and i'.ivectives. And a letter also was pro-
duced atrai.ist him, written by his own hand to his old
friend, Mr. JefFc ries, 1634, which will^^ive a full charac-
ter of his disposition towards those of the Massachusetts,
which letter here follows :

** My very good gossip, if 1 should commend myself
to you, you would reply with tliis proverb, propria laus
sordat m ore ; but to leave isnpertinent salutes, and really
proceed, you shall hereby understand, that although when
1 was first sent to England to n)ake complaint against An-
anias and the brethren, I effected the busiiiess but su-
perficially (through the brevity of time.) I have at this
time taken deliberation, and brouy:ht the matter to a bet-
ter pass. And it is thus b'-onght about, that the king
hath taken the matter into his own hands. The Massa-
chusetts pateiU, by an order of the council, was brought
in view; the privileges therein granted vvell scanned upon,
and It the council board in publick and in the presence of
Sir Richard Saltonstall and the rest, it was declared
(for manifold abuses therein discovered) to be void. The
king hath reassumed the whole business into his own
hands, appointed a committee of the Jjoard, and given or-
der for a general governour of the whole territory to be
sent over. The commission is past the privy seal ; I did
see it, and the same was, 1 mo. of May, sent to my lord
Keeper to have it pass the great seal for confirmation, and
1 now stay to return with the governour, by whom all
complainants shall have relief. So that now Jonas being
set ashore, may safely cry, repent, you cruel schisma-
ticks ; repent, there are as yet but forty days. If Jove
vouchsafe to thunder, the charter ar-d kip.gdom of the
separatists will fall asunder. R< pent, you cruel schis-
rnaticks,repent. These tilings have happencd,(and I shall
see, notwithstanding their boasting and false alarums in
the Massachusetts with forged cause of thanksgivings,)
their merciless cruelty rewarded according to the merit of
the fact, with condign punishment, ior coming into those
parts, like Samson's ioxes with firebrands at their tails.

©F XEW ENQLATfD, 4S8

The king and council are really possessed of their pre-
posterous loyalty, and irregular proceedings, and are in-
censed against them. And although they be so oppo-
site to the Catholic axioms, yet they will be com{)elled to
perform them, or at least wise suffer them to be put in
practice to their sorrow. In matter of restitution and
satisfaction more than mystically, it must be performed
visibly, and in such sort, as will be subject to the senses,
in a very lively image. My lord of Canterbury, with my
lord privy seal, having caused all Mr. Cradock's letters
to be viewed, and his apology for the brethren particu-
larly heard, protested against him and Mr. Humphreys,
that they were a couple of imposterous knaves, so that for
all their great friends they departed the council chamber
in our view, with a pair of cold shoulders. I have staid
long, yet have not lost my labour, although the brethren
have found their hopes frustrated, so that it follows by
consequence that I shall see my desire upon mine ene-
mies ; and if Jo. Grant had not betaken himself to flight,
I had taught him to sing clamari in the fleet before this
time ; and if he return before I depart, he will pay dear
for his presumption. For here he finds me a second Per-
seus. 1 have uncased Medusa's head, and struck the
brethren into astonishment. They find, and yet will
more to their shame, that they abuse the word, and are
to blame to presume so much ; that they are but a word
and a blow to them that are without. Of these particu-
lars I thought good, by so convenient a messenger, to
give you notice, lest you should think I had died in ob-
scurity, as the brethren vainly intended I should, and
basely practised, abusing justice to their sinister practi-
ces, as by the whole body of the committee it was, una
voce, concluded to be done, to the dishonour ol his ma-
jesty. And as for Ratciift, he was comforted by their
lordships v.'ith the cropping of Mr. Winthrop's ears,
which shews what opinion is held amongst them of K.
Winthrop, with all his inventions, and his Amsterdam
fantastical ordinances ; his preachings, marriages, and
pther abusive ceremonies, which do exemplify his de-

430 WBVERAL HISTORY

testation to theclMirch of E'g^land, and the contempt of
his majesty's authority, and wholesome laws, which are
and will be established in those parts, invita 7ninerva, with
these. . I thought to salute you as a friend, by an epistle,
because I am bound to love you as a brother by the gos-
pel, resting Your loving friend,

Dated Imo. May, 1634. 1'homas Mop/^dn."

Yet notwithstariding all these vain boastings of iiis, he
lived to see all his hopes frustrate, and his great brags
vanish into the air; for after all his vain attempts, he came
back to New England without money or friends. He
was kept in prison about a year, in expectation of evi-
dence out of England, and then called before the court
again, and after some debate what to do with him, he was
fined 100 pounds and set at liberty ; for having nothing,
he would have been but a charge to have kept him longer
under such restraint, and they did not think meet to in-
flict corporal punishment upon him because of his age,
being at this time both old, and labouring under many in-
firmities of body; but chose rather lo give him his liber-
ty, that he ought procure his fine,j5or at least go out of
the jurisdiction, as he did soon after, for he removed to
Agdmenticus, where he lived poor and despised, and di-
ed within two years after.

February 26, 1644, the country's ammunition for
greater security was sent to Roxbnry and ordered to be
lodged at the house of J. Johnson, the Surveyor General;
but I'y some unknown accident the house was fired at
noon day, and all that belo!iged to his dwelling house
was, together with the country's store of seventeen bar-
rels oi powder, destroyed by the said fire, none of the
inhabitants Jaring to lend any helping hand to save their
neighbour's goods, for fear of lo^-ing their own lives ;
and if the wind had not been favourable it might have
endangered all the ho'.ises adjoining; but God doth often
in judgment remember mercy.

Every one was ready to make their observations of
that accident, amongst which, as to the particular case,
these seemed to be very obvious to wise men : First,

OF NEW ENGLAND. 431

There was not that due care taken to pay for it, which
ought, the debt being of divers years sta?iding. Second-
ly, The overruHhg party in the court had denied a supply
to some of their neighbours not long before, in some dis-
tress, which is not according to our Saviour's rule, who
requires that he that hath two coats should give or lend
to him that hath none. Thirdly, Some were apt to think
it was a great oversight to place their powder and ammu-
nition so far out of the center of the country, (if any exi-
gent should have fallen out that should liave required a
present supply of ammunition,) and more confidence pos-
sibly was put in the officer than he deserved to be betrusted
with such a charge, he having never really approved him-
self of more fidelity or ability than other men, to discharge
the trust committed to him.

Much hurt was about the same time done by fire in
other places, as at Mr. Downi;.g'sfarni at Salem. That
which was most remarkable happened in the journey of
some of Hingham towards Seakonk, to make preparation
for a new plantation there. The place was not long be-
fore concluded by the commissioners to belong to Ply-
mouth, yet was it granted to some of the Massachusetts
with their consent, for a plantation. Mr. Peck, and three
others of said Hingham, were removing thither, and mak-
ing their stage in an Indian wigwam by the way, by some
occasion or other it took fire, and though they were four
there present, and laboured to the utmost to prevent the
damage of the fire, yet were three of their horses con-
sumed thereby, and the value of fifty pounds in goods.

Ii! the year 1645, the Swedes' fort at Delaware was
burnt down, with all the buildings in it, and all their
powder and goods blown up. It hapj^ened in the night,
by the negligence of a servant, who fell asleep, leaving a
candle burning. At Hartford and at Hingham also were
houses burnt down that year.

43a GENERAL HISTORY

CHAP. L.

The colonies of Connecticut and JVew Haven disturbed by
the Dutch at Manhatoes, and the Swedes at Delaware
Bay ^during this lustre^ from 1641 to 1645.

The Dutch, who had seated themselves upon Hud-
son's river, about the same time that the English began
to plant at Patuxet or Plymouth, were the tirst that dis-
covered the river of Connecticut, and gave some intima-
tion thereof to their friends at Plymouth, but it being neg-
lected by them, they took possession of it themselves,
which they were not willing to quit to the use of the
Massachusetts, although thty had made no other use
thereof, but for a place whereon to build an house for
trading with the Indians. On that occasion, in June 1641,
letters came from the governour of Connecticut to the
Massachusetts to advise about the difference between
them and the Dutch. The Dutch governour had pres-
sed them hard for his interests in all Hartford, &c. to which
he could lav no other claim, but by the law of possession,
or primer seisin. At least he demanded so much as one
could see from their tradli a^ house, alleging they had pur-
chased so much of the Pequots, and threatened force
of arms to make it good. They of the river alleged tijeir
purchase of other Indians, the true owners of the place,
with other arguments of patent, both of Saybrook and of
the Massachusetts, &c.

The governour and council returned answer without
determining the case on eitlier side, but advising to a
more moderate way, viz, of yieidmg more land to the
Dutch house, for they had left them but thirty acres.
But the Dutch would not be satisfied, but prepared to
send soldiers to be billeted at their house there. But it
pleased the Lord to disappoint their purpose at that time,
for the Indians falling cut with them, killed some of their
men at the fort of Aurania, whereby they were forc-
ed to keep their soldiers at home to defend themselves.
And a gentleman at that time goiiig for England, thai pre-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 4S3

tended to be well acquainted with the West India corn-
puny in Holland, undertook to pacify the matter, but he
not carrying over a commission with him from Hartford,
the said company would not treat with them, by which
means the controversy still remained, and their claim was
pursued as earnestly as before, though it was for the pre-
sent on the forementioned occasion, not so effectually
carried on, as else it might have been*

But July 22, 1643, a Dutch sloop arrived at Boston,
with letters written in Latin, and signed by the secretary
there in the natne and by the command of the governour
and senate, directed to the governour and senate R. P. of
New England, wherein first he congratulates their late
confederation, then he complains of unsuff^rable wrongs
done to their people at Connecticut, and more of late than
formerly, and of misinformation given by some of the
Massachusetts to the states ambassadonrs in London, and
desires to know by a categorical answer, whether they
will aid or desert them of Hartford, so that tliey ma} know
their friends from their enemies, he. To which, answer
was returned by the governour, and as many of the ma-
gistrates as could on tlie sudden be called together, that
they desired ihc continuance of that good corresponden-
cy which had been betwixt them, ever since their arrival
in those parts, and that their chief council, to which their
letters were directed, being far distant, they that were
then present could return no other answer at that time,
which they might look upon rather as a declaration of
their particular conce{)tions, than any determination from
the chief authority of the place^ from which they should
receive further answer in time convenient ; intimating al-
so their griefs for the difference there was between them
and their brethren at Hertford, which they conceived
might be composed by arbitrators, either in England, or
in Holland, or here, as those ol Hartford had offered ; and
that by their confederations they were bound to seek the
good and safety of each other as their own, which they
hoped need not hinder the continuance of the wonted
amity between themselves and those of the Manhatoes ;
55

4434 CiENERAL HISTORY

and that the ground of the difference, being only a small
point of land, was a matter of so little value in this vast
continent, as not worthy to cause a breach between two
people so nearly related, both in profession of the same
Protestant religion, and otherwise; therefore they would
seriously request them, as they would also do the other,
that until the justice of the cause might be decided by
one of the ways forenamed, there might be an abstaining
on both sides, from injury and provocation; and if any
should happen on their part, that it might be duly exam-
ined, and they were assured, (being a people that feared
God, &c. they durst not allow themselves in any unright-
eous course,) they should receive equal satisfaction. The
commissioners also of the United Colonics did, about the
same time, write letters to the Dutch governour concern-
ing some injuries which his agent at Delaware river had
done to the people of New Haven, in burning down
theirtrading house, and hi joining with the Swedes against
them.

But the general court did at their next meeting re-
turn an answer to the letters of the Dutch governour,
wherein they declared the complaints, which had been
made by their confederates of Hartford and New Haven,
of injuries done to their agents in both places, as also
their opinion of the justice of the cause of Hartford, in
respect of tide to the land in question between them,
which they could not alter, without more light than yet
had appeared about the title which the Dutch insisted on;
nor might they desert either of their confederates in a
righteous cause.

The Dutch in their next answer still continued their
complaint of injuries done, and maintained their title to
the land at Hartford ; this was sent in the end of the year
1643. In July following the general court of the Massa-
chusetts gave order at the breaking up, thatan ans^ver
should be returned to this effect ; first, by wnay of gratu-
lation, of his respect and corresi)ondency with them, and
manifestation of their good will to him, with desire of
continuance of all friendly intercourse, &c. acknowledg-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 485

ing that they had largely and prudently discoursed of the
matters in difference ; but they were also to attend the al-
legations on the other part ; but seeing proofs were not
yet heard on either side, he could expect no further an-
swer than before, but if he would please to send commis-
sioners to Hartford, to treat with the commissioners
there for the colonies, it would be very acceptable, and
an hopeful means to propound for a good issue. Yet
notwithstanding all these overtures of amityAand good cor-
respondency, the Dutch governour carried always a se-
cret prejudice against the English at New Haven and
Hartford all his time, and left the quarrel with Hartford
men to be pursued by his successor, Peter Stuyvesant,
under whose government there was an issue put unto it
by the interposition of the commissioners of the United
Colonies within a few years after, although at the firbt he
seemed to make as great or greater bluster than the for-
mer governour, as sometimes wise men will speak most
where they intend to do least. For the said Stuyvesant,
coming to thegovernour's place at Manhatoes, about the
year 1647, soon after sent his secretary to Boston with let-
ters to the governour there full of all courtesy, and tender
of good correspondency, yet laying claim to all between
Connecticut and Delaware, and withal taking notice of
the differences between them and Connecticut, offering
to have them referred to friends here,not to determine,but
to prepare for an hearing and determination in Europe.
The commissioners of the United Colonies were then at
Boston, and upon advice with them, answer was returned
according to the inclination of the commissioners of New
Haven and Connecticut colonies, so as might be most for
their advantage, who supposing best for their purpose to
stand a litde upon terms of distance, wherein they did on-
ly in the general take notice of his offer, and shewed a
readiness to give him a meeting in time and place conve-
nient ; so leaving matters at the present to continue as
they were before. But at the same time an accident fell
out that carried a contrary appearance to the friendship,
which the Dutch governour had pretended in his letters.

4^36 GENERAL HISTORY

For on the 26th of September, 1648, a Dutch ship
from Holland, being- in the harbour at New Haven, (where
they had traderl about a month,) was surprized by the
Dutch g;overnour and carried to the Manhatoes; the man-
ner was thus : The merchants of Nevi' Havei\ had bouj^ht
a ship at Manhatoes,to be delivered at New Haven. The
Dutch governour had put into her a company of sol-
diers, who, being under decks when the ship entered the
harbour, took tiieir opportunity afterwards, on the Lord's
day, to seize the Dutch ship, and the wind being fair,
brought her away. The goveniour of New Haven com-
plained of the injury of the Dutch governour, and made a
protest, &c. The Dutch governour justified the act, by
the examples of the like in Europe, &.c. but especially by
claiming the place, and all along the sea cf)ast to Cape
Cod, he pretended to seize the ship,as forfeit to the W est
India company, for trading within their limits without
leave or recognition. If on any account this dealing
could be justified as honest, sure it con'd in no sense be
made out to be honouraljle, by those that had n^ade the
pretensions of fair dealing and amicable corresponden-
cies, as before. Bat the children of this world are
oftentimes found to he more wise in their generation than
the children of li4j;ht.

The governour, in way of requital, thought to make
themselves some part of amends by detaining three of the
Dutch governour's servants, that at the same time ran
away to New^ Haven ; but the design was too low for the
said governour to attempt, as he was advised by tlje
worthy governour of the Massachusetts. Aqmla non ca-
pit muscas. But besides, the Dutch governour in return
to such a petit injury, made open proclamation of liberty
to all the servants of New Haven that should come thith-
er ; which retahation of his looked so like a piece of ill
natured policy, that he was even ashamed of it himself,
and in excuse of himself he wrote to the governour of
the Massachusetts, blaming the practice in general, but
excusing of it in his particular case, as being enforced
thereunto.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 4S7

Those of New Haven miglu have delivered those
Dutch fiJi^invcs, wiihuut prejudice to their rights or rep-
utation, and might thereby have prevented the dishonour
of being outwitted by the Dutchman, vi^ho in the end of
winter did hi n self, and caused the Dutch minister to
wi'i'G privately to the said fugitives, with such assurance
of pardon, and other satisfaction, that he enticed them
back again out of New Haven jurisdiction, to their no
small disadvantage, which they n.ight have had the hon-
our of sending home, and thertby have heaped coals on
their enemies' heads; but wise men are not always wise.
For thereupon the Ditch governour wrote to the Mas-
saclmsf tts, complaining ot the injuries done by the pre-
tei^dcd governour of New Haven, (as he styled him,) in
paj iicular for wroi.giiig his re[)iitation by slanderous re-
ports, and ])rofflrs to refer all dilK lences to tlie twogov-
ernours of the Massachusetts and of Plymouth, Mr.
Winthn pand Mr. Bradford by name, professing all good
neighbourhood to the rest of tlie colo .ies, with some kind
of retractation to his former claim of New Haven, &c.
As if all claims by word, writing and protest, &c. were
of no value, so long as there is no invasion by force.

On the other hand, the go> ernour of New Haven made
the like complaint of manifold injuries offered by the
Dutch governour, in his letters to the general court of
the Massaclmsetts, which were by them referred lo the
commissioners of the colonies for answer.

But in the end of May the same year, 1648, the Mas-
sachusetts governour read two letters from tne Dutch
governour, holding forth much assurance of his sincere
affection to a firm peace and neighbourly compliance with
all the English, and that upon these grounds. 1. Their
unity in the true religion. 2. The ancient league between
the two nations. 3. The communit} in danger from the
common enemies of both, as Spaniards abroad, and In-
dians at home. 4. The reconciling former differences,
and preventing all future occasions of like nature. 5.
The benefit of a mutual league, both offensive and defen-
sive, against a common enemy ; and withal offered to

488 •ENEBAL HISTOBT

meet Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Bradford at Hartford, at
such time as they should appoint.

Mr. Winthrop returned answer, of what gladness he
conceived in his forwardness to peace, and had no reason
to doubt of his cordial intentions, &c. promising to fur-
ther the matter what lay in his power. There was some
reason more than ordinary why the Dutch governour's
spirit was so much lowered at this time : As first, the
states of Holland were not so well able as formerly to
make good their interest against their neighbours of
Spain, with whom thev were vvilling to make a peace at
this time. 2dly, The West India company had sustain-
ed much loss by some wrecks of late; and Sdlv, The
Dutch plantation consisting of such unruly people, so
as they would not be restrained from furiiishing the In-
dians with ammunition, though themselves were in dan-
ger to be ruined thereby. And it may be added, in the
last place, that the Dutchmen are usually more happy by
their trading in times of peace, than by assailing their en-
emies in time of war. Divers letters had at this time
passed between the Massachusetts and the Dutch, but
Mr. Bradford, governour of Plymouth, coming to Boston
soon after, declined the service for the prteent, by reason
of bodil}' infirmities and some other considerations, but
promised (the Lord assisting) to prepare against the mid-
dle of the next summer; at which time Mr. Winthrop
was on the likf* account unable to attend it ; however,
the business of a recorciliation was happily effected by
some others, that wt;e deputed in his room to manage
that affair, by whose endeavours a final end was put to
that uncon>fort:ible difference that had been continually
alarming them with new fears or troubles upon every oc-
casion for many years before.

But besides the forementioned difficulties which the
people of the United Colonies were exercised with from
the Dutch at Manhatoes,they were in like manner annoy-
ed by the Swedes, that had before this time seated them-
selves in that called Delaware Bay,beyond Manhatoes,to.
ward Virginia, especially those of New Huven, who, find-

OF NEW ENGL^D, 439

ing by sad expejience, when it was too late, that the place
they had pitched upon was more commodious for farmers
than merchants, and that the bay or river of Delaware
was capable of many more inhabitants, than as yet had
taken possession thereof, had taken up a resolution, either
to remove their town of New Haven tnither, or at least
to erect a plantation there for some of their people ; in all
which attempts, as they found the Swedes open enemies,
so the Dutch, (especially the former governour,) to be
secret underminers of their interest there. Their first
attempt indeed for pLmting there, anno 1642, was hin-
dered by a general sickness prevailing in the place at that
time.

But the first complaint of any injurv done to the Eng-
lish, either by Dutch or Swedes at Delaware, was made
to the commissioners of the United Colonies about Sep-
tember, 1643, when Mr. Lamberton, in the name of
himself and others, employed in settling a plantation there,
in the behalf of New Haven, complained of many foul in-
juries ofiered them there ; for besides the burning down
of their trading house, on the river of Delaware, by the
Dutch, (trade being the Diana of that people, for which
they arc observed to contend more violently than /?ro am
etfocis,) they declared how the Swedish governour be-
haved himself against them, as if he had neither prmci-
ples of christia.) nor moral honesty : Getting Mr. Lam-
berton into his power by feigned and false pretences, kept
him prisoner with some of his men, and laboured by pro-
mises and threats to draw them to accuse him, for hav-
ing conspired \v ilh the Indians to cut oft' the Swedes and
Dutch, (an old Amboyna trick,) and not prevailing those
ways, he attempted to mi^ke them drunk, that so he might
draw something from them, as matter of accusation
against Mr. Lamberton ; and in the end (though they
could get no testimony, yet) he forced him to pay many
skins of beaver before he would set him at liberty. They
ref)orted the said governour also to be a man very furious
and passionate, cursing and swearing upon every occasion,
and also reviling the English of New Haven ab runagates,

440

GENERAL HISTORY

Sec. himself with his own hands putting irons upon one
of Mr. Lamberton's men, and went also to the houses of
those few famihes planted there, and forced them to svvear
allegiance to the crown of Sweden, (though himself had
no colour of title to the place,) and such as would not, he
drove away.

All things were clearly proved by Mr. Lamberton's
relation, and other testimonies upon oath The com-
missioners of the colonies gave a coin.nission to Mr.
Lambcrton to go treat with the Swedish governour
about satisfaction for those i; juries and damages, and to
agree with him a ^(»ut settlir.g tjtcir trade and plantation.
But tlie Swedes, in their answer to the letters from the
commissioners, deni- d what they had been charged with,
and S'-nt copies of divjr^rs exami lations upon oath, taken
in the case, with a copy of all the proceedings between
themselves and those of New Haven fron^ the first, and
in their letters used large expressions of their respect to
the Kuj^lish, and particularly to the colony of the Massa-
chusetts ; not that they l<jved them better, but that being
further off, they had no occasion of falling out with them.

Mr. Eaton on that occasion desirtd a copy of the
Massachusetts patent, to shew it the Swedish govern-
our, (at his request ) and a new comujission from the
conuTiissioners of the union, allowing them to go on with
their trade and plantation in Delaware river and bay, (tor
the governour had told their agent, that upon such a com-
mission they should have liberty.) This coming while
the general court was sitting, the commissioners advised
the court about it, who granied both, but the commission
with a salvo jure. They were iiiformed also then of a
Dutch ship, lately arrived at Hudsoi's river, sent to the
free boors at the fort of Aurania, which brought them
four thousand weight of powder, and seven hundred pie-
ces to trade with the natives; but the Dutch governour
having notice thereof, did very prudently confiscate them
to the use of the company, thereby depriving the enemies
of arms, whereby they might themselves have been de-
stroyed, and furnishing themselves and friends with wea-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 441

pons for their safety. For at this time the Indians had
fierce war with the Dutch, and if it had not been for the
assistance of the Enghsh, they might have been all cut
off.

The occasion of the war was this : an Indian being
drunk had slain an old Dutchman. The Dutch required
the murderer, but he could not be had. The people
called oft upon the governour to take revenge, but he
still put it off, because he thought it not just, or not safe,
&c. It fell out in that time, that the Maquas or Mo-
hawks, (a people inhabiting the west parts, beyond the
fort of Auraiiia,) either upon their own quarrel, or (as the
report was) beii.g set on by the Dutch, came suddenly
upon the Indians near the Dutch, aiid killed about thir-
ty of them ; the rest fled for shelter to the Dutch. One
Marine, a Dutch captain, hearing of it, goeth to the gov-
ernour and obtained a commission of him, to kill so ma-
ny as he could of them ; and accordingly went up with
a company of armed men, and setting upon them, fearing
no ill from the Dutch, he slew seventy or eighty of their
men, women and children. Upon this the Indians burnt
divers of their farm houses, and their cattle in them, and
slew all they could meet with, to the number of twenty
or more, of men, women and children, and pressed hard
upon the Dutch, even home to their fort ; that they were
forced to call in the English to their aid, and entertained
captain Underbill (of whom lar^e mention is made be-
fore) into their service, &c. Marine, the Dutch captain,
took this so ill, (seeing the governour preferred hiin be-
fore him,) that he presented his pistol at the governour,
but was stayed by a stander by ; thei a tenant of Marine's
discharged his musket, but missed him narrowly ; where-
upon the sentinel, at the governour's command, shot the
fellow presently dead, and his head was set upon the gal-
lows, and the captain was sent prisoner into Holland.
The people also were so offended with the governour
for the damage they now sustained by the Indians,
(though they were all for war before) that the governour
durst not trust himself amongst them, but entertained a
56

443 eEXESAL HISTORY

eu:.rd of Sftv English ab^'Jt his pc-sor. ; ar.d t'le Indians
did 50 annov them by sudden cii^.ial:s cut ot the swamps,
kc. :h it he was forced to keep a runnbig army to be rea-
dy t3 oppose ihem upon all occasions. The Indians al-
so on Long Uhnd took part with their neighbours upon
the main ; and as the Dutch took away their com, fitc
so they fell to lur- ; -^.e Dutchmen's houses. But these
bv the medi?.*'. : :' M" \V':y.:-" s. (^>ho\vas then there
to take sh; . ^^ . - - -.":'". -.da peace rees-

tabhshed Jc:^vcc.. :..c D^: .^ -.:. .. ... Bt s-i'i on the

mail' the V set upon the Dutch ... -.^ :?..._: ^ : .e fiirv,
ki:.-:^_ ■ -■::- :-:. - ■■ :- .■■.:'.• ^ - ■- -'d

dz,-." . ^ .-z.: :-;:.- ■......:_. -..y rrr:::.. ..= , ;:. as

thr _ e: -- .: such as escaped br: ; -: themselves
t: ^ ^ : ..: SI: .:._t.-^, ^c ::.v-: .. ' - :heir

cir.-i' L -7 . . \ u ..:: : .^Dvvers, at last they began to

be' wcJirv ; ::.r ;:_-:, : J u::;hr^-: '^t f 'erms of
pe^ce with w. -z, :^_::;;: ■•.;,-■. ;. ._ .. n:i-..:;:ted so
g-r. : ':.: utility be tore.

But to return to theafiliirs c: '-' : '^ -'- :- -• "^;'-'^:re,
-"- :m which this long digrtssic : c

B ?'!.:. .:ciiti Gcs:r> '.: s t .:.::^ ; ' '■ v : t r _ : . . . - . - ^ _ -
p:-::.c :: to lie in t':. :. ; ":.■.'•: ^: "_.:: .::'-::; -r .-. .,..1

.Tl

unwi.i.iig tj _ >» ^t perceiving that

V, ::;- ; .:: .: " -■ . _, z '. :'.-[: desire;

V. ..t: vL. ^ .• • . ^ ^ ■.: - ::.._..:: unaer

the public seal, and kttc _. r: :_: t: the
Dutch and Swedish gover

wcU manned and furnish. . ^

stuffy which was to sail up D. ^ river, so hign as

diey could go, and th^" - v ^ -^^.r.y, (under

the conduct of Mr. \ . _ ^jod artist.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 443

ind one that had been in those parts.) by small skiffs or
canoes to pass up the river as faras they could. But when
they came to the place, the Dutch governour promised
to let them pass, but for maintaining their own interest
he must protest against them. And as for the Swedish
governour, his fort ehot at them ere thev came cp, where-
upon they cast forth their anchor, and the next morning
(beir g Lord's day) the Heutenant came aboard thenr,, and
forced them to fall douTi lower; when Mr. AspinwuU
came to the govemour he co v. plained of the lieurenar.t's
dealing, both in shooting at them before he hailed them,
and in forcing them to weigh aachor on the Lord's day.
The governour acknowled'^ed he did ill in l>oth, and pro-
msed all favour; hut the Dutch agent beine(:o:ne 'low n to
the Swedes' fort,shewcd express order from the Dutch gov-
ernour not to let him pass, whereupon heretun.ed ; but
before they came out of the river, the Swedish lieutenant
made them pay 40s which he had unduly f ircrd from
them. Tne pinnace arrived at Boston the 20ih of julv,
1644, but with much more news than what is mentioned
before, for though they were not permitted to pass up the
river, they were not so narrowly watched but they found
opportunity to trade on Maryland side, an-i had gotten a
good parcel of beaver ; but at last the Indians coming
aboard under pretence of further trading, w^hile souic
were trading, others pulled oat hatchets from under their
garments, and therewith killed the master and two men,
and carried the other two (being but fivt in ail) ashore, and
rified the pinnace of all her go xis, and saik, &c. S'X)u
after other Indians came aboard, and falling upon these,
slew the sachems ar»d iQ>ik away all the goods they had
stolen. There was one R dman suspected to have be-
trayed this pinnace, for he (being trucknuster, because he
could speak the language) was put out of his employ nent
on account of his evil carriage, and did bear ill will to the
master, and out of revmge, sold them to the Indians, bar-
gaining how ever for his own life ; but at last, at the pro-
curement of the Swedish i^ovemour, was fetched i;. by
other IiKiians, who brought him and the boy to the fortj

4*44 CJENERAL HISTORY

from which he was carried to Boston, and there tried for
his life, ad found guilty by the grand jury, but sentence
was deferred in expectation of further evidence from Del-
aware. If there were evidence enough to condemn him
more wouid have been redundant, but all men's sins do
not go before unto judgment. But he shall give an ac-
count in due time.

lor a close of these uncomfortable transactions between
the Dutch, Swedes, and English of New Haven and those
parts, the reader may take notice that trucking with the In-
dians hath seldom been observed to be blessed to them
that were most addicted thereunto, whether French,
Dutch or English; but for the present Dutch governour,
scil. in the year 1643 and till the year 1647, Mr. William
Kieft, (a sober and prudent man,) although he always ab-
stained from outward force, yet had continually molested
the colonies of New Haven and Connecticut, using men-
acings and protests against them, upon all occasions, so
as they were almost wearied out 'vith his vexations, de-
mands and oppositions. But at last going for Holland in
the year 1647, in a ship of 400 tons, well manned and
richly laden, to the value (as was supposed) of 20,000
pounds, in their passage home, the mariners mistak-
ing the channel, were carried into Severn and cast away
upon the coast of Wales near Swanzy, so as the said
Dutch governour, with about eighty other persons were
drowi»ed, and not above twenty suffered to escape. This
fell out in the year 1648.

The loss in general ought sadly to have been lament-
ed, especially as to the lives of so many christians, that per-
ished so near their own home by such a sad mistake ; yet
those who were acquainted with the particulars of some
or more of the forementioned circumstances, could not
but take notice of the solemn providence of God that ap-
peared therein, to bear witness against those that had so
many ways injured his own people in those parts, which
some could not pass by without due acknowledgment
and observation ; for though indeed God seemed not to
favour the designs of those colonies in the matter of their

OF NEW ENGLAND. 445

trade with the Indians, (the salvation of whose souls should
have been their principal aim, and so their merchandize
might have been holiness to the Lord of Hosts,) by his
constant blastii^g their plantations, intended chiefly to
carry on such designs, yet he seemed to be more highly
offended with them, that without cause set themselves
so violently to oppose them.

The inhabitants of the towns about Boston, being a-
larmed by the forementioned troubles, (for those who
now began to bark, might ere long be as ready to bite,)
looked upon themselves but as a place without gates and
bars, and that without some fortification, at the entrance
into the harbour of Boston, they were laid open to tne
invasion of a mean and contemptible enemy, were wil-
ling to raise some fortification, and maintain it at their
own charge, rather than to be left open to an enemy any-
longer.

The general court had given all the encouragement
they could in the year 1643, although some were dis-
couraged because they found so many avenues about
Boston, that if one passage were stopped, others were
left open, wherein enemies might enter ; and also be-
cause they feared, that the people would not be so able to
perform, as they were forward, and willing to engage.

But in the year 1645, being every day made more
sensible, that the keeping the said fortification would be
of no small benefit for their defence and security, they
set upon the work with a fresh resolution, and chose a
committee out of the several towns to raise means to get
the work done; but at last the general court, being inform-
ed by the petition of the inhabitants, that the charge of
the work, and maintaining of the garrison, would be a
burthen too heavy for them that had undertaken it, were
induced to put the publick hand thereto, by which it was
always after that time effectually carried on.

446 GENERAL HISTORY

CHAP. LI.

Conspiracies of t/ie Indians ap^ainst the Enfrlish in JVew
England discovered arid prevented^ from the year 1641
to 1646.

After the subduing of the Pequots in the year 1637,
the Narragansets, the most numerous of the other In-
dians, either out of discontent, that the whole sovereignty
over the rest of die Indians was not adjudged to belong
to them, or out of envy that Uncas, a sachem of the Mo-
hegan Indians, had insinuated further than themselves in-
to the favour of the English, were observed to be always
contriving mischief against them, though they carried it
subtilly and underhand for some years, and were pretend-
ing quarrel with the said Uncas, against whom they al-
ways had an inveterate malice ever since the agreement
made about distributing of the Pequots after the war
with them was ended, expecting in probability, that all
should have been left to their sole arbitrament. And
therein were animated by the haughty spirit and aspiring
mind of one Mianionimo, the heir apparent of all the^
Narraganset people, after the decease of the old sachem,
Canonicus, that was his uncle. This Miantonimo v/as a
very good personage, of tall stature, subtil and cunning
in his contrivements,as well as haughty in his designs. It
was strongly suspected that in the year 1642, he had con-
trived to draw all the Indians throughout the country into
a geiieral conspiracy against the English ; for the first
of September 1642, letters came to Boston from the court
at Connecticut, and from two of the magistrates there,
that the Indians had conspired to cut off the English all
over the country. Mr. Ludlow certified so mucti from
the place where he lived near the Dutch, the time ap-
pointed to be for the assault was said to be after harvest ;
the manner to be by several companies entering into the
chief men's hou SI s, by way of trade, and then to kill them in
their houses, and seize their arms, and others should be
at hand to prosecute the massacre. I'his was also con-

OP NEW ENGLAND. 44//

firmed by three Indians that were said to reveal it in the
same manner, and at the same time, to Mr. Ludlow and
to the governour of New Haven. It was added also, that
another Indian should discover the same plot to Mr.
Haines of Connecticut, by some special circumstances,
viz. that beii)^ much hurt by a cart, (which usually there
are drawn with oxen,) he should send for Mr. Haines and
tell him, that Englishman's God was angry with him, and
sent Englishman's cow (meaning the oxen in the cart or
wain) to kill him, because he had concealed such a
plot against the English, and so told him all, as the other
Indians had done.

Upon this, their advice from Connecticut was, that we
should begiii with thc^m, and ei.ter upon a war presently ;
and that if the Massachusetts would send 120 men to Say-
brook, at the river's mouth, they would meet them with a
proportionable number. This was a very probable story,
and very likely it was,thatthe Indians had been discoursing
of some sueh busmess amongst themselves. But the gene-
ral court of the Massachusetts, when called together,did not
think those informations to be a sufficient ground where-
on to begin a war. Although the governour and magis-
trates, as many as could convene together before the
court, ordered that all the Indians within their jurisdic-
tion should be disarmed, which they willingly yielded
unto ; and upon all the inquiries and examinations,
which were made by the court, when assembled together,
they could not find any such violent presumption of a
conspiracy, as to be the ground of a war. Besides, it
was considered that the reports of all Indians were found
by experience to be very uncertain, especially when it
may well be supposed, that they are or may be raised
and carried by such as are at variance one with another ;
who may be very like to accuse one another, to ingra-
tiate themselves with tUe English. Miantonimo, sachem
of Narraganset, was sent unco, and by his readiness to
appear, satisfied the English that he was innocent as to
any present conspiracy, though his quarrel with the Mo-
hegans (who bordered upon Connecticut colony) might

448 GENERAL HISTORY

very probably, as was judged, render him the subject of
such a report, or an occasion of it.

The said Miantonimo, when he came before the court,
peremptorily demanded that his accusers might be
brouf^nt before him face to face, and if they could not
prove it, ti>,en to be made to suffer what himself, if he had
been found guilty, had deserved, i.e. death, which was a
very rational collection. He urged very much the pro-
secuting such a law against his accusers, alleging that
if tlie English did not believe it, why did they disarm
the Indians rouad a!)out; and if they did believe it,
equity required that they that accused him should be pun-
ished according to the offence charged upon himself.
He offered also to make it good against Uncas, sachem of
the Mohegans, that tlse report was raised either by him, or
some of iiis people. The English answered, that divers
Indians had robbed some of the Englishmen's houses,
which might be a sufficient ground to disarm, and with
that he vvas something satisfied. Connecticut men were
hardly prevailed with to forbear the war against them, but
at the last they were overcome with the allegations of
the Massachusetts to lay it aside.

Miantonimo, when he was at Boston, was very delibe-
rate in his answers, shewing a good understanding in the
principles of justice and equity, as well as a seeming in-
genuity withal. But though his words were smoother
than oil, yet, as many conceived, in his heart were drawn
swords. It was observed also, that he would never speak
but when some of his counsellors were present, that they
might, as he said, bear witness of all his speeches, at
their return home.

They spent two days in the treaty, wherein at last he
gave them satisfaction in all things, though he held off
long about the Nianticks, of whom he said they were as
his own flesh, engaging on their behalf, that if they should
do any wrong, so as neither he nor they could satisfy
without blood, then he would leave them to the mercy of
the English. At his departure he gave his hand to the

OF NEW ENGLAND. 449

governour, telling him that was for the magistrates that
were absent.

Intimations of a like nature about a conspiracy were
sent down from Plymouth, but not backed with suffi-
cient proof, so as at the last a present war was declined
by all. The Massachusetts government also restored to
the Indians their arms, (which they had honestly purchas-
ed from the French or Dutch,) choosing rather to trust
God with their sall^ty, than secure themselves by any
act of unrighteousness, in withholding from Indians that
which was their own.

However, this rumour of a conspiracy of the Indians
so filled men's minds with fear, that a man could not hal-
loo in the night, (as one did in a swamp near Watertown,
upon the howling of a kennel of wolves, fearing to be
devoured by them,) but it was feared by some of his
neighbours he had fallen into the hands of the Indians,
who were torturing him to death. Such an accident
raised an alarum in all the towns about the Bay, on the
19th of September that year.

The Indians upon Long Island were more fierce
and barbarous ; for one Capi. Howe, about this time go-
ing with eight or ten men to a wigwam there, to demand
an Indian that had killed oneHammoritil, an Ei glishman,
the Indian ran violently out, (with a knife in his hand,
wherewith he wounded one of the company,) thinking to
escape from them, so as they were forced to kill him up-
on the place, which so awed the rest that they durst not
attempt any revenge. If ihey had been always so handled,
they would not have dared to have rebelled, as they did
afterwards.

But to return to the Narragansets,with whom at present
the English had to deal. This plot being discovered, there-
by was the danger of it prevented, at least for the present;
yet was not Miantoni no quiet, but stil! was hatching of
new plots against Uncas, who stuck close to the English,
that at last they might be revenged upon the English by
their hostility against him ; for in July, 1643, letters came
from Mr. Haynes, the governour ot Hartford, to Boston,
57

450 GENERAL HISTORY

that there was a war be.ccun between one Sequasson, sa-
chem of Connecticut, (a kinsman and firm friend of Mi-
antonimo's,) and Uncas, the Mohegan sachem, who com-
plained to the Eni^^lish at Hartford that Sequasson had
assauhed him. llie srovernour of Hartford sent for Se-
quasson, and laboured to make them friends, but Se-
quasson chose rather to have war, so as they were forced
to leave them to themselves, promising to be aiding to
neither. Soon after this, Uncas set upon Sequasson,
and killed seven or eight of his men, wounded thirteen,
burnt his wigwams, and carried away the booty. Upon
this Miantonimo sent to Hartford to complain of Uncas,
but were answered, that the English had no hand in the
quarrel, nor would encourage them in it. He gave no-
tice hereof in like manner by two of their neighbour In-
dians, and was very desirous to know if they would not
be offended, if he should make war upon Uncas. The
governour answered him, that if Uncas had done him or
his friends any wrong, and would not give satisfaction, they
should leave him to take his course. Miantonimo upon
this took his first opportunity to invade Uncas, with near
a thousand men, and set upon him suddenly, without
either demanding satisfaction or denouncing the war be-
fore hand, so as Uncas had no time to make defence,
not having with him above three or four hundred men.
But the battle is not always to the strong, no niore than
the race to the swift ; time and chance happens to them
all; for Uncas, with his small company, had the victory,
either by reason of better skill, or courage, though princi-
pally by the overruling hand of God, who is always wont
to abase the children of pride. They killed about thirty
of the Narragansets, wounded many more, and caused
the rest to fly. Amongst the wounded were two of Cano-
nicus his sons, and a brother of Miantonimo's. But he
himself escaped a little way, where he was overtaken by
the pursuers, being tired with armour, which Gorton, his
friend, had furnished him with for the securing his per-
son ; but he was so hampered or burthened therewith,
that not being able to fight for want of courage, he was

OF NEW ENGLANB, 4j5i

unable to flee through too much armour, and so was ea-
sily overtaken by his enemies. Some say that two of
his own captains, perceiving his dang;er, laid holdofhira
and delivered him into the hands of Uncas, hoping there-
by to obtain their own pardon ; but he rewarded them
with traitors' wages, the loss of their own heads, but re-
served Miantonimo, as a matter of state, not hastily to be
determined. When he was brought to Uncas, he stood
mute, choosing rather to die than make supplication for
his life, such was the dogged suUenness of his disposition.
Uncas demanded of him, why he v\ ouhl not speak ? If
you had taken me, saith he, I would have besought you
for my life ; but some men's obstinacy and pride is be-
yond the command of their reason, choosing death rather
than to yield to an insulting foe. The news of Miantoni-
mo's captivity coming to Providence, Gorton and his
company (that was the occasion of his ruin) wrote to Un-
cas to deliver him, or else threatened the power of the
English ; upon which Uncas carries his prisoner to Hart-
ford, to take the advice of the magistrates there, and at
Miantonimo's earnest entreaties left him with them, (who
it seems could yield to the English, though not to Un-
cas, whom he looked upon as his mortal enemy, and in-
feriour in dignity, however at this time his superiour in
battle.) The English used him courteously, yet as a
prisoner, and kept him under guard, and so continued
till the commissioners met at Boston, which v/as to be in
Septem,ber following. They all concluded it would not
be safe to set him at liberty, although themselves con-
cluded they had not suflicient groun J to pui him to death.
In conclusion, therefore, they delivered him into the
hands of Uncas, letting him understand the apprehension
of the commissioners of all the colonies, that he was wor-
thy of death, which accordingly was executed upon him.
The reasons that induced them so to judge were : I. It
was now clearly discovered, that there was a conspiracy
among the Indians to cut off all the English, and that Mi-
antonimo was the head and contriver of the plot. 2. He
was known, by long experience, to be of such a turbulent

452 c;eneral history

and proud spirit, that there \va5 no hope of peace, if he
should be suffered to live. 3. He had procured a Pe-
quot to shoot Uncas, as probably appeared, and in open
court promised to deliver the said Pequot to Uncas, yet
killed him himself in his vv\ay homeward, out of enmity
against the said Uncas. 4. He used to beat and spoil
some of the other Indians, that had submitted to the
English, and then bid them go and complain to the Mas-
sachusetts. Upon these considerations, the commis-
sioners could not but judge Miantonimo ought to die ;
but the enmity of the Narragansets did not die with
him, although thev were so quelled with the loss of their
chieftain Miantonimo, that they durst not openly rebel,
but dissembled their malice as well as they could for a
time ; but in the end of the year they send a present to
the Massachusetts, with a request, that having sat still at
the desire of the English, all the present year, they would
suifcr them to fight with Uncas the next year; but answer
was returned, they would not be hired by all the wealth
of Narraganset to desert Uncas in a righteous cause, but
it was their resolution, all to fall upon them if they med-
dled with their allies, the Mohegans.

The Narragansets rested not fully satisfied in this an-
swer, but at the next court of election, in the year 1644,
a letter came to the Massachusetts under the marks of
Canonicus and Pessacus, (chief sachems amongst them,)
though written by some of Gorton's company, to this
effect, that they purposed to make war with Uncas, in re-
venge of the death of Miantonimo, and other of their peo-
ple, and marvelled the English should be against it, and
that they had put themselves under the government and
protection of the king of England, and so now were be-
come their fellow subjects, and therefore if any difference
should fall between them, it ought to be referred to him,
professing withal their willingness to continue all friend-
ly correspondence with them. The general court re-
ceived another letter from Gorton and his company to the
tike effect. In answer to the former, they sent two mes-
gepgers to the Narragansets, to know whether they did

OF NEW ENGLAND. 453

own the said letters, and by whose advice they had so
proceeded, to persuade them also rather to sit still and be
quiet, than to take counsel from evil men, such as they
had banished from them. Canonicus would hardly ad-
mit of any speech with any of their messengers, unless it
were some few froward expressions, but referred them
toPessacus,who came about four hours after, and carrying
them into an ordinary wigwam, discoursed with them a
long time about the business ; his answers were witty
ai:d full to the question, and in conclusion told them,
they would presently go to war upon Uncas, but not after
the manner which Miantonimo did, with a great army,
but by sending but small parties to catch his men, ai;d
prevent them from getting their livelihood ; ard did
make small attempts that way, but saw it was in vain to
begin a war afresh with the Mohegans, so long as the
English stood engaged to defend them, and therefore
turned all their contrivance how to cut off the English
throughout the country, insomuch that the next year,
the United Colonies were so far satisfied with the reality
of their intentions, that they were fully resolved to fall
upon them first, and had called several companies to-
gether for that end, who had their ofl[icers assigned them,
and commissions drawn, and ammunition and provision
prepared to send along with them, and forty or fifty men
were sent before to secure Uncas his fort, and others
came from Coimecticut, for that end, so as when it came
to the pinch, that the Narragansets perceived the Eng-
lish were in good earnest, their hearts failed them, and
they were so alarmed with the terrour of the English sol-
diers, (the conquest of tlie Pequots being yet fresh in
their minds,) that they sent down their messengers, and
one or more of their chief sachems came along with
them, to sue for peace, and brought along with them the
sachem's son for hostage, and engaged to pay a tribute,
and yielded also to pay the charges which the English
had been at in making their preparations for the war ;
for they happened to come down to Boston just as their
soldiers were ready to march out against them, as not

454! OENERAL HISTORY

being willing to run any more hazard ; which occasioned
the country to turn the fast, appointed to be kept Septenti-
ber 4, into a day of thanksgiving. The commissioners
being then met at Boston to take care for the managing
the war with the Narragansets, as is aforesaid, put out a
declaration of the grounds of their proceedings, which
here follows :

A Declaration of former passages and proceedings betwixt
the English and the Narragansets, with their confede-
rates, wherein the grounds and justice of the ensuing
■war are opened and cleared.

Published bv order of the commissioners for the United Colonies,
at Boston, the 11 of the sixth month, 1645.

The most considerable part of the English colonies
profess they came into these parts of the world with de-
sire to advance the kingdom of the Lord Jesus Christ,
and to enjoy his precious ordinances with peace, and (to
his praise they confess) he hath not failed their expecta-
tion hitherto, they have found safety, warmth and re-
freshing under his wing, to the satisfaction of their souls.
But they know, and have considered that their Lord ai.d
Master is king of righteousness and peace ; that he gives
answerable laws, and casts his subjects into such a mould
and frame, that (in their weak measure) they may hold
forth his virtues in their course and carriage, not only
with the nations of Europe, but with the barbarous na-
tives of this wilderness. And accordingly, both in their
treaties and converse, they have had an awful respect to
divine rules, endeavouring to walk uprightly and inofien-
sively, and in the midst of many injuries and insolencies
to exercise much patience and long suffering towards
them.

The Pequots grew to an excess of violence and out-
rage, and proudly turned aside from all ways of justice
and peace before the sword was drawn, or any iiostile at-
tempts made against them. During those wars, and iifter
the Pequots were subdued, the English colonies were
careful to continue and establish peace with the rest of the

OF NEW ENGLAND. 450

Indians, both for the present and for posterity, as by sev-
eral treaties with the Narraganset and Mohegan saga-
mores may appear ; which treaties for a while were in
some good measure duly observed by all the Indians,
but of late the Narragansets, and especially the Nian-
ticks, their confederates, have many ways injuriously
broken and violated the same, by entertaining and keep-
ing amongst them, not only many of the Pequot na-
tion, but such of them as have had their hands in the
blood and murther of the English, seizing and possess-
ing at least a part of the Pequot's country, which by
right of conquest justly appertains to the English ; by
alluring or harbouring and withholding several Pequot
captives fled from the English, and making proud and in-
solent returns w hen they were redemanded ; and more late-
ly, the English had many strong and concurrent Indian
testimonies from Long Island, Uncoway, Hartford, Ken-
nebeck, and other parts, of Miantonimo's ambitious de-
signs, travelling through all the plantations of the neigh-
bouring Indians, and by promises and gifts labouring to
make himself their universal sagamore or governour, per-
suading and engaging them at once to cut off the whole
body of the English in these parts ; which treacherous
plots were confirmed by the Indians' general prepara-
tions, messages, insolencies and outrages against the
English and such Indians as were subjects or friends to
them, so that the English colonies, to their great charge
and damage, were forced to arm, to keep strong watch
day and night, and some of them to travel with convoys
from one plantation to another : and when Miantonimo,
in his circular travel, was questioned at New Haven con-
cerning these things, instead of other and better satisfac-
tion he threatened to cut off any Indian's head that should
lay such a charge upon him to his face.

The commissioners by the premises observed Mian-
tonimo's proud and treacherous disposition, yet thought
not fit to proceed against him in tliat respect, til] they had
collected more legal and convincing proof. But while
these things were under deliberation, Miantonimo was

4l55 CENERAL HISTORY

brought prisoner by Uncas to Hartford, and the case be-
ing opened and cleared as foUoweth, he craved the com-
missioners' advice how to proceed with him.

It appeared that in a treaty, made with the English at
Massachusetts, anno 1637, Miantonimo engaged him-
self not to fight with any oi the Indians, and particularly
not to invade Uncas without the JLnglish consent; and
after, in a tripartite agreement, made and concluded at
Hartford, between Miantonimo and Uncas, with refer-
ence to the English, anno 1638, in which one of the arti-
cles runs, That though either of the said Indian saga-
mores should receive injury from the other, yet neither
of them shall make or begin war, until they had appealed
to the English, and till their grievances were first heard
and determined, and if either of them should refuse, the
English might assist against and compel the refusing and
obstinate party.

Notwithstanding which, Miantonimo and his confed-
erates have both secretly and openly plotted and practised
against the life of Uncas, not at all acquainting the Eng-
lish or advising with them, but more especially of late,
since the forementioned plots and designs were in hand.

First, a Pcquot Indian, one of Uncas his subjects in the
spring, 1643, aiming at Uncas' life, shot him with an ar-
row through the arm, and presently fled to the Narra-
gansets or their confederates, boasting in the Indian plan-
tations that he had killed Uncas ; but when it was known
Uncas (though wounded) was alive, -the Pequot (taught
as was supposed) changed his note, affirming that Uncas
had cut through his own arm with a flint, and had hired
him to say he had shot and killed him.

Miantonimo, bemg sent for by ihe governour of the
Massachusetts upon another occasion, brought this Pe-
quot with him, and would have covered him with the for-
mer disguise ; but when the English, out of his own
mouth, found him guilty, and would have sent him to Un-
cas his sagamore, Miantonimo earnestly desired he might
not be taken out of his hands, promising he would send
him safe to Uncas to be examined and punished.

ftp NEW ENGLAND, 45/

But fearins^ ( vs it seems) his own treachery would be
discovered, within a day or two, he stopped the Pequot's
mouth, bv catting offhis hj.id ; but at parting he told the
governour in discontent, that he would come no more
to Boston.

After this, some attempts were made, (as is reported,')
to take away Uncas' life by poison and by sorcery ; these
failing, some of Sequasson's company (an Indian sag-
amore relied unto, and an intimate confederate with Mi-
antonimo,) shot at Uncas with an arrow or two, as he was
going down Cofi.necticut river. Uncas, according to the
forementioned treaty, 1638, complained, and the English
by mediation sought to make peace ; but Sequasson, ex-
pressing his dependence on Mlantonimo, r<ffused, and
chose war. They fought, and Uncas had the victory.

Lastly, without any provocation from Uncas, (unless
the disappointment of former plots provoked,) and* sud-
denly without denouncing war, came ujX)n the Mohegans
with 90G or 1000 men, when Uncas had not half so many
to defend himself. Uncas, before the battle, told Mianton-
imo that he had many ways sought his life, and for the
sparing of blood, offered by a single combat betwixl
themselves to end the quarrel, but Miantonimo, presum-
ing uj)on his number of men, would have nothing but
a battle. The issue fell contrary to expectation ; his
men were routed, divers of considerable note slain, and
himself taken prisoner.

These things being duly weighed, the commissioners
judged that Uncas could not be safe while Miantonimo
lived, wherefore they thought he might justly put such a
treacherous and blood thirsty enemy to death, but advised
him to do it in his own jurisdiction, without torture or
cruelty. And Uncas having hitherunto shewed himself a
friend to the English, and in this and former outrages
(according to the treaty) craving their-advice, if theNar-
ragansets or their confederates should for his just execu-
tion unjustly assault him, the commissioners for the col-
onies promised to assist and protect him.

* For * and,' read Miantonimo, F.v.

58

458 GENERAL HISTORY

Uncas hereupon slew an enemy, but not the enmity
against him ; the Narrasjansets sooa fell to new contriv-
ances. Tiiey pretended they had paid a ransom for their
sachem's life, and gave it in particulars, to the value of
about 40 pounds. This for a while cast an imputation
of foul and uiijnst dealing upon Uncas, but in September
1664, the English co.nmissioners, meeting at Hartford,
sent for the Narraganset sachems or their deputies, de-
siring they might be instructed to make good their
charge. Uncas came himself; thev sent their deputies,
but after due examination it appeared, though some
loose discourses had passed, that for such quantities of
wampum, and such parcels of other goods to a great
value, there might have been some probability of sparing
his life ; yet no such parcels were brought, and the Nar-
raganset deputies did not allege, much less prove, that
any ransom was agreed, nor so much as any serious
treaty begun to redeem their miprisoned sachem. And
for wampum and goods sent, as they were but small par-
cels, and scarce considerable for such a purpose, so they
were disposed by Miafjtonimo himself to sundry persons,
for courtesies received during his imprisonment, and up-
on hope of further favour.

The Narraganset deputies saw their proofs fell far
short of former pretences, and were silent. The com-
missioners promised, that upon better evidence hereafter,
they should have due satisfaction ; whereupon a truce
was made, and both parties were engaged that all hostili-
ty should cease till planting time, 1645, and alter that
they would give thirty days warning, either at the Mas-
sachusetts or at Hartford, before the truce should cease ;
yet in February last, by messengers sent to Boston, de-
clared, that unless Uncas would render 160 fathom of
wampum, or come to a new hearing withi)i six weeks,
they would begin the war.

This crossed the former agreement, and the season was
such, as neither the commissioners could be advised
with, nor could Uncas travel, if notice had been given.
After which, about or before planting tinie, Tantaquey-

OP NEW ENGLAND. 459

son, a Mohegan captain, who took Miantonimo prisoner,
was dangerously and treacherously wounded in the night,
as he slept in his wigwam ; and other hostile acts were on
both parts attempted in a private and underhand way, as
they could take advantage each against other.

But since, the Narragansets have at several times
openly invaded Uncas, so that Connecticut and New Ha-
ven were forced, according to engagement, to send men
from those colonies for his present defence, but with ex-
press direction not to begin any offensive war against the
Narragansets, or their confederates, till further order.

In the mean time, messengers were sent to the Narra-
gansets from the general court in the Massachusetts, sig-
nifying the commissioners' meeting, pronflsing their ag-
grievances should be fully and justly heard, and requir-
ing a cessation of war in the mean time, but they refus-
ed; and hearing probably that the English from the
western colonies were returned, they made a new assault
upon Uncas, and have done him much hurt.

The commissioners being met, sent messengers the
second time both to the Narragaesets and the Mohegan
Indians, minding them of the former treaties and truce,
desiring them to send their deputies, instructed and fur-
nished with authority to declare and open the ground of
the war, and to give and receive due satisfaction, and to
restore and settle peace.

At first the Narraganset sachem gave a reasonable and
fair answer, that he would send guides with them to the
Mohegans, and if Uncas consented, he would send his
deputies to the commissioners, and during eight days
hostility should cease ; but he soon repented of this mod-
eration, told the English messengers his mind was chang-
ed, sent private instructions to the Niantick sachem,
after the delivery of which there was nothing but proud
and insolent passages. The Indian guides, which the
English messengers brought with them from Pumham
and Socononoco, were by trownsand threatening speech*
es discouraged and returned ; no other guides could be
obtained, though much pressed ; they knew (as they ex-

46§ ttBNERAl, HISTORt

pressed themselves) by the course held at Hartford last
year, that the conimisbioners would prcBS for peace, but
they resolved to have no peace, without Uncas his head.
It mattered not who began the war, they were resolved to
continue it. The Knglish should withdraw their garrison
from Uncas, or they v\ culd take it as a breach of former
covenants, and would procure as many Moquauks* as
the English should lifFront them with ; that they would
lay the Englishmen's cattle on heaps, as high as their
houses ; that no Englishman should step out o!' doors to
piss* but he should be killed. They reviled Unr,as,charg-
ed him with cutting through his own arm, and saying the
Narragansets had shot him ; affirmed that he would now
murder the English messengers as they went or returned,
(if he had opportunity,) and lay it upon the Narragansets.
The English messengers, upon this rude and uncivil
usage, wanting guides to proceed, and fearing danger,
returned to the Narragansets, acquainted Pessacus with
the former passages, desired guides from him, he (in
scorn, as they apprehended it) offered diem an old Pequot
squaw, but would offer no other guides. There also they
conceived themselves in danger, thrt e Indians with hatch-
ets standmg behind the interpreter in a suspicious man-
ner, while he was speaking with Pessacus, and the rest
frowning and expressing much distemper in their coun-
tenance and carriage. The English messengers, not
hoping for better success at that time, departed, telling
Pessacus, that if he would return any other answer, he
should send it the English trading house, where they in-
tended to lodge that night. In the morning he invited
them to return, and promised them a guide to Uncas, but
would grant no cessation of arms. \\ hen they came to
Providence, they understood that in their absence a Nar-
raganset Indian had been there, and feigning himself to
be of Connecticut, spake in that dialect, but could not put
off the Narraganset tone. He told Benedict Arnold's
wife, (who well understands the Indian language,) that
the English messengers should not pass to the Mohe-
gans. He knew they should have no guides, but should

* So the Ms. JEd.

OF NEW ENGLAND, 46i

be destroyed in the woods, as they travelled towards Un-
cas.

Thus the English messengers returned, and the inter-
preter under his hand, and upon his outh, related the for-
mer passages, with others less material more largely.

Mr. Williams by the messengers wrote to the com-
missioners, assuring them, that the country would sud-
denly be all on fire, meaning by war ; that by strong rea-
sons and arguments he could convince any man thereof,,
that was of another mind ; that the Narragansets had been
with the plantations combined with Providence, and had
solemnly treated and settled a neutrality with them, which
fully shews their counsels and settled resolutions for war.

Thus while the commissioners, in care of the publick
peace, sought to quench the fire, kindled amongst the In-
dians, these children of strife breathe out threatenings,
provocations, and war against the English themselves; so
that unless they should dishonour and provoke God,by vio-
lating a just engagement, and expose the colonies to con-
tempt and danger from the barbarians, they cannot but
exercise force, when no other means will prevail, to re-
duce the Narragansets and their confederates to a more
just and sober temper.

The eyes of other Indians, under the protection of
the Massachusetts, and not at all engaged in this quarrel,
are (as they have expressed themselves to the English
messengers) fastened upon the English with strict obser-
vation, in what manner and measure they provide for
Uncas' safety. If he perish, they will charge it upon
them, who might have preserved him ; and no Indians
will trust the English, (if they now break engagements,)
either in the present or succeeding generations. If Un-
cas be ruintd in such a cause, they see their heads upon
the next pretence shall be delivered to the will of the
Narragansets, with whom therefore they shall be forced
to comply (as they may) for their future safety ; and the
English may not trust an Indian in the whole country.
The pren)ises being duly weighed, it clearly appears that
God calls the colonies to a war.

The Narragansets and their confederates rest on their

46s UEXERAL HISTORY

numbers, weapons, and opportunities to do mischief j
and probably, (as of old, Ashur, Amalek, and the Philis-
tines, with others did conft derate against Israel,) so Satan
may stir up and combine many of his instruments against
the churches of Christ, but their Redeemer is the Lord of
Hosts, the mighty one in batde ; all the shields of the
earth are in his hands ; he can save by weak and by few
means, as well as !^y many and great. In him they trust,
Jo: WiNTHPOP, President,

In the name of all the commissioners.

This storm being blown over, all the rest of the In-
dians never durst make any opt n attempt upon any of
the English, till the year 1675, when they broke out into
an open rebellion, as is at large declared in a narra'^ive
published for that end, and intended lo be annexed to
this history.

But at Stamford in the end of August 1644, an Indian
coming into a poor man's house, and nor.c ol the fi^mily
being at home but the wife, and a child in the cradle, he
barbarously struck her divers blows on the head with the
edge of a lathing hammer, and so left her for dead; but
he being afterwards taken, confessed the fact, with the
reasons why he did it, and brought back some of the
cloathes he had carried away. The woman was recov-
ered afterwards, thougli her senses were very much im-
paired by the wound*-,' (some of which almost pierced
to her brtiins,) and the Indian was put to death by the
court at New Haven, in whose jurisdiction the fact was
committed.

And at the meeting of the commissioners at New Ha-
ven, 1647, information was given them, that Sequasson
(the sachem near Hartford) would have hired an Indian
to have killed some of the magistrates near Hartford,
whereupon he was sent for, but came not ; but being got-
ten among the Indians at Pocompheake, they sent for Un-
cas, who undertook to fetch him in ; but not being able
to do it by force, he surprized him in the night, and
brought him to Hartford, where he was kept in prison
divers months, but there not being proof enough to con-
vict him, &c. he was discharged ; but the Indians, from

OF NEW ENGLANB. 463

whom he was taken, took it so to heart against Uncas,
as they intended to make war upon him, and the Narra-
gansets sent wampum to them to encourage them ; ac-
cordinjTjly va August, 1648, they were gathered together
from divers parts, about a thousand Indians, and three
hundred or more having guns and otlier ammunition.
The magistrates of Hartford hearing thereof, sent three
horsemen to them, (one being very expert in the Indian
language,) to know their intent, and to tell them, that if
they made war upon Uncas, the English must defend
him. The Indian sachem entertained the messengers
courteously, and having heard their message, after some
time of deliberation gave them this answer, viz. they
knew the English to be a wise and warlike people, and
intended not to fall out with them, and therefore would
at present desist, and take further time to consider of the
matter.

And God had so disposed that at the same time, they
had intelligence of a defeat given to some of their con-
federates, by other Indians, which called them to their
aid ; also the Narraganset failed to send all the wampum
he had promised, so as by the concurrence of all these acci-
dentSjthe English were ireed from war at that time, which
might have proved very dangerous to them all, especially
to their friends at Connecticut.

But the Narragansets being behind with their tribute,
the commissioners being met at Plymouth in the month
of September following, ordered four men to be sent t6
them, with an interpreter, with instructions how to treat
with them, both concerning their hiring other Indians to
war upon Uncas, and also about the tribute of wampum
that was behind. Capt. Atiiertcn, with Capt. Pritchard,
undertook the service, and going to Mr. Williams, they
procured the sachems to be sent for, but they hearing that
many horsemen were come to take them, shift for them-
selves. Pessacus fled to Rhode Island, but soon after
they were by Mr. Williams his means delivered of their
fear, and came to the messengers, as tliey were desired,
and being demanded about hiring the Mohawks against
Uncas, they solemnly denied it ; only confessed that the

464 GENERAL HISTORY

Mohawk being a great sachem, and their ancient friend
and being come to meet them, they sent about twenty
fathom of wampnm for him to tread, as the manner of
the Indians is. But Canonicus' son used this assevera-
tion, " Englishman's God doth know that we do not stir
up or hire the Mohawks against Uncas." They also then
promised that they would not meddle with Uncas, nor
stir up any other against him, before they had paid all the
tribute to the English that was behind; and then they
would require satisfaction for all the wrongs Uncas had
done them, and if the English would not see them satis-
fied, they would then consider wliat to do. But for what
was behind, of what was due to the English, they desire
to be borne with at this time, in regard their want of corn
the last winter had made them lay out their wampum for
corn to the English, but the next spring they would pro-
vide part of it, and the rest so soon as they could, which
was a fair answer, and according to equity accepted by
the English. But still it appeared that this condescen-
sion was more out of fear than love, and that the old
quarrel was not like easily to be forgotten and forgiven
in the present age. Canonicus, the great sachem of the
Narragansets, died the 4th of June, 16*8, being a very
old man, «^till leaving the hereditary quarrel entailed upon
his successour. But Uncas was alive and well in the year
1680, and probably may live to see all his enemies buried
before him.

It is here to be minded also, that although they were
engaged to pay a yearly tribute to the English, U()on the
account of the forementioned rebellion, yet after some
years they grew slack in the payment thereof, and at the
last in a manner denied to do any thing that way, inso-
much that the general court of the Massachusetts, or else
the commissioners, sent Capt. Atherton, of Dorchester,
with twenty soldiers to demand it. When he ^anie to the
place, Pessacus, the chief fichem, put him off with dila-
tory answers awhile, not suffering him to come into his
piesence ; while his followers were gathered into a great
assembly, consulting how to put them off, but the captain,

OF NEW ENGLAND. 469

not able with patience to wait any longer, carried his
twenty soldiers to the door of the wigwam, where the
Indians sat in consultation, and there leaving them, him-
self boldly entered in amongst them all, with his pistol in
his hand, (as was said,) and taking hold of Pessacus his
locks, drew him from the midst of his attendants, (some
hundreds in number, and all armed,) telling him that he
should go along with him, and if any of them stirred he
would presently speed him. By thi^ undiunted courage
of Capt. Athcrton, Pessacus and all the other sachems
were so affrighted, that they durst make no resistance ;
but presently paid down what was demanded, and so they
were dismissed in safety.

Not long after, Ninicrite, another of their sachems, be-
gan to raise new troubles against the English amongst
the Nianticks, but upon the sending Capt. Davis with a
troop of horse into his quarters, he was struck with
such a panick fear, that he scarce durst come to the speech
of the English, till he was fully secured of his life, and
then, readily complied with their demands. Such wasthc
terrour of the English upon them in those times, till after-
wards, by too much familiarity, they grew more embol-
dened, and ventured upon a war with them.

CHAP. LII.

The Confederation of the Ujiited Colonies of A''ew Eng^
hnd ; the grounds and reasons leading thereunto y with
the articles agreed upon^ for that end.

Woe to him that is alone, saith Solomon. The peo-
ple that came over to New England were necessitated to
disperse themselves further, each from other, than they
intended; yet finding that in their first and, weak begin-
nings, they might be exposed to danger by many enemies,
and as well from the natives as any foreign nations, al-
though that they saw they could not be accommodated
within the bout^ds of one and the same patent, yet judg-
ed it very expedient to be joined together in one common
bond of unity and peace, by as firm engagement as
59

466 QBNERAL HISTORY

might be on either side. They saw also, by daily ex-
perience from the beginning, that without some such ob-
ligation, seeds of jealousy and diffcTencc night easily be
sown between them, either about their bounds or other
occasions; wherein all discovered an unwillingness to be
subordinate one to another, yet could not be able to sland
alone by themselves, without engagement of mutual as-
sistance. For this end, some of the wisest in each division
had been contriving some means of unity and accord, by
akmd of confederation ; and sonie had drawn up articles
in that way in the year J 638, which v/ere left to further
consideration till after time. In the year 1639, the said
confederation was earnestly prosecuted by Mr. Haines
and Mr. Hooker, who tarried several weeks in the Bay
to solicit the matter ; by whose means the said treaty of
confederation was again renewed, and commended to the
consideration of the general court in the Massachusetts,
who did not unwillingly accept thereof. Those of Con-
nectiout were especially concerned to be solicitous about
it, because they had some reason to expect trouble from
the Dutch, who had lately received a new governour,
one that was more discreet and sober than the former,
and was very sensible and apprehensive of injury done
to their people at Connecticut, and also very inquisitive
how things stood between the Massachusetts and Con-
necticut ; which made them the more ready to renew the
former treaty, that the Dutch might not take notice of
any breach or alienation between them. Yet notwith-
standing how seriously and strenuously this motion was
driven on, by several occasions that interposed, it could
not be brought to any desirable issue till afterwards, viz.
in the year 1643, when commissioners came from all the
several colonies to Boston, in the time of the general
court there assembled. Mr. Fenwick also, of Saybrook
fort, joined with them in carrying on the treaty. The
general court of the Massachusetts chose as commission-
ers for their colony, Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Dudly, and Mr.
Bradstreet, from among the magistrates; Mr. Hathorne,
Mr. Gibbons and Mr. Ting, from amongst the deputies.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 467

From Connecticut, came Mr. Haines and Mr. Hopkins ;
from New Haven, came Mr. Theophilus Eaton and Mr.
Grigson ; Mr. Winslovv and Mr. Collier from Plymouth.
These coming to consultation, encountered with many
difficulties, before they could agree upon a good founda-
tion wh-^nein all might center; but being all desirous of
union and studious of peace, they readily yielded each to
other, in such things as tended to the common good of
the whole, so as after two or three meetings they loving-
ly accorded upon some articles, which here follow, being
allowt d by the general court of the Massachusetts, and
signed by all the commissioners, and sent also to be con-
firmed and ratified by the general courts of the rest of the
jurisdictions. Only Plymouth commissioners having
power to treat but not to determine, deferred the signing
of them till they came home, &c. but soon after they were
confirmed by their general court also, as well as by all
the rest.

Those of Sir Ferdinando Gorges' province,beyond Pas-
cataqua, were not received nor calh d into this confedera-
tion ; because they ran a differing couise from the rest,
both in their muiistry and their civil administrations.
Nor indeed were they at that time furnished with inhab-
itants,fit for such a purpose, for they had lately made Ag-
amenticus (a poor villdge) a corporation, and had made a
mean person major thereof, and had also entertained a con-
tentious person, and one under oftence, lor their minister.

Articles of Confederation between the plantations under
the government of the Massachusetts, New Plymouth,
Connecticut, New Haven, in New England, with the
plantations in combination witn them.

Whereas, we all came into these parts of America
with one and the same end and aim, namely, to, advance
the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to enjoy
the liberties of the gospel in purity with peace ; and
whereas in oursetding, (by the wise providence of God,)
we are further dispersed from the sea coast and rivers,
than was at the first intended, so that ^e cannot accord-

468 GENERAL HISTORY

ing to our desire, with convenience comnmnicate in one
government and jurisdiction ; and whereas we live en-
compassed with people of several nations and strange
languages, which hereafter may prove injurious to us and
our posteritv ; and forasmuch as the natives have com-
mitted sundry insolencies and outrages upon several
plantations of the English, and have of late combined
themselves a^^ainst us, and seeing, by reason of the sad
distractions in England, (which they have heard of, or
by which they know,) we are hindered, both from the
humble way of seeking advice, and reaping those com-
fortable fruits of protection, which at other times we
might well expect; we therefore do conceive it our boun-
den duty, without delay, to enter into a present conso-
ciation amongst ourselves, for mutual help and strength,
in all future concernments ; that as in nation and rela-
tion, so in other respects w^e be, and continue one, ac-
cording to the tenour and true meaning of the ensuing
articles.

1. Wherefore it is fully agreed and concluded, be-
tween the parties and jurisdictions above named, and they
jointly and severally do by these presents agree, and con-
clude that they all be, and henceforth be called by the
name of the United Colonies of New England.

2. The said United Colonies, for themselves and their
posterities, do jointly and severally, hereby enter into a
firm and perpetual league of friendship and amity, for
offence and defence, mutual advice and succour, upon
all just occasions, both for preserving and propagating the
truths and liberties of the gospel, and for their own mu-
tual safety and vvelia^e.

3. It is further agreed, that the plantations which at
present are, or hereafter shall be, settled within the limits
of the Massachusetts, shall be forever under the govern-
ment of the Massachusetts, and shall have peculiar juris-
diction amongst themselves, in all cases, as entire body.
And that Plymouth, Connecticut and New Haven, shall
each of them, in all respects, have peculiar jurisdiction
and government, within their limits ; and in reference to

OF NEW ENGLAX1>. 469

the plantations which are already settled, or shall hereaf-
ter be erected, and shall settle within any of their limits
respectively ; provided that no other jurisdiction shall be
taken in, as a distinct head or member of this confedera-
tion, nor shall any other, either plantation or jurisdiction
in present being, and not already in combination, or un-
der the juris'liction of any of their confederates, be re-
ceived by any of them, nor shall any two of these confed-
erates, join in one jurisdiction without consent of the
rest, which consent to be interpreted, as in the sixth ensu-
ing article is expressed.

4. It is also by these confederates agreed, that the
charge of all just wars, whether offensive or defensive,
(upon what part or member of this confederation soever
they shall fall.) shall both in men and provisions, and all
other disbursements, be borne by all the parts of this con-
federation, in different proportions, according to their dif-
ferent abilities, in manrer following, viz. That the com-
missioners for each jurisdiction, irom time to time, as
there shall be occasion, bring account and number of all
the males in each plantation, or any way belonging to
or under their several jurisdictions, of what quality or
condition soever they be, from sixteen years old to sixty,
being inhabitants there ; and that according to the dif-
ferent numbers, which from time to time shall be found
in each jurisdiction, upon a true and just account, the
service of men, and all charges of the u ar be borne by
the poll. Each jurisdiction or plantation being left to
their own just course or custom of rating themselves and
people, according to their different estates, with due res-
pect to their qualities and exemptions among themselves ;
though the confederates take no notice of any such pri-
vilege, and that according to the different charge of each
jurisdiction and plantation, the whole advantage of the
war, (if it pleased God so to bless their endeavours,)
whether it be in land, goods, or persons, shall be pro-
portionably divided amongst the said confederates.

5. It is further agreed, that if any of these jurisdic-
tions, or any plantation under, or in conibinaticn with

4^0 GENERAL HISTORY

them, be invaded by any enemy whatsoever, upon no-
tice and request of any three magistrates of that juris-
diction so invaded, the rest of the confederates, without
any further notice or expostulation, shall forthwith send
aid to confederates in danger, but in difftrent proportions,
viz. the Massachusetts, an hundred men, sufficiently arm-
ed and provided for such a service and j »urney ; and each
of the rest forty five men, so armed and provided, or any
less number, if less be required, accordmg to thihi pro-
portion. But if such a confederate in danger may be
supplied by their next confederate, not exceeding the
number hereby agreed, they may crave help thence, and
seek no further for the present ; the charge to be borne,
as in this article is expressed ; but at their return to be
victualled and supplied with powder and shot, (if there be
need,) for their journey, by that jurisdiction, which em-
ployed or sent for them. But none of the jurisdictions to
exceed those numbers, till by a meeting of the commis-
sioners for this confederation, a greater aid appear neces-
sary; and this proportion to continue, till upon know-
ledge of the numbers in each jurisdiction, which shall be
brought to the next meeting, some other proportion be
ordered ; but in any such case of sending men for present
aid, (whether before or after such order or alterations,) it
is agreed, that at the meeting of the commissioners for
this confederation, the cause of such war or invasion be
duly considered. And if it appear that the fault lay in
the party invaded, that then the jurisdiction or plantation
make just satisfaction, both to the invaders, whom they
have injured, and bear all the charge of the war them-
selves, without requiring any allowance from the rest of
the confederates, towards the same. And further, that if
any jurisdiction see danger of an invasion approaching, and
there be time for a meeting, that in such case three ma-
gistrates of that jurisdiction may summon a meeting at
such convenient place, as themselves think meet, to con-
sider and provide against the threatened danger. Pro-
vided, when they are met, they may remove to what
place they please ; only when any of these fourconfede-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 47i

rates have but three magistrates in their jurisdiction, a
request or summons from any two of them shall be ac-
counted of equal force, with the three mentioned in both
the clauses of this article, till there be an increase of ma-
gistrates there.

6. It is also agreed and concluded, that for the man-
aging of all affairs, proper to and concerning the whole
confederation, two commissioners shall be chosen by and
out of each of tliose jurisdictions, viz. two for the Mas-
sachusetts, and so for the other three, (all in church fel-
lowship with us,) which shall bring full power from their
several general courts respectively, to hear and exam-
ine, weigh and determine, all affairs of war or peace,
leagues, aid, charges, numbers of men of war, division
of spoils, or whatsoever is gotten by conquest, receiving
of more confederates or plantations into combination
with any of these confederates, and all things of like na-
ture, which are the proper concomitants and consequents
of such a confederation, for amity, offence and defence,
(not intermeddling with the government of any of the
jurisdictions, which by the 3d article is preserved entirely
by them;) but if these eight commissioners, when they
meet, shall not agree, yet it is concluded that any six of
the eight agreeing, shall have power to determine and
settle the business in question. But if six do not agree,
that then such propositions, with their reasons, (so fares
they have been debated,) be sent and referred to the four
general courts, viz. the Massachusetts, Plymouth, Con-
necticut, and New Haven, and if at all the said general
courts, the business so referred be concluded, then to be
prosecuted by the confederates and all their members. It
is further agTeed,that these eight commissioners shall meet
every year, (besides extraordinary meetings, according to
the 5th article,) to consider, treat, and conclude of all af-
fairs, belonging to this confederation ; which meeting
shall ever be the firs\ Tuesday in September, and that
the next meeting after the date of ihese presents, (which
shall be accounted the second meeting,) shall be at Bos-
ton, in the Massachusetts ; the third, at Hartford ; the

47S GENERAL HISTORY

fourth, at New Haven ; the fifth, at Plymouth; the sixth,
and seventh, at Boston ; and then at Hartford, New Ha-
ven> and Plymouth, and so in course suecessivelv; if, in
the mean time, some middle place be not found out, and
agreed upon, which may be commodious for all the ju-
risdiction.

^ 7. Il is further agreed, that at each meeting of these
ei£;htcommissioners,( whether ordinary or extraordinary,)
they all, or any six of them, agreeing as before, may
choose their presideot, out of themselves, whose office
and work shall be, to take care and direct for order, and
a comely carrying on of all proceedings in their present
meeting. But he shall be invested with no such power
or respect, as by which he shall hinder the propounding
or progress of any business, or any way cast the scales
otherwise, than in the preceding article is agreed.

8. It is also agreed, that the commissioners for this
confederation hereafter, at their meetings, (whether ordin-
ary or extraordinary,) as they may have commission or
opportunity, do endeavour to frame and establish agree-
ments and orders in general cases of a civil nature, where-
in all the plantations are interested for preserving peace
among themselves, and preventing, (as much as may be,)
all occasions of war or differences with others ; as about
free and speedy passage of justice in each jurisdiction,
to all the confederates equally as to their own ; receiving
those tliat remove from one plantation to another without
due certificates; how all the jurisdictions may carry it
towards the Indians, that they neither grow insolent, nor
be injured without due satisfaction, lest war break in
upon the confederates through miscarriages. It is also
agreed, that if any servant run away from his master, into
any of the confederate jurisdictions, that in such case,
(upon certificate from one magistrate in the jurisdiction
out of which the said servant fled, or upon other due
proof,) the said servant shall be either delivered to his
master, or any other that pursues, and brings such cer-
tificate and proof.

And that upon the escape of any prisoner, or fugitive,

OF NEW EKGLAND. 4^S

for any criminal cause, whether breaking prison or get-
ting from the otficer, or otherwise escaping; upon the cer-
tificate of two magistrates of the jurisdiction out of
which the escape is made, that he was a prisoner or such
an offender at the time of the escape, the map^istrate, or
some of them of that jurisdiction, where for the present
the said prisoner or fugitive abideth, shall forthwith grant
such a warrant as the case will bear, for the apprehend-
ing of any such person, and the delivery of him into the
hand of the oiMcer, or other person who pursueth him.
And if there be help required, for the safe returning of
any such offender, then it shall be granted unto him that
craves the same, lie paying the charges thereof.

9. And for that tht- justest wars may be of dangerous
consequence, (i^specially to the sn~;aller plantations in
these United Colonies,) it is agreed, that neither the Mas-
sachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut nor New Haven, nor
any of the members of any of them, shall at anj^ time here-
after begin, undertake or engage themselves, or this con-
federation, or any part thereof, in any war whatsoever,
(sudden exigencies, with the necessary consequences
thereof excepted, which are also to be moderated as much
as the case will permit,) witliout the consent and agree-
ment of the forenamed eight commissioners, or at least
six of them, as in the sixth article is pn vided. And
that no charge be required of any of the confederates, in
case of a defensive war, till the said commissioners have
met, and approved the justice of the war, and have agreed
upon the sums of money to be levied; which sum is then
to be paid by die several confederates, in proportion ac-
cording to the fourth article,

10. That in extraordinary occasions, when meetings
are summoned by three magistrates, of any jurisdiction, or
two, as in the fifth article,if any of the commissioners come
not, (due warning being given or sent,) it is agreed that
four of the commissioners shall have power to direct a
war which cannot be delayed, and to send for due propor-
tions of men, out of each jurisdiction, as well as six,
might have done, if all had met ; but not less than six

60

4^4 GENERAL HISTORY

shall determine the justice of war, or allow the demands
or bills of charges, or cause any levies to be made for
the same. ,

11. It is further agreed, that if any of the confederates
shall hereafter break any of these present articles, or be
other way injurious to any of the odier jurisdictions,
such breach of agreement or hijury shall be duly consid-
ered and ordered by the commissioners of the other ju-
risdictions, that both peace and this present confederation
may be entirely preserved without violation.

12. Lastly, this perpetual confederation, and the seve-
ral articles and agreements thereof being read, and seri-
ously considered, both by the general court for the Mas-
sachusetts, and the commissioners for the other three;
were subscribed presently by the commissioners, (all save
those of Plymouth, who, for want of sufficient commis-
sion from their general court, deferred their subscription
till the next meeting, and then they subscribed also,)
and were to be allowed by the general courts (f the sev-
eral jurisdictions, which accordini^ly was done, and certi-
fied at the next meeting, held at Boston, September 7,
1643.

Boston, May 29th, 1643.

CHAP. LIII.

SJvps seized in the harbours of the Massachusetts, by pre-
tended commissions of the Adudrahy iti England, in the
year 1644.

About July, in the year 1644, one Capt. Stagg ar-
riving at Boston, in a L(»ndon ship of 21 pieces of ord-
nance, and finding there a ship of Bristol, of one iiun-
dred tons, laelen with fibh for Bilboa, he made no speech
of any commission he had ; but having put ashore a good
part of his lading, (which was in wine, from Teneriffe,)
suddenly weighed anchor, and with a sea turn gale, sail-
ed from before Boston to Chcirlestown, and placed his
ship between the tovvn ai.d the Bristol ship, and moorod
himself aboard her. Then he Cdiled the nia^ter of the Bris-

OP NEW ENGLAND, 475

tol ship and shewed him his commission, and told him if
he would yield, himself and all his men should have what
belonged to them, and all their wages to that day ; and
then turning up the half hour glass, set him in his own
ship again, requiring his answer by that time the^lass
was out. The master coming aboard, acquainted his men
therewith, demanding their resolution. Two or three
of his men would have fought, and blown up their ship,
rather than yielded, but the greatest part prevailed ; so she
was quietly taken, and all the men (save three) sent to
Bo-^ton, where order was taken by their captain for their
diet. In this half hour's time, much people were gather-
ed together on the shore to see the issue ; and some who
had interest in the prize, especially a Bristol merchant,
(counted a very bold malignant, as then they were term-
ed,) began to gather company and raise a tumult. But
some of the people laid hold of them, and brought them
to the deputy governour, who committed the me/chant,
with some others that were strangers, to a chamber in an
ordinary, with a guard upon them; and others who were
town dwellers, he committed to prison, and sent the con-
stable to require the people to depart to their houses;
and then hearing the ship was taken, wrote to the captain
to know by what authority he had done it in their har-
bour, who forthwith repaired to him with his commis-
sion, which was to this effect : " Roi^. Comes Warwici,
&c. MagnusAdmirallus Anglise,&c. civibus cujuscunq.
status, honoris, et saltem sciatis quod in Registro cur.
Admiralt." And so recites the ordinance of parliament
in English, to this effect, " That it should be lawful for
all men, 8cc. to set forth ships and take all vessels, in or
outward bouiid, to or from Bristol, Barnstable, Dart-
mouth, &c. in hostility against the king and parliament,
and to visit all ships in any port or creek, &c. by force, if
they should refuse, &c. and they were to have the whole
prize to themselves, paying the 10 pounds to the admiral.
Provided before they went forth, they should give secur-
ity to the Admiral to observe their commission, and that
they should make a true invoice of all goods, and not

476 GENERAL HISTOIIY

break bulk, but bring the ship to the Admiral, and two
or three of the officers, and that thty should not rob or
spoil any of the friends of the parliameiit," and so con-
cludes thus : " Stagg capita; leus obligavit se, &c. in bis
niille libris, he. In cujus rei testinioninm, Sigillum, Ad-
miralt. presentib. apponi fitri, &c. Dat. March 1644."
Upon sight of this coitimission, the deputy appointed
Capt. Stagg to bring or send it to Salem, where was an
assenibly both of magistrates and ministers, to consider
of some matters then under debate. The tumult being
pacified, he took bond of the principal actor, with sure-
ties to appear at the said meeting, and to keep the peace
in the mean time. The captain brought his commission
to Salem, and there it was read and considered of. The
seizure of the ship was by divers gentlemen diversely ap-
prehended ; some were strongly conceited it was a vio-
lating the coifntry's liberties, and that a commission out
of the admiralty could not supersede a patent under the
broad seal. Those that were of that mind, judged that
the captairi should be forced to restore the ship; others
"were of different minds, and judged that this act could
be no precedent to bar us from oj posing any commis-
sion or foreign power, tliat might indeed tend to our
hurt, &c. But not to dispute the pouer of the Parlia-
ment here, it was in the is.ue determined not to inter-
meddle with the case, Itst by inierpuiing in a strife, that
was not within their reach, they sliould but take a dog
by the ears. But because some merchants in the coun-
try had put goods aboard the Bristol ship, before the
seizure, wherein they claimed propriety, they desired to
try their right by action, to which the captain consented
to appear ; so a court was called on purpose, where the
merchants intended to do their utmost to save their prin-
cipals in England from damage, by a trial at law, pro-
cured an attainder against the captain; but they were dis-
suaded from that course, and the deputy sent for Capt.
Stagg and acquainted him therewith, and took his word
for his appearance at the court. When the time came,
that the court was to sit, the merchants were persuaded

OP NEW ENGLAND, 477

not to put it to a jury, which could find no more but the
matter of fact, viz. whose the goods were, whether the
merchants in England, or those that shipped them, in
regard as yet no consignment of them had been made,
nor bills of lading taken, and this the magistrates could
as well determine upon proof, and certify accordingly ;
for they were not willing to use any force against the
parliament's authority ; and according!) , they certified
the admiral of the true state of the case, as they found
it upon examination and oath of the factors, and so left
it to be decided elsewhere. The merchants of Bristol
wrote afterward to the general court about it, who made
an address to the parliament, but the success seemed not
to answer the charge.

One Capt. Richardson, pretending to have such a com-
mission as was Capt. Stagg's, would have taken a Dart-
mouth ship, September 16, following ; but he was pre-
vented by the interposition of the government, who seiz-
ed her at the request of some of the inhabitants, in way
of recompense for loss they had sustained of tjie like na-
ture in Wales. But when Capt. Richardson "produced
his commission, it proved to be neither under the great
seal, nor grounded upon any ordinance of parliament, so
as he could not, by virtue thereof, take any ship, exempt
from the admiral's jurisdiction ; and tiierefore, as he was
advised, he forbore to meddle with any of the ships in
the harbour,

Capt. Richardson proceeded very rashly in his enter-
prize; and if a special providence had not hindered one
of his men, as he was running down hastily to fire at the
battery of Boston, from which one had fired a warning
piece, that cut a rope in the ship, much m.ischief might
have been done. The captain was the next day sensible
of his errour, and acknowledged the goodness of God,
that had prevented him from doing and receiving much
hurt, by that unadvised attempt.

4/78 GENERAL HISTORY

CHAP. LIV.

Transactions between the Massachusetts and some of the
governours of the French plantations in Acady, from
the year 1641 to 1646.

November the 8th, 1641, one Mr. Rochet, a Protest-
ant of Rochelle, arrived at Boston, with a message from
Monsieur La Tour, planted upon St. John's river, in the
bay of Fundy, to the westward of Cape Sable. He brought
no letters with him, but only from Mr. Shurt of Pemaquid,
where he left his men and boat. He propounded three
things to the governourand council of the Massachusetts.
1, Liberty of free commerce, which was granted. 2. As-
sistance against Monsieur D'Aulney, of Penobscot, with
whom he had war. 3. That he might make return of goods
out of England by their merchants. In the two last, they
excused any treaty with him, as having no letters, or
commission from La Tour ; however he was courteously
entertained there, and after a few days departed. But
on the 6tlf of October following, there came a shallop
from the said La Tour, with fourteen men, one whereof
was his lieutenant. They brought letters to the gover-
iiour, full of French compliments, with desire of assist-
ance against Monsieur D'Anhiey. They stayed about
a week, (in which time they had liberty to take notice of
the state of the Massachusetts, with the order of which
the lieutenant professed to be much affected,) and then
returned without any promise of what was principally
desired ; yet having now a second time propounded lib-
erty of commerce with them, some of the merchants of
Boston sent a pinnace soon after, to trade with La Tour
in St. John's river. He w eicomed them very kindly,
giving them good encouragement for commerce, and
withal wrote letters to tl^eir governour, very gratulatory
for his lieutenant's entertainment, &c. and a relation of
the state of the controversy betwixt him and D'Aulney.
But in their return they met with D'Aulney at Pemaquid,
who wrote also to their governour, and sent him a print-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 47#

ed copy of the arrest against La Tour, and threatened
them, that if any of their vessels came to La Tour, he
would make prize of them. The next summer, June
12, 1643, Monsieur La Tour himself came to Boston,
in a ship of 140 tons, with 140 persons'that lately came
from Rochelle, whereof the master and his company
were protestants. There came along with them two fri-
ars, (one of whom was well learned, and a ready disputant,
and very fluent in the Latin tongue,)^andtwo women, sent
to wait upon La .Tour's lady. , They came in with a fair
wind, without any notice taken of them ; for meeting a
Boston boat at sea, they took a pilot out of her, and left
one of their own men in his place. As they passed into
the harbour, one of La Tour's gentlemen espied Capt.
Gibbons his wife and her family passing by water to her
farm ; and giving notice to the Monsieur, that they had
been courteously entertained at their house in Boston,
he presently manned out a boat to go and speak with
her. She seeing such a company of strangers making
towards her, hasted to get from them, and landed at an
island near by, called the governour's garden. * La Tour
landed presently after hei, and there found thegovernour
himself with his family, whom after salutation he pre-
sently made acquainted with the cause of his coming,
viz. that his ship being sent him out of France, D'Aul-
ney, his old enemy, had so blocked up the river to his
fort, with two ships and a g-alliot, that his ship could not
get in, whereupon he stole by in the night with his shal-
lop, and was come to crave aid to convey him into his
fort. The governour answered him, that he could say
nothing to it till he had conferred with some other of the
magistrates ; so after supper, he went with him to Bos-
ton. In the mean time, notice being given hereof by
boats that, passed by, the town was up in arms, and
sent three shallops with armed men to guard the gover-
nour home, and not without cause; for if it had been an
enemy, he might not only have surprized the person of
the governour, with his family, but seized also the guns,
the castle, and either possessed themselves of the fortifi-

480 GEXERAL HISTORY

cation, or carried all away, there being not a man at that
time to defend the place. This supposed danger put
them upon another course, for better security of the place
soon after. But to let that pass, the governour having
the next day called together such of the magistrates and
deputies as were at hand, La Tour shewed them his com-
mission, and propounded to them his request, with the
cause of his coming. His commission was fairly en-
grossed in parchmei;^t, under the hand and seal of the vice
admiral of France, and grand prior, &c. to bring supply
to La Tour, whom he styled his majesty's lieutenant
general of Acady. He showed also a letter from the
agent of the company in France, to whom he hath refer-
ence, informing him of the injurious practices ofD'AuI-
ney against him, and advising him to look to himself, &c.
and subscribed to him as lieutenant general, &c. Upon
this it appeared, (being dated in April, 1643,) that not-
withstanding the arrest which D'Aulney had sent to the
governour the last year, whereby La Tour was proclaim-
ed a rebel, &c. yet he stood in good terms with the state
of France, and also with the company, &c. Whereupon,
(though he could not grant him aid, without the advice
of the other commissioners of the United Colonies,) yet
they thought it neither fit nor just, to hinder any that
would be willing to be hired to aid him ; and accordingly
they answered him, that they would allow him a tree
mercate ; that he might hire any ships that lay in their
harbour, &c. which he took very thankfully, and rested
well satisfied in. He had also leave granted him to land
his men to refresh themselves ; and upon his request,
liberty was granted to exercise his soldiers, on a training
day, at Boston, when the company of the town were in
like manner employed in their military exercises, wherein
diey behaved themselves civilly, and shewed their activi-
ty in feats' of arms, which was unto mutual satisfaction ;
although some persons, unaccustomed to such afiairs,
were not well pleased therewith, and did loretell that
which never came to pass* Many being dissatisfied with
these concessions, the governour saw cause to call a se-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 481

cond meeting, where all the reasons, pro and con, were
laid down and debated. After all which, the governour
and council could not apprehend it any more unlawful
for them, to allow him liberty to provide himself succour
from amongst their people, than it was for Joshua to aid
the Gibeonites agaii st the rest of tht- Canaanites, or for
Jehoshaphat to aid Jehoram against Moab ; in which ex-
pedition Elisha was present, and did not reprove the king
of Judah, but for his presence sake, saved their lives by
a miracle ; yet the ill success at the last, seems not fully
justified by these reasons.

The governour also, by letters, informed the rest of the
commissioners of what had passed, giving them the rea-
sons, why they did so presently give him his answer,
without further trouble to the country, or delay to the
French Monsieur, whose distress was very urgent.

In like manner did the governour, with the acivice of
some of the magistrates and others, write to D'Aulney,
by way of answer to his lettc rs of November last, to this
effect ; viz. whereas he found by the copy of the arrest
sent from himself, that La Tour was under displeasure
and censure in France, and therefore intended to have
no further to do with him, than by way of commerce,
which is allowed, &c. and if he had made prize of any
of their vessels in that way, as he had threatened, they
should have righted themselves, as well as they could,
without injury to himself, or just offence to his majesty
of France, (whom they did honour, as a great and mighty
Prince,) and should endeavour so to behave themselves,
towards his majesty and all his subjects, Sec. as btcame
them. But La Tour coming to them, and acquainting
them, how it is with him, and mentioning the vice admi-
ral's commission, with the letters, &c. though they
thought not fit to give him aid, as being unwilling to in-
termeddle in any of the wars of their neigh!:>ours; yet
considering his urgent m cessity and distress, they could
not so far dispense with the laws of Christianity and hu-
manity, as to deny him liberty to hire, for his money,
any ships in their harbour ; and whereas, some of their
61

40^ GENERAL HISTORY

people were willing to go along with him, (though with-
out any conrimission,) they had charged them to endeav-
our, by all means, to bring matters to a reconciliation, &c.
and that they should be assured, if they should do, or
attempt, any thing against the rules of justice and good
neighbourhood, they must be accountable thereof, unto
them, at their return.

Some other gentlemen did, at that time, affirm, that
being accidentally in their passage to New England, made
to put into the harbour, where was La Tour's fort, they
were there civilly treated, and accommodated with his
own pinnace, to transport them, when their ship was forc-
ed to leave them. And whereas, he was charged with the
killing two Englishmen at Machias, and detaining 500
pounds worth of goods, that belonged to some of New
England, about ten years ago ; it was then made out,
undeniably, that the Englishmen at Machias were all
drunk, (which is not hard to believe, where men, that
have not powertogovern themselves, have strong liquors
and wine to command at their pleasure,) and that they
began to lire their murdering pieces against the French-
men, whom they had peaceably traded with, but two or
three days before. And for the goods, La Tour proffer-
ed to refer the matter to judgment yet, and that if it should
be fjund he had done them any wrong, he would make
them satisfaction.

In the end, nothing of moment being objected against
their hiring of sl.ips of force, to convey him and his lady,
with their ship and goods, home to his fort, they set sail
July the 14, 1643, with four ships and a pinnace, well
manned with seventy or eighty volunteers, who all re-
turned safe within two months after, without loss either
of vessels or men ; although they chased D'Aulney
to liis own fort, where he ran his two ships and pinnace
aground, with intent to fortify himself with all expedition;
aisd the messenger, that carried the letters to D'Aulney,
was k d blindfold into the house, and so returned, six or
seven hours after. But the commander in chief of the
vessels, hired at Boston, would not be persuaded by La

OF NEW ENGLAND. 4J83

Tour to make any assault upon D'Aulney ; yet thirty of
the New England men went, on their own accord, with
La Tour's men, and drave some of D'Aulney's men from
a mill, where they had entrenched themselves, with the
loss of three of his men, and only three oi La Tour's men
wounded.

Some of the country took great offence at these pro-
ceedings, and drew up a kind of protest against thr^ir act-
ings in the Bav, and that they would be innocent of all
the mischief that might ensue, &.c. Some men have wit
enough to find fault with what is done, though not half
enough to know how to mend it, or to do better. The
governour, indeed, did blame himself for being over sud-
den in his resolution; for although a course may be war-
rantable and safe, yet it becomes wise men, in matters of
moment, not to proceed without deliberation and advice.
But on the other hand, where present distress doth urge,
delays may be as dangerous as denials; and a kindness,
extorted out of a friend or neighbour with importunity,
may be as ill resented afterward as an injury. Bis daty
qui citb dat.

In the summer following, La Tour, understanding that
D'Aulney was coming out of France with great strength
to subdue him, made another address to the governour
of the Massachusetts, to afford him aid, if need should
be. Mr. Endicot being governour that year. La Tour
repaired to him at Salem, where he lived ; who, under-
standing the French language, was moved with compas-
sion toward him, and appointed a meeting of the magis-
trates and ministers to consider of the request.

It seems this La Tour's father had purchased all the
privileges and propriety of Nova Scotia from Sir Wil-
liam Alexander, and had been quietly possessed of it, him-
self and his father, about thirty years; and that Penobscot
was theirs also, till within these five years, when D'Aul-
ney by force dispossessed him thereof. His grant was
confirmed under the great seal of N. Scotland, and he had
obtained also another grant of a Scotch baronet, under
the same seal.

iS'i GENERAL HISTORY

Most of the magistrates, and many others, were clear
in the case, that he ougiit to be relieved, not only out of
charity as a distressed neighbour, but in point of pru-
dence, to prevent a dangerous enemy to be settled too
near us. But after much disputation, those that most
inclined to favour La Tour, being unwilling to conclude
any thing without a full consent ; a third way was pro-
pounded, which all assented unto, which was this, that a
letter should be sent to D'Aulney to this efLct, viz. that
by occasion of some commissions of his, which had come
to their hands, to take their people, and not knowing any
just occasion they had given him, they would know the
reason thereof; and withal, to demand satisfaction for the
wrongs which he had done them and their confederates,
in taking Penobscot, and their men and goods at the
Isle of Sables, and threatening to make prize of their
vessels, if they came beyond Penobscot ; &.c. declaring
withal, that although their men, which went the last year
with La Tour, did it without any commission, council,
or act of permission of the country, yet if he made it ap-
pear to them, that they had done him any wrong, (which
yet they knew not of,) they should be ready to do him
justice, and requiring his express answer by the bearer,
and expecting he should call in all such commissions,
&c. They sent also in their letter, a copy of the order,
published by the governour and council, whereby they
forbade all their people to use any act of hostility, (oth-
erwise than in their own defence,) towards French or
Dutch, &c. till the next general court, mentioning also,
in the same letter, a course of trade their merchants had
entered into with La Tour, and their resolution to main-
tain them in it.

This being all, which La Tour could obtain at this
time, he returned home the 9th September, 1644 ; mu-
tual signs of respect being given betwixt him and the
gentlemen of Boston at his parting.

It is here to be noted, that the same summer, Mr.
Vines, agent for Sir Ferdinando Gorges, at Saco ; Mr.
Wannerton, that had some interest in the government of

OP NEW ENGLAND. 4S§

Pascataq'ia ; and Mr. Shurt of Pemaquid, went to La
Tour to call for some debts, &c. In their way they put
in at Penobscot, and were there detained prisoners a few
days, but were afterward (for Mr. Shurt's sake, to whom
D'Aulney was in debt,) dismissed, and going to La Tour,
Mr. Wannerton, and some other Enghshmen of the east-
ern parts, were entertained by him, and sent with about
twenty of his men, to try if they could take Penobscot,
(for they heard the fort was weakly manned, and in want
of victuals.) They went first to a farm house of D'Aul-
ney's, about six miles off, and there Wannerton and two
men more went and knocked at the door, with their
swords and pistols ready ; one opens the door and anoth-
er presently shot Wannerton dead, and a third shoots his
second in the shoulder, but withal he discharged his pis-
tol upon him and killed him. The rest of Wannerton's
company came in and took the house, and the two men
(for there were no more) prisoners, and then burnt the
house and killed the cattle, that were there, and so em-
barked themselves, and came to Boston to La Tour.
This Wannerton was a stout man, and had been a sol-
dier many years ; he had lived very wickedly in whore-
dom, drunkenness, and quarrelling, so as he had kept the
Pascataqua men under awe many years, till they came
under the government of the Massachusetts ; but since
that time, he had been much restrained, and the people
freed from his terrour. He had (as was said) of late
come under someterrours of conscience, and motions of
the spirit, by means of the preaching of the word, but had
shaken all off, and returned to his former dissolute course,
and so continued, till God cut him off, by this sudden
execution, which, if it were so, on him was fulfilled the
threatening, mentioned Prov. xxix, 1. "he that, being
often reproved, hardeneth his neck, shall suddenly be de-
stroyed, and that without remedy." But the assailants in
this hostile action, being led on by an Englishman, that
lived within the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, it was
like to provoke D'Aulney the more against them, of
which he found occasion afterward to put them in mind.

496 GENERAL HISTORY

September 17, the same year, the lady La Tour arriv-
ed at Boston from London, in a ship commanded bv one
Cant. Bayley. They had been six months from London,
having spent their time in tradin.^ about Canada, &c.
They met with D'Aulney about Cape Sables, and told
him they were bound for the Bay, having stowed the la-
dy and her people under hatches; so he not knowing it
was Capt. Bayley, (whom he earnestly sought for, either
to have taken or sunk him,) wrote by the master to the
deputy governour, to this effect. That his master, the
king of France, understaFiding the aid La Tour had there,
the last year, was on tiie commission he shewed from
the vice admiral of France, gave him in charge not to
molest them for it, but to hold all good correspondency
with them, and all the English ; which he prolessed he
was desirous of, so far as it might stand with his duty to
his majesty ; and withal, that he intended to send to them,
as soon as he had settled his affairs, to let them know
what further com mission he had, and his sincerity in the
business of La Tour, &.c.

And soon after, while the governour and the rest of the
magistrates were at Boston, to consider about the premi-
ses, and other coincident affairs, a vessel arrived at Sa-
lem with ten men, sent from D'Aulney, amongst whom
was one Monsieur Marie, (supposed to be a friar, but
habited like a gentleman.) He wrote to the governour,
(whom he expected to have found at Salem, where he
dwelt,) at Boston, by a gentleman of his company, to
know where he might attend him ; and upon the gover-
nour's answer, he came the next day to Boston, and there,
with letters of credence and commission from D'Aul-
ney ; he shewed them the king of France's commission,
under the great seal of France, with the privy seal an-
nexed, vi'herein the proceedings against La Tour were
recited, and he condemned as a rebel and traitor, &c.
with command for the apprehension of him and his lady,
(who had fled out of France against special order, &c.)
He complained also of the wrong done by their men,
the last year, in assisting of La Tour, &c. yet proffered

OF NEW ENGLAND. 487

terms of peace and amity. They answered to the first,
that divers of the ships and most of the men were stran-
gers to them, and had no commission from them, nor
permission to use any hostility ; and they were sorry when
they heard what was done; which gave him satisfaction.
To the other proposal they answered, that they couid not
conclude any league with him, without the advice of the
commissioners of the United Colonies ; but if he would
set down -his proposals in writing, they would consider
further of them ; and withal, acquainted him what they
had lately written to Mr. D'Aulney ; and the injuries
they had complained of to him ; so he withdrew himself
to his lodging, and there having drawn out his proposals,
and answers to their complaint, in French, he returned
to them, adding two proposals more ; one, that they would
aid him against La Tour, and the other, that they would
not assist him ; and gave reasonable answer to their de-
mands. They urged much for a reconciliation with La
Tour, and that he would permit his lady to go to her
liusband. His answer was, that if La Tour would volun-
tarily come in and submit, he would assure him his life
and liberty ; but if he were taken, he were sure to lose
his head in France ; and for his lady, she was known to
be the cause of all this contempt and rcbellioa, and there-
fore they could not let her go to him, but if they should
send her in any of their vessels, he must take them, and
if they carried any goods to La Tour, he would take
them also, but give them satisfaction for them. In the
end, they came to this agreement, which was drawn up
in Latin in these words, and signed by the governour and
six other of the magistrates and Monsieur Marie, where-
of one copy they hept, and the other he carried with
them. He came to Boston the Friday, and making great
haste departed on the Tuesday following. They fur-
nished him with horses, and sent him well accompanied
to Salem, having entertained him with all courteous
respect the time while he stayed. He seemed to be sur-
prised with his unexpected entertainment, and gave a
liberal testimony of his acceptance thereof, and assurance

488 UENERAL HISTORY

of Monsieur D*Aulney's engagement to them for it.—
The agreement was as followeth :

The Agreement between John Endicot, Esq. provernour of the
Massachusetts, in New England, and the rest of the magis-
trates there, and Mr. Marie, commissioner of Monsieur D*
Aulney, knight, governour and lieutenant general for his ma-
jesty, the king of France, in Acady, a province of New Francci
made and ratified at Boston) in the Massachusetts aforesaid) Oc-
tober 8, 1644.

The governour and all the rest of the magistrates do
promise to Mr. Marie, that they, and all the English
within the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, shall ob-
serve and keep firm peace with Monsieur D 'Aulney,
&c. and all the French under his command in Acady.
And likewise, the said Mr. Marie doth promise, in the
behalf of Monsieur D'Aulney, that he and all his people
shall also keep firm peace with the governour and ma-
gistrates aforesaid, and with all the inhabitants of the ju-
risdiction of the Massachusetts aforesaid, and that it
shall be lawful, for all men, both French and English, to
trade each with other ; so that if any occasion of offence
should happen, neither part shall attempt any thing against
the other, in any hostile manner, until the wrong be first
declared and complained of, and due satisfaction not giv-
en. Provided always, the governour and magistrates
aforesaid) be not bound to restrain their merchants from
trading, with their ships, with any persons, whether
French or others, wheresoever they dwell. Provided
also, that the full ratification and conclusion of this agree-
ment, be referred to the next meeting of the commis-
sioners of the United Colonies of New England, for the
continuation or abrogation, and in the mean time, to
remain firm and inviolate.

By this agreement, they were freed from the fear their
people were in, that Monsieur D'Aulney would take re-
venge of their small vessels and out plantations, for the
harm he sustained the last year by their means.

As La Tour returned home, with a vessel of the Mas-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 489

sachusetts in l^ls company, laden with provision, he nar-
rowly escaned I leingtaken by D'Aulney : for when he went
out of the harbour, the wind was very fair, which, if he
had made use of, he had fallen directly into the snare; but
touching at divers places by the way, where he stayed
some time, he passed by Penobscot, soon after D'Aulney
was ^one into the harbour; whereas if he had gone home
directly, he must needs have been taken. But the Bos-
ton vessel, that was in company with him, was met by
D'Aulney in lier return, who staid her, and taking the
master aboard his ship, manned her with Frenchmen, tel-
ling the master his intention, and assuring him of all good
usuge and recompense, for the stay of his vessel, (all
which he reallv performed.) He brought her with him to
the mouth of St. John's river, ard then sent her boat,
with one grntleman of his own, to La Tour, to shew him
his commission, and withal, desired the anaster to write
to La Tour, to desire him to dismiss the messenger safe-
ly, for otherwise D'Aulney would keep him for hostage ;
(yet he assured the master he would not do it.) So La
Tour dismissed the messenger in peace, which he pro-
fessed he would not have done, but for their master's sake.
D'Auhiey carried the ketch with him to Port Royal,
where he used the master courteously, and gave him
credit for fish he bought of him, and recompense for
the stay of his vessel, and so dismissed him.

Presently after this return, a vessel was sent to trade
with D'Aulney, and by it the deputy governour wrote to
D'Aulney, shewing the cause of sending her, with pro-
fession of their desire of holding good correspondency
with him, &c. and withal persuading him, by divers ar-
guments, to entertain peace with La Tour ; to which the
French gentlemen lent a deaf ear, though he treated civ-
illy with the company, and took off their commodities, at
the lowest rate he could bring them to.

The lady La Tour, while she lay at Boston, commenc-
ed an action against Bailey, the captain of the ship, for
not carrying her directly to her own place, and for some
injuries done her aboard his ship, greatly to her damage.
62

490 GENERAL HISTOny

Tlie action was commeiiced also against the merchant,
(who was both brother and factor to Alderman Berkley,
of London, who freighted the ship,) for not performing
the charter party ; having spent so much time upon the
coast in trading ; that they were near six months in com-
ing, and at the last, were not carried to her fort, as they
ought, and might have been. Upon a full hearing, in a
s])ecial court, after four days, the jury gave her 2000
pounds damage ; for had they come in any reas.onat>lc
time, it might have been more to her advantage, in their
trade, and safety against D'Auliiey ; whereas now it was
like to occasion their utter ruin, as in probability it came
to pass afterward ; for she knew not how to get Jiome,
without two or three ships of force, for D'Aulney coming
up with them at Cape Sables, they durst not discover
who they were, but stood away for Boston.

The captain and merchant of the ship being arrested,
were forced to deliver their cargo ashore, to free their per-
sons, by which means execution was levied upon them to
the value of 1 100 pounds. More could not be had with-
out unfurnishing the ship, which must have been by
force, the master and mariners refusing otherwise to de-
liver more. The master petitioned the general court
for his freight and wages, for which the goods stood
bound by charter party. The general court was much
divided about it, but the major pan voted that none was
due there, nor the goods bound for them. The major
part of the deputies were of another mind, bat a nega-
tive vote, in the court of the magistrates, put a stop to
any process; whereupon the master brought his action
at the next court of assistants, but the jury found for
the defendant ; it being put to them uj.on this issue,
whether the goods were security for the freight, &c. so
as they might not be liable to the executiOii ; and yet in
the charter party, the merchants had bound tiienjselves
and executors, &c. and goods, as the owners had bound
their ship, &c. to the u.cichanti*,

This bubiness caused much trouble and charge to the
country, and mauc some difference between the mer-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 491

chants themselves, some of whom were deeply engaged
for La Tour, specially those of Boston. Offers ^vcrc
made on both sides for an end between them ; but they
not coming to agreement, the lady took the goods and
hired three ships, which lay in the harbour, (belonging
to strangers,) which cost her near 800 pounds, and set
sail for her fort But the merchants, against whom she
had execution for their bodies, by way of satisfaction for
the rest of the judgment, got into their bhip and fell down
below the castle, (where they were out of command,) and
taking aboard about thirty passengers, set sail for Lon-
don, where they informed Alderman Berkley of the pro-
ceedings against him in New England. Capt. Bailey
carried over a certificate of their proceedings in the court,
under the hands of some persons ot credit, (who being
somewhat prejudiced in the case, though they reported
truly for the most part, yet not the whole truth,) it prov-
ed some disadvantage to the country, so as the Alderman
was thereby encouraged, first, to arrest a ship belonging
to the country , and then, releasing that by persuasion,
he arrested Mr. St. W. that was recorder of the court,
and Mr. Joseph Weld, that was one of the jury, when
the case was tried, so as they were forced to find sureties
in a bond of 4000 pounds, to answer him in the court of
admiralty. But it pleased God to stir up some friends in
the case, (especially Sir Henry Vane, who either over-
looked the dishonour, was put upon him in New England,
out of a generous and noble mind, or else upon serious
thoughts, might see no reason to take revenge,) so as be-
ing forced to give over his suit there, (though he spared
for no cost.) he procured a ne exeat r&gno out of the
chancery against them ; but the case being heard there,
they were discharged also. Then he petitioned the lords
of the parliament, (pretending great injuries, which he
was not able to prove,) for letters of reprisal ; but having
tried all means in vain, he was at last brought to sit down
with the loss of all his charges.

In the end of April following, news was brought to
Boston, that a vessel, sent by some merchants of New

49S GENERAL HISTORY

England to carry provisions to La Tour, was fallen into
the hands of D'Auhiey, who had made prize of her, and
turned the men upon an island, and kept them there ten
days, and then gave them an old shallop, (of about two
tons burthen, and some provisions to bring them home,
but denied them their cloaths, &c. vvhicli he had at first
promised them,) not giving them either gun or compass;
whereby it was justly conceived that he intended they
should perish either at sea, or by the Indians, (who vere
at hand, and chased them the next day, as tlky snpj)Osed,
&c.) Upon this news, the governourand council dis-
patched away a vessel to D'Aulney, with letters, wherein
they expostulated with him about this act of his, com-
plaining of it as a breach of the articles of peace between
them, and required tlie vessel and goods to be restored,
or satisfaction to be given for them. They gave answer
also, to some charges laid upon them, in his letter to the
governour, carried on with such high language, as if
they had hired the ships, which carried home the lady
La Tour, and had broken their articles by a bare suf-
ferance of it. They answered him accordingly, that
he might see that they took notice of his proud terms,
and that they were not afraid of him ; and whereas,
he often threatened them with the king of France his
power, &c. they answered, thit as they acknowledged
him to be a mighty prince, so they conceived withal, he
would continue to be just, and not break out against
them, without hearing their answer ; or if he should,
they had a God in whom to trust, when all other help
failed.

It was reported, that as soon as he had set their men
upon an island in a deep snow, without fire, and orjly a
sorry wigwam for their shelter, he carried his ship close
lip to La Tour's fort, (supposing that they would have
yielded it up to him i) for the friars, and other their con-
federates, (whom the lady, presently alter her arrival, had
sent away,) had persuaded him, that he might easily take
the place. La Tour being gone into the Bay, and not leav-
ing above fifty men in it, little powder, and that decayed

OP NEW ENGLAND. 498

also. But after they had moored their ship, and began
to let fly at the fort with their ordnance, they within be-
haved themselves so well with their ordnance, that thcv
tore his ship, so as he was forced to warp her ashore, be-
hind a point of land, to save her from sinking ; for the
wind coming easterly, he could not bring her forth, and
that they had killed (as one of his own men affirmed)
twenty of his men, and wounded thirteen more. And if
La Tour had besth-red himself abroad, as well as his la-
dy did within the fort, it had never fallen into the hands
of D'Aulriey, as soon after it did.

In a letter, which was sc nt soon after from D'Aulney,
he slis^hted those of the Massachusetts very much, charg-
ing them with breach of covenant, in entertaining La
Tour still, and sending home his lady. They returned
him a sharp answer, by Capt. Allen, declaring their in-
nocency, and that they sent her not home, but she hired
three London ships, that then lay in their harbour, &c.
When he received this letter, he was in a great rage, and
told the captain that he would return no answer, nor
would he permit him to come within his fort, but lodged
him in his gunner's house, without the gate ; where, not-
withstanding, he came daily to dine and sup with him.
But at last he wrote to the governour, in very high lan-
guage, requiring satisfaction for burning his mill, kc»
and threatning revenge, &c. So the matter rested,
till the meeting of the commissioners, in September
after, at v/hich time they agreed to send Capt. Bridges
to him, with the articles of peace ratified by them,
(the continuation or abrogation of which was referred
to them before,) with order to demand his confirma-
tion of them under his hand ; wherein also was ex-
pressed their readiness, that all injuries, &c. on either
part, might be heard and composed in due time and
place ; and the peace to be kept, in the mean time, so as
he would subscribe the same. D'Aulney entertained
their messengers with all state and courtesy, that he pos-
sibly could, but refused to subscribe the articles, till the
difterences could be composed; and accordingly wrote
back, that he perceived their drift was to gain time, &;c.

494? OENERAL HISTORY

whereas if their messengers had been furnished with
power to have treated with him, and concluded about
the diiferences, he doubted not but all had been agreed,
for they should find it was more his honour, which he
stood upon, than liis benefit. Therefore, he would sit still
till the spring, expecting their answer herein, and would
attempt nothing against them till he heard from them
again.

The general court, taking this answer into considera-
tion, agreed to send the deputy g' vernour, (Mr. Dud-
ley,) Maj. Donnison, and Capt. Hawthorne, with full
power to treat and determine ; and wrote a letter to him
to that end, assenting to his desire for the place, viz.
Penobscot, (which they call Pentagot,) and referring the
time also to him, so it were in September.

Some thought it would be dishonourable for them to
go to him, and therefore would have liad the place to have
been at Pemaquid ; but the most were of a differing judg-
ment, not only for that he was lieutenant general to a
great prince, but because, being a man of a generous
disposition, valuing his reputation above his profit, it
was considered that it would be much to their advantage
to treat with him in his own house. But that was but a
French complinient, he was so good an husband as to
prevent that charge to himself, as was discerned soon af-
ter. However, this being agreed upon for the present, a
private committee was chosen to diaw up their instruc-
tions,which were not to be imparted to the court,in regard
of secresy, (for they had found,tliat hitherto,through some
false play or other, D'Aulney had had intelligence of all
their proceedings,) with their commission, and to pro-
vide all other necessaries for their voyage.

Monsieur D'Aulney, having received their letter, re-
turned answer, that he saw now that they seriously de-
sired peace, which he (for his part) did also, and that he
accounted himself highly honoured, that they would send
such of their principal men home to him, &c. ; that
he desired this favour of them, that he might spare them
the labour, for which purpose he would send two or

OP NEW ENOLANB. 49f

three of his to them at Boston, about the end of August
next, in the year 1646, to hear and determine t&c. in
which answer they fully rested, expecting to hear from
him according to appointment.

And on the 20th of September, Mr. Marie and Mr.
Lovvis, with Monsieur D'Aulney's secretary, arrived at
Boston in a small pinnace; and Myj. Gibbons sent two
of his chief officers to meet them at the water side, who
conducted them to their lodging, sine strepitu, &c. it be-
ing the Lord's day. Publick worship being ended, the
governour repaired home, sentMaj. Gibbons, with other
gentlemen, with a guard of musketeers, to attend them
to the govcrnour's house, who, m.ecting them without
his doors, carried them into his house, where he enter-
tained them with such civility of wine, &.C. as the time
would allow ; and after a wliile accompanied them to their
lodging, which was at Maj. Gibbons his house, where
they were entertained that night.

The next morning, they repaired to the governour and
delivered him their commission, which was in form of a
letter, directed to the governour and magistrates. It was
open, only had a seal let into the paper with a label.
Their diet was provided at the ordinary, where the ma-
gistrates used to dine in court time, and the governour
accompanied them always at meals. Th;:ir manner was
to repair to the governour's house every morning at eight
of the clock, who accompanied them to the place of
meeting; and at night, either himself or some of the com-
missioners, accompanied them to their lodging. It was
Tuesday, t^ef ore the commissioners could come together;
when they were met, they propounded great injuries and
damages by Capt. Hawkins and their men in assistance
of La Tour, and would have engaged their government
therein. They denied that they had any hand, either by
commission or permission, in that action ; they only gave
way to La Tour to hire assistance to conduct his ship
home, according to the request made to them, in the
commission of the vice admiral of France. A'-d for that
which was done by their men, bejond thtii permission,

49& fiENERAL HISTORY

they shewed Monsieur D'Aulney's* to the governour,
by Capt. Bailey, wherein he writes that the king of France
had laid all the blame upon the vice admiral, and com-
manded him not to break with them upon that occasion.
They also alleged the peace, formerly concluded, with-
out any reservation of those things. They replied, that
howsoever the king of France had remitted his own in-
terest, yet he had not, nor intended to deprive Monsieur
D'Aulney, of his private satisfaction ; here they did
stick two days. Their commissioners alleged damages,
to the value of 8000 pounds, but did not stand upon the
value, and would have accepted a very small satisfaction,
if they would have acknowledged any guilt in their gov-
ernment. In the end, they came to this conclusion ;
they of the Bay accepted their commissioner's answer,
in satisfaction of those things they had charged upon
Monsieur D'Aulney ; and his commissioners accepted
their answer, for clearing their government of what he
had charged upon them. And because they could not free
Capt. Hawkins and the other volunteers, of what they
had done, they were to send a small present to Monsieur
D'Aulney in satisfaction of that, and so all injuries and
demands to be remitted, and so a final peace to be con-
cluded.

Accordingly they sent Monsieur D'Aulney a fair new
sedan, (worth 40 or 50 pounds, where it was made, but
of no use to them,) sent by the Viceroy of Mexico to a
lady that was his sis>er, and taken in the West Indies by
Capt. Cromwell, and by him given to the governour of
the Massachusetts. This the commissioners very well
accepted ; and so the agreement being signed in several
instruments, by the commissioners of both parties, on
the 28th day of the same month, they took leave and de-
parted to the pinnace,the governour and the commissioners
accompanying them to their boat, attended with a guard
of musketeers. Arid so their dismission was as honourable
as their reception, with such respect as New England was
capable to manifest to the king of France his lieutenant
general of Acady.

* [Letter,] Ed.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 4^

On the Lord's day they carried themselves soberly,
having the hberty of a private walk in the governour's
garden, and the use of such Latin and French authors,
as they could there be furnished with.

The two first days after theii* arrival, they kept up
their flag on the main top, as they said was the custom
for the king's ships, whether Eno;lish, French, or Dutch;
but being minded, that it was offensive to sonne London-
ers then in the harbour, as well as the people of the
country, M. Maiie gave order to have it taken down.

But the forlorn of these French Monsieurs' history,
being thus far marched before, it is now time to bring
up the rear. La Tour's lady, we saw before safely con-
ducted into her own fort, in despite of all D'Aulney's
endeavours. In the mean time, La Tour himself (who
was as well defective in courage as conduct) was coast--
ing to and again,^ to look after a bark load of provision ;
and in the mean time left his fort and all his whole estate
to the care of his lady, in the very gulph of danger, and
precipice of utter ruin.

For in the end of April, 1645, news was brought to
Boston, that D'Aulney, with all his strength, both of men
and vessels, was before his fort. The governour and
assistants of the Massachusetts were at a stand, to know
•what might lawfully be done for the saving it out of the
hands of D'Aulney, who, like a greedy lion, was now
ready to swallow down his prey. They were the more
solicitous in this business, because divers of the mer-
chants of New England were deeply engaged in the be-
half of La Tour ; and if his fort were once taken, they
were never like to be reimbursed. Some think it had
been better, they l^ad never engaged at all in his behalf,
than after so great hopes given him, for dependence on
them, thus to have left him In the snare. The next news
brought from St John's river was, that La Tour's fort was
scaled, and taken by assault ; that D'Aulney had lost
twelve men in the assault, and had many wounded ; and
that he had put to death all the men, which were taken in
the fort, both French and English ; and that La Tour's
63

498 GENERAL HISTORY

lady being taken, died with gritf within three weeks af-
ter. The jewels, plate, household stuff, ordnance, and
other movables, were vakied at 10,000 pounds. The
more was his folly tluitleft so great substance at so great
hazard, when he might easily have secured it in the hands
of his correspondents, with whom he traded in the
Massachusetts ; whereby he might have discharched his
engagement, of more than 2,500 pounds, to Maj. Gib-
bons, (who now by this loss was quite undone,) and
might have somewhat also, wherewith to have maintained
himself and his men, in case his fort should have been
taken, as it was very likely it might, having to deal with
treacherous friars, within his own precincts, as well as a
malicious neighbour, encouraged against him by the
power of France. But goods gotten after that rate, sel-
dom descend to the third heir, as heathens have observ-
ed. In the spring of the year, he went to Newfoundland,
in hope to receive some considerable assistance from Sir
David Kirk, another great truckmaster in those coasts,
who failing to perform, (if not what himself promised, to
be sure he did, as to what the other needed, and expect-
ed,) so as he returned to New England again in the lat-
ter end of the year 1645, in a vessel of Sir David's;
and soon after, was sent out to the Eastward by some
merchants of Boston with trading commodities, to the.
value of 400 pounds. When he came to Cape Sables,
(which was in the heart of winter,) he conspired with the
master, (who was a stranger,) and five of his own French-
men, to force the Englishmen ashore, and so go away
with the vessel. It was said that La Tour himself shot
one of the Enghshmen in the face with a pistol. But to
be sure they were all turned adrift in a barbarous man-
ner; and if they had not, by special providence, found
more favour at the hands of Cape Sah4e Indians, than of
those Frencli christians, they might have all perished ;
for having wandered fifteen days np and do\vn,they at the
last found some Indians who gave them a shallop with
victuals, and an Indian pilot, by which means tliey came
sale to Bostii)n about three months after. Thus they that

OP NEW ENGLAND. 499

trust to an unfaithful friend, do but wade in unknown
waters, and lean on a broken reed, which both woundeth
as well as deceiveth those that rely thereon.

CHAP. LV.

The general affairs of New England^ from the year 1646

to 1651.

Mr. WiNTHROP was this year, the ninth time, chosen
governour of the colony of the Massachusetts, and Mr.
Dudley deputy governour, on the 13th day of May, which
was the day of election there in the year 1646. Mr.
Pelham and Mr. Endicot were chosen commissioners
for the same colony, by the vote of the freemen. The
magistrates and deputies had hitherto chosen them, since
the first confederation ; but the freemen looking at
them as general officers, would now choose them them-
selves, and the rather, because of some of the deputies had
formerly been chosen to that office, which was not, as was
said, so acceptable to some of the confederates, no more
than to some of themselves ; for it being an affiiir of so
great moment, the most able gentlemen in the whole
coimtry were the fittest for it.

This court lasted but three weeks ; and notice was ta-
ken, that all things were therein carried on with much
peace and good correspondence to the end of the session,
when they departed home in much love. It was by spe-
cial providence so ordered, that there should be so good
accord and unanimity in the general court, when the
nunds of so many dissenters were so resolutely bent to
make an assault upon the very foundation of their gov-
ernment ; for if the tackling had been loosed, so as they
could not have strengthened their mast, the lame wouldat
that time have easily taken the prey. For Mr. William
Vassal, one of the patentees, that came over in the year
1630, (when he was also chosen an assiatant,) but not
complying with the rest of his colleagues, nor yet able
to make a party amongst them, returned for England

9^ GENERAL HISTORY

soon after; but not satisfvin,^ himself in his return, came
back again to New England in the year 1635, and then
settled himself at Scitiiate, in the jurisdiction of New-
Plymouth, a man of a pleasant and facetious wit, and in
that respect complacent in company; but for his actings
and designs of a busy and factious spirit, and indeed a
meer salamander, by his disposition, diat could take
content in no element, but that of the fire. And in. his
discourse did usually, in all companies, bear the part of
Antilegon, as he was called by a friend of his, and was
always found opposite to the government of the place,
where he lived, both ecclesiastical and civil. It was the
less wonder that he appeared such, in the colony of the
Massachusetts, both while he was an inhabitant there,
and where else he came. He had practised with such
as were not freemen, to take som^ course, first, by peti-
tioning the courts of the Massachusetts and of Plymouth,
and if that succeeded not, to apply themselves to the
parliament of England, pretending that here they were
subjected to an arbitrary power and extrajudicial pro-
ceedings, ^c.

Here was the source of that petition, presented to the
court of the Massachusetts, under the hands of several
inhabitants of Boston, in the name of themselves and
many others in the country. - That court they pressed
to have had a present answer. It was delivered into the
deputies, and subscribed by Doctor Child, Mr. Thomas
Fowle, and Mr. Samuel Maverick, and four more.

But the court being then near at an end, and the mat-
ter being very weighty, they referred the further consid-
eration thereof to the next sessions.

But in the mean time they were encountered v/ith oth-
er difficulties, in reference to some of Gorton's compa-
ny, with whom they had been much troubled in the for-
mer lustre ; for on the 13th of September, Randall Hol-
den arrived at Boston, in a ship from London, bringing
with him an order from the commissioners for foreign
plantations, drawn up upon the complaint, and in favour
of the forementioned lamjlists, which were too much

OF NEW EVGLAND. 301

countenanced by some of those commissioners. A copy
of which order here follows.

By the governour in chief, the lord high admiral, and com-
missioners appointed by the parliament, for the English
plantations in America.

Whereas we have thought fit to give an order for S.
G., R. H. asid J. G. and others, late inhabitants of a tract
of land, called the Narraganset Bay, in New England,
to return with freedom to the said tract of land, and
there to inhabit without interruption : These are there-
fore to pray and require you, and all other whom this
may concern, to permit and suffer the said S. G. &c.
with their company, goods, and necessaries, carried with
them out of England, to land at any port in New Eng-
land, where the ship, wherein they embark themselves,
shall arrive, and from thence to pass without any of your
lets or molestations, through any part of the country of
America, within your jurisdiction, to the said Bay, or any
part thereof, they carrying themselves without offence,
and paying, according to the custom of the country, for
all things they shall make use of in their way, for victuals,
carriage, and other accommodation. Hereof you may
not fail, and this shall be your warrant.

Nottingham,

Fra. Dacre,

Cor. Holland, cu?n multis aiiis.
Dated at Wesminster, May 15, 1646.

To the governour and assistants of the English plantation in
the Massachusetts, in New England, and to all other gov-
ernours and other inhabitants of New England, and all
others whom this may concern.

With the order, came also a letter of like tenour from
the commissioners. This order being sent to the gov-
ernour to desire leave to land, &c. the governour an-
swered, that he could not give them leave of himself,
nor dispense with any order of the general court ; but the
/council being to meet within two or three days, he v\oukl

503 CSENERAL HISTORY

impart It to them, and in the mean time, he would not
seek after them.

When the council was met, though they were of dif-
ferent minds about the case, the more part agreed to suf-
fer them to pass quietly away, according to the protec-
tion given them, and at the general court, to c«)nsider
fnrther about their possessing the land they claimed.
But when the general court came together, they judged
it needful to send some discreet person into Englarid,
with commission and instructions, to satisfy the commis-
sioners for plantations, about these matters ; and to that
end, made choice of Mr. Edward Winslow, one of the
magistrates of Plymouth, as a fit man to be employed
in the present affairs, both in regard of his abilities of
presence, speech, and courage, as also being well known
to divers of the council. And accordingly he accepted
of the service, and prepared for the journey, in the end
of the year 1646, being furnished with a commission,
instructions, and otlicr necessaries, and also with a re-
monstrance and petition, to the foresaid lords and gen-
tlemen, comniissioners for foreign plantations.

To the right honourable Robf:rt, earl of Warwick, governour

in chief, lord admiral, and other the lords and gentleuien,

commissioners for ioreign plantations.
The humble remonstrance and petition of the governour and

company of the Massachusetts, in way of answer to the

petition and declaration of S. Gorton, &c.

Whereas, by virtue of his majesty's charter, granted
to the patentees, in the fourth } ear of his highness' reign,
wc were incorporated into a body politick, with divers
liberties and privileges, extending to that part of New
England where we now inhabit : We do acknowledge,
(as we have always done, and as in duty we are bound,)
that although we aie removed out of our native country,
yet we still have dependence upon that state, and owe
allegiance and subjection thereunto, according to our
charter ; and accordingly we have mourned and rejoiced
therewith, and have had friends and enemies in common

OF NEW ESTGLAXD. 0OS

with it, in all the changes which have befallen it. Our
care and endeavour hath been, to frame our sjoveriiment
and administrations to the fundamental rules thereof, so
far as the different condition of this place and people,
and the best light we have from the word of God, will
allow. And wliereas, by order of your honours, bear-
ing date May 15, 1G46, we find that your honours have
still that a;ood opinion of us, as not to credit what hath
been informed agaiist us, before we be heard, we
render humble thanks to your honours for the same; yet
forasmuch as our answer to the information of the said
Gorton, &c. is expected, and somethinp^ also required
of us, which (in all humble submissior)) we conceive
may be prejudicial to the liberties granted us by the
said charter, and to our well being, in these remote parts
of the world, (under the comfort whereof, by the blessing
of the Lord, his majesty's favour, and the special care and
bounty of the high court of parliament, we have lived
in peace and prosperity these seventeen years,) our hum-
ble petition in the first place is, that our present and fu-
ture conformity to your orders and directions, may be
accepted with a salvo jure^ that when times may be chang-
ed, (for all things here below are subject unto vanity,)
and other princes or parliaments may arise, the genera-
tions succeeding may not have the cause to lament, and
say, England sent our fathers forth with hai:)py liberties,
which they enjoyed many years, notwithstanding all the
emnity and opposition of the prelacy and other potent
adversaries : how came we then to lose them, under the
favour and protection of that state, in such a season,
when England itself recovered its own ? In freto vix-
Imiis^ in portu morimur. But we confide in } our hon-
ours'justice, wisdom, and goodness, that our posterity
shall have cause to rejoice under the fruit and shelter
thereof, as ourselves and n'»any othc rs do. And there-
fore, we are bold to represent to your honours our appre-
hensions ; whereupon we have thus presumed to petition
you in this behalf. It appears to us, by the said order,
Ihat we are conceived, 1. to have transgressed our limits,,

504 (lENBRAL HISTORY

by sending soldiers to fetch in Gorton, &c. out of Sha-
omct, in the Narraganset Bay. 2. That we have either
exceeded or abused our authority, in banishing them out
of our jurisdiction, when they were in our power. For
the first we huinbly crave (for our better satisfaction) that
your honours will be pleased to peruse what we have de-
livered to the care of Mr. Edward Winslow, our agent
or commissioner, (whom we have sent on purpose to at-
tend your honours,) concerning our proceedings in that
affair* and the grounds thereof, which are truly and faith-
fully reported ; and the letters of the said Gorton and
his company, and other letters concerning them, faithfully
copied out, (not verbatim only, but literatim, according
to their own bad English,) by the originals we have by us,
and had sent them but for casualty of the seas. There-
by it will appear what the men are, and how unworthy
your favour. Thereby also will appear the wrong^: and
provocations we received from them, and our long patience
towards them, till they became our professed enemies,
wrought us disturbance, and attempted our ruin ; in
which case, (as we conceive,) our charter gives us full
power to deal with them as enemies, by force of arms,
they being then in such place, where we could have no
right from them by civil justice; which the commission
ers for the United Colonies finding, and the necessity of
calling them to account, left us the business to do.

For the other particulars in your honours' order; viz.
the banishment of Gorton, &c. as we are assured upon
good grounds, our sentence upon them, was less than
their deserving, so (as we conceive) we had sufficient
authority, by our charter, to inflict the same, having full
and absolute power and authority, to punish, pardon, rule,
govern, &c. granted us therein.

Now by occasion of the saixl order, those of Gor-
ton's company begin to lift up their heads, and speak
their pleasures of us, threatening the poor Indians also,
who (lo avoid their tyranny) had submitted themselves
and their lands, under our protection and government ;
and divers other sachems, following their example, have

OP NEW ENGLAND. 005

done the like, and some of them, brought (by the labour
of one of our ministers, Mr. John Eiiot, who hath ob-
tained to preach to them in their own language,) to good
forwardness in embracing the gospel of Gcxi in Christ
Jesus. All which hopeful beginnings are like to be des-
pised, if Gorton, &c. shall be countenanced and upheld
against them and us, which also will endanger our peace
here at home ; fur some among ourselves (men of un-
quiet spirits, affecting rule and innovation,) have taken
boldness to prefer scandalous and seditious petitions, for
such liberties as neither our charter, nor reason or reli-
gion will allow. And being called before us in open
court, to give account of their miscarriage therein,
they have threatened us with your honours' authority,
and (bdbre they knew we would proceed to any sentence
against them or not) have refused to answer, but appeal-
ed to your honours. The copy of their petition, and
our declaration thereupon, our said commissioner hath
ready to present to you, when your leisure shall permit
to hear them. Their appeals we have not admitted, be-
ing assured they cannot stand with the liberty and pov/er
granted us by our charter, nor will be allowed by your
honours, who well know it would be destructive to all
government, both m the honour and also in the power of
it, if it should be in the power of delinquents to evade
the sentence of justice, and force us by appeal to follow
them into England, where the evidences and circumstan-
ces of fact cannot be so clearly held forth, as in their
proper place ; besides, the insupportable charges we
must be at in the prosecution of it.

These considerations are not new to your honours,
and the high court of parliament ; the records whereof
bear witness of the wisdom and faithfulness of our ances-
tors in that great council, who in these times of darkness,
when they acknowieged the supremacy in the bishop of
Rome in all causes ecclesiastical, yet would not allow
appeals to Rome, &c. to remove causes out of the courts
in England.

Besides, (though we shall readily admit, that the wis*
64

508 GENERAL HISTORY

dom and experience of that great council and of your hon-
ours, as a part thereof, are niore able to prescribe rules
of government, and to judge the causes, than such poor
rusticks, as a wilderness can breed up, yet) considering
the vast difference betvi^een England and these parts,
(which usually abate the virtue of the strongest influen-
ces,) your counsels and judgments could neither be so
well grounded, nor so seasonably applied, as might either
be so useful to us or so safe for yourselves, in your dis-
charge in the great day of account, for any miscarriages
which might befal us, while we depended upon your
counsel and help, which could not seasonably be ad-
ministered to us; whereas, if any such should befal us,
when we have the government in our own hands, the
state of England shall not ansvyer for it.

In consideration of the premises, our humble petition
to your honours (in the next place) is, that you would be
pleased to continue your favourable aspect upon these
poor, infant plantations, that we may still rejoice and bless
our God under your shadow, and be there si ill nourish-
ed, ftanquam colore et rore coelfsti.J and while God owns
us for a people of his, he will own our poor prayers for
you, and your goodness towards us for an abundant re-
compense. And this in special, if you shall please to
pass by any failings you have observed in our course, to
confirm our liberties, granted to us by charter, by leav-
ing delinquents to our just proceedings, and discounte-
nancing our enemies, and disturbers of our peace, or
such as molest our people there, upon pretence of in-
justice. Thus craving pardon, if we have presumed too
far upon your honours' patience, and expecting a gra-
cious testimony of your wonted favour by this our agent,
which shall further oblige us and our posterity, in all
humble and faithful service, to the high court of parlia-
ment and to your honours, we continue our earnest pray-
ers for your prosperity forever.

By order of the general court,

Increase No well, Secretary.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 607

Mr. Winslow, being now fitted for his journey into
England, by a commission and the forementioned peti-
tion, with other suitable instructions, set sail from Bos-
ton about the middle of December, 1646. Upon his ar-
rival in England, and delivery of his letters to the earl of
Warwick and others, who were desired to assist in their
affairs, he had a day appointed for audience before the
committee, when Gorton and others of his company ap-
peared also to justify their petition and information,
which they had formerly exhibited against the court, &:c.
for making war upon them and keeping them prisoners,
&c. But after their agent had shewed the two letters
they wrote to them from Shaomet, and the testimony of
the court and some of the ministers, concerning their
blasphemous heresies, and other miscarriages, it pleased
the Lord to bring about the hearts of the committee, so as
they discerned of Gorton, &c. what they were, and of the
justice of their proceedings against them, only they were
not satisfied in this, that they were within their jurisdic-
tion. To which the agent pleaded two things, 1. They
were within the jurisdiction of Plymouth or Connecticut,
and so the order of the commissioners ot the United Col-
onies had left them to those of the Massachusetts, and
the Indians (upon whose land they dwelt,) had subjected
themselves and their lar.d to their government. \V here-
upon the committee made this order following, which
was directed in form of a letter to the Massachusetts,
Plymouth, and Connecticut, (one to each.)

After our hearty com mendai ions, &c. ly our letter of
May 15, 1646, were communicated unto you, our re-
ception of a complaint from S. G., R. Holden, &.c. touch-
ing some proceedings, tried against them by your gov-
ernment ; we also imparted to you our resolutitjns,
(grounded upon certain reasons set forth in said letter,)
for their residing upon Shaomet, ar d the other parts
cf that tract of land, which is mentioned in a letter of
civil incorporation, heretofore granted unto them by us,
praying and requiring of you to permit the san;e accord-
ingly, without extending your jurisdiction to any part

* Tariously spelt in Hubbard. In Haz. QolL Showamet. Ed.

508 GENERAL HISTORY

thereof, or disquieting them in their civil peace, or oth-
erwise interrupting them in their possession, until we
slioiild receive your answer to the same in point of title,
and thereupon give further order ; we have since receiv-
ed a petition or remonstrance from you, by your com-
missioner, Mr. Winslow, and though we have not yet
entered into a particular consideration of the matter, yet
we do, in the general, take notice of your request, as
well as the parliament's authority, as your own just privi-
leges ; and find cause to be further confirmed in our for-
mer opinion and knowledge of your prudence and faith-
fulness to God and his cause. And perceiving by your
petition that some persons do take advantage from our
said letters to decline and question your jurisdiction, and
pretend to a general liberty to appeal hither, upon their
being called in question before you, for matter proper
to your cognizance, we thought it necessary, (for the pre-
venting further inconveniences in this kind,) hereby to
declare, that we intended not thereby to encourage any
appeals from your justice, nor restrain the bounds of
your jurisdiction to a narrower compass, than is held
forth by your letters patents, but to leave you with all that
freedom and latitude, that may in any respect be duly
claimed by you, knowing that the limiting of you in that
kind may be very prejudicial, (if not destructive,) to the
government and publick peace of the colonies. For
your further satisfaction, wherein you may remember
that our said resolution took rise from an admittance
that the Narraganset Bay (the thing in question) v/as
wholly without the bounds of your patent, the examina-
tion whereof will in the next place come before us. In
the mean time we have received advertisemeat, that the
place is w^ithin the patent of New Plymouth, and that the
grounds of your proceedings against the complainants,
was a joint authority from the four governments of Mas-
sachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut and New Haven,
which, if it falls in upon proof, will much alter the state
of the question. And whereas our said direction exhib-
it<;d, not only to yourselves, but also to all the other gov-

OF NEW ENGLAND. , 509

ernments and plantations whom it might concern, we de-
clare, that we intended thereby no prejudice to any of
their next neighbours, nor the countenancing of any
practice to violate them ; and that we shall be ready for
the future to give our encouragement and assistance in
all your endeavours for settling your peace and govern-
ment, and advancement of the gospel of Jesus Christ,
to whose blessing we commend your persons and affairs.
Your very loving friends,

Warwick, governour and admiral,
Manchester,
W M. Say and Seal, &c.
From the committee of lords and commons,
Mav 25, 1647.

Soon after they received another letter from the same
committee, which here followeth :

In our late letter of May 25, we imparted how far we
had proceeded upon the petition of S. G. and R. H. ^ c.
We did by our said letter declare our tenderness of your
just privileges, and of preserving intire the authority and
jurisdiction of the several governments in New England,
whereof we shall still express our contmutd care. We
have since that taken further consideration of the peti-
tion, and spent some time in hearing both parties con-
cerning the bounds of those patents, under which yours
and the other governments do claim, to the end we might
receive satisfaction, whether Showamet and the rest of
the tract of land, pretended to by the petitioners, be ac-
tually included within any of your limits, i» which point
(being matter of fact) we could not at this distance give
a resolution, and therefore leave that matter to be exam-
ined and determined upon the place, if there shall be oc-
casion, for that the boundaries will be there best known
and distinguished ; and if it shall appear that the said
tract of land is within the limits of any of the New Eng-
land patents, we shall leave the same, and the inhabitants
thereof, to the jurisdiction of that government, under
which they fall, Nevertheless, for that the petitioners

MGf GENERAL HISTORY

have transplanted their families thither, and there settled
their residences at a pjreat charge, we commend it to
the govrnment, within wliose jurisdiction they shall
appear to be, (as our oiily desire at present in this mat-
ter,) not only not to remove them from their plantations,
but also to encourage them, with protection and assist-
ance in all fit ways, provided that they demean them-
selves peaceably, and not endanger any of the English
colonies bv a prejudicial correspondency with the Indians
or otherwise; wlicrein if they shall be found faulty, we
leave them to be proceeded with according to justice.
To this purpose we have also written our letters of this
tenour to the governours of New Plymouth and Con-
necticut, hoping that a friendly compliance will engage
those persons to an inoffensive order and conformity, and
so become an act of greater conquest, honour, and con-
tententment to you all, than the scattering and reducing
of them by an hand of power. And so not doubting of
your concurrence with this desire, as there shall be oc-
casion, we commend you to the grace of Christ, resting
Your very affectionate friends,

Warwick, govcrnour and admiral,

Manchester,

Pembroke, and

Montgomery,

Geo. Fenwick, '

Cor. Holland, &.c.

The committee having thus declared themselves to
have an honourable regard of them, and care to promote
the welfare of the United Colonies and other English
plantations to the eastward, (for they had confirmed Mr.
Rigbey's patent of Ligonia, and by their favourable in-
terpretation of it had brought it to the sea side, whereas
the words of the grant laid it twenty miles siiort, and had
put Sir Fcrdinando G-3rges out of all, as far as Saco;)
their agent proceeded to have their charter (which they
had lately granted to those of Rhode Island and Provi-
dence) to be called in, as things within the patent of Ply-
mouth or Connecticut.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 51 1

Gorton, having tried to the utmost what he could do
with the committee, and finding his expectation wholly
disappointed, came away for New England with what he
had, thinking it was now bootless to wait for more ; he
arrived at Boston in the spring of the year 1648. The
court, being informed thereof, made an order, that he
should be apprehended, to prevent the infection of his
pestilential doctrine ; but shewing a letter from the earl
of Warwick, desiring only that he might have liberty to
pass home, the court recalled that order, and gave him
a week's liberty to provide for his departure. It being
only a request and no command, the not complying there-
with might have been a disadvantage to their other af-
fairs, yet under the hand of their agent, and depending
before that committee, whereof the said Earl was presi-
dent.

Gorton and his company of Shaomet, hearing how
matters were like to go against them in England, began
to consider how they might make their peace with the
Massachusetts, and for that end sent two of their com-
pany to petition the general court, then sitting at Boston;
but these messengers, understanding at Dedham that the
court was adjourned, came no further, but one of them
wrote a letter to\he governour after this tenour following:

To the right worshipful Mr. John Winthrop, governour of the
JViassachusetts, humbly present to your worship's con-
sideration :

That whereas I, with another, was chosen by the gen-
eral court, held at Providence the 18th of this montli,
and sent with an honourable request to this honourable
court concerning Shaomet business, but when we came
to Dedham, hearing that the general court was adjourn-
ed, I, your suppliant, (being an inhabitant of Shaomet,)
seriously weighing my present condition there, • I made
bold to advise with Mr. Powel concerning the same,
who advised me to repair to your worship, which (on
consideration) I would not, till I had some knowledge of
your worship's favourable acceptance ; my humble re-

5lS CJENERAL HISTOUY

quest therefore is, that y6ur worship would be pleased
to send me your mind in a few lines cencerning the pre-
mises; so craving your worship's favourable construc-
tion, 1 remain yours, most humbly,

R. Barton.
Dedham, May 22, 1648.

By the style of this letter it appears how this company
were crest-fallen, who but a little before had a moutli
speaking great things and blasphemies ; but thanks be
unto God, they had not power to continue very long ; for
being now reduced to a little more sobriety in their lan-
guage and behaviour, they were permitted quietly to en-
joy their possessions at Shaomet, which ever after, in
honour of the governour in chief among the commission-
ers for plantations, they called Warwick, and by that name
it hath been known ever since.

This was the issue of the address, made by these Gor-
tonitesto the commissioners, who after the great clamour
and noise they had made, could make nothing appear of
that which they had affirmed.

Those that had troubled the court and country of the
Massachusetts with a petition, mentioned before, having
their dependence in like manner upon the said commis-
sioners, met with much what the same success of their
endeavours ; for their petition being disliked there, they
hoped to force it by the authority of the foresaid coni-
missioners, but they found no more countenance there
than in New England.

The substance of that petition was ranked by the pe-
titioners under three general heads. "1. The country's
not owning of the fundamental laws of England as the
basis of their government, according to patent. 2. De-
nying of civil privileges and immunities, enjoyed by the
freemen of tlie jurisdiction, to those who were not in that
capacity, though free born Englishmen, just and honest
in their dealing, peaceable and quiet in their behaviour,
forward with heart, hand, and purse to advance the publick
good, laws of their nation, &c. and yet they were not ca-

OF NEW ENGLAND, 513

pable to bear offices, either civil or military, without tak-
ing an oath of fidelity. 3. That they were debarred
from the privile£!;es of Christianity, as baptism for their
children, and the Lord's Supper for themselves, if they
were not members of some of the particular churches in
the country, though otherwise sober, righteous, and god-
ly, eminent for knowledge, not scandalous in life and
conversation, members of the churches of England.
Therefore desired that, their persons being qualified
as is expressed, the court would give them liberty to be
taken into their congregations ; intimating also, as if
they conceived marty judgments had fallen upon the
country for neglecting thereof."

This petition w^as very ill resented, both by the court
and country, as looking something of a seditious nature,
and tending to make disturbance in the country.

Whereupon a committee was appointed to draw up a
declaration in answer thereunto, which was published
November 4, 1G46, wherein was a great deal of pains
taken to make it evident to the world, that they had no
cause so to remonstrate. And in the said declaration,
the fundamental laws of Magna Charta were written on
one part of the column, and the liberties of the people
of New England on the other, by which it might appear
what little discrepancy tliere was, if any at all, as to the
substance of them. In the same declaration also, they re-
turned the petitioners a full answer out of their ovvn
words, delivered in the ])reface of their petition : " We
cannot but with all thankfulness acknowledge your inde-
fatigable pains, continual care, constant vigilancy, which,
by the blessing of the Almighty, hath procured to this
wilderness the much desired fruits of peace and plenty,
while our native land and the christian world is sharply
afflicted with the devouring sword, and sad consequences
of intestine wars ;" which expressions plainly contradict
what follows in the petition, and therefore it could not
but be looked upon as altogether without cause or
ground, and a kind of factious remonstrance, directlv
65

M4 (JEVEllAL HISTORY

tending to make commotion in the minds of people, and
thereby make disturbance in the place. When tliey
were called to an account for their petition, Dr. Child,
the chief speaker, demanded what should be laid to their
charge, saying it was no oflfence to prefer a petition, &c.
It was answered, that they were not questioned for pe-
titioning, but for such miscarriages as appeared in their
petition and remonstrance. The doctor desired that they
might know the charge : the court answered, they should
have it in due time, but it was not then ready, and some
of them (as was certified to the court) being upon their
departure, they were told they must find sureties for
their fortji coming. The doctor, &c. demanded what
offence they had committed, for which they should find
sureties, and pressing on that hand, one clause in the
said petition was presently read to them, viz. "our breth-
ren of England's just indignation against us, so as they
fly from us as a pest," &c. whereby was said, that they
laid a great scandal upon the country, &c. This was so
clear that they could not evade it, but quarrelled with
the court in high terms, the doctor telling them they did
beneath themselves in petitioning to them. Sec. and in
conclusion appealed to the commissioners in England.
The governour told them they could admit no appeal,
nor was it allowed by their charter. In the end, they
were dismissed for the present, and at the next sessions
of the court there was a charge drawn up against them,
for divers false and scandalous passages in a certain pa-
per, entitled '*a remonstrance and petition," &c. tending
to sedition. One particular branch of their charge to clear
it up : that their speeches tended to sedition, was to this
purpose, tliat there are many thousands secretly discon-
tented at the government, &:c. whereby those who indeed
were so, might he emboldened to discover themselves,
and to attempt some innovation, in confidence of so
many thousands to join with them, and so to kindle a
great flame, the fortrtelliug whereof might be a chief
means to enkindle it. But whatever was the charge,
they were at last offered, that if they would ingenuously

OF NEW ENGLAND. 51 5

acknowledge their miscarriage, &c. it should be freely
remitted ; but they remaining obstinate, they were sev-
erally fined, according to the degrees of their offences,
some more and some less. Two or three of the magis-
trates dissented ; one of them desired to be entered con-
tradicenty which needed not, for he was too well known
in the court to oppose and contradict whatever was pro-
pounded by the governour and Mr. Dudley. And so
the court dissolved.

Some of these petitioners being bound for England,
their papers were searched by the authority of the gover-
nour and council; amongst which were found the copies
of some petitions and queries to be presented to the com-
missioners for plantations. One petition was from some
non-freemen, pretended to be in the name and upon the
sighs and tears of many thousands, &c. In the pream-
blCj they shewed how they were driven out of their na-
tive country by the tyranny of the bishops, &c. One
of their petitions was for liberty of conscience, and for a
general governour. They had sent their agents up and
down the country, to get hands to this petition, but of the
many thousands they spake of, they could find but twen-
ty five hands to the chief petition ; and those were, for
the most part, either young men who came over servants
and never had overmuch shew of religion in them,
or fishermen of Marblehead, feared to be profane persons,
divers of whom were brought the last year from New-
foundland, for the fishing season, and so to return again.
Others were drawn in by their relations^ and those depend-
ed upon for means how to live. One was a barber of Bos-
ton, who, being demaniJed by the governour what made
him set his hand, made answer, that the gentlemen wera
his customers, &c. These were the men that must be
held forth to the parliament, as driven out of England by
the bishops, &c. and whose tears and sighs must move
compassion. Such as indeed were more exercised with
care how to live in the commonwealth, than with any
matter of conscience, how to serve God in the church.
Dr. Child being upon this apprehended, and brought

516 GENERAL HISTORY

before the governour and council, fell into a great pas-
sion, and gave big words ; but when he was told, that
they had considered him as ii person of quality, and
therefore had used him widi such respect as was meet
to be showed to a gentleman and a scholar, but if he
would behave himself no better, he should be clapt in
irons, upon which he grew more calm ; and having
thus hampered himself and provoked the authority
of the country to handle him more roughly, with some
of the rest, till they were humble enough to adiiiow-
ledge their oflences, upon their submission they were
discharged.

One of the petitioners going that year for England,
met with a sad storm at the Land's End, which (as was
credibly reported) made him as sick in his conscience,
with rem.orse for what he had done in the business of
the petition, as he was in his carcase for the working of the
sea, whereupon he delivered the papers about it to a well
affected passenger, to be thrown over into the sea, which
made himself and some others look at them as the Jonah
that occasioned the storm that soon after ceased. But
another in the ship, of a more resolved and tough hu-
mour, that was not a little concerned in the same busi-
ness, as soon as he came ashore, published his papers con-
cerning that affair, in a pamphlet, wl^ich'he styled, " Jo-
nah cast on the dry land." These men of scoffing wits
abuse the serious acts of Providence to please their idle
fancies. The righteous and the wise and their works
are in the hand of God ; and happy will that man be
found to be and approved of God, that works righteous-
ness in his sight, that never shall see cause to condemrj
himself for that thing, which formerly he allowed in him-
self or others.

Mr. Burton, one of the petitioners, being in the town
meeting at Boston, when the court's declaration about
the petition was there read, was much mo\ ed, and spake
in high language, and would needs have a copy of it,
which so soon as he had, he hasted with it, (as was un-
doubtedly believed,) to Dr. Child ; but in the way, mak-

OF NEW ENGI4AND, 517

ing more haste than good speed, he fell down, and lay-
there in the cold near half an honr before it was known
who he was, and company gotten to carry him home in
a chair; after which he continued in great pain, and
lame divers months.

It was observed that this man had a little before gath-
ered up some providences about such as were against
them ; as that Mr. Win slow 's horse died in the way as
he came to Boston, on account of his being called to be
agent for the country, and something of another nature
that happened in the family of Mr. Winslow's brother.
But now his great trouble was, lest this providence which
befel himself, should be imputed, and* as a bad omen
against his own house, and presage the fall thereof. The
event did give no small countenance to such an interpre-
tation ; for soon after it was understood by the passen-
gers which came from England, as well as by Mr, Wins-
low's letters, how the hopes and endeavours of Dr.
Child, and others of the petitioners, had been blasted by
the special providence of God, which still wrought
against them ; for Mr. Vassall, assisted, as was said, by a
relation of Dr. Child, set out a pamphlet, called " the
Jonah cast on dry land," as was hinted before, wherein
he published the petition exhibited to the general court,
and other proceedings of the said court against them ;
which was answered by Mr. Winslow in another, which
he called " the Salamander," (pointing therein at the
said Mr. Vassall, a man never at rest, but when he was
in the fire of contention ;) wherein he cleared the justice
of the Massachusetts court in their proceedings about
that affair. Others that went over with intent to procure
them trouble ran into it themselves, and found it made
good upon them in their experience what Solomon long
since declared, with other penmen of holy writ, " He that
diggeth a pit, shall fall into it ; and whoso breaketh an
hedge, a serpent shall bite him ; whoso removeth stones,
shall be hurt therewith ; and he that cleaveth wood, shall
be endangered thereby. There is a day wherein God
will make Jerusalem a burthensome stone, and the gover-

* For " imputed, and" (as in the Ms.) read interpreted. Pd

118 GENERAL filSTORY

nours of Judah like an hearth of fire among the wood, and
like a torch of fire in a sheaf," &c. Mr. Vassall find-
ing no encouragement to stay in England, went to the
Barbadoes ; the torrid zone being most agreeable to those
of his disposition.

Dr. Child also preferred a petition to the commission-
ers of plantations against New England, and put in Mr.
Thomas Fowle his name among others ; but he hearing
of it protested against it, for (as was said) God had
brought him very low, both in his estate and reputation,
since he joined in the first petition. But it missed the
mark, how directly soever it was levelled against the
country ; and not being able the effect his design that
way, he attempted another sort of revenge* by reproach-
ing the place and the fautors thereof. For falling in
talk with Mr. Willoughby upon the exchange, (who not
long before belonged to Charlestown of New England,)
he flew out in scurrilous language against the people of
New England, saying they were a company of rogues
and knaves. Mr. Willoughby answered, that he who
spake so was a knave, whereupon the doctor gave him a
box on the car. Mr. Willoughby was ready to have
elosed with him, &:c. but being upon the royal exchange
he was stayed, but presently arrested him. When the
doctor saw the danger he was in, he employed some
friends to make his peace ; by whom he was persuaded
to give five pounds to the poor of New England, and to
give Mr. Willoughby open satisfuctioa in the full ex-
change, and to give it under his hand, never to speak
evil of New England men afrer, nor to occasion any
trouble to the country, or to any of thf^ people ; all which
he gladly performed.

In affairs of this nature passed tlie three first years of
this lustre; in all which Mr. Winthrop, by annual election,
held the governour's placf^, as Mr. Dudley did the deputy's.
Although ill the year 1 647, there hid been great labouring
by the friends of the petitioners to have one chosen gov-
eniour who had favoured their cause, and to have added
som^ new magistrates of their side ; but Mr. Winthrop

OF NEW ENGLAND. 519

carried it by near three hundred votes above any other ;
nor was any new assistant chosen but Capt. Robert
Bridj^es, who was not fit for their turn. In the two fol-
lewing years, Mr. Dudley was declared, by the vote of
the freemen, most worthy to surceed in the place of gov-
ernour, the deputy governour's place the same time fall-
ing to Mr. Endicot's share ; Mr. VVinthrop, the former
governour, being called hence March 26, 1649, about
the sixty third year of his age. Whatever were the sep*
ulchre wherein his body was entombed, (not royal, like
that of Jehoiada,) yet was he honoured with the like epi-
taph, engraven in the minds of the people, as a worthy
gentleman, who had done good in Israel, having spent
not only his whole estate, (which at the first was consid-
erable,) but his bodily strength and life, in the service of
the country, not sparing, but always as the burning torch
spending his health and wealth for the good of others.
His virtues were very many and very commendable ;
his errours but few and very small, compared with
those observed in his detractors. One of the greatest
note coniplained of in him, was his ct<puhx (ru[4.aro<i, i. e.
not sparing the body ; for the remedy of which his
friends wished he had more literally taken notice of
Paul's precept to Timothy, " drink no longer water, but
use a little wine for thy stomach's sake, and thine often in-
firmities," which too many of that holy apostle's disciples,
or at least pretenders so to ■ je, are very ready to observe,
neglecting all the rest. But this good gentleman having,
in those hard times of first planting the wilderness, en-
deavoured to leave others an unimitable pattern of tem-
perance and frugality, he so much overcooled his natural
heat, that he thereby as it were, invited death to take
seizure of his weak body bcrfore he had scarce made any
entrance into old age.

520 CENERAL HISTORY

CHAP. LVI.

Farious occurrents in JVexv England., from 1646 to

1651.

In October 1645, the general court of the Massachu-
setts had made an order for 10 shillings, to be paid upon
every butk of Spanish wine landed there. In the spring
following, there arrived divers English ships, which
brought eight hundred butts, but the merchants having
lost much by leakage, and coming to a bad market as they
said, were very unwilling to pay the impost, and refused
to give in an invoice of such wines as they had landed ;
by reason of which they were forfeited by the foremen •
tioned order. But upon their petition, the court remit-
ted the forfeit and half the impost, (in regard the order
was made so late as they could not have notice of it in
those parts from which the wine came ;) but this notwith-
standing, they would not submit to the order, so as the
auditor, (who had a charge of receiving the said impost,)
was forced to break open the cellar doors where their
wine lay, and took out of their best wines for the impost,
which by tlie order he might do ; but that they took also
as a great injury, because their best wines being gone,
the sale of the rest was thereby much hindered, and the
merchants threatened to get recompense some other
way. .

But too much indulgence in that kind opened a door
of encouragement to wine merchants, who have since fill-
ed the country with that commodity, to the overflowing
of luxury and other evils ; whereas, had there been a
greater impost laid thereon, it might have turned the
stream of traffick into another channel, that might have
been much more beneficial to the place. Too much oil
extinguishes the light it should maintain. When this
commodity began to abound in New England, it might
have been truly said, as of old in the times of Constantine,
Hodie venenum effusum est in ecclesiam. Once New Eng-
land complained for want of tratiick, but now it may be
said, Jilia devoravit matrem.

OF NEW ENGLAND. S2i

Occasions of offence still continued betwixt the Dutch
and those of New Haven, which began to rise to a great
height of provocation on both sides, so as they were in-
cessantly complaining of injuries on either side, which
they were ready to revenge with the sword.

The inhabitants of New Haven, having purchased
some land of the Indians thirty miles up into the coun-
try, toward the northwest, upon a river called Patuxet,
built a trading house there. The Dutch governour hear-
ing thereof makes a protest against it, and sent it to Mr.
Eaton, claiming the place to belong to New Netherlands,
and lying within ten miles of the fort of Aurania. Mr.
Eaton sent an answer, allowing no right in the Dutch,
but alleging their purchase, and offering to refer the case,
&c. The Dutch governour complained thereof to the
governour of the Massachusetts, and also of a speech of
Mr. Whiting, (a magistrate of Connecticut,) that the
English were fools for suffering the Dutch in the centie
of the country. The Massachusetts governour informed
Mr. Eaton thereof, (the commissioners being then to
meet at New Haven,) and tendered to their consideration,
if it would not be expedient to call Mr. Whiting to give
account of those speeches, seeing the Dutch would ex-
pect satisfaction ; but the sense of present injuries, which,
as they apprehended, they were continually followed with-
al, made them backward to hearken to that intimation.

March 19, 1646, one Capt, Dobson, in a ship of 80
tons, double manned, and fitted for a man of war, was
set forth from Boston to trade to the eastward. Their
testimonial was for the gulph of Canada, but being taken
with foul weather, whereby they lost their boat, they put
into harbour at Cape Sables, and there shooting off five
or six pieces of ordnance, the Indians came aboard them,
and traded some skins. Monsieur D'Aulney was as list
of hearing as the Indians, and sent away twenty men,
(being not above thirty miles from Port Royal,) who
lurking in the woods for their advantage. Providence
now offered them a very fair one, for the ship having
bought a shallop of the Indians, and being under sail
therein, in the mouth of the harbour, the wind came
66

$SS GENERAL HISTORY

about southerly with such violence as forced them to an
anchor ; but at last, having lost all their anchors, they
were forced ashore, yet witliout danger of shipwreck ;
whertupon the merchant master and most of the compa-
ny went ashore, leaving but six men aboard, and carried
no weapons with them, which the French perceiving,
they came upon them and bound them, and carried the
master to the ship side, and compelled them to command
the men aboard to deliver her up to the French ; who be-
ing possessed of the ship carried her to Port Royal, leav-
ing some of their conipany to conduct the rest by land.
When they came there, they were all imprisoned and ex-
amined, apart upon oath; and haviiig confessed they had
traded, ^c. the ship and cargo (being worth in all a
thousand pounds) was kept as confiscate, and the men,
being put into two old shallops, were sent home, where
they arrived May 6, 1647. The merchants complained
to the court for redress, and the court thought it net safe
nor expedient for them to begin a war with the French ;
nor could they charge any manifest wrong upon D'Aul-
ney, seeing they had told them, that if any of theirs
should trade within his liberties, they should do it at
their own peril ; and though they judged it an injury to
restrain the Indians, (a free people, and others) from trade,
yet it being a common practice of all civil nations, his
seizure of their ship would be accounted lawful, and their
letters of reprisal unjust ; and besides, there appeared an
overruling providence in it, otherwise he could not have
seized a ship so well fitted for defence, nor would wise
men have lost her so pitifully, if they had not been
strangely infatuated.

October 20, 1648, came Mr. Harrison, pastor of the
church in Virginia, (the foundation of which was laid by
the ministers sent thither from New England about the
year 1642,) at that time increased to the number of 118
persons, as was reported, and many more were said to
be inclining towards them ; but Sir William Berkley, the
governour there, raised up persecution against them, aud
had banished their elder, Mr. Durand; and the said
Mr. Harrison was enjoined to depart the country by the

©F NEW EVGLAND. 0Si

third ship at the furthest, which caused him to come at this
time to New England, to advise about the matter, wiK'th-
er they were not called to remove, and what place they
could find convenient to remove unto. As to the first,
seeing many were found well affected towards them,
which gave hopes of a more plentiful harvest at hand,
they were advised not to be hasty to remove, so long as
they could stay upon any reasonable terms. For the
place to remove unto, mention was made of a place late-
ly propounded to them by one Capt. S lyie, who* had not
long before been in England, where he had procured aa
ordinance of parhament for the planting of the Bahama
islands, (now called Eleutheria,) situate in the mouth of
the gulph of Florida, and wanting means to carry it on,
he prevailed with divers parliavnent men and others of
London to undertake it, who drew up a covenant with
articles, for all to engage in that would enter into the de-
sign. The first article was for liberty of conscience,
wherein they provided that the civil magistrate should
take no cognizance of matters of religion, (there being
not a word of professing religion or maintaining any
worship of God at all.) The captain also had his com-
mission for governour but for three years only, and that
they should be subordinate to such orders and directions
as from time to time they should receive from the compa-
ny in England, &c. Upon these terms they furnished
him with all provisions and necessaries for the design,
and some few persons embarked with him and sailed to
the Somer Islands, where they took in Mr. Copeland,
elder of the churcii, of near eighty years of age, and so
many others as made the number seventy persons in
the ship ; but in the way to Eleutheria, one Capt. Butler
made use of his liberty not to worship God in any dis-
tinct mode by himself, but to diiturb them that did with
his musick, thinking that playing on his viol was as ac-
ceptable to God as the praying of the rest ; with wbi;h
disturbance he made a faction that caused them to remove
to another island, where their ship was lost with all their
goods and provisions, so as they wer^; farced to lie in the
open air, and feed upon such fruits and wild creatures

5Sl! GENERAL HISTORY

Sis the islands afforded ; but finding their strength to de-
cay, and life not likely to hold out therewith, Capt. Sayle
made a shallop out of the wreck with which he went to
Virginia, and would have persuaded the church there to
have removed to Eleutheria, but they being orthodox and
zealous for the truth, as their friends could not advise, so
neither were themselves forward to accept of the motion.
Mr. Harrison tarried a year or two in New England, and
then went to England, and at last settled in Ireland, having
taken the degree of a doctor ; but what became of the
church of Virginia or the planters of Eleutheria, there
was no certain report, but it is to be feared they were so
nipped in the bud, they never flourished much after-
wards.

CHAP. LVn.

Memorable accidents in New England from the year 1646

to 1651.

The people of New England at this time began to
flourish much in building of ships and trafficking abroad,
and had prospered very well in those affairs, and possibly
began too soon to seek great things for themselves; how-
ever, that they might not be exalted overmuch in things
of that nature, many afflictive dispensations were ordered
to them in this lustre, which proved a day of great rebuke
to New England ; for the first news they heard from Eu-
rope in the year 1646, was the doleful report of two of
their ships that were wrecked the winter before upon the
coast of Spain, one of which was built in the country
the former year by Capt. Hawkins, a shipwright of Lon-
don, who had lived divers years in the country before,
and had, with others, been encouraged to fall upon such
dealir.g as he had formerly been acquainted with. At
the last, he had built a stately ship at Boston, of 400 tons
^nd upward, and had set her out with great ornament of
carving ai d painting, and with much strength of ord-
nance. The first time she was rigged out for the sea,
was on the 2M of November, 1645, when they set sail
for Malaga, vvith another ship in her company, whereof

«F NEW ENGLAND. 0S5

Mr. Karman was master, Capt. Hawkins his ship hnd
many passengers, who chose rather to sail in her, thou.2;h
so far about, (because of her strength,) rather than toad-
venture in lesser vessels that went directly for England.
Divers of them that were in her also, had been masters
of ships themselves. But many times, according to the
old proverb, the more cooks the worse broth, and the
more masters the worse mariners; for when ti.ey c^me
upon the coast of Spain, one evening, the weather fair
and a full gale, some of the company deemed they saw
land, or at least thought they heard tiie rut of the shore ;
but the more aged seamen, whose reckoning was not up,
were loath to lose any of the fresh gale, and therefore made
all the sail they could that night, hoping that if the wind
stood all the next day, they might discern the land before
the next ; but they were presently upon the very siKjre
before they were aware, and both ships, three hours be-
fore day that night, struck aground, and soon after broke
a pieces. The Spaniards in the morning thought they
were mazed, not being able to see the lights in the casile
at Cadiz ; but it was hidden from them, for they general-
ly took them to be the lights in some ships, which they
seemed to have discerned the day before, and not know-
ing but they might be enemies, prepared to fight against
the morning.

Nineteen of the company were drowned ; amongst
whom was one Mr. Coytmore,an expert seaman, and Mr,
Karman, the master of the other vessel. Time and
chance happeneth to all men. The most likely lYieans
are often disappointed. Amongst them that were lost,
was one Pratt and his wife, that had lived divers years
in New England in much discontent, and went now to
provide better for himself in his old age, fearing lie might
come to want afterward ; but now he wanted nothing but
a grave, being buried in the rude waters amongst others
that needed not to have gone so long a voyage to have
hastened their death, which lies in wait to meet the sons
of men in every turning of their lives. Their ships
grounded two or three miles off the shore, but diviue
Providence so ordering, they were heaved b}' the seas

926 GENERAL HISTORY

near the dry land before their ships fell quite a pieces.
In the morning the common people of Cadiz Island came
upon them, and pillaj^ed the passengers of some goods
which more merciful waves had suffered them to save ;
but those of the city did entertam the p<)or passengers,
stript of all, with much kitidness ; and an English ship
in the harbour clothed many of tlicm, and took in as
many passengers as his ship could stow, for which a full
reward was wished might be given unto them. The
governour of the island gave the captain 500 pounds for
the wreck of his ship, which was some encouragement
for him to begin his hopes anew. But God was pleased
to cross him again in the same kind and place the next
year ; for going for London he found much favour with
his creditors and other friends, so as they employed him
again for Malaga the next spring, but then being Just
come out of the strait's mouth, they were taken with
such a violent tempest as drave his ship and three or four
more upon the same place where he was wrecked the
former year. No man knoweth either love or hatred by
all that is before them in this life, when all things come
alike to all, and the same events oft times happen to the
righteous which do to the wicked, that we may learn not
to trust in uncertain riches, but in the living God, who
giveth the sons of men richly all things to enjoy.

Another ship, built at Cambridge, in New England,
and sailing for the Canaries in the year 1645, was set up-
on by an Irish man of war, which had seventy men and
twenty pieces of ordnance ; the New England ship had
but fourteen pieces and about thirty men. They were
grappled and boarded, and forced to fight side by side near
a whole da^; but a shot taking in the steerage of the I-
rishman, they could not bring her to anymore; by
which accident they escaped their hands, notwithstand-
ing they had received one shot between wind and water,
which had much endangered them, but that God pre-
served them, so as they got off clear, and lost but two
men in the fjght, yet was damnified in her merchandize
between two and three hundred pounds.

Another deplorable loss befel New England the same

OP NEW ENGLAND. 5^

year, wherein New Haven was principally concerned, and
the southern parts of the country ; for the inhabitants of
that town, being Londoners, were very desirous to fall
into a way of traffick, in which they were better skilled
than in matters of husbandry ; and to that end had built
a ship of 100 tons, which they freighted for London,
intending thereby to lay some foundation of a future
trade ; but either by the ill form of her building, or by
the shifting of her lading, (which was wheat, which is
apt to shift its place in storms,) the vessel miscarried, and
in her seventy persons, some of whom were of the prin-
cipal part of the inhabitants, with all the wealth they
could gather together. The loss of persons and goods
was sadly bewailed by all that colony, it being attended
with so many solemn circumstances that they were all at
a loss to know how to understand the mind of God
therein, but were forced after all to acquiesce in the sove-
reignty and wisdom ot the Almighty, who worketh all
things according to the counsel of his own will, and ren-
dereth to none account of his ways. God can make
contentment with poverty greater gain to his people than
riches and wealth without his presence and blessing.

One Capt. Cromwell, in the year 1646, (about ten years
before, he had been a conmion seaman in the Massa-
chusetts,) having been out with one Capt. Jackson, upon a
privateering design, (or in king James his phrase, com-
mitting oi -d splendidumfurtuni^) with a commission from
the earl of Warwick, and having a commission of depu-
tation from that captain, had taken four or five Spanish
vessels, and in some of them great riches, and intending
for New England to empty himself there when he was
full, where he had been supplied when he was empty,
was by strange providence driven into Plymouth, where
they tarried about fourteen days, and had opportunity
with the psalmist, (if with the same spirit,) to disperse
and give liberally to the poor ; for that sort of men are
observed to spend as freely and lightly as they get. It
fell out while they were there, that a drunken fellow (who
had been in continual quarrels ail the voyai^e,) drew his
rapier upon the captain, when he was reproved by him

5S8 GENERAL HISTORY

two or three times, but at the last the captain struck him
on the forehead with the hilt of his sword, which made a
small wound, but he refusing to have it searched and
dressed that day, died of it, or of his drinking, the next
after ; whereupon Capt. Cromwell was tried by a coun-
cil of war, (such as could be gathered together at Ply-
mouth,) and was acquitted, though the coroner's jury
found that he died of the wound ; for they saw that by
his commission he had power of martial law. Tiuj^ God
oft times doth justly order, that he that takes the sword,
shall perish by the sword.

This Capt. Cromwell coming to Boston with his three
vessels and his Spanish wealth, might have been enter-
tained in the best house of Boston, but was of so noble
a disposition, that having in his mean estate been enter-
tained by a poor man in a thatched house, when others
were not so free to have done it ; he said, he would not
now leave him, when he might do him good, and there-
fore always took up his quarters in the same place, and
where he at last ended his days, after some following
voyages of like nature. It was said of this Cromwell,
that he was like Cassar ; Ccesus ex utero materno^ and
that he never saw either father or mother, or they him ;
and it is like the Spaniards in the West Indies wished
they had never seen him neither.

In the end of September, 1646, one William Waldron,
a member of the church of Dover, (received into the
church in the corrupt beginning of it,) a man given to
drunkenness and contention, for which he was after cast
out, and upon some formal repentance taken in again,
coming alone from Saco, where he undertook the office
of a recorder, was drowned as he passed over a small
river called Kennebunk, but his body not found till
about a month after. Those that through intemperance
are wont to drown themselves in wine, are too often
through imprudence drowned at last in water.

In the same year one Mary Martin fell into a sad mis-
carriage, whereby she brought herself to a violent and
untimely death. Her father had been a merchant of old
Plymouth, and her grandfather had been mayor of that

OP NEW ENGLAN^D, 9S9

town. The fatlier being fallen in his estate caiirje iiito
Casco Bay, in New England, and after sonne time hav«-
ing occasion to return back to England, left behind him
two daughters, comely maidens, and of modest behaviour
for aught appeared; but not taking that course for their
bestowing in his absence, as the care and wisdom of a
father should have done, the eldest was left in the house
of one Mr. Mitten, a married man, who was soon so cap-
tivated with her |)erson and bHwviour, that he attempted
her chastity, which she, not hivii^g such strength of vir-
tue to resist as she should, yielded unto, though with
much reluctancv of spirit, and as it was reported, begged
of God to be delivered from the temptation, and if ever
she were overtaken again,would leave herself to his justice
to be made a publick example, as indeed it came to pass,
for not taking heed to herself, nor minding her promise,
she was overtaken the third time with the same sin. But af-
terwards going into service at Boston and finding herself to
have conceived, she was not able to bear the shame of
the discovery, (being in so much favour with her mis-
tress also, that she would not allow of the least suspicion
herself or suggestion of the fear of it from others,) so as
she wholly concealed it tifl the time of her delivery, when
she was alone by herself in a dark room, and used vio-
lence to destroy the child she hud brought forth, a first
and a second time before she effected it, and then wrapt
it up in her chest for fifteen days, till her master and mis-
tress went on ship board, being bound for England ; on
which occasion she was put to remove to another house,
where she was charged by some that had suspected her
before, and now found she had been delivered of a child.
She at first denied the fact of murthering it, and said it
was stillborn, but upon search it was found in her chest,
and being made to touch the face of it before the jury,
the blood came fresh thereinto, whereupon she confessed
the whole truth. She carried it very penitently in prison,
and at the time of her suffering, which gave hopes to the
standers by of the truth of her repentance, justifying
God from the first time of her falling into the sin till the
last time of her suffering ; jand it was verv observable,
67

330 GENERAL HISTORY

that as she confessed she had twice attempted to murther
her child before she could eifect it, so through the un-
skilfulness of the executioner, they were forced to turn
her off the ladder twice before she could die. Thus
the foolishness of the sons and daughters of men makes
them choose sin rather than shame, till at last they are
covered with shame for their sin. The way of sin is a
dangerous path, and the further any pass on therein,
the more unable they arc to return therefrom, till they
descend down to the chambers of death in the pursuit
thereof.

In the depth of winter, in the year 1647, in a very
tempestuous nii^ht, the fort of Sa\ brook fell on fire, none
knows how, whereby all the buildings within the pallisa-
do were burnt down, with the goods, so ay Capt. M^son
with his wife and child could hardly escape. The loss was
esteemed at a thousand pounds and better. Where the
iron is blunt we must use the more strength, and where
the matter is so combustible as their dwellings are in
New England, we must use the more care to preserve
them.

In June 1648, one Margaret Jones, of Charlestown,
was indicted for a witch, and executed for it. She was
proved to have such a malignant touch that whomsoever
she touched (man, woman, or child,) with any affection
of displeasure, vv^ere taken presently with deafness, vom-
iting, or other violent pains or sickness. Soon after she
was executed, a ship riding over against Charlestown,
of 300 tons, having in her hold an hundred and twenty
tons of ballast, and eighty horses aboard her for the Bar-
badoes, was on a sudden observed to roll, as if she would
have turi».ed over. The husband of that witch, lately
executed, had desired passage in that ship to Barbadoes,
which not obtaining, that accident was observed to follow.
Notice being given of this to the magistrates then sitting
in court at Boston, a warrant was sent to apprehend him,
and as the officer was passing therewith over the ferry,
one asked if he could not tame the vessel, seeing he
could sometimes tame men ; he answered, I have that
here, which it may be will tame her and make her quiet,

OF NEW ENGLAND. 531

shewing his warrant, and at the same instant the ship be-
gan to stop her motion and swim upright, which had
continued rolHng after a strange manner about twelve
hours, and after Jones was in prison she never moved in
that kind any more.

The 11th of January, 1648, an idle fellow that used to
go home drunken from Boston to Winnisimet. was often
told he would be drowned at last ; and that night, passing
over the water in a tempestuous time, when he was far
in drink, perished in the water by the way. Another
that had been aboard ship late on the Saturday night to
make merry, and detained over long by the seamens' in-
vitation, the boat turning over upon the ice, he was
drowned by the shore, though three seamen waded out.
He that was drowned was noted to be of good conversa-
tion, and commendable in religion, but only drawn away
by idle company. God will be sanctified of all them
that draw near unto him.

Two young persons were drowned about that time in
a sad manner, one a boy of about seven years old, ran
down upon the ice towards a boat he saw there with a
staff in his hand, but the ice breaking under him the staff
kept him up till his sister, of about 14 years of age, ran
down to save her brother, though there were four n en
at hand, that called to her not to go, being themselves
hastening to save him ; but she not considering, ran has-
tily towards the same place, and so drowned both her-
self and him, being past recovery ere the men could
come at him, who might have reached ground with their
feet. The parents had no more sons, which made them
set their hearts too much upon him, and by their indul-
gence, as was feared, came to lose him on the sudden.
Four more were drowned that winter by adventuring
upon the ice. Outward comforts are but crutches,
which, when we lean too much upon, God suffers them
many times to fliil, that we may stay upon himsc If. It
is but just the cisterns should either be broken or dried
up, when we forsake the Fountain to depend upon thep .

In the year 1647, an epidemical sickness pass- d
through the whole country of New England, both

S33 GENERAL HISTORY

among Indians, English, French, and Dutch, It began
with a cold, and in many was accompanied with a
light fever. Such as bled, or used cooling drinks,
generally died ; such as nrade use of cordials, and more
strengthening, comfortable things, for the most part re-
covered.

It seems to have spread through the whole coast, at
least all the English plantations in America, for in the
island of Christophers and Barbadoes there died five
or six thousand in each of them. Whether it might
be called a plague or pestilential fever, physicians must
determine. It was accompanied in those islands with
a great drought, which burnt up all their potatoes, and
other fruits, which brought the provisions of New Eng-
land into great request with them, who before that time
had looked upon New England as one of the poorest,
most despicable, barren parts of America.

In October, 1648, some shallops of Ipswich, hav-
ing been fishing all the summer at Monhiggin, in their
way home, were intended to put in at Damarill's Cove
on a Saturday night, and three of them got safe into
the harbour's mouth before sun down. They in the
fourth shallop were not willing to put forth their oars
till it was very late in the afternoon, when they were
becalmed, and so it was dark night before they could
reach the harbour, the entrance of which they mis-
sed, and by that means were overraked by the surf
of the sea and all drowned ; four Englishmen and one
Indian, and the goods all perished. Their friends
called to them to make haste ; but the sluggard is
wiser in his own eyes, than seven men that can render
a reason.

CHAP. LVIII.

Ecclesiastical affairs in JVcw England from the year 1646

to 1651.

The churches in New England had now for sorne
<:onsiderable time enjoyed rest and peace, and having
^hd liberty without adversary or evil occurrent to model

OF NEW KN€SLANB, 553

the frame of their churches as near the apostolical and
primitive pattern, as well might be, began to think it now
high time to draw up some platform of their discipline
and church government, that might be as a foundation
for many generations that might be to come ; especially
at this time they judged it very necessary, when the way,
wherein they had hitherto walked, began to be called in
question, whether it were of the right stamp, and agree-
able to the pattern in the Mount. For this end, a bill
was presented to the general court in the year 1646,
for calling a synod to consider of that matter. The ma-
gistrates passed the bill, but some of the deputies ques-
tioned the power of the court to require their churches
to send their messengers to such a convention ; as not
being satisfied that any such power was given by Christ
to the civil magistrates over the churches in such cases,
as also because the main end of the meeting propound-
ed, was for an agreement upon one uniform practice of
all the churches, to be commended to the general court,
&c. which seemed to give power either to the synod or
the court to compel the churches to practise what shall
be so established. To this it was answered, that if the
magistrate was called of God to maintain the churches
within his precincts in purity, peace, and truth, (which is
assented unto by all sober men that profess Christianity,
else how can he be ciistos utriusque tabulee^) then the
civil magistrate must have power, upon just occasion,
to require the churches to send their messengers to ad-
vise in such ecclesiastical matters, whether they concern
doctrine or discipline, profession of faith or practice, in
point of manners ; and further they were answered that
the synod was not to proceed by way of authoritative
power, but by way of council and advice from the word of
God, and that the court was at liberty either to establish or
disannul soch agreement of the synod as they should see
cause, which would put no more into the hands of the
court than it had already, by the word of God and the
laws of the country. Thereupon the force of all objec-
tions on the other hand was taken away. But in tender
respect to such as were not yet fully satisfied in the point.

I^S4i GENERAL HISTORY

it was ordered, that the ensii'm,^ synod should be con-
vened by way of motion only to the churches, and not in
words of command.

But whatever gentle words the order was sweetened
withal, some of the churches could not swallow it,
especially because some words therein seemed to inti-
mate, that what the assembly should agree upon must be
presented to the court, that they might give such allow-
ance to it as was meet ; from whence it was inferred that
some intended to have ecclesiastical laws made to bind
the church, if they should consent to such a synod. The
principal men who raised the objections were some that
lately came from England, where such a vast liberty was
pleaded for by all that rabble of men, that went under
the name of Independents, whether Anabaptists, Anti-
nomians, Familists, and Seekers (for the Quaker was
not then formed into any particular or distinct shape out
o^ \\\s materia prima,) far beyond the moderate limits
pleaded for by the congregational divines in the assem-
bly at Westminster, such as Dr. Goodwin, Mr. Nye,
and Mr. Burroughs, &c. (who yet, it may be intending
to double the Cape of Good Hope, then in view, as was
thought, tacked about further than they needed to have
done.) A great part of the parliament also then in being
inclined much that way, and had by their commission-
ers, sent word to all the English plantations in the West
Indies and Somer Islands, that all men should enjoy their
liberty of conscience, and had by their letters also mti*
mated the same to those of New England. Some few of
the church of Boston adhered to these principles, which
made them stickle so much against the calling of the sy-
nod at that time, against which they raised a threefold
objection. 1. That by a liberty already established
amongst the laws of New England, the elders or minis-
ters of the churches have allowance or liberty to assem-
ble upon all occasions without the compliance of the civil
authority. 2. It was observed that this motion came
originally from some of the elders or ministers, and not
from the court. 3. In the order was expressed, that
what the major part of the assembly should agree upon,

OF NEW ENGLAND. 5B5

should be presented to the court for their confirmation.
To the first it was answered, that the said liberty was
grante 1 only for an help in case of extremity, if in time
to come, either the civil authority should grow opposite
to the churches or neglect the care of them, and not with
any intent to practise the same, while the civil rulers
were as nursing fathers to the churches. To the second
it was answered, it was not for the churches to inquire
what or who gave the occasion, but if they thought fit to
desire the churches to afford them help of council in any
matters which concerned religion and conscience, it was
the churches' duty to yield it to them, for so far as it con-
cerns their command or request, it is an ordinance of
man, which all are to submit unto for the Lord's sake,
without troubling themselves about the occasion or suc-t
cess. JEx 7nalis moribus nascuntur bonce leges : Laws are
not the worse for being occasioned by evil men or evil
manners. For the third, where the order speaks of the
major part, it speaks in its own language, and according
to the practice of the court, where the act of the major
part is always accounted the act of the court ; but it
never intended thereby to restrain or direct the synod in
the manner of their proceeding j nor to hinder them, but
that they might first acquaint the churches with their
conclusions, and have their assent to them, before they
did present them to the court, for that is their care ; the
court's care is only to provide for their own cognizance,
and for the inference which Was drawn from that clause,
[that the court might give them such allowance as should
be meet.] It is both against the rules of reason and char-
ity to inter from thence, any such sanction of the court
as was supposed, for they say only they will give them
such allowance as is meet ; it cannot thence be inferred,
that they will put any such sanction or stamp of authori-
ty upon them as should be unmeet.

This matter was two Lord's days in agitation with the
church of Boston, before they could be brought to any
comfortable conclusion ; but on a lecture day interven-
ing, Mr. Norton, teacher of the church at Ipswich, was
procured to supply the place at boston, where was a

036 GENERAL HISTORY

great audience, and the subject then handled was suita-
ble to the occasion, viz. Moses and Aaron kissing each
other in the mount of God ; where he laid down the na-
ture and power of a synod as only consultative, declara-
tive, and decisive, not coercive, &c^ and shewing also
the power of the civil magistrate in calling such assem-
blies, and the duty of churches in yielding obedience to
the same ; he held forth also, the great offence and scan-
dal, which would be given in refusing ; and in the whole
of his discourse appeared so much strength of reason and
argument, as was easily able to convince the gainsayer.
And on the next Lord's day, after much debate in
Boston church, it was agreed by the vote of the major
part, that the elders and three of the brethren should
be sent as messengers to the synod. It was near winter
before they could assemble, and few of the elders of the
other colonies, (though they also were invited,) could be
present ; on which account the synod, after they had sat
fourteen days, brake up, and adjourned to the 8th of June,
in the year 1647.

The inordinate love of liberty, or fear of restraint, es-
pecially in matters of religion, occasioned at this time
divers to call in question the power of the civil magis-
trate in matters pertaining to the first table, and there-
fore was that question thoroughly debated in the first
session of the synod, then called together, who delivered
their judgment about that question in the proposition
following :

A proposition about the magistrate's power in matters of religion.

" The civil magistrate, in matters of religion or of the
first table hath power, civilly to command or forbid
things respecting the outward man, which are clearly
commanded or forbidden in the word, and to inflict suit-
able punishments, according to the nature of the trans-
gressions against the same."

Several arguments, with testimonies, for the confirm-
ation and proof of this truth, were annexed thereunto,
and were printed at London anno 1654, together with a
discourse of that nature by Mr. Thomas Allen. It was

OP NEW ENGLAND. 937

bound up with a small treatise about the nature and
power of synods. But that which was attended princi-
pally in the next meeting of the synod, August 16, 16 18,
was a platform of discipline, to be commended to the
churches of New England, for a rule of their practice in
the government of the church, which the asseinbly, meet-
ing together in the said year, agreed upon, which they
endeavoured to gather out of the word of God. But for
a confession of faith, they wholly agreed with that, set
forth by the assembly of divines at Westminster.

The platform of discipline was to be presented to the
churches and general government for their consideration
and acceptance in the Lord. This was done in Octo-
ber, anno 1648, for the summer of the year 1647 prov-
ing sickly, they were forced to adjourn unto the follow-
ing year.

Some objections were made against some part thereof
by some of the deputies of the court in the name of the
churches and freemen they belonged unto, which being
answered by some of tiie elders, to whom it was left
against the next sessions of the court, they then thank-
fully accepted thereof, and declared their approbation of
the said platform of discipline, as being for the substance
thereof, what they had hitherto practised in their church-
es, and did believe to be according to tlie word of God.

In the said platform were laid down the principles of the
congregation discipline, according to which the church-
es of New England have been ever since ordered. These
principles are now well known in the world, and need
not therefore here be inserted ; but for the better infor-
mation and satisfaction of the reader, and that none might
judge of the said churches otherwise than they really
are, in their constitution and order, the sum of them
here followeth :

1. Ecclesiastical policy, church government, or church
discipline, is nothing else but that form and order that is
to be observed in the church of Christ upon earth, both
for the constitution of it and all the administrations that
are therein to be performed ; the parts of which are all
of them exactly described in the word of God, and is
68

638 GENEllAL HISTORY

not left ill the power cf any to alter, add, or diminish
any thing therein ; the necebsary circumstances of which,
as time and place, &c. are left to men, to be ordered un-
to edification, and not otherwise.

2. There is a catholick church visible, viz. the com-
pany of those that profess the christian faith, whether in
churcli order or not ; but there is no political catholick
church, the state of the members of the visible church,
since the coming of christ, being only congregational.

3. A congregational church, by the institution of
Christ, is a part of the visible church, consisting of a
company of saints by calling, united into one body, by
an holy covenant, for the publick worship of God, and
the mutual edification one of another in the fellowship
of the Lord Jesus, the matter of which, as to its qualifi-
cation, ought to be such, as have attained the knowledge
of the principles of religion, free from gross scandals,
and with the profession of their faith and repentance,
walk in blameless obedience to the word of God. As
to its quantity, it ought not to be of greater number
than may ordinarily meet together conveniently in one
place, nor fewer, than may conveniently carry on church
work. The form of such a church is an agreement,
consent, or visible covenant, whereby they give up them-
selves unto the Lord, to the observing the ordinances of
Christ together in the same society.

4. The fraternity or brotherhood of such a church, ig
the first subject of all ordinary church power, which is
either a power of ofHce or of privilege. But the power
of privilege is in the brethren, formally and immediate-
ly ; the oiher is in them no otherwise, than in that they
design the persons unto office, who only are to act and
exercise that power.

. 5. The ordinary officers of the church are such, as
concern their spiritual and moral, temporal and natural
good ; of the first sort, are pastors, teachers, ruling elders,
1 Tim. V. 17, in which latter sort, most of the churches
in New England, tis many of the congregational church-
es elsewhere, are not so well satisfied as formerly, ac-
counting ruling elders should be able to teach.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 839

6. It is ill the power of the churches, to call their own
officers and remove them from their office again, if there
fall out just cause, yet so as the advice of neighbour
churches, where it may conveniently be done, be first
had, and they who are to officiate, ought to be tried and
proved before they be elected. 1 Tim. v. 22.

7. Elders are to be ordained by imposition of hands,
which is to be performed by the elders of the same
church, if it be furnished with any, or those of neighbour
churches, and may be done by some of the brethren de-
puted thereunto ; which latter also is not disapproved by
Dr. Hornbeck, the learned professor of divinity at Ley-
den, fFom Numb, viii, 10.

8. The power of government in a congregational
church, ought to proceed after the manner of a mixt ad-
ministration, for in an organick church, no act can be
consummate without the consent both of the elders and
the brethren ; so as the power of government, or rule in
the elders, prejudice not the power of privilege in the
brethren, nor tlie power of privilege in them, prejudice
the power of rule seated in the elders, seeing both may
sweetly agree together.

9. For the maintenance of the ministers of the church,
all that are taught are to communicate to him that teach-
eth in all good things ; and in case of neglect, the ma-
gistrate ought to see that the ministry be duly provided
for.

10. For tlie admission of members, those that have the
weakest measure of faith, it ought to be accepted in
them, that desire admission, either by a personal relation
in publick, or by the elders acquainting the church, w itli
what satisfaction tht y have received from the persons in
private. The things wherein satisfaction is required*
are faith and repentance, which ought to be found in all
church members.

11. Where members of churches are called to remove
from one church to another, it is convenient for order's
sake, that it be done by letters of recommendation, or of
dismission.

12. 1 he censures of the church, which are for the

94^ CiENEEAL HISTORT

preventing, removing, or healing of ofFences, areexcom-
mns ication or aidmonition, wherein the church ought to
pro. eed according to the rule of Matthew xviii. 15, 16,
17, wherein the offence is to be brought to the church
by the mouth of the elders.

13. Particular churches, although they are distinct,
and so have not one power over another, yet because
they are united unto Christ, not only as a mystical but «^s
a political head, they ought to have communion one with
another, by way of mutual care, consultation, admoni-
tion, and participation in the same ordinances.

14. Synods orderly assembled, and rightly proceeding
according to the pattern of Acts xv. are the ordinance of
Christ, and if not absolutely necessary to the being, yet
necessary to the well being of churciics, for the establish-
ment of truth and peace therein. And many churches
may so assemble together by their messengers and eld-
ers ; and their directions and determinations, so far as
consonant to the word of God, are to be received with
reverence and submission, not only for their agreement
therewith, (without which they bind not at all,) but also for
the power whereby they are made, as an ordinance of
God, appointed thereunto in his word.

15. Church government and civil government may
very well staiid together, it being the duty of the magis-
trate to take care of matters of religion, and to improve
his civil authority, for observing the duties commanded
in the first, as well as in the second table ; seeing the end
of their office is not only the quiet and peaceable life of
the subject in matters of righteousness and honesty, but
also in matters ol godliness. 1 Tim. ii. 1, 2.

In these propositions are summed up in brief the prin-
Qiples of tjje congrtgaiional churches of New England
as to church government, which is the only point
wherein they differ from the rest ot the reformed church-
es, whether English, Belgick, or Gallick. As for their
cot.ftssion of faith and doctrine in all other points of re-
ligion, they of New England vary not from the doc-
trine of the church of England, which generally is re-
ceived in ?ii the reformed churchcb of Christ in Europe^

OF NEW ENGLAXD. BH

In drawing the aforesaid platform, the hand of Mr,
Thomas Hooker, the famous minister of Hartford, was
wanting, who had been not a little helpful in the former
synod, 1637, being July the 7th, 1647, called to his rest
and to receive his crown amongst those who have turned
many to righteousness, and to shine as the stars forever
and ever. Of whose eminent worth the less may be said
here, considering what is ascribed to him by a reverend
brother of his own order, in this following epitaph, where-
in there is enough, if some do not think too much said,
for the setting forth his praise.

EPITAPHIUM IN OBITUM R MI FRATRIS

Mri. THO : HOOKERI.

America, although she doth not boast
Of all the gold and silver from this coast,
Lent to her sister Europe's need, or pride,
(For that's repaid her, and much more beside,
By one rich jewel, which th' heavens did thence afford,
As pious Herbert gave his honest word.)
Yet thinks she may into the catalogue come,
With Europe, Africk, Asia, for one tomb.*

Ez. Rogers.

For piety, prudence, wisdom, zeal, and learning, and
what else might make him serviceable in the time and
place he lived in, he might be compared with those of
greatest note. He needs no other praise than the fruits
of his own labours in both Englands, which shall pre-
serve an honourable and happy remembrance of him for-
ever.

August 25, 1649, put a period to the days of that fer-
vent and powerful preacher of the gospel, Mr. Thomas
Shepard, the worthy pastor of the church of Christ at
Cambridge. To him may be in his measure applied the
words of David, "The zeal of thine house hath consumed
me," for he died in the 44th year of his age. In whom
was found the zeal, fervour, piety, and learning, of an
eminent, worthy preacher of the gospel.

• Variatioss. [From Mather's Magnalia.] Ed.

Line 4 and much gain beside,

5. In one rich pearl, which heaven did thence afford.
7. Yet thinks, She in tlie catalogue may come.

0l!0 GENERAL HISTORY

CHAP. LIX.

General affairs cf the Massachusetts y in J^ew England,
from 1651 to 1656.

In the beginnin,^ of this lustre, viz. May the 7th,
1651, Mr. Endicot was again chosen governour, and
Mr. Dudley deputy governour, which order in the elec-
tion of the chief rulers of that colony was observed in
the years 1652 and 1653.

In the general court of the year 1651, Boston grow-
ing populous, and many occasions thereby intervening,
that required the administration of justice oftener than
the stated courts of the county could well attend unto, the
town was allowed the power of keeping a kind of corpora-
tion court by commissioners chosen by the inhabitants.
And whereas the people, inhabiting upon the south side of
Pascataqua river had resigned up their government to
the Massachusetts, those on the other side in the Pro-
vince of Maine were the same year, 1651, urged with
the like necessity as the other were ; for having run
themselves aground in their government, and not well
able to recover the stream again, they were willing to cast
themselves upon the general court of the Massachusetts,
who, upon several considerations, past an order and de-
claration about their right and title thereunto, and or-
dered Mr, Bradstreet, Maj. Denison,and Capt. Hathorne
to treat with the gcndemeu of the said province about the
surrender thereof, as in their best judgments and discre-
tions they should think meet. On which account all
the towns eastward of the Pascataqua were, within the
compass of the next two years, taken into the govern-
ment of the Massachusetts in like manner.

In the year 1652, Mr. Bradstreet, Mr. Symonds, Capt.
Wiggin, and Mr. Pendleton, were sf lit as commission-
ers to summon the inhabitants of Kittery to come in and
own their subjection to the Massachusetts, as of right
and proper interest belonging unto then). And being
assembled together November 16, that year, thty sub-
mitted thereunto, their submission being subscribed by

OF NEW ENGLAND. 5^S

above forty of the inhabitants at the same time. The ~
like was done at Agamenticus the 22d of the same
month, the place being afterward called York. In like
manner in the year following, scil. 1653, commissioners
were sent from the Massachusetts to take the town of
Wells into their government, as was done in the places
last mentioned the year before. And the like also was done
at Saco, July 5th of the same year, and their submission
subscribed by sixteen of their inhabitants, who were the
principal if not the greatest part of their number. Those
of Cape Porpoise did the like about the same time, twelve
of which place submitted thereunto.

To all of these eastern plantations were granted, for
their encouragement, larger priviieges than to the common
inhabitants of the Massachusetts, scil. all the privileges
of the freemen, upon the taking the oath that belongeth
thereunto ; and tor the clearing of the right and title of the
Massachusetts to the said province, some skilful math-
ematicians were ordered that year to run the north line
of the Massachusetts patent, according to the late inter-
pretation of the bounds thereof; and the line was ac-
cordingly run October 13, 1653.

And some gentlemen about Pascataqua did, in the year
1669, raise a considerable contribution for the advan-
tage of the college, by way of gratuity for the kindness
they received by the patronage of the Massachusetts gov-
ernment, scil. 60 pounds per annum for seven years.

In the same year was liberty granted for several plan-
tations within the limits of the Massachusetts colony,
as at Northampton and Hadley, upon Connecticut river,
and at a pleasant place upon Merrimack river, called
Chelmsford. Liberty also was granted for a township,
at an Indian plantation in the way towards Hadley, called
by the inhabitants Lancaster. Several families had seated
themselves there ever since the year 1647, but now by
the addition of a convenient number of inhabitants they
became a township.

May 3, 1654, Mr. Bellingham was by the freemen hi-
vited to accept of the governour's place, and Mr. Endi-
cot called by theiu to be deputy. This year was the first

54* f.'EVERAL HISTORY

titne that the laws of the Massachusetts, for the better
direction of the people, were ordered to be printed.

And at this court of election, Mr. Wheelwright, hav-
ing s^ivcn the court and country satisfaction as to those
thinp:s were objected against him in the year 1636, was
approved as a minister of the town of Hampton, where
he had by permission preached some years before.

At tliis coun likewise Mr. John Eliot, minister of
Roxbu'^y, that had heretofore by them been encouraged
to go on with preaching the gospel to the Indians, obtain-
ed several parcels of land for the Iiidians, that gave any
sincere hopes for their embracing of the christian rehgion,
as at Hasanameset,* a place up into the woods beyond
M^ dfield and Mendon, and at Puncapoag, beyond Dor-
chester, as well as Natick, near Dedham, mentioned be-
fore.

At this time Mr. Henry Dunster, president of Harvard
College, having entertained thoughts with himself for the
resignation of his place, upon the account of some dif-
ference between him and some of the overseers, as being
suspected f ^r too much inclination to antipsedobaptism,
he had his liberty granted so to do, and the overseers
took hold of the opportunity to invite Mr, Chauncey, of
Scituate, to accept of the president's place, a man of
great learning and worth, with incomparable diligence
and labour in his study, which he held to the last, yet of
the contrary extreme as to baptism, from his predeces-
sor ; it being his judgment not only to admit infants to
baptism, but to wash or dip them all over; an opinion
not tolerable at all seasons in a cold region, which made
the notion less dangerous as to the spreading thereof, be-
ing altogether impracticable in so cold a country for the
greatest part of the year. Thus are men apt to run in-
to extremes with Peter, who would either not be washed
at all, or else over his whole body.

In the last year of this lustre, the government of the
Massachusetts returned to Mr. Endicot, who missed
not thereof to the end of his life, after this year ; the
deputy's place in like manner remaining with Mr. Bel-
lingham, till his turn came to be advanced to the high-

• Grafton. Ed.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 5i0

est place, after the decease of the forementioned gentle-
man.

Two more plantations or townships were this year
granted, the one at Shashin, upon a river falling into Mer-
rimack, called Billerica; the other higher above Con-
cord, called Groton.

Thus did the inhabitants of New England, that it might
not be forgotten whence they had their original, im-
print some remembrance of their former habitations in
England upon their new dwellings in America.

CHAP. LX.

^ quarrel between the inhabitants of New Haven and the
Dutch at Manhatoes^ the Massachusetts not willing to
engage therein ; from 1651 to 1656.

Ever since the uniting of the four colonies of
New England, in the year 1643, they always had, as an
obligation, so a christian inclination, mutually to assist
and strengthen the hands each of other; yet they all this
while enjoyed peace and tranquillity in a way of amicable
intercourse with their neighbours on all sides. But in
the year 1653, there arose an unhappy difference between
the colony of New Haven and the Dutch at Manhatoes,
who had intercepted the trading of the other at Delaware
with the Indians. And indeed the principal part of the
inhabitants of New Haven had some thoughts of remov-
ing thither, if they should meet with encouragement suit-
able to so great a change. But the Dutch governour,
to prevent any such enterprize, took all opportunities to
obstruct the proceeding therein, which occasioned much
altercation amongst the commissioners of the colonies,
so as they were constrained to adjourn their meetings
from one place to another, before they could come to a
settled conclusion ; but at the last, those of New Haven
were persuaded by reason and judgment, or else overrul-
ed by the vote of the rest of the commissioners, to sur-
cease their quarrel, and rather put up a lesser injury of
that nature, than engage themselves, their friends and al-
lies in a difficult war, the issue of which they could
69

546 GENERAL HISTORY

none of lliem at the present see, but might all in a little
time have found to their sorrow. It was declared by
the general court of the Massachusetts, while the matter
was under debate, that a bare major part of the commis-
sioners of the colonies had not power to determine the
justice of offensive war, (which at this time might have
been of dangerous consequence,) if it should have been
granted, for then each colony might have been engaged
in a mischievous war, without their knowledge or con-
sent, if the commissioners of any three colonies deter-
mined thereof.

The truth is, those of New Haven and the Dutch
were at variance continually, both under the former gov-
ernour, Mr. William Kieft, (who returned homeward
anno 1647,) and so continued under Mr. Stuyvesant,
that succeeded in his place, maintaining jealousies each
against other, sometimes (as was thought) upon ground-
less surmises. For in the beginning of the year 1653,
a rumour was spread through the colonies that the Dutch
had conspired with the Indians against the English, in-
somuch that April 19th that year there was an extraor-
dinary meeting of the commissioners called at Boston,
by Mr. Bellingham, Mr. Hibbins, Mr. Nowell, and Mr.
Glover, to consider of several rumours of reports gath-
ered from the Indians and others, that the Dutch had
plotted with the Indians, and stirred them up to cut off
the English. Those who raised, or at least made this
report, were seven Indians, taken in a canoe by Uncas
his men, who were four of them Pequots, two were
strangers, the seventh was said to be employed to poi-
son Uncas, whom therefore they presently killed in a
rage, for fear he should escape. It was said he was hir-
ed by Ninicraft, one of the Narraganset sachems, who
was all the winter before at Manhatoes, and that spring
sent home in a Dutch sloop. The commissioners sent
sergeant Richard Way and sergeant John Barrell, of Bos-
ton, t© Narraganset to inquire into the truth of those re^
ports. The sachems there denied the thing, but the
commissioners were so moved with the reports, that they
urged the necessit}' of a war with the Dutch, and called

OF NEW ENGLAND. ' 547

in the council of the Massachusetts, advising also with
the ministers about the matter, but they all dissuaded
from the war, although they found the presumptions to be
very strong ; and it could not be denied, that there was
some such design in hand to destroy the English.

The commissioners, after a debate with them, were of
different apprehensions, and could not all of them be in-
duced to enter upon a war, remembering what Solomon
saith, ** with good advice make war." The ministers
also consulted with, left it with them to consider how
unexpedient and unsafe it would be for sucli a people
as those of New England, to err either in point of law-
fulness or expediency, or both, in a matter of this nature ;
and whether a people, professing to walk in the spirit of
the gospel of peace, and having to do with a people pre-
tending to the same profession, should not give the
Dutch governour an opportunity to answer for himself,
either by purgation, acceptance, or disacceptance of
some satisfactory propositions for security as the matter
shall require, by whose answer their call to war or peace
might be further cleared, and the incolumity of the colo-
nies in the mean time provided for ; but April 28 follow-
ing, they received letters from the Dutch governour, ut-
terly denying the charge, and offering to send or come
himself to clear the matter, though letters from others
affirmed it, and that the execution of the Indians was has-
tened, and said to be on the election day 'vhen the towns
were naked of inhabitants ; hereupon they presently sent
Capt Leveret, Capt. Davis, and Mr. Newman, from
New Haven, as their agents, with a letter to inquire more
particularly into the business of the conspiracy charged,
and to require satisfaction for some former injuries.
They carried also copies of letters from Capt. Under-
hill, with the original of nine sagamores' confesbions, with
their names, declaring the plot. They were ordered also
to desire the Dutch governour and his council that they
might meet at Stamford, if they chose that, rather than at
Manhatoes. Capt. Leveret and Capt. Davis returned to
Boston May 21 after, and declared what propositions
they made, and what answers they received for clearmg

g4S GENERAL HISTORY

themselves ; that this matter might be rightly examined,
the author found, the business proved, and the offender
might, by his superiours, be duly committed and pun-
ished.

The Dutch govcrnour propounded, 1. The continu-
ation of neighbourly friendship, without either side taking
notice of the unhappy differences between their nations
in Europe, with continuation of trade, mutual justice
against those that should seek to defraud their creditors,
because of the differences arisen between the two nations ;
2. For the future, to prevent all false reports rising from
the Indians, The agents complained that their answers
were dilatory, and not direct, though plausible, and at
last concluded of accepting their proposals for the fu-
ture, if satisfaction were made for what is past, and re-
turned answer, that as they would do no wrong, so would
they not suffer their countrymen in those parts to be op-
pressed, they doing nothing to bring- it upon themselves.
Also before their return, they took several testimonies
from sundry persons, declaring just suspicion of the
plot, but being taken some of them at the second and
third hand, were the less to be minded. Some of them
intimated, that the Dutch governour, Ninicraft, and the
fiscal, were up in a close room together, sometimes two
days, which, if true, could only raise suspicion, but af-
ford no certain evidence.

After this return of their agents, the commissioners
had much agitation among themselves before they could
agree. At the last it was referred to two gentlemen, each
of them to draw up a draught of the case in difference,
viz. Mr. Theophilus Eaton, governour of New Haven,
on the one side, and Maj. Daniel Denison on the other
side ; upon the perusal of which it did not appear that
the proofs alleged were a sufficient ground for such a
procedure, and therefore it was judged best to forbear the
use of the sword till the providence of God should by fur-
ther evidence clear up the case to the consciences of them
who w ere concerned in the determination of that matter ;
to which the general court of the Massachusetts assent-
ed, not judging it expedient for those who qanie into

OF NEW EKGLAND. 04'0

America, to preach and profess the gospel of peace, to
be over forward to enter into a war with their christian
neighbours of the same reformed rehgion, though of
another nation, upon slender, or not any considerable
grounds. By this means, the difference was at the last
ifairly ended, which else might have had a fatal issue to
one or more of the colonies.

The Dutch governour, on the other hand, did by his
letters complain of the hasty departure of the commis-
sioners' agents, returning also a large declaration in his
own defense, adding,

CoDscia mens recti famse mendacia ridet.

And upon further consideration, at a meeting in Sep-
tember 1654, the commissioners of the Massachusetts
did, under their hands, declare something towards the
recalling the court's former interpretation of the articles
of confederation, owning that six of the commissioners
had power to determine the justice of a war, and did ac-
knowledge themselves bound to execute the same, so far
as the said determinations were in themselves just and
according to God. This the other commissioners ac-
cepted, on condition the general court would declare as
much.

But however the colony of New Haven were prevent-
ed from engaging the confederate colonies in a war
against the Dutch at that time, yet were they not so ful-
ly satisfied in their minds, as to desist from other attempts
of that nature; for some of the chief of that colony going
that year for England, prevailed so far with those at that
time in power, that they obtained a commission for cer-
tain ships and soldiers to seize the Dutch plantation to the
useofthe EngUsh ; and the matter had proceeded so
far, that they were with their vessels and soldiers upon
the sea ; but being long upon the voyage, by reason of
many interruptions which they met withal, news of the
•peace, concluded between the states of Holland and the
powers in England, arrived before the fleet, which oc-
casioned the commander in chief to turn his forces
another way, viz. to attack the French forts about St.
John's river, which was obtained without any great re-

550 GENERAL HISTORY

sistance, and those places were thereby reduced into the
power of the English, and enjoyed by them, till his majes-
ty now reigning was happily restored to the exercise of his
regal power in England. It is said to be carried on with-
out any other commission, than a verbal one, from some
of Oliver Cromwell's commanders at sea, which pos-
sibly was one reason why it was so easily returned into
the hands of them from whom it was taken not long be-
fore ; nor had it any better success than designs of that
nature were usually attended with, that were built upon
such a like foundation.

When they attacked those French places, the soldiers
occasionally met with a paper of maxims, with which
the friars were to be governed in their administration,
which may sufficiently satisfy the world with what spirit
and principles those of the catholic religion are acted.

CHAP. LXI.

Ecclesiastical affairs in New England^ from 1651 to

1656.

The platform of discipline, drawn up in 1647 and
1648, wasat this time under debate, and at the last it pas-
sed the test of the whole general court, both magistrates
and deputies, and the practice of it was commended to
all the churches of the jurisdiction.

In the year 1651, the general court taking it for grant-
ed that the civil power is custos utriusque tabula^ interpos-
cd their authority in a matter of an ecclesiastical concern-
ment, scil. the choice of a minister by the church of
Maiden, and passed an handsome fine or mulct upon all
of the church that were actors therein, for calling the said
minister to his pastoral office, without the consent and
approbation of Lieighbouriug churches, and allowance
of the magistrates, (if not against the same,) contrary to
the approved practice of the country, provided in that
case. But upon after thoughts, which usually are more
mature than the sudden and first conceptions of men's
minds, the people of Maiden themselves came to see,
and also were willing to acknowledge their miscairiage,

OF NEW ENGLAND, 651

and thereby gave occasion for others to acknowledge the
power of the civil authority in matters of religion, as \yell
as in the affairs of righteousness and honesty, according
to the judgment of all sober divines.

And indeed let the experience of all reformed churches
be consulted withal, and it will appear, that disorder and
confusion of the church will not be avoided by all the
determinations, advice, and counsel of synods, or other
messengers of churches, unless they be a little acuated
by the civil authority. AH men are naturally so wedded
to their own apprehensions, that unless there be a coer-
cive power to restrain, the order and rule of the gospel
will not be attended.

For the preventing of the like inconveniences in the
country it was soon after made into an order by the gen-
eral court, that no minister should be called unto office
in any of the churches, within their Jurisdiction, without
the approbation of some of the magistrates, as well as of
the neighbouring churches ; on which ground, in the
year 1653, the court would not allow the north church
of Boston to call Mr. Powell, a well gifted, though illite-
rate person, to the stated office of a publick preacher or
minister ; wherefore the people of the town contented
themselves with his being called to the place of ruling el-
der, that so no occasion might be given thereby for illite-
rate persons, that were not able to instruct all, and con-
vince gainsayers, to intrude themselves into the sacred
function of the minieitry of the gospel.

And whereas the plantations of New England had
never as yet been acquainted with the way of paying
tythes, (which none of the reformed churches ever yet
condemned as unlawful, although it was not looked up-
on as the most convenient for the towns and plantations
of New England,) for the support of the ministry in the
several towns, it was now left to the power of every coun-
ty court throughout the whole jurisdiction, to make suf-
ficient provision for the maintenance of the ministry, in
the respective towns of the colony, and to rectif}- any de-
fect, upon complaint of any such, for want of means
whereby comfortably to subsist.

552 GENERAL HISTORY

CHAP. LXII.

special occurrences during this lustre, from 1651 to

1656.

Within the compass of this lustre was the Massa-
chusetts deprived of two eminent and worthy persons,
the one in the magistracy, the other in the ministry ;
which loss was the more tp be lamented, in that they left
neither of them any one in each of their capacities, equal
with themselves.

Mr. Dudley, an ancient gentleman, one of the prin-
cipal founders and pillars of the Massachusetts colo-
ny, was called from his station July 31, 1653, in the 77th
year of his age, eminently qualified with those choice vir-
tues, fit for the discharge of the trust, to which he was oft
called, and wherein he always approved himself a lover
of justice, and friend of truth, an enemy of all disorder,
and that always bore a special antipathy against all heresy
and corrupt doctrine ; which made him conclude his own
epitaph with this character of himself, "I died no liber-
tine ;" and which gave occasion to a reverend person of
the clergy, to honour him with this double encomium^
as well of English as Latin poesy :

THOMAS DUDLEY,

HOLD, MAST, WE DY.

When swelling gusts of antinomian breath,
Had well nigh wreck'd this little bark to death,
When oars 'gan crack, and anchors, then we cry,
Hold firm, brave mast, thy stand, or else we die.
Our orth'dox mast did hold, we did not die ;
Our mast now roll'd by th' board, (poor bark) we cry.
Courage, our pilot, lives, who stills the waves.
Or midst the surges still his bark he saves.

EPITAPHIUM.

Heluo librorum, lectorum bibliotheca

Communis, sacrse syllabus hisloriee.
Ad mensam comes, hinc facundus, ro<jtra disertus^

Non cumulus verbis, pondui ftcumen crat,

OP NEW ENGLAND* 503

Monim aeris censor, validiis defensor amansque,

Et sanae, et cause, catliolicse fidei.
An?li-novi columeii, summiim deeus, atque senatus^

Thomas Dudleius couditur hoe tuinulo.

N. R.

He was the most resolved champion of the truth, above
all t!^.e gentlemen in the coui.try, in the years 1636 and
1637, at which time was New En.^land's crisis ; when
many, under pretence of crying up the free grace of
God in the work of man's salvation, had well nigh cash-
iered all the grace of God out of their hearts, endeavour-
ing to vilify the grace of sanctitication, that thereby they
might exalt the grace of justification.

On the 23d of December, 1652, that reverend and ho-
ly man of God, Mr. John Cotton, put oft' this his earthly
tabernacle, being entered into the 68th year of his age.
Hisexcellent learning, profound judgment, eminent grav-
ity, christian candour, and sweet temper of spirit, where-
by he could very placidly bear those that differed from
him in their apprehensions, nmde him most desired
while he was amongst them, and the more lamented, af-
ter he was removed hence. So equal a contention be-
tween learning and meekness, magnanimity and humili-
ty, is seldom seen in any one person, and therefore did his
worthy successour not unfitly, in writing his hfe, give
him that encomium, which the German Phoenix gave
unto Luther, " I," (saith he, speaking of himself,) "am a
logician, Pomeramus is a grammarian, Justus Jonas is
an oratour, but Luther is all." He was a famous light in
his generation, a glory to-both Englands ; one in whom
was so much of what is desirable in man, as the conscien-
ces of all tliat knew him appealed unto, is rarely to be
seen in any one conversant upon the earth. And as con-
cerning any tenet, wherein he may be thought to be sin-
gular, it must be remembered, that allhongh he was a
star of the first magnitude, yet he was on this sMe of that
place and state where the spirits of just men are rnade
perfect, and when the " wise shall shine as the brightness of
the firmament." He that wrote his life, saith, that might
he but have received with some proportion to the mea-
sure which he gave to others, he would be found no
70

554} GENERAL HISTORY

debtor to any man upon earth on that account. The
Jews unto their own question, "why Asa and Jehosha-
phat removing the idols in the high places, took not also
away the brazen serpent," give this answer : *' the fathers
left a place for Hezekiah to exercise his zeal."

In the year 1655, was another general faint cough that
passed through the whole country of New England, oc-
casioned by some strange distemper or infection of the
air ; it was so epidemical, that few persons escaped a
touch thereof. It began about the end of June, and was
so epidemical, that few were able to visit their friends,
or perform the last testimony of respect to any of their
relations at any distance. By which, on July the 2d, in
the year 1655, was put a period to the life and labours of
that reverend, learned, holy, and worthy minister of the
gospel, Mr. Nathaniel Rogers, pastor of the church at
Ipswich, to whom it might be honour enough to say,
that he was the son of Mr. John Rogers, the famous
preacher of Dcdham, of whom it might be affirmed, that
he was the only Boanerges of his age, as the reverend
and learned bishop Brownrigg was not unwilling to own.
But this his son, treading in his father's steps, was, though
not his eldest son, yet heir of a double portion of his
spirit, and worthy to have transmitted more honour to
his posterity than he received from those before him, by
reason of his eminent learning, singular piety, holy zeal,
with other ministerial abilities. But being always bur-
dened with many bodily infirmities, he was never able to
polish any of his elucubrations to render them fit for the
publick, so as thereby the church of God was deprived
of his elaborate studies, further than his auditory reach-
ed, who were his epistle, as the apostle speaketh, seen
and read of all that knew them. And indeed the ministry
of himself, together with that of his worthy colleague,
had such authority in the hearts of the hearers, that none
of them, though a great auditory, were in the time of
their ministry, or since, ever leavened with any corrupt
doctrine, or heretical principle, which is much as to these
times wherein we live, which God grant may still con-
tinue.

OF NBW ENGLAND. SiS5

CHAP. LXIII.

The general affairs of New Englandt from 1656 to

1661.

4-

During this whole lustre, the governour's place fell
to Mr. Endicot's lot at every election, as that of the dep-
uty governour to Mr. Bellingham ; the which fell out
in the year 1656, May I4th ; in 1657, May the 6th ; in
1658, Ma) the 19th ; in 1659, May the 11th ; in 1660, it
happened on May the 30th ; in all which space of time
did no matter of great moment occur in New England.

In the year 1656, some care was taken to settle the dif-
ference about the two patents, relating to the land on the
lov/er side of Pascataqua river, at Swamscot, between
Dover and Exeter, where Capt. Wiggin was concerned.

Several troops of horse were appointed up and down,
in every shire of the country, for greater security of re-
mote towns, in case they should be assaulted by any en-
emy. There fell out occasions enough to make use of
them sooner than was expected.

In the year 1657, the trade with the Indians for furs
was farmed out to some particular persons, versed in
that way of dealing, and not long after released. Well
had it been for New England, if that trade had ^ever been
taken up, or. had been better ordered, and some more ef-
fectual care taken about it, being observed to be scarce
ever blest to any person that meddled much therein.
At this time also. Harvard College was endowed with
two thousand acres of land, which in after ages, it is hop-
ed, may turn to better account than at present it is like
to do.

Within this compass of years, tlie colonies of New
England were deprived of more worthy men, than in
many before, of the like number. June 5, 1657, Ply-
mouth lost their worthy governour, Mr. William Brad-
ford, who had continued in that place ever since the first
planting thereof, in a manner with very little i' termis-
sion ; the very prop and stay of that colon\ during all
the whole series of changes that passed over them. He

556 CiENERAL HISTORY

was a person of great gravity and prudence, and of sober
principles, and for one of that persmsion very pliable,
gentle and condescending, which occasioned the greater
lamentation at his funeral obsequies, as if in him the
people of that small colon} had buried all their help and
hope. But he who made it at the first uttenince a divine
proverb, (in the mount of tlie Lord it shall be seen,) hath
in all following ages made it good to the experience of
his people ; in that those, in whom the choice of the
people in that jurisdiction hath since centered, have been
furnished with that measure of assistance as hath carried
them through the diffi^'ulties, as they have met withal in
their government ; botli Mr. Thomas Prince, that im-
mediately was called to that place, after Mr. Bradford's
decease, and Mr. Josiah Wiuslow, that honourable gen-
tleman who at this time, soil. 1678, supplied that place
and several years before.

Not long before, Capt. Standish ended his warfare,
that was the military chieftain of that colony. He was
allied to the noble house of Standish, in Lancashire, in-
heriting some of the virtues of that honourable family,
as well as the i;ame.

Mr. Ralph Partridge also died about this time, anno
1658, in a good old age; a man of eminent piety and
learning, sound judgment, that for above twenty years
had faithfully dispensed the word of God in that juris-
diction at Dux'jury ; and notwithstanding the paucity and
poverty of his flock, continued in his work amongst
them to the last, leavirig behind him that honourable tes-
timony of his patience, meekness, and contentation of
mind.

In the following year, Mr. Henry Dunster,* the first
president of Harvard College, ended his pilgrimage at
SGituate,in Plymouth jurisdiction. His body was solemn-
ly interred at Cambridge, where he had spent the choice
part of his studies and of his life, and might there have
continued, if he had been endowed with that wisdom
which many others have wanted besides himself, to have
kept his singular opinion to himself, when there was Ut-
ile occasion for venting thereof.

* Punstarr. Afs,

OP NEW ENGLAND. . 657

New Haven also, within this time, lost two of their
governours, Mr. Eaton and Mr. Newman ; of the first
of whom mention is made. Mr. Thomas May hew jun.
was also in the year 1657 lost, with the whole ship's com-
pany of Mr. Garret, who were buried in the waves of
the sea, in their voyage to England, whereby a great stop
was put to the conversion of the Indians on Martin's
Vineyard, of which said Mayhew had been the chief in-
strument under God. Jiut the principal and most mo-
mentous change, that happened within this lustre, was
the joyful acclamations of the happy restoration of his
majesty to the royal throne, which had been detained
from him by the late usurpations ; it being now hoped
that the winter of pnblick sorrows being over, the peace-
ful voice of the turtle should be heard in the flourishing
spring approaching, through all the lands of his English
dommions. A'l address was sent unto him from thence,
December 10, 1660, which is as follows:

To the high and mighty Prince, Charles the second, by the grace
of God, king of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defend-
er of the Faith, 8cc.

Most gracious and dread sovereign.

May it please your majesty, in the day wherein you
happily say, you know you are king over your British
Israel, to cast a favourable eye upon your poor Mephibo-
sheth, now, and by reason of lameness in respect of dis-
tance, not unt:l now, appearing in your presence ; we
mean upon New England, kneeling with the rest of your
subjects before your majesty as her restored king. We
forget not our inaptness as to these approaches ; we at
present own such impotence, as renders us unable to
excuse our irnpotency of speaking unto our lord the
king ; yet contemplating such a king, who hath also seen
adversity, that heknoweth the hearts of exiles, who him-
self hath been an exile, the aspect of majesty extraordi-
narily influenced, animateth exanimated outcasts, yet
outcasts as we hope for the truth, to make this address
unto their prince, hopii-g to find grace in your sight.
We present this script, the transcript of our loyal hearts

55S CiENEBAL HISTORY

into your royal hands, wherein we crave leave to suppli-
cate your majesty for your gracious protection of us in
the continuance, both of our civil as of our religious lib-
lies, (according to the grantees' known end of suing for
the patent,) conferred upon this plantation by yoUr royal
father. This, viz. our liberty to walk in the/aith of the
gospel with all good conscience, according to the order
of the gospel, (unto which the former in these ends of
the earth is but subservient,) was the cause of our trans-
porting ourselves with our wives, our little ones, and
our substance, from that pleasant land over the Atlantick
ocean into the vast wilderness, choosing rather the pure
scripture worship with a good conscience in this remote
wilderness atnongst the heathen, than the pleasures of
England, with submission to the impositions of the then so
disposed, and so far prevailing hierarchy, which we could
not do without an evil conscience. For this cause we
are this day in aland which lately was not sown, wherein
we have conflicted with the sufferings thereof, much lon-
ger than Jacob was in Syria. Our witness is in heaven,
that we left not our native country upon any dissatisfac-
tion as to the constitution of the civil state. Our lot, af-
ter the example of the good old nonconformists, hath
been, only to act a passive part throughout these late vi-
cissitudes and successive overturning of states. Our
separation from our brethren in this desert, hath been
and is a sufficient bringing to mind the afflictions of Jo-
seph ; but providential exemption of us hereby from the
late wars and temptations of either party, we account as a
favour from God; the former clothes us with sackcloth,
the latter with innocency. What reception, courtesy, and
equanimity those greater, and others, adherers to thf roy-
al interest, who in their advtrse changes visited these
parts, were entertained with amongst us, according to the
meanness of our condition, we appeal to their own re-
ports.

Touching complaints put in against us, our humble
request only is, that for the interim, while wc are as
dumb, by reason of our absence, your niajesty would
permit nothing to make an impression on your royal

OF NEW ENGLAND. 559

heart against us, until we have both opportunity and leave
lo answer for ourselves. Few will be nocent, said that
impleader, if it be enough to deny ; few will be innocent,,
said the then emperour, if it be enough to accuse. Con-
cerning the quakers, open and capital blasphemers, open
seducers from the glorious Trinity, the Lord Jesus Christ,
our Lord Jesus Christ, the blessed gospel, and from the
holy scriptures as the rule of life, open enemies to the
government itself, as established in ihe hands of any but
men of their own principles, malignant and assiduous
promoters of doctrines,directly tending to subvert both our
church and state, after all other means for a long time used
in vain ; we were at last constrained, for our own safety,
to pass a sentence of banishment against them, upon pain of
death. Such was their dangerous, and impetuous, and des-
perate turbulence, both to religion and state, civil and ec-
clesiastical, as that, how unwillingly soever, (could it have
been avoided,) the magistrate at last, in conscience both
to God and man, judged himself called for the defence
of all, to keep the passage with the point of the sword
held towards them. This could do no harm to him that
would be warned thereby ; their wittingly rushing them-
selves thereupon wastiieir own act; we with all humility
conceive a crime, bringing their blood on their own head-
The quakers died not because of their other crimes, how
capital soever, but upon their superadded presumptuous
and incorrigible contempt of authority, breaking in upon
us, notwithstanding their sentence of banishment made
known to them. Had they not been restrained, so far as
appeared, there was too much cause to fear that we our-
selves must quickly have died, or worse ; and such was
their insolency, that they would not be restrained but by
death ; nay, had they at last but promised to depart the
jurisdiction, and not to return without leave from author-
ity, we should have been glad of such an opportunity to
have said, they should not die. Let not the king hear
men's words; your servants are true men, fearing of God
and the ki^g, not given to change, zealous of govern-
ment order, orthodox and peaceable in Israel. We are
not seditious as to the interest of Cassar, nor scismatick^

5.60 <iENEllAL HISTORt

as to the matters of religion. We distinguish between
churches and their impurity, between a living man,
though not without sickness or infirmity, and no man ;
irregularities, either in ourselves or others, we dasire to
be amended. We could not live without the publick wor-
ship of God, nor permitted the publick worship without
such a yoke, of subscription, and conformities we could
not consent unto without sin. That we might therefore
enjoy divine worship without human mixtures, without
offence to God, man, our own consciences, we with leave,
but not without tears, departed from our country, kin-
dred, and fathers' houses, into this Pathmos ; in relation
whereunto we do not say our garments aie become old,
by reason of the very long journey, but that ourselves,
who came away in our strength, are by reason of long
absence many of us become grey headed, and some of us
stooping for age. The omission of the prementioned in-
junctions, together with the walking of our churches as
to the point of order, the congregational way is it where-
in we desire our orthodox brethren would bear with us.

Sir, We lie not before your sacred majesty. The Lord
God of gods, the Lord God of gods knoweth, and Israel
he shall know ; if it were in rebellion or schism that we
wittingly left our dwellings in our own country for dwel-
lings in this strange land, save us not this day !

Royal Sir, If according to this our humble petition
and good hope, the God of the spirits of all flesh, the Fa-
ther of mercy, who comforteth the abjects, shall make
the permission of the bereavement of that all, (for which
we have and do suffer the loss of all precious, so precious
in our sight,) as that your ro3^al heart shall be inclined to
shew unto us the kindness of the Lord in your highness'
protection of us in these liberties, for which we hither
came, which hitherto we have here enjoyed, upon Heze-
kiah's speaking comfortably to us as sons, this orphan
shall not continue fatherless, but grow up as a revived in-
fant, under a nursing father ; these churches shall be
comforted, a door of hope opened by so signal a pledge
of the lengthening of their tranquillity ; these poor, nnkt d
Gentiles, not a few of whom through grace are come

OP NEW ENGLAND. fi6il

and coming in, shall still see their wonted teachers, with
eiicourayrement of a more plentiful increase of the king-
dom of Christ amongst them, and the blessing of the
poor, afflicted, (and yet we hope,) a people trusting in
God, shall come upon the head and heart of that great
king, who was sometimes an exile, as we are, with the
relii^ious stipulation of our prayers; we prostrate at your
royal feet, beg pardon for this our boldness, -craving, fi-
nally, that our names may be enrolled amongst

Your majesty's most humble subjects and suppliants.
John Endicot, Governour,

In the name and by the order of the general court of the Massachusetts.

What acceptance this address found with his majesty,
maybe gathered from the letters, which he ordered to be
sent to the country, on the 15th of February following,
a true copy of which here followeth :

CHARLES R.

Trusty and wellbeloved, we greet you well. It hav-
ing pleased Almighty God, after long trial, both of us
and our people, to touch their hearts at last with a just
sense of our right, and bv their assistance to restore us
peaceably and without blood, to the exercise of our re-
gal authority, for the good and welfare of the nations
committed to our charge ; we have made it our care to
settle our lately distracted kingdoms at home, and to ex-
tend our thoughts to increase the trade and advantage of
our colonies and plantations abroad ; amongst which, as
we consider that of New England to be one of the chief-
est, having enj<>yed and grown up under an orderly es-
tablishment, so we shall not come behind any of our
royal predecessors, in a just encouragement and protec-
tion of all loving subjects there, whose application unto
us, since our late happy restoration hath been very ac-
ceptable, and shall not want ir« due remembrance upon
all seasonable occasions. Neither shall we forget to make
you, and all our good people in those parts, equal partak-
ers of those promises of liberty and moderation to ten-
der consciences, expressed in our gracious declarations,
which, though some persons in this our kingdom, of des*
71

56S GENERAL HISTORY

perate, disloyal, and unchristian principles, have lately-
abused, to ihepublick disturbance and theii own destruc-
tion, yet we are confident our good subjects in New Eng-
land will make a right use of it, to the glory of God,
their own spiritual comfort and edification ; and so we
bid you farewel.

Given at our court at Whitehall, the 15th of Februa-
ry, 1C60, in the thirteenth year of our reign.

William Morrice.

CHAP. LXIV.

' Ecclesiastical affairs in New England^ from the year
1656 to the year IQ^l.

The affairs of the church in New England continu-
ed in the same state as before ; and were hitherto order-
ed according to the platform of discipline, set forth in
the year 1648 ; but in the beginning of this lustre some
difficulties began to arise about the enlarging the subject
of baptism, which unto this time had been administered
unto those children only, whose immediate parents were
admitted into full communion in tlie churches where they
lived. But now the country came to be increased, and
sundry flmiilies were found, that had many children born
in them, whose immediate parents had never attempted
to join to any of the churches, to which they belonged,
and yet were very much unsatisfied that they could not
obtain baptism for their children, although themselves
made no way to be admitted to the Lord's supper. The
case was generally apprehended to be difficultly circum-
stanced, as things h.ad hitherto been carried on amongst
those churches, and did occasion n)any debates between
the ministers of the country, many of which were wil-
ling to have baptism enlarged to those in that capacity,
but knew not well how to bring the matter about, with
the peace of their churches, where many of their people
were very scrupulous about any innovation. Questions
of this nature were first started in the colony of Connect-
icut ; the magistrates of which jurisdiction did, about
the year 1656, send down several of them about this sub-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 0&S

ject to the magistrates of the Massachusetts, and they
mutually called together sundry of the ablest ministers
of each colony, and recommended to their search and
consideration some inquiries (about twenty, or one and
twenty in all,) concerning that business, stated and fram-
ed by themselves ; and they met at Boston in New Eng-
land, June 4th, 1657. The result, of their disputation
and debate about those matters, being agreed upon by all,
or the greatest part of them, was presented to the ma-
gistrates of each jurisdiction, that so according to the
first intendments thereof, it might be improved for the
service of the churches, that belonged to their respec-
tive jurisdictions. These pious and careful nursing fa-
thers of the churches, foreseeing many differences like
to arise to the disquieting of them, took this prudent
course for the clearing up the truth in controversy, unto
universal satisfaction, lest otherwise differences in judg-
ment should beget or occasion uncomfortable animosi-
ties, if not paroxysms of contention, that might more ea-
sily in this vvay be prevented than healed, if once they
should break out, which the event made appear too evi-
dent afterwards. Some papers, that contained the pro-
duct of those consultations and debates being sent into
England, were by him, to whom they were committed,
afterwards made publick, though not till the year 1659,
finding that none had taken care for the printing of them
in New England, as was by him and others at first ex-
pected. The sum and substance of that disputation,
which was entituled

A disputation concerning church members and their children, in
answer to twenty oije questions,

is as followeth :

Question 1. Whether any children of confederate pa-
rents be under their parents' covenant, and members with
them ?

But why the question was so limitedly expressed,
* whether any,' and not ' whether all children of confed-
erate parents,' will not be hard to conceive, when the
next questions are made ; however, the answer given
was in the same particular term.

564< «SENERAL HISTORY

Answer. Some children of confederate parents are, by
means of their parents' covenanting, in covenant also,
and so members of the church by divine institution.
This answer was confirmed by sundry arguments, viz.
1. Because they are in that covcnan», for substance, which
was made with Abraham, Gen. xvii. 7, compared with
Deut. xxix, 12, 13, etc. 2. Because such children are
by Christ affirmed to have a place and portion in the
kingdom of heaven, &c. Matth. xix. 14. Mark x. 14.
Luke xviii. 16. 3. Else no children could be baptized,
baptism being a church ordinance, and a seal of the
covenant of grace, &c. with many others.

Quest. 2. Whether all children, of whatever year or
conditions, were so, as 1. Absent children never brought
to the church. 2. Born before their parents' covenant-
ing. 3. Incorrigible, or seven, ten, or twelve years old.
4. Such as desire nut to be admitted with their parents
of such an age ?

Ans. Only such children, as are in their minority, cove-
nant with their parents ; for adult children are to covenant
in their own persons. The whole household of Lydia, the
jailer and others were baptized; and a child at the ages
mentioned, is infans in Joro ecclesiee.

Quest, 3. Till what age shail ihty enter into covenant
with their parents, whether sixteen, twenty one, &c. ?

Ans. As long as in respect of age or capdcity they
cannot, according to ordinary account, be supposed able
to act for themselves, so long they shall enter \\\ by means
of their parents' covenant ; because, whilst they are chil-
dren, and in their minority, they are not odierwise capa-
ble ot covenanting. Ishii ael was admitted to the seal
by his father's covenant, at thirteen years of age. Gen.
xvii. 25.

Quest. 4. What discipline a child is subject to, from
seven to sixteen years old ?

Reply 1, Church discipline is taken either more large-
ly, for the act of a church member, dispensed to a church
member as such by way of rebuke, &c. Luke xvii. 3, 4.
Matth. xviii- 15, or more stiictly for the act of the whole
church, dispensed to a member thereof^ as in case of pub-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 56i

nek rebuke, 8icc. Matth. xviii. 17. 2 Cor. ii. 3. 1 Tim.

i. 20. In the first sense, children in their minority arc
subject to church discipline immediately, but not in the
second.

2. It is the duty of the elders and church to call upon
parents to bring up their children in the nurture and ad-
monition of the Lord. Ephe. vi. 4.

3. Besides their subjection to ecclesiastical discipline,
they are also subject to civil discipline, whether domes-
tical, scholastical, or magistratical.

Quest. 5. Whether a father may twice covenant for
his children in minority in several churches.

Rep. 1. When a parent is called to remove from one
church to another, he is also called to enter into cove-
nant in that church to which he removes.

2. When the parent, thus removing, entereth into cov-
enant, his children then in minority covenant in him ;
the child, and the power of government over him, must
go together.

Quest. 6. Whether the end of a deputy covenant be
not to supply personal incapacity, or whether children,
ripe for personal covenanting in respect of age, should
covenant by a deputy, as others that are unable thereun-
to?

Ans. 1. Children in minority, whose immediate pa-
rents are in church covenant, do covenant in their parents,
as in answer to question 1.

2. Children adult ought to covenant in their own per-
sons, as mav be gathered from Deut. xxvi. 17, 18, 19,
and xxix. 10, and Josh. xxiv. 18, 27. Nehem. ix. ult.
and x. 28.

Quest. 7. Whether as large qualifications be not re-
quired of a member's child to the participation of the
Lord's Supper and other privileges, as were requirable
of his parents at their first entrance ?

Rep. The holding forth of faith and repentance with
an ability to examine themselves by way of confession to
the judgment of charity, were all requirable in the parent
for admission into the church to full communion, and
the same is requisite to the regular admission of the pa-

966 GENERAL HISTORY

rents' child, being grown adult, unto bis full communion
with the church. The sum of the answer amounts to
thus much : 1. That they are to have faith and repent-
ance. 2. That this faith and repentance must appear to
others.

Quest. 8. Whether by covenant seed is meant the
seed of immediate parents only, or of remote also ?

Ans. The gospel, by covenant seed, intends only the
seed of immediate parents in church covenant, as appears
from 1 Cor. vii. 14. It can no where else expediently
be bounded. Depinge ubi scitam.

Quest. 9. Whether adopted children and bound ser-
vants be covenant seed ?

Ans. Adopted children and infant servants, regularly
and absolutely subjected to the government and dispose
of such heads of families as are in church covenant, though
they cannot be said to be their natural seed, yet in regard
the scriptures, (according to the judgment of many godly
learned,) extend to them the same covenant privileges
with their natural seed ; we judge not any churches*
who are like minded with them for their practice herein.
All which, notwithstanding, yet we desire at present to
leave this question without all prejudice on our parts to
after free disquisition.

Quest. 10. Whether the child, admitted by his father's
covenant, be also a deputy for his seed, without or before
personal covenanting ; or without or before like personal
qualitications in kii.d, as his father was to enjoy when he
became a deputy ?

Rep. Ii is the duty (^f infants who confederate in their
parents, (us in answer to question 1,) when grown up to
years of discretion, though not yet fit for the Lord's
supper, to own the covenant they made with their pa-
rents, by entering thereinto in their own persons ; and it
is the duty of the church to call upon them for the per-
formance thereof; and if being called upon they shall re-
fuse the performance of ti\is great duty, or otherwise
continue scandalous, they are liable to be censured for
the same by the church. And in case they understand
the grounds of religion, are not scandalous, and solemn-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 567

ly own the covenant in their own persons, wherein they
give up both themselves and their children unto the Lord,
and desire baptism for them, we (with due reverence to
any g:odly, learned, that may dissent,) see not sufficient
cause to deny baptism unto their children.

This proposition was consented unto by a synod, called
to meet at Boston, not long after, viz. 1662. They add,
that the same may be said concerning the children of such
persons who being dead, or necessarily absent, either did
or do give the church cause, in judgment of charity, to
look at them as thus qualified, or, had they been called
thereunto, would have thus acted.

Quest. 11. Whether children, begotten by an excom-
municate person, he so remaining, are to be baptized ?

Ans. We cannot, for the present, answer the argu-
ments for the negative, for the promise made to the seed
belongs only to the seed of immediate parents in cove-
nant now under the gospel ; and such as are excom-
municate, are to be looked upon as heathen and publi-
cans.

Quest. 12. Whether a child born of a person justly
censurable, yet not actually excommunicate, be to be
baptized?

Ans. We answer affirmatively, for divine institution,
which is the foundation of the covenant membership of
the child, imputes only the covenant, and not any other
act of the parents to the child.

Quest. 13. Whether a member's child's unfitness
for seals disableth not his seed for membership or bap-
tism ?

Ans. This question is answered in the 10th, agreeing
in scope therewith.

Quest. 14. Whether a member's child be censurable
for any thing but scandalous actions, and not also for ig-
norance and inexperience ?

Ans. A member's child, (like as it is with all other
members,) is censurable only for scandalous sins, conse-
quently for ignorance and inexperience,when scandalous.
Matth. xviii. 15, 18. 1 Cor. v. 11.

Quest. 15. Whether a menniber's child must only ex-

a58 GEl^EnAL HISTORY

amine himself, and may not be examined by others of his
fitness for seals ?

Ans. It is a duty of a member's child to examine
himself, and yet he is also subject to the examination of
others, because the elders arc to give an account, Hebt
xiii. 18, and therefore must take an account; and it ap-
pertaineth to them to see that the holy things be not defil-
ed by the access of any unclean or unworthy person.

Quest, 16. Whether any officers must examine in
private, or else in publick before the church ?

Ans. Concerning their examination in private before
the elders, the former reasons conclude affirmatively.
It is spiritual wisdom by preparing the stones before
hand, to prevent after noise in the building, 1 Kings,
vii. 6.

Quest. 17. Whether the same pjrovvn member's child
must not be examined of his charitable experience be-
fore baptism, as well as before the Lord's supper?

Ans. We think the elders do well to take an account
of children concerning the principles of religion, accord-
ing to their capacity, before they be baptized. But if
children be yet in minority, their right unto baptism be-
ing founded upon the covenant made in their parents,
this examination is to be looked as conducing to the
better application, but not to the being of their baptism.

Quest. 18. Whether baptiz<'d children, sent away for
settlement, and not intending to return, are continually
to be accounted members ?

Ans. Baptized children, though locally removed from
the church unto which they do belong, are to be account-
ed members, until dismission, death, or censure, dis-
solve the relation.

Quest. 19. Whether historical faith and a blameless
life fit a member's child for all ordinances and privi-
leges, and he must be examined only about them ?

Ans. Not only historical faith and a blameless life, but
also such an holding forth of faith and repentance as un-
to judgment of charity, sheweth an ability to examine
themselves and discern the Lord's body, is requisite to
fit a member's child for all ordinances and privileges.

OF NEW EVGLAND. 569

and his blameless life nota ithstancli'ijj, a menlx-r's
child is to be exanuaed coiiceraing tne other qualifica-
tions.

Quest. 20. Whether if a church member barely say,
it repents ine, though seventy times seven times follow-
ing, he relapse into the same ^ross evils, as lying, sla-'der,
oppression, Ike. he be to be forgiven, and not censured ?

Ans. Notwithstanding a brother ofiVnds seventy times
seven times, i. e. many times, a definite number being put
for an indefirjite, yet whilst God enables him to repent, it
is our duty to forgive. But to say in words, I repent, and
to gainsay it in deeds, is, according to scripture, not to
repent; yet an ingenuous and solemn profession of repent-
ance, nothing appearing to the contrary, is to be accepted
as true repentance in the j.idgment of charity. 1 Cor.
xiii. 7.

Quest. 21. Whether a member under offence, and not
censured, or not with the highest censure, can authori-
tatively be denied the Lord's supper, or other church pri-
vileges ?

Ans. None but the church can authoritatively deny
to the member his access unto the Lord's supper, because
the power thereof is only delegated to that subject. Mat.
xviii. 17. Neither can the church deny unto a meuiber
his access to the Lord's supper, until she hath regularly
judged him to be an offender; and the first act whereby
he is judicially declared so to be, is admonition, whereby
he is made judicially unclean ; Levit. xxii. 3, 4, 5, 6.
and is thereby authoritatively denied to come unto the
Lord's supper. All which notwithstanding, there are
eases wherein a brother apparently discerned to be in a
condition rendering him an unworthy communicant,
should he proceed to the Lord's supper, may and ought
regularly to be advised to forbear, and it is his duty to
hearken thereunto ; yet none should torbcar to come wor-
thily, which is their duty, because to their private appre-
hension, another is supposed, (at least,) to come unwor-
thily, which is his sin.

The answer to these questions was drawn up at Bos-
ton, June 19, 1657, and presenttd according as is men-
72

570 GENERAL HISTORY

tioned befere ; and was generally accepted by all those
that rested satisfied in the determination of the following
synod about the question concerning the subject of bap-
tism, although the practice thereof was but gradually
introduced into the churches of New England. And
it is well known that some of the ablest ministers of the
country, that were most forward and ready to promote
these resolves, never durst adventure upon the practice
thereof, for fear of making a breach in their respective
churches. And some that were at that time otherwise
persuaded, have, since then, altered their minds upon ma-
ture consideratioii, and have also strongly engaged on
the other hand and written judiciously in the defence
thereof; and cleared it up to all, that it is no other, that*
what was consonant not only to scripture, reason and
antiquity, but to the apprehension and judgment of the
first fathers of the churches ol New England, as may be
seen in Mr. Increase Mather his learned treatise on that
subject, published not long since.

And as this disputation had its first rise in the colony
of Connecticut, so was there much difference and conten-
tion raised at Hartford, where was the principal church of
the jurisdiction, between Mr. Samuel Stone, their teach-
er, and the rest of the church, occasioned at the first on
some such account ; insomuch that sundry members of
that church, having rent themselves off from that church,
removed themselves to another place higher up that riv-
er; where they seated themselves and gathered into a dis-
tinct church in way of schism, as the rest of the church
accounted. So that it came at the last to an open breach,
which could not be healed or made up amongst them-
selves, which put them upon a necessity of calling a con-
vention of the messengers of sundry churches in the
Massachusetts, who met together at Boston in the year
1659 ; and upon a full hearmg of all the matters in con-
troversy therein, they made a reconciliation between
them, and those that irregularly departed away in that
manner being convinced of their mistake, freely ac-
knowleged it, which made the closure of that breach the
more cordial and real ; many paroxisms of contention
» than. Ed.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 571

in those churches havin,^ had the like comfortable issue,
by the blessed influences of the Prince of Peace upon the
use of the same means.

CHAP. LXV.

The plantations of Nexv England troubled with the Qua-
kers— Laws made against them by the general court of
the Massachusetts within the space of this lustre^ from
1655 to 1660.

About this time, the people called quakers had sent
their emissaries to preach the gospel, (doubtless not the
everlasting gospel which the apostle was sent to preach,)
amongst the colonies of New England. Those of the
Massachusetts considering what the apostle Paul speak-
ing,* of holding him accursed that preacheth any other
gospel, made very sharp laws against them, if it mit;ht
have been to have prevented their troubling of the place
with their strange arid perverse doctrines. But the event
succeeded not according to expectation ; for divers of
that sort repaired tliither, as if they intended to have brav-
ed authority, which occasioned the apprehending of seve-
ral of them, who were prosecuted according to the laws
lately enacted ; which, after such and such steps and de-
grees mentioned therein, doth proscribe them, upon pain
of death. June the 1st, in the year 1660, Mary Dyer,
rebelliously returning after that sentence passed upon
her, was sentenced to suffer death at the place of execi-
tion, yet had liberty to pass for England at the next ses-
sion of the court; the which she (as was hoped and de-
sired,) attended not, as Joseph Nicholson and Jane his
wife did, that by returning alter the like sentence passed
upon them had brought themselves into the same premu-
nire, which some that wished them well persuaded unto,
or to remove elsewhere ; by which means the execution
of that fatal sentence was prevented on them. But Ma-
ry Dyer wilfully returning, the authority of the place
knew not how to deliver her from the severity of the law,
which was the portion of two others of that hort of peo-
ple, much about that time, viz, William Robinson and

• speaketh. E».

SyS CJ^ERAL HISTORY

Marmaduke Stevenson, and soon after there was^ set
out a declaration of the general court, justifying their
proceedings.

A declaration of the p;eT)eral court of the Massachusetts, holden
at Boston, October 18, 1659, and printed by their order. Ed-
ward Rawson, Secretary.

Although the justice of our proceedings against Wil-
liam Robinson, Marmaduke Stevenson, and Mary D}er,
su;)portedby the authority of this court, the laws of the
country, and the law of God, may rather persuade us to
expect encouragement and commendation from all pru-
dent and pious men, than convince us of any necessity
to apologize for the same ; yet forasmuch as men of
wea':er parts, o'lt of pity and commiseration, (a com-
iTiendable and chti^nan virtue, yet easily abused, and sus-
ceptii'le of sinister and dangerous impressions,) for want
of full ii formation, may be less satisfied, and menofper-
verser p'iiciplesmay take occasion hereby to calumniate
us and render us as bloody persecutors — to satisfy the
one and >top the mouths of the other, we thought it re-
quisite t ) declare : — That about three years since, divers
persons, professing themselves quakers, (of whose perni-
cious opinions a..d practices we had received intelligence
from good hands, bolli from Barbados and Engla« d,)
arrived at Boston, whose persons were only secured ro
be sent away by the first opportuui'y, without censure or
pur.ishment, alihougii tlieir professed tenets, turbulent
and contemptuous bvhaviour to authority, would have
justified a severer anim.d version, yet the prudence of
this court was exercised O'lly in making ];rovision to se-
cuf-e ihe peace and order iiere established against their
atiea.pts, vviu^se ilesign (we were well as'^ured of by our
own experience, as well as by the example of their pre-
decessors in Munsler ) was to undern.ine and ruin the
san:e. A'ld dccorciingiy a law was made and pubh-hcd,
pruhibitiitg all masters oi ships to bring any quakers in-
to this jurisdiciion, an.', themsvlves fron) c(.ntji.g in, on
penalty of the house tS correction till they eeuki Ik sent
away. Nolv\ it istai dir.g whi'^h, by a back door, fhty
found entrance, luid iiie penalty inflicted upon themselves

OF NEW ENGLAND. 573

provinpj insufficient to restrain their impudent and inso-
lent obtrusions, was increased by the loss of the ears of
those that offended the second time ; u hich also being
too weak a defence against their imj^etuoiis finatiek fury,
necessitated us to endeavi urour security ; and upon se-
rious consideration, after the former experiment, by their
incessant assaults, a law was made, that such persons
should be banished on pain of death, according to the
example of England in their provision against Jesuits,
which sentence being regularly pronounced at the last
court of assistants against the parties above named, and
they either returning or continuing presumptuously in
this jurisdiction, after the time limited, were appreheiid-
ed, and ovi^ning themselves to be the j^rsons banished,
were sentenced by the court to death, according to the
law aforesaid, which hath been executed upoa two of
. them. Mary Dyer, upon the petition of her son, and
the mercy and clemency of this court, had liberty to de-
part within two days, which she hath accepted of. The
consideration of our gradual proceedings will vindicate
us from the clamorous accusations of severity ; our own
just and necessary defence calhng upon us (other means
failing,) to offer the point which these persons have vio-
lently and wilfully rushed upon, and thereby become
Jeloni's de i>e . which might it have been prevented, and the
sovereign law, salus populi^ been preserved. Our former
proceedings, as well as the sparing of Mary Dyer upon
an inconsiderable intercession, will manifestly evmce
we desire their lives, absent, rather than their deatii, pre-
sent.

The executing of the said sentence was and is ac-
counted by sundry that heard thereof very harsh. All
that can be said in the defence thereof amounts to thus
much : That the innabitants of the place having pur-
chased the country for themselves, they accounted it an
unreasonable injury for any to come presumptuously,
widiout license or allowance, to live amongst them, and
to sow the seeds of their dangerous and perverse prin-
ciples amongst the inhabitants, tending to the subversion
of all thitt was good, whetiier sacred or civil ; and there-

S7* OENERAL HISTORY

fore thought themselves bound to hold out the sharp
against any that should attempt, without leave, to thrust
themselves amongst them ; which renders them that ob-
stinately and wilfully would so ^ofelones de se^ like them
that will break into a man's dwelling house, whether he
will or no.

That law seems to have been made only as a provision
to have diverted any such from settling amongst them ;
which, when it was discerned it would not prove a meet
expedient for the end, would have been waved without
doubt by the power of the court that made it, had not the
king's most excellent majesty, according to his princely
clemency, written to the country to forbear all corporal
punishment of the quakers not long after, in the year
1661, from which time the execution of the former laws
was forthwith suspended.

One Mrs. Hibbins, in the year 1656, was arraigned for
a witch after her husband's death. The **** found her
guilty, but the magistrates consented not, so the matter
came to the general court, where she was condemned by
the deputies, (the first example in that kind,) and execut-
ed. Voxpopuli went sore against her, and was the chief-
est part of the evidence against her, as some thought. It
fared with her, in some sense as it did with Joan of Arc,
in France, executed by the duke of Bedford in Henry
the fifth's time ; the which some counted a saint, and some
a witch. Many times, persons of hard favour and tur-
bulent passions are apt to be condemned by the common
people for witclies, upon very slight grounds. Some ob-
served solemn remarks of providence set upon those who
were very forward to condemn her, and brand others
with the like infamous reproach on such grounds, about
that time. Others have said that Mr. Hibbins' losing 500
pounds at once, by the carelessness of Mr. Terice the
shipmaster, it so discomposed his wife's spirit that she
scarce ever was well settled in her mind afterward, but
grew very turbulent in her passion and discontented, on
which occasions she was cast out of the church, and then
charged to be a witch, givmg too much occasion by her
strange carriage to common people so to judge.

OF NEW ENGLAND. 575

CHAP. LXVI.

General a^airs cf the Massachusetts y from the year 1661

to 1666.

In the beginning of this lustre, the same governour
and deputy governour were, by the joint consent of the
Massachusetts, chosen that were before, viz. Mr. Endi-
cot and Mr. BeUingham, and so continued to 1665, with
this only alteration, that in the last year, viz. 1665, Mr.
Endicot being taken away, Mr. BeUingham succeeded
him in his place. The aforesaid gentleman died in a
good old age, honoured by all as one that had well de-
served both of church and common weal, and was hon-
ourably interred at Boston, March 23, 1665.

Not many matters of moment occurred in this lustre
of years, in New England, but what concerned the trans-
actions in reference to our gracious sovereign, king
Charles the second.

And because about this time of his majesty's happy
restoration, an odd kind of book was unhappily printed
by one of the ministers of New England, (that had spent
his time to better purpose, on sundry accounts, in the
years forepast,) that gave great distaste to the general
court, as savouring too much of a fifth monarchy spirit ;
at least sundry expressions were used therein justly of-
fensive to the kingly government of England, (though
not intentionally by the author, who hath always profes-
sed and practised better : ) Publick testimony was borne
against the said book by the censure of the general
court ; the justice of which censure, (as is said,) was ac-
knowledged by the author himself.

But that which doth beyond all exception clear the
people of New England from any tincture of a rebellious
or fanatical spirit, (however they may have been, by some
that knew nothing of them by hearsays, misrepresented,)
is tneir voluntary proclaiming his majesty, after informa-
tion of his happy returning to the exercise of his royal
power i:i his three kingdoms ; which was solemn;y done
on the 8th of August, 1661, by special order of the gen-

576 (;e\eral history

eral court ; to which may be added, that during the times
of the late usurpation, there was never any other power
owned and pubHckly declared and submitted unto ;
which is more than can be said of any other of his majes-
ty's plantations abroad, although it is well known that
the same was expected, and the country was courted
thereunto, by the person who is now laid asleep in the
dark house of the grave with his weapons under his head,
though he were a terrour in the land of the living, for a
long time before.

In the end of this year, 1661, the general court being
called together, agreed to send over Mr. Bradstreet and
Mr, Norton as their messengers, to represent the loyalty
of the people of New England to his majesty, and to im-
plore his grace and favour towards the country. They
took their voyage in February, and returned back in Sep-
tember following, having had a favourable reception
with his majesty, and a concession of several acts of royal
grace and tavour, betokening all due encouragement for
their proceedings in those parts of America, to the fur-
ther advancing of his majesty's interest there ; which
made them return like Noah's dove with an otive branch
of peace in their mouths at.d hands, bringing back with
them a gracious letter from his majesty, the contents of
which were to this purpose, viz.

I'hat his majesty was well satisfied with their expres-
sions of loyalty, duty, and good affection ; that he rtceiv-
ed them into his gracious protection, and would cherish
them with best encouragement, coniirn^ing their patent
and privileges ; and, that he would pardon all cnmes
past, excepting such persons as stood attainted ; adding,
that the late ill times had an influence into that colony,
and that the privileges of the freemen should be further
enlarged; and further, since freedom and liberty of con-
science was the chief ground of that plantation, that the
like liberty and freedom be allowed duly to such as de-
sire to perform their devotions after the manner of Eng-
land, yet without mdulgence to quakers, enemies to all
government ; scil. to all such as shall use their liberty
^vithout disturbance ; and that all writs, processes with

OP NEW ENGLAND. 577

iiidictments, should be made and sent forth in his majes-
ty's name, by all magistrates, secretaries, clerks, and all
officers, that were concerned in publick writings; all
which have been from that time carefully observed, and
some former laws repealed, that were the ground of the
former practice, ai:d new ones substituted in their room,
requiring the observation of the premises ; in which way
things were quietly carried on without any great diffi-
culty or trouble the two following years. Yet, notwith-
standing all those expressions of favour, in the year
16^4, his majesty was pleased to depute some commis-
sioners to take an account of the state of ihe colonies of
New England, furnishing them with ample power for
the rectifying any thing they should find amiss, or oth-
erwise to commend it to his majesty's further care and
ordering. They were but four in number; the two
principal of whom v/ere Col. Nichols and Col. Cart-
wright, who were both of them eminently qualified with
abilities fit to manage such a concern, nor yet wanting in
resolution to carry on any honourable design for the pro-
moting his majesty's interest, in any of those plantations
whither they were sent.

But their principal business being to reduce the Dutch
plantation at the Manhatos to the obedience of bis ma-
jesty, wherein as soon as ever they expressed their de-
sire of the assistance of the Massachusetts, in raisuig of
forces to the number of two hundred, to join with such
as they brought along with them, it was readily compli-
ed with ; but before any such force could be raised and
carried to the place, it was partly by the interpositions of
some agents sent from the Massachusetts and the rest of
the colonies, and partly by other prudent considerations,
peaceably resigned up into the hands of his majesty's
commissioners, and so was the will of the Massachusetts,
by those honourable gentlemen accepted for the deed.

Divine providence seemed to favour the design, in
that so considerable a place of strength and so easily ten-
able, was so speedily reduced without the loss of one
man's life ; and without doubt the right and title of the
English to the place was beyond all exception, which
7S

578 GENERAL HISTORY

possiblvmade the former p'>ssessours unwilling to dispute
it with their swords' poi*t; nor did the Dutch suifer by
their yielding, being ever since treated upon all accounts
as friends and allies, and not as foreigners or strangers.

This business being so well over, the commissioners
had the better opportunity, and with the more speed, to
attend their other affairs in the coloniesof New England,
which with great intenseness was pursued soon after.

They had, upon their first arrival, del i vert d a letter
from his majesty to the general court of the Massachu-
setts, wherein he was pleased thus to preface : " Having
taken very much to heart the welfare and advancement
of those our plantations in America, and particularly
that of New England, which in tr uth hath been a good
example of industry a.d sobriety to all the rest, where-
by God hath blessed it, &c. we have thought fit, seeing
we cannot in person visit those our so distant dominions,
&c. to send such commissioners thither, as may in our
name visit the same,"{^G. adding at the last, "as we have
had this resolution and purpose, since our first happy
arrival in England, to send commissioners thither, &c.
so we have had many reasons occur since to confirm us
in that resolution, and to hasten the execution thereof."
Amongst other reasons reckoned up, one was to confer
about his majesty's former letter of June 28, 1662, and
their answer thereunto, of Nov. 25 following, against
which it seems some exception was taken : the con-
ferring about which with those of the Massachusetts,
t^as one part of their instructions.

His majesty's commission with the instructions, were
presented to the Massacliusetts under several heads, and
it was done gradually and by piecemeal, which occa-
sioned many and long debates between the said commis-
sioners and the general court ; upon which through some
unhappy mistakes there was not that right utiderstand-
ing betwixt them which was desired, the which it may be
thought better in this place to pass over with silence, than
to run into the several particulars therecjf, forasmuch
as all the foresaid gentlemen, to whom the said com-
mission was granted, have sometime since been called to

OF NEW ENGLAND* 579

give an account in another world; their proceedings,
therefore, shall not here be brought under any further dis-
course. But for the general court of the Massachusetts,
something that was propounded to them seemed very
grievous, viz. the bringing upon tliem a court of appeal^j
in matters of judicature, that had fallen under the cog-
nizance cf the courts in the country ; for the preventing
of which inconvenience, it was determined by the said
court to send a further address to his majesty upon the
account of one of the commissioners, in whom was ob-
served a greater animosity than is usual against the
country in general, supposed to arise from a deep rooted
prejudice of his mind against the church discipline used
there ; which might indeed call forth the moroseness of
his natural temper, which manifested itself in sundry
harsh expressions, which probably occasioned some to
look upon him as a professed enemy. For they observed
he was never willing to accept of any common courtesy
from any of -the inhabitants, as if he had had some spe-
cial antipathy against them all m general ; but the contra-
ry is known by some that had occasion of more free con-
verse with him, to whom he always discovered much ci-
vility in his behaviour. But where he had received any
disgust from any ruder sort of ihe people, as he occasion-
ally passed up and down the country, it is not unlike
that he might highly resent the same, and could not re-
frain from an open discovery thereof upon other occa-
sions; which certainly, without prejudice be it spoketi,
did his majesty no little disservice as to the matters then
before them ; for it laid so great a discouragement upon
the minds of those who had been long treating about
things of difference, that it put the general court upon
a resolution forthwith to make that other address to his
majesty, to prevent, if possible, the imposing such com-
missioners upon the country, whose power might be at-
tended with no little inconvenience and trouble for the
future, if persons of his spirit and temper should chance
to be employed therein.

What is here spoken is not intended in the least to re-
flect upon the persons of any of the honourable commis-

580 GENERAL HISTORY

sioncrs aforesaid, but only to hint a further reason why
the motion made by them took so little place with the
general court at that time. Althouf^h it is not unworthy
the observation of the reader, that the providence of
the Almighty did by solemn accidents upon sundry per-
sons bear witness against them, who were full fraught
with an expectation of great changes like to fall out in
New England upon the sending over the commissioners,
which his majesty and his council saw great reason to
do, to secure his interest in those parts, and setde the
bounds of their plantations against the approaches of for-
eigners. But those who, on that occasion, expected a
change in the government of the colonies, or alteration
of the religion there established, were miserably disap-
pointed of their hopes.

One Mr. Stevens, a young merchant that went to Eng-
land about this time, informed much against the country;
but returning a little before the commissioners came,
was suddenly and strangely smitten with an incurable
malady at Boston, and being moved by some about him
to send for some of the ministers to pray with or for
him, he desperately refused, and charged that none of
these black crows (meaning the ministers) should follow
his corpse to the grave, and so died. His comrade, one
Kirk, that had sent his testimony by him to England,
was drowned, as he went soon after to Barbados. Also
one Capt. Isam, about Pascataqua, hearing of a commis-
sion to come over thither, hasted to England to further
it ; and coming back in the same ships, soon after he
came ashore, was seized with a loathsome disease, in
which he rotted by piecemeal, and being turned from
house to house, at last he miserably died thereby, some-
where about Pascataqua river.

Another young man, that was related to one of the
commissioners, having given out sundry vaunting speech-
es against the country, pleasing himself to declare what
would ere long be done to New England, himself was
soon after taken away by death, before his eyes saw their
arrival. Mention is made of another of the like spirit,
that spent some time in New England to take some no-

OF NEW ENGLAND, 581

tice of the strength of the place, the number of soldiers
in each town, with the situation of the harbours, but be-
ing bound for Barbados, as he was ready to set sail from
Nantasket, fell overboard into the water, and was never
seen more.

Not to mention the miscarrying of sundry papers and
writings, sent over into England full of complaints against
the country of New England, many of which were ei-
ther lost in the vessel by which they were sent, or else
were flung overboard by some who had, out of an evil
mind, promised to deliver them, but in distress of weath-
er and of mind, cast them overboard into the sea, lest
they should prove the Jonases of their ship, as in part
hath been touched already. More particular instances
might be given, if it were judged convenient. But to
return to what was before intimated, about the commis-
sioners. It is a necessary and general rule to give to
any man an allowance as to the bias and grain of his nat-
ural temper ; some men are naturally morose, saturnine,
suspicious, which qualities render them less desirable
companions, yet must not be thought to unfit them for
employment and business of great weight and moment,
which notwithstanding the disadvantages forementioned,
they may be fully accomplished to discharge ; which
was most true of Col. Cartwright, one of the commis-
sioners, and principally intended in the j^remiscs.

After the reducing of the Dutch, the said commission-
ers returned three of them to Boston, taking their way
through some ofthe other colonies, where they attempted
to settle things in the best manner they could, and as
they apprehended, most conducing to his majesty's ad-
vantage.

Some time before the court of election, scil. before
the 25th of March in the said year 1665, happened the
death of Mr. Endicot, which occasioned some change
in the persons of the governour and deputy. For Mr.
Bellingham was that year called to the chief place of gov-
ernment, which he held, by annual election, to his death,
as did Mr. Willoughby that of the deputy's place also,
to which he was that year in like manner chosen by the

583 GENERAL HISTORY

general consent of the freemen, who apprehending the
danger of some change, resolvedly fixed their choice up-
on such persons as they judged most likely to maintain
the government in that same state, wherein it hath been
heretofore, without the least alteration or change.

But before the said commissioners went to Plymouth,
they desired, 1, That all the people might be called to-
gether, at the court of election, to see the kindness and
favour the king had for the people here. 2. That some
might be appointed to go with them to shew them the
bounds of their patent, which was readily assented unto ;
but for the first, the governour and council did not un-
derstand the reason thereof, and doubted some inconve-
nience, especially when the people live so remote. It is
no more safe for the body politick, than for the body nat-
ural, to have all the spirits retire inward from the extreme
part to the center. Col. Cartwright, when he observed
a non-attendance like to follow upon his motion, uttered
some harsh and angry words, not needful here to be in-
serted. Men that are naturally cf a cholerick and touchy
disposition are very apt to take fire. Some further or-
der was issued by the said commissioners about the Nar-
raganset country, which, at that time, was denominated
the king's province, declaring that none had power to
dispose of any conquered lands, but what were within
their original grants, without authority derived from them,
under their hands and seals. The like was done at War-
wick, and all in reierence to some complaints made of
injustice done on the east sid<^ of Pancatuke river.

But after the dispatch of thi gs in Plymouth, they, i.e.
the commissioners, returned in an obscure manner to
Boston. Concerning their deportment "iherein, it was
matter of observation, and of no little dissatisfaction, that
thereby they prevented the civility and respect that was
both intended and prepared for them in sundry places;
the reason of which, as in charity may be supposed, was
touched upon beiore. Soon after their arrival at Boston,
they were met by Col. Nichols, that was lately come
from Manhatos, now, (in honour of his royal highness,
to whom it was granted by his majesty,) New York. Be-

OF NEW ENGLAND, 583

in-; all met together, they fell close upon the business of
their commission, or the matter principally, (as was sup-
posed,) intended with the Massachusetts. They there-
fore took the first opportunity to communicate their in-
structions to the general court, concerning such things
as they had order, by their commission, to inquire into.
The court complained, that they were acquainted with
their instructions by piecemeal and not all at once, by
which means they might have taken a view of them to-
gether, and so have been in a belter capacity to have re-
turned an answer to more satisfaction ; but being neces-
sitated to attend the order, in which the commissioners
intended to proceed, they at last complied. There was
a pretty large debate betwixt them, and the general court
were very slow to grant what was proposed in the sub-
jecting of the power of the country to a court of appeals,
wherein things were to be issued by the power of the
commissioners without any jury.

At the last, to put the matter to a final conclusion, the
commissioners resolved to sit as a court of appeals, and
took notice of two cases, one criminal, the other a civil
action, to answer unto which they summoned the gover-
nour and company of the Massachusetts ; who, upon seri-
ous consideration, chose rather to commit themselves and
their afiairs to his majesty's judgment, than to attend
such a commission of appeals, or of oyer and terminer.
Some that were the more cordial asserters of the royal
interest in the Massachusetts, wished that some other
cases had fallen under their cognizance, than those that
were pitched upon, which it is thought best not to men-
tion, either the particulars or the circumstances of them,
lest it should any ways reflect upon the honour of their
persons or their commission, especially since there is
none of them now left behind to return an answer in any
thmg, by way of defence, or to shew the ground of their
proceedings.

Offence was taken at the order of the general court, in
declaring their purpose not to attend the summons of the
commissioners by sound of a trumpet. But many in
the general court apprehended that such a concern ought

384i GENERAL HISTORY

to be done in that way, which would make their intention
the more publick, for preventing any confusion that else
might have happened. Immediately hereupon, scil.
May 24, 1665, the commissioners declared they would
treat no more with the court, that would not own their
authority and power of determining matters of difference,
whether civil or criminal, without a jury. And soon af-
ter, they took their leave of Boston, and repaired, Col,
Nichols to the government of New York, and the other
three to the eastward, beyond and about the parts of Pas-
cataqua river, where they summoned the people togeth-
er, many of whom made show of a desire to be taken
into his majesty's government; the advantage of which,
above any another, was laid before them by the three
commissioners then present. Now it must be minded,
that as to the Province of Maine, there were two sorts that
pretended a right to the government thereof: one that
derived their power from Sir F«irdinando Gorges' title,
the other derived theirs from the general court of the
Massachusetts. For about this time, or not long before,
an agent, sent from Sir Ferdinando Gorges' heir, had put
the people of Yorkshire, or Province of Maine, into
some distractions, by pretending to exercise government
there, upon the account of the patent of the Province of
Maine, whereupon the general court of the Massachu-
setts declared their purpose still to exert their authority
over that part of tlie country, requiring the inhabitants to
continue their obedience thereunto ; intimating also their
intent to give an account to his majesty of the reasons
why they so do, by presenting some kind of map of the
bounds of their northern line.

But the commissioners passed an act to enervate the
claim of both parties, having first received a petition
from sundry of the inhabitants to his majest} , and sup-
posing the desire of the petitioners was to be taken into
his majesty's government and protection, they did ac-
cordingly receive them, and appointed several persons
for justices of the peace in the said Province of Maine,
viz, Capt. Champernoon, Mr. Joseline, Mr. Ryshworth,
of York, and Mr. Robert Cutts, of Kittery, and some

OF NEW ENG'LANI). 585

<*hers, eleven in all, giving power and authority to any
three of then», or more, to meet together, as other riiagis-
trates formerly used to do, and to hear and determine all
causes, civil or criminal, and order all affairs of the said
province for the peace and safety thereof, according to
the laws of England, as near as may be ; and this to~be
done until his majesty appoint another government : for-
bidding as well Gorges' commissioners, as the corpora-
tion of the Massachusetts, to exercise any further power
of government there, by virtue of their pretended rights,
till his majesty 's pleasure were further known. This was
done in the June or July, in the year 1665.

After the settling of these things in this sort, in the
Province of Maine, the commissioners proceeded fur-
ther eastward, where they reduced things to as good or-
der as they could, taking care to prevent any quarrel be-
twixt the Indians in those parts, (who it seems in those
times gave some occasion of jealousy,) and the English,
directing what course should be taken for redress, if any
injury were offered on either side, before they should do
any acts of hostility one against another. It had been
well for those parts if Uiese ways had been attended,
which were by them prescribed, ior then might much
of the mischief have been prevented, which fell out in the
years following ; of which more is said in the following
narrative, which hereunto may be annexed.

After things were thus ordered by those commissioners,
they returned back towards the Massachuijetts, preparing
two of them to ship themselves for England, Sir Robert
Carr and Col. Cartwright ; but it seems one of them,
viz. Sir Robert Carr, was arrested with a sickness as soon
as ever he was landed in England, which in a few days
put a period to his life, as well as his commission, and
called him to give an account thereof before an higher
tribunal. The other, viz. Col. Cartwright, had taken
exact account of all the transactions that had passed here
under his cognizance ; but falling into the hands of the
Dutch he hardly escaped with his life, losing all his pa-
pers and writings. From them, likewise, he met with
pretty harsh and coarse usage, they putting a gag into
74

589 GENERAL HISTORY

his month, which, (it is said,) he threatened to some in
New Eng;land that pleased him not, in some of his ad-
ministrations ; and losing his writings no doubt was pre-
vented of the exactness of his account of things here, up-
on his return, which depended now only upon the
strength of his memory, whereby some trouble possibly
also was saved, which might have fallen out, in reference
to some of the plantations in New England. And proba-
bly the war that immediately bf fore broke out between the
English and the Dutch, and was not yet ended, turned
aside some other designs, which some had thought upon
for the ordering those jilantations, which hath of late fallen
under debate upon another occasion, of which the scries
of the history will call to speak more afterwards.

Things bt ing left in this sort in the plantations about
Pascataqua, those of the Province of Maine remained in
the state wherein they were left by those three commis-
sioners for tvvo or three years; but for the plantations on
the south side of Pascataqua, viz. Portsmouth, Dover,
and Exeter, some of their inhabitants, soon after they,
i. e. the commissioners, left the country, addressed them-
selves to the Massachusetts' court for an opportunity to
clear some asjxrsion?? cast on that government they were
fettled under before. Whereupon three or four gentlemen
were sent by the general court with commission to act
somethingfor the settling the peace of those places ; who,
assembling the people of Portsmouth and Dover togeth-
er, told them, that whereas some had petitioned against
the Bay government, if any such grievance were made
known they would acquaint the court, and so redress
might be had. But instead of that, about thirty of the
inhabitants of Dover, by a petition to the general court,
desired the continuance of their goven ment over them.
To the same purpose did about the like number of
of Portsmouth petition about October following, where-
by they cleared themselves from having any hand in such
petitions, as complained of their government as an usurpa-
tion. The like was done from some of Exeter. Some
other petitions had been in like manner presented to the
commissioners from about the parts of Providence and

OP NEW ENGLAND. S87

Warwick against the Massachusetts, as namely, by Sam-
uel Gorton and his coniplices, wherein w^ere many strange
allegations, but very far from truth ; a thing little minded
by the said Gorton, to which reply was made by the
court to vindicate their proceedings.

This year the general court of the Massachusetts vot-
ed to send a present, to the vahie of 500 pounds, for ac-
commodation of his majesty's navy, which was gracious-
ly accepted, as was said.

CHAP. LXVII.

Ecclesiastical aj^airs in New England^ from the year
1661 to 1666.

In the beginning of this lustre, some questions were
raised amongst the churches and people of the Massa-
chusetts ; one was about the extent of baptism, viz,
whether the children of some parents might not be ad-
mitted to baptism, though they themselves were never
yet admitted to full communion with the church, at the
Lord's table ; about which case, the country was strange-
ly divided. The other was about the extent of com-
munion, that ought to be between particular churches
that are seated together, and live under the same civil
government. For the discussing of both these questions,
the general court of the Massachusetts, in their second
session in the year 1661, did order and desire, that the
churches within their jurisdiction would send their eld-
ers and messengers of the said churches, to meet at Bos-
ton the next spring, to determine those practical points of
difference about church discipline. The elders and
messengers of the said churches did assemble accord-
ingly, in the year 1662, and dehvered their determina-
tion to the court, who ordered the result of the said synod
to be forthwith printed, and commended the practice
thereof to all the churches in their jur:i;diction.

An answer of the ministers, and other messengers of the churches,
assembled at Boston, in the year 1662, to the questions pro-
pounded to them by order of the general court.

Question 1. Who are the subjects of baptism ?

588 GENERAL HISTORY

Answer. The answer may be given in the following
propositions.

1. They that, according to scripture, are members of
the visible church, are the subjects of baptism.

2. The members of the visible chjirch, according to
scripture, are confederate visible believers in particular
churches, and their infant seed, i. e. children in minority,
whose next parents are one or both in covenant.

3. The infant seed ol confederate visible believers
are members of the same church with their parents ; and,
when grown up, are personally under the v/atch, disci-
pline, and government of that church.

4. Those adult persons are not therefore to be admit-
ted to full communion, merely because they are and con-
tinue members, without such further qualifications as
the word of God requireth thereunto.

5. Such church members, who are admitted in minor-
ity, understanding the doctrine of faith, and publickly
professing their assent thereunto, not scandalous in life,
and solemfily owning the covenant before the church,
wherein they give up themselves and their children to
the Lord, and subject themselves to the government
of Christ in the church, their children are to be baptized.

6. Such church members, who either by -death or
some other extraordinary providence, have been inevita-
bly hindered from publick acting as aforesaid, yet have
given the church cause in judgment of charity to look
at them as so qualified, and such as, had they been called
thereunto, would have so acted, their children are to be
baptized.

7. The members of orthodox churches, being sound
in the faith, and not scandalous in life, and present-
ing due testimony thereof, these occasionally coming
from one church to another, may have their children
baptized in the church whither they come, by virtue of
communion of churches ; but if they remove their habit-
ation, they ought orderly to covenant and subject them-
selves to the government of Christ in the church, where
they settle their abode, arid so their children to be bap-
tized 4 it being the churches duty to receive such un-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 689

to communion, so far as they are regularly fit for the
same.

Quest. 2. Whether, according to the word of God,
there ought to be a consociation of churches, and what
should be the manner of it ?

Ans. The answer may be briefly given in the propo-
sitions following.

1. Every church, or particular congregation of visible
saints, in gosptl order, being turnished with a presbyte-
ry, at least with a teaching elder, and walking together in
truth and peace, hath received from the Lord Jesus full
power and authority, ecclesiastical w^ithin itself, regularly
to administer all the ordinances ot Christ, and is not un-
der any other ecclesiastical jurisdiction whatsoever; for
to such a church Christ hath given the keys of the king-
dom of heaven, that what they bind or loose on earth,
shall be bound or loosed in heaven. Matt. xvi. 19, &c.
Matt, xviii. 17, 18. Acts xiv. 23. Tit. i. 5. Matt, xxviii.
19, 20. Acts vi. 4. 1 Cor. iv. 1, and v. 4, 12. Acts xx.
28. 1 Tim. v. 17, and iii. 5.

Hence it follows, that consociation of churches is not
to hinder the exercise of this power, but by counsel
from the word of God, to direct and strengthen the same
upon all just occasions.

2. The churches of Christ do stand in a sisterly rela-
tion each to other. Cant. viii. 8, being united in the same
faith and order, Eph. iv. 5. Col. ii. 5, to walk by the
same rule, Phil. iii. 16, in the exercise of the same ordi-
nances for the same ends, Eph, iv. 11, 12, 13. 1 Cor.
xvi. 1, under one and the same political head, the Lord
Jesus Christ. Eph. i. 22, 23. Eph. iv. 5. Rev. ii. 1,
which union infers a communion suitable thereunto.

3. Communion of churches is the faithful improve-
ment of the gifts of Christ, bestowed upon them for his
service and glory, and their mutual good and edification,
accorduig to capacity and opportunity, i. e. to seek and
accept of help one from another, by prayer, counsel, and
advice, &c.

4. Consociation of churches is their mutual and sol-
emn agreement to exercise communicci in such acts as

1^90 GENERAL HISTORY

aforesaid amongst themselves, with special reference to
those churches, which by providence are planted in a
convenient vicinity; though with liberty reserved with-
out offence, to make use of others, as the nature of the
case, or the advantage of opportunity, may lead there-
unto.

5. The churches of Christ in New England, having
so fair an opportunity for it, it is meet to be commended
to them as their duty thus to consociate.

6. The manner of the cJiurches' agreement herein, or
entering into this consociation, may be by each church's
open consenting unto the things here declared, in answer
to this second question.

7. The manner of exercising and practising that
communion, which this consent or agreement especially
tendeth unto, may be by making use occasionally of el-
ders, or able brethren of other churches, or by the more
solemn meetings of both ciders and messengers in lesser
or greater councils, as the matter shall require.

These propositions, by way of answer to the two ques-
tions, were assei.ted unto by the greater part by far of
the assembly. Some few did manifest their dissent, and
afterward in print opposed it, viz. the answer to the first
question, as Mr. Chauncy, the president of the college,
in his Anti-Synodalia, and the Rev. Mr. Davenport.
The first was replied unto by Mr. Allen ; the second by
the Rev. Mr. Richard Mather. Some think that Mr.
Davenport's book hath overthrown the propositions of
the synod, according to their own principles ; although
they approve not his judo;n,ent in the case, whoare for a
larger latitude about bar/ ism, as Dr. Owen and Dr. Good-
win, in whose account, tie seed «f the faithful are the
subject of baptism, vvhetln r thti; parents are confederate
in particular churches or not ; but tiiat is not as yet
clearly evinced to satisfaction.

But as some were studying how baptism might be
enlarjjed and extended to the seed of the faithful in their
several srenerations ; there were others as studious tode-
prive all inadult children theieof, and restrain the privi-
lege only to adult believers. A society of that pcrsua-

tJF NEW ENGLAND. 091

sion had taken upon them to join themselves together in
a particular company by themselves, and did administer
all ordinances amongst themselves in a schismatical way :
yea, thougjh some, that had taken upon them the power of
such administrations, were themselves under the sentence
of excommunication from other churches, which former-
ly they belonged unto. This company, continuing their
assembling together, after they had been warned by the
court to forbear, were sentenced by the court to be dis-
franchised if they were freemen ; and if they obstinately
continued in their practice to be committed to prison
upon conviction before one magistrate, or the county
court, until the general court should take further order.
By this severity it was expected they should have been
restrained, but it proved otherwise. The bent of all men's
natures makes it true, nitimur in vetitum ; and like wa-
ters that are pent up, they swell the more, so came it
to pass with these persons who would not forbear, unless
the laws had been sharpened to a greater degree of se-
verity than the authority of the place were willing t»
execute on that account.

CHAP. LXVIIL

The general affairs o/JVexv En^landyfrom the year 1666

to 1671.

During this lustre of years, there was little altera-
tion in the government of the Massachusetts; Mr. BeU
lingham holding the first place of government, as Mr.
Willoughby did the second, to the end thereof. Nor
was there any matters of great moment that happened,
besides granting of liberty for several townships, unless
the reverting of the Province of Maine to the government
^oi the Massachusetts as heretofore ; the occasion and
manner thereof shall presently be related.

In the year 1667, liberty was granted for erecting a
new plantation or township, at a place about thirty or for-
ty miles west from Rox bury, called Mendon, and peopled
by some that removed from thence. There was another
like grant the same year at Brookfieid, a commodious

59^ r.ENERAL HISTORY

place for entertainment of travellers betwixt the Massa*
chusetts and Connecticut, situaie about twenty five miles
from Springfield, toward Boston ; the liberty had been
granted before in the year 1660, but it was renewed this
year, six or seven families being settled there, the gran-
tees having forfeited their first grant. The ordering of
the place fell into the court's power, which was no disad-
vantage of the township, the management thereof being
by the court committed to the care of two or three pru-
dent persons, fitter to carry on a design of that nature
than the whole village was.

These two villages last named were erected in an un>.
happy hour, for before ten years were expired they were
utterly ruined and destroyed by die Indians, and not one
stick left standing of any building erected there ; as may
be seen more at large in the narrative of the troubles with
the Indians. Marlborough, ten miles beyond Sudbury,
on the road towards Connecticut, (a plat of which was
this year laid out and presented to the court,) escaped
very hardly ; one half thereof being in like manner des-
troyed by the barbarous Indians in the years 1675 and
1676. Another village was granted likewise about this
time, called Westfield> seven nales westward from Spring-
field, which hardly escaped the fury of the Indians in that
late rebellion.

In the year 1666, two hundred and fifty persons, driven
off from St. Christophers, and coming to Boston, were
there relieved till they could be transported back to some
of the Caribbee islands, or otherwise disposed of accord-
ing to their desire. In the following year certain infor-
mations being brought to the Massachusetts of some
distress his majesty's fleet was in, at the Caribbee islands,
for want of provision, a motion was made by some mer-
chants of the said place for sending away present supply;
which being quickened by the general court at Boston,
was forthwith dispatched away , and came seasonally to
their relief.

In the year 1670, a law was made in the Massachu-
setts for giving liberty to administrdtors to sell lands for
payment of the debts of the deceased, with the leave of
the court ; an order very just and necessary to make

OP NEW ENGLANDW * 598^

men honest, and careful to pay their debts before they
leave the world ; in that place where men often die seiz-
ed of much land, and little other estates, so as creditors
would be extremely damnified, without the provision of
some such law.

CHAP. LXIX.

TTie Province of Maine returns to the f^ov eminent of the
Massachusetts : the occasion and manner ^ how it was
drought about.

The government of the Province of Maine, called
Yorkshire, having been interrupted for near three years,
and the people there like to be reduced to a confused an-
archy, for want of a settled order of government ; upon
some application made to the general court of the Mas-
sachusetts, by some principal persons in the said Pro-
vince, the court counted it their duty to God and the
king to declare their resolution to exert their power and
jurisdiction over the province or county of York, as for-
merly; and did accordingly, in the year 1668, set out a
declaration to require the inhabitants there settled, ta
yield obedience to the laws of their jurisdiction, as they
had been orderly published, and to issue out warrants for
choosing officers, in order to settling affairs there, as in
times past ; which was done accordingly, and commis-
sioners appointed to keep a court in the usual manner
and time as before, ordering Nathaniel Masterson, the
marshal, to require the constable to publish the said order.
The commissioners, appointed by the general court to
manage the business, were Maj John Leverett, Mr. Ed-
ward Ting ; assistants, Mr. Richard Waldron and Maj.
Robert Pike.

And to prevent misinformation about that affair, it is
thought meet to annex hereunto anauthentick copy of the
court's order to the said commissioners, with a relation
of the procedure therein, forasmuch as the same hath
been publickly misrecited, to the disadvantage of the
Massachusetts' government, and the persons principally
concerned in the managing thereof,
75

594} . GENERAL HISTORY

The court's order and declaration for the settlement and govern-
ment in Yorkshire.

Whereas this colony of the Massachusetts, in observ-
ance of the trust to them committed by his majesty's roy-
al charter, with the full and free consent and submission
of the inhabitants of the county c-f York, for sundry years
did exercise government over the people of that county;
and whereas about three years now past, some interrup-
tion hath been made to the peace of that place and order
there established, by the imposition of some, who, pre-
tending to serve his majesty's interest, with unjust asper-
sions and reflections upon this government, here estab-
ished by his royal charter, have unwarrantably drawn
the inhabitants of that county to submission unto officers
that have no royal warranty, thereby infringing the liberty
of our charter, and depriving the people now settled of
their just privileges ; the effect whereof doth now appear
to be not only a disservice to his majesty, but also the
reducing of a people that were found under an orderly
establishment to a confused anarchy : the premises be-
ing duly considered, this court doth judge meet, as in
duty they stand bound to God and his majesty, to declare
their resolution again to exert their power of jurisdiction
over the inhabitants of the said county of York ; and do
hereby accordingly, in his majesty's name, require all
and every of the inhabitants there settled, to yield obedi-
ence to the laws of this colony, as they have been orderly
published ; and to all such officers as shall be there le-
gally established, by authority of his majesty's royal char-
ter, and the order of our commissioners, whom this
court hath nominated and impowered to settle all officers,
necessary for the government of the people there, and to
keep a court this present summer, the first Tuesday in
July, at Yorktown, as hath been formerly accustomed.
And for that end vve have commanded our secretary to
issue out warrants to the inhabitants there, in their respec-
tive towns, to meet to choose jurors, both grand and pe-
tit, constables, and other officers, for the service of that
county, as the law requireth. The said warrants to be
directed unto Nathaniel Masterson, who is by this court

OF NEW ENGLAND. 99^

appointed the marshal of that court as formerly, and by
him, the said warrants are to be delivered to the seve-
ral constables, to be accordingly executed. A due ob-
servance whereof, with an orderly return to be made to
the court, to be held as aforesaid, is hereby required of all
persons, respectively concerned, as they will answer the
contrary at their peril. By the court.

Edward Rawson, Secretary.

A copy of the Warrant.

You are hereby required, in his majesty's name, forth-
with to deliver the order of the general court, above writ-
ten, to the constable of York, who is alike required forth-
with to assemble the freemen and inhabitants together,
and then publickly and audibly to read the order above
written, and to signify to them, that they are hereby re-
quired in his majesty's name, to choose meet and fit per-
sons for associates, grand and petit jurymen, to serve at
the county court, to be held at York, as in the order
aforesaid of the general court is expressed, and hereof
not to fail.

To Maj. Gen. John Leverett, and Mr. Edward Ting ; Capt. Wal-
dron, and Capt. Robert Pike.

You are hereby authorized and required to repair to
York, in the county of Yorkshire, and there you, or any
two of you, whereof Maj. Gen. Leverett shall be one, to
keep a county court, according as the law directs ; and in
case you meet with any person or persons, under the pre-
tence of any other authority, that shall swerve from the
due obedience they owe to this jurisdiction, under his
majesty's royal charter, to which ihey have submitted and
engaged themselves, that you call before you all such
persons, and bring them to a due trial, and to proceed to
sentence, as the merit of their offences shall require.

Furthermore, you are authorized and commissionated
to establish and confirm all officers and commissioners,
civil and military, as you shall judge meet, for the securi-
ty and preserving of order and peace in the said courts of
York. And for the better enabling you to effect the
same, you are hereby authorized, from the date of these

096 IJEXERAL HISTORY

presents, to act and do all such things, preparatory to the
keeping of courts and settling of peace in the said coun-
ty, as in your discretions you shall judge meet. And all
officers, civil and military, within thisjurisdiction, and all
other inhabitants, are hereby required to be assistant un-
to you, as the matter shall require ; and you are to ren-
der an account of what you shall do herein, to this court,
at the next session in October.

This court hath caused the seal of the colony to be
affixed, and signed by the governour. May the 20th, 1668.

The court having heard the return of their honoured
commissioners, who were employed by this honoured
court for the reducing the county of Yorkshire to the
obedience of this government, do, with all thankfulness,
acknowledge their good service therein, and do also al-
low and approve of what they have done in that affair,
and do order the same to be entered into the publick re-
cords, and is as followeth :

" Upon receipt of this court's commission, which is
recorded in the last session, we presently appointed Pe-
ter Wyer clerk of the writs ; and hearing marshal Master-
son, appointed by the court, was imprisoned, we appoint-
ed another marshal by warrant under our hands ; but
the former marshal being set at liberty again, the other
did not act. The court being by law to be kept in York,
the first Tuesday in July, 1668, being the seventh day of
the month, we repaired to York upon Moiday to 6th day.
Mr. Jocelin, and several others, styled justices of the
peace, coming nigh to the ordina'-y, where we were be-
fore the door, after salutes passed, they told us they de-
sired to speak with us in the morning. To their desire
we complied, and gave them a meeting, where we ac-
quainted them we were ready to hear what they had to
say ; but not as sent to treat with them about what we had
to do, by virtue of the general court's commission. They
acquainted us that they had lately received a pacquet
from Col. Nichols, his letter to the governour and magis-
trates of the Massachusetts colony, v/hich they desired
us to read ; and first, their commission, the which we

OF NEW NEGLAND. Wf

read, and having read them, we told them that those con-
cerned the general court, and had been under their con-
sideration, all but the letter from Col. Nichols, and that
they had sent their declaration into the country, so that
we had nothhig to say, only that we did not understand
that the commissioners had power to n»ake any such
temporary settlement, his majesty havii g before him the
case ; for, that the Massachusetts had in obedience sent
their reasons why they did not deliver up the govern-
ment of that country to Mr. Gorge, which was according
to his majesty's command. Then Mr. Jocelin told us,
there was not above five or six of a town for us ; to
which we replied, we should see by the returns made to
the court's warrants and appearance ; and further told
them we must attend our commission, in prosecution
whereof we should attend his majesty and the country's
service, not our own, and if we met with opposition, we
should advise what to do. Many other things passed,
but with mutual respect, they said they must attend their
commission. We parted and repaired to the meeting-
house, and there opened the court by reading our com-
mission publickly, and declaring to the people where-
fore we came, whereto there was great silence and at-
tention. Then by the marshal we called for the towns'
returns, to be brought in for the election of associates ;
and returns were made from five t(jwns, the other two
being hindered (as they said) by the justices ; yet in one
of them above half the electors sent in their votes.
Whilst the court was busy in opening, sorting, and tell-
ing the votes, the justices came up, and without doors
by some instrument, made proclamation, that all should
attend to hear his majesty's commands ; upon which,
order was given to the marshal, and accordingly he made
proclamation, that if any had any command from his
majesty, they coming and shewing it to the court, the
court was open and ready to hear the same. Thereupon
these gentlemen came in, and manifested their desire that
what they had shewn to us in private might be read in
court to the people ; to whom we replied, that the court
was in the midst of their business, in opening the returns

0^ , fiENERAL HISTORY

of the country from the several towns of election, and so
soon as that was over, and after dinner, they should have
their desire granted. So they left us, and we proceeded to
sec who were chosen associates, had the returns of the
jurymen and their names entered, both the i^rand jury
and that of trials, also ot the constables, but did not swear
any one, but adjourned the court and went to dinner ; in
which time we heard that the gentlemen were goi; g to
the meeting house to sit as an assembly, they having be-
fore issued out their warrants for the towns to send their
deputies ; whereupon we sent to speak with them after
dinner. They returned they would, provided we would
not proceed any further, till we spake with them. We sent
them word we did engage it ; they sent us word they
would meet with us at the meeting house ; and presently
after their marshal and Nathaniel Phillips went up and
down, and at all publick places published a paper or
writing ; whom meeting upon their return, it was demand-
ed what and upon what authority they had published to
the people to make a disturbance ; they answered, they
published what they had in the king's name. They were
demanded to shew their order or authority ; they an-
swered, that was for their security : so refusing to shew
it, they were committed to the marshal. Then we went
to court, where we found the house full, and the gentle,
men to have taken up our seats ; so room being made,
we went up to them and told them we expected other
things than that they would have put such an affront up-
on the court, nor should such motions hinder us from
prosecuting cur commission ; we could keep the court
elsewhere. Some of the people began to speak, but we
commanded silence, and the officer was commanded by
us to clear the court, whereupon the people departed,
and Mr. Jocelin sjjake to some nigh him to depart ; so
they coming from the scat, we came to private discourse,
and they insisted to have their commission and the king's
mandamus of 1666 to be read. We told them we would
perform what we had promised, when the court was set; so
we repaired to our seat, and they, being set by us, desired
that their coiximission might be read, which was done,

OF NEW ENGLAND, 599

and the ground of it expressed to be from the people's
petitioning, who were told they could best give answer
thereto, but said nothing ; then that part of the manda-
mus of 1666, which they desired might be read, was
read. After which they desired, that Col. Nichols' let-
ter, to the governour and magistrates of the Massachu-
setts, might be read ; but that not being of concernment to
them there, save only for information of the justices, of
what had passed from them to the governour and magis-
trates, to whom it was directed, it was refused. Some
short account being publickly given, that that which had
been read for the matter, having been before and under
the consideration of the general court, they had the de-
claration of their intendments ; in prosecution whereof,
we were commissionated to keep court and settle the
country, the which work we had begun, and, God will-
ing, should perform, to fulfil the trust committed to us.
And having declared to the people, that we were not in-
sensible how that at the time of the interruption of the
government in the year 1665, by such of the gentlemen
of the king's commissioners, that were then upon the
place, they had manifested their displeasure by telling the
people, that the Massachusetts were traitors, rebels, and
disobedient to his majesty, the reward whereof within
one } ear they said should be retributed ; yet we told them,
that through the good hand of God and the king's fa-
vour, the Massachusetts were an authority to assert their
right of government there, by virtue of the royal charter
derived to them from his majesty's royal predecessors;
and that we did not doubt but that the Massachusetts
colony's actings for the forwarding his majesty's service
would outspeak others' words, where there was nothing
but words for themselves and against us ; which done,
the gentlemen left us, and we proceeded to the work of
the court, to impannel the grand jury, gave them their
oaths; One of them, viz. Mr. Roger Plaisted, expressed
publickly that he was sent by the town he lived in, and
accordingly he had applied himself to the major general,
more privately, to know how we reassumed the govern-
ment and how they were to submit ; which he now men-

600 CJENERAL HISTORY

tioned in publick, that he might render himself faithful
to them that sent him : to which he was answered in pub-
lick, as he had been in private, that we reassumed the
government by virtue of the charter, and that they were
to have the privile^s'e with ourselves in the other counties.
We had also from Scarborough a paper presented, which
herewith we present to the court ; then having sworn the
constables present, impannelled the jury for trials, sw®rn.
them, and committed what actions were entered and pro-
secuted to them ; in this time the gentlemen sent to de-
sire, that at our leisure time they might speak with us*
They were sent for, and presented us with a paper ; after
we had received it, we attended to settle the business of
the mihtary officers and trainbands, and commissioned
for York, Job Alcock, lieutenant, Arthur Bragdon, en-
sign ; for Wells, John Littlefield, lieutenant, Francis Lit-
tlefield,jun. ensign; for Scarborough, Andrew Angur,
lieutenant ; for Falmouth, George Ingerficld, lieutenant ;
for Kittery, Charles Frost, captain, Roger Plaisted, lieu-
tenant, John Gattery, ensign; for Saco, Bryan Pendle-
ton, major, and he to settle Blackpoint. Mr. Knight, of
Wells, the morning before we came away, being Thurs-
day 9th of July, came and took his oath in court to serve
as an associate. The court made an order for a court to
beheld, 15th of September, there at York; and for that end
continued the commission to Capt. Waldron and Capt.
Pike and others, for the better strengthening the author-
ity upon the place, as by their commission may appear.
The associates that are now in place, are Maj . Pendleton,
Mr. Francis Cotterell, Mr. Knight, of Wells, Mr. Rayns,
of York, Mr. Roger Plaisted, of Kittery ; which is hum-
bly submitted to the honoured general court, as the re-
turn of your humble servants, this 23d of October, 1668.

John Leverett,
Edward 1'ing,
Richard Waldron.

In this order and manner did the Province of Maine
return to the government of the Massachusetts, without
any other force, threatening, or violence, whatever hath
been to the contrary judged, reported, and published,

OP NEW ENGLAND* 601

by any other person or persons, to the prejudice and dis-
advanta,^eofthe truth, and the credit of them that were
called to act therein.

CHAP. LXX.

Ecclesiastical affairs in the Massachusetts^ from the year
1666 to 1671.

Ever since the late synod, held in Boston in the
year 1662, for the debating the two questions, viz. about
the subject of baptism and consociation of churches,
hath arisen some trouble in the country; for in the agi-
tation and determination of those questions, several things
were delivered for undeniable positions, which sundry of
the ministers and many of the members of the churches
throughout the country, were ready to reflect upon, as
innovations without scripture warrant, and that would
have a direct tendency to undermine the liberty of the
churches, as well as to abate, if not corrupt, the purity of
them ; which occasioned much opposition against the
receiving the foresaid determinations in many of the
churches of the Massachusetts, as well as in some of the
neighbour colonies. And peradventure the controversy
was at times managed with too much animosity, until by
degrees in many of the churches within the respective
colonies of New England, viz. as to the owning of those
for members of the particular churches they belong to,
who were baptized in their infancy, and when they came
to adult years, are willing to submit to the discipline of
the church, and are found orthodox in their judgments,
and vvithout scandal in their lives.

They who are willing, in that whereto they have al-
ready attained, to walk by the same rule, and mind the
same thing, i. e. peaceably and orderly, according to
what they have received, may expect, that though they
are at the present, in some things otherwise minded, that
God shall even reveal this unto them in his own time and
way.

The controversy mentioned was not a little strength-
ened and revived by an occasion about that time, or not
76

602 CiENERAL HISTORY

long before falling out : For after the church of Boston
Was destitute of a teachins? elder, by the sudden and un-
expected death of Mr. John Norton, they having made
sundry fruitless endeavo irs to supply themselves, at
last, by a general consent of the principal part of the
church, they addressed themselves to the reverend and
v/orthy Mr. John Davenport, the pastor of New Haven, a
person beyond exception and compare for all ministerial
abilities, and upon that account highly esteemed and ac-
cepted in cither Englands. The reverend person, as was
understood by them, that were most solicitous to gain him
to Boston, was strongly bent in his spirit to remove from
the place where he was settled before, in regard of alte-
ration like to ensue in their civil government, that whole
colony being accidentally wrapped within the bounds of
the patent, not long belore obtained for Connecticut col-
ony. Not many motives need be used to draw them
that have a natural propension to come. On the other
hand, some of the members of Boston church, and those
not inconsiderable, either to their number or other circum-
stances, were averse to the inviting the said reverend per-
son, so as that they desired liberty of withdrawing, or of
being a church by themselves, in case their brethren
were resolved to proceed on in their choice; not out of
dislike of his worth and abilities, but in regard of his de-
clared judgment in opposition to the determination of the
late synod in 1662, which was apprehended by some like
to become a ball of contention among the churches of
the Massachusetts ; but every consideration of this na-
ture was swallowed up by the incomparable worth of the
person, by such as had already made their choice. In
line, much trouble was occasioned thereby, one part of
the church of Boston being as resolved and fixed in their
negative, as the rest were in the affirmative, so as not to
be included in the choice. This difference was soon
after pretty well composed, when the dissenters found
a way, by the interpobiiion and advice of the messengers
of sundry neighbour churches, to gather into a distinct
church- society by themselves. But many of them, who
were not so well satisfied in the doing thereof, were soon
after ready to think i\\Ai factum valeU

OF NEW ENGLAND. 603

It was feared that those two churches would, like the
river Davus, running betwixt the same banks of great
Danubius, yet to keep their distinct channels, and hold
no other communion than that of civil commerce one
with another ; 3'et, as it was then hoped, time and pa-
tience hath since that time, viz, anno 16S0, brought
things about to almost a perfect coalescence.

But that famous and first church of Boston was not
long happy in the enjoyment of Mr. Davenport, their
reverend pastor, who was removed from them by an ap-
oplectical distemper on March 10, 1670, after then had
flourished under his ministry three or four years, zud sat
under the shadow of his doctrine, as it were, with great
delight, and found the fruit thereof sweet to their taste.
It is not unworthy our notice, that though he had near
attained the eightieth year of his age, yet was he or that
vivacity, that the strength of his memory, profoundness
of his judgment, floridness of his elocution, were lituc,
if at all abated in him. His loss would have been more
deeply laid to heart, if it had not been in a great mea::-^jre
made up by the seasonable supply of another reverend
preacher, Mr. John Oxenbridge, who, not without the di-
rection of a special providence, was brought to the piace
not long before the removal of the other ; by whose pi-
ous and prudent endeavours, the form.er breach was in a
likely way of healing ; at least, things tended much that
way all the time of his siiining in the goldeii candlestick
of that church : a double portion of whose spirit rest
upon them uho ma}' succeed, he also being removed by
sudden death, anno 1675.

Jlitherto it had pleased ti;e Father of lights to bless the
New England churches with the continuance of many
worthy and eminent divines, not only of such who at
first removed \^ ith their brethren, at the first planting of
the country, but of many others who were raised up
there ; but about th?s time, they were bereft of a great
number of them, within the compass of a few years.

The setting oi so many bright stars, (and some of them
of the first maguiiude,) in New England's firmament,
seemed to presage a sad night of darkness and trouble

60 i GENERAL HISTORY

not unlike ere long to ensue, which, in a great measure,
hath since come to pass.

The first labourer of note, who was, within this com-
pass of years, taken out of the harvest, was Mr. John
Wilson, the apostolical pastor of the first church of Bos-
ton. Amongst New England's worthies, he well deserv-
ed to be ranked amongst the first three ; scil. for his zeal,
faith, holiness, humility, and christian charity, which is
the grace that crow'is all other virtues, and wherein he
niObt excelled, and without which all other gifts will ren-
der a man, of how great abilities soever, but as a sound-
ing brass, and as a tinkling cymbal ; and when faith and
hope shall cease, as to the exercise of them, then shall
charity, which remaineth, shine with its greatest lustre
and glory.

It hath been observed by some, that a great part of
New England's prosperity came along with Mr. Hooker
and Mr. Cotton ; it may as truiy be said, that it remained
there, in a great part, by Mr. Wilson's means, who, by his
faith and prayers, kept off the storm from New England
all his own time, as some have said of Luther, concern-
ing Germany, and of which this good man had some se-
cret and strong pei suasions, as he did intimate to some of
his most confident friends, scil. that no publick judg-
ment or calamity should come upon the country in his
time ; what hath fallen out since, is well known to the
world.

He departed this life, August 7th, 1667, in the 79th
year of his age, having been thirty seven years pastor of
the said church of Boston.

The next that, about this time, followed this aged pro-
phet to the house of the grave, was one of the youngest
of the sons of the prophets, (for death keeps no order in
his assignments,) Mr. Samuel Shepard, second son of
that famous preacher, well known by his zealous preach-
ing and other learned labours, Mr. Thomas Shepard.
This son of his was called from Christ's plough, by an
untimely sickness, as soon almost as he had put his hand
thereunto, early in the spring of his life, as well as of the
year, about 1668, in the very flower of his youth, bios-

OP NEW ENGLAND. 605

soming with ho]ies of greater fruitfulness in the vine-
yard, if he might have continued longer therein.

On the 9th of July, in the same year, likewise was
that faithful and painful preacher of the gospel, Mr. Jon-
athan Mitchell, dismissed to his rest. He was born at
Halifax, in Yorkshire, of pious and worthy parents, but
transplanted in his tender years into the nursery at Har-
vard College, where, a few years, he made such profi-
ciency, as outstripping his equals, he was advanced to a
fellowship in the same college, wherein he so behaved
himself by the fame of his worth and learning, that seve-
ral churches in the country bespake an interest in him,
against such time as he was like to launch forth into pub-
lick employment in the ministry. The church of Hart-
ford, upon the river of Connecticut, were not without
hope of redintigrating their loss of that famous pastor,
Mr. Hooker, by the supply of this hopeful proficient ;
but the church of Cambridge, in whose arms he had
received his education, being altogether destitute, by the
death of their eminent pastor, the other churches were
easily persuaded to quit their claim, and he came to be
ordained pastor of the church at Cambridge, anno 1650.
It was looked upon as no small favour of God, not only
to that church, to have their breach so fully made up by
one of the same spirit and principles with their former
pastor, but also to the country, in supplying that place
with a person so well qualified with the gifts of learning,
piety, zeal, and prudence, for the better seasoning those
who, in their younger years, are dedicated to the service
of the ministry, with the like spirit of gravity, zeal, and
holiness, wherein his example and doctrine were emi-
nently blessed, to the great advantage of sundry worthy
preachers of the gospel, bred up in that school of the
prophets in his time. He was an over hard student, such
an heluo librorum, that he could spare no time for recrea-
tion, but only for necessary repast, by which it was
thought he much prejudiced his health, by the putrefac-
tion of the humours in a plethorick body, which brought
upon him a putrid fever, that debilitated his vital spirits
jn a little time, and brought him to the very gates of

606 GENERAL H19T0R?

death, before standers by were apprehensive of any dan-
ger in his disease, or whither it was tending.

Not to dilate further upon his eminent worth, a neigh-
bour minister hath given it him, in full measure, running
over, as he well deserved, in this following epitaph :

Here lies the darling of his time,

Mitchell, expired in his prime,

Who, four years short of forty seven,

Was found full ripe, and pluck'd for heaven ;

Was full of prudent zeal, and love,

Faith, patience, wisdom from above ;

New England's stay, next age's story.

The churches' gem, the college glory.

Angels may speak him, ah ! not I,

(Whose worth's above hyperbole,)

But for our loss, werc't in my power,

I'd weep an everlasting shower. J. S.

He died about the three or four and fortieth year of
his age, as did iiis famous predecessor.

Another eminent and hopeful minister of the gospel,
which New England was bereaved of this year, was Mr.
John Eliot, born and bred up in New England, the
eldest sou of the worthy minister of the gospel, Mr.
John Eliot, of Roxbury, who hath taken so much pains
to acquaint the Indians of New England with the reli-
gion of the English, and wi'ih the knowledge of the gospel.
This his eldest son, (who for his years was nulli secundiis
as to all literature and other gifts, both of nature and grace,
which made him so generally acceptable to all, that had
opportunity of partaking of his labours, or the least ac-
quaintance with him ; yet) herein was noted to excel all
his contemporaries, in that by the advice and conduct of
his father, through his own industry and diligence, he
had attained such skill in the Indian language, that he
was able ftimiliarly to discourse with them and instruct
them, yea, frequently travelled up and down the country
to take all opportunities to preach unto them the word
of life. The imtimely removal of himself, with some
others in like n>anner qualified and devoted to that work,
liath been to some a ground of fear, that the great harvest
cf converting the heathens in America, is not yet fully

OF NEW ENGLAND. 60/

come, although there are many hopeful and comfortable
i^leaniny;s, as may be seen afterwards in what follows, not
unworthy the labours and pains that hath been by any
bestowed in that work.

Besides the forementioned, in 1668 and the followinfj
years were sundry other eminent ministers of the gospel
in New England removed by the stroke of death, whose
memory it is thought meet in the following catalogue to
commend to the notice of posterity.

Mr. Henry Flint, pastor of the church at Braintree,
(his worthy colleague, Mr. Thompson, a man of great
worth and learning, zeal, and piety, in hh former time,
having, in a dark cloud of melancholy left the world, in
the year 1666,) died April 27, 1668.

Mr. Richard Mather, a solid and grave divine, teach-
er of the church at Dorchester, died April 22, 1669.

Mr. John Reyner, pastor of the church at Dover, died
April 3, 1669.

Mr. Zechariah Symmes, pastor of the church at
Charlcstown, died February 4, 1670.

Mr. John Allin, pastor of the church at Dedham, died
August 26, 1670.

Mr. Charles Chauncey, who in the eightieth year of
his age, beinir president of Harvard College, died Feb-
ruary 19, 1671.*

All, or most of whom, are well known by their abili-
ties, as well abroad as at home, in the press as well as in
the pulpit, especially by their labours in and about the
controversy of church government ; of whose facul-
ties, success, and skill therein, the reader may best make
a judgment, by perusing their own writings, long since
extant in the world.

There hath been much opposition and vehement dis-
putings betwixt wise, learned, and holy men about this
point, yet the righteous and the wise and their works are
in the hand of the Lord, and the fire shall try every man's
work of what sort it is, and therefore not to judge by
prejudice, or with respect of persons. The ministers of
New England have given an account to the world, of
their way and of their practice, wherein they differ from

* 16r^, i.e. 1672. Ec.

608 GENERAL HISTORY

the rest of the reformed churches ; and doubtless no det»
riment will accrue to others, by leaving them to enjoy the
liberty of their own apprehensions.

But not to look only on the dark side of the cloud ;
during the time of these sad and sorrowful occurrences,
were some others called forth, either to enter upon or to
make more open and manifest progress in the ministry,
ordained for the edifying of the body of Christ, and per-
fecting the saints.

At the town of Portsmouth, seated on the southern
banks of Patcataqua river, the inhabitants having been
several years instructed by the painful and able ministry
of Mr. Joshua Moody, and guided by his prudent con-
duct, did a considerable number of them join themselves
together in church fellowship, over whom the said Mr.
Moody was ordained pastor, 1671.

At the same time, Mr. John Reyner was ordained pas-
tor at the church at Dover, in the room of his father,
lately deceased there in the year 1669. Much about the
same time was Mr. Dummer ordained pastor of the
church at York, in the Province of Maine.

During these intervals of time, several contentious
breaches, that happened in sundry of the churches of
the Massachusetts, were orderly composed, though not
without the interposition of the civil magistrate, who is
custos utriusque tabula y which it is thought meet rather to
intimate in this place, than pass over with silence, seeing
thereby a full answer is given to the main objections that
use to be made against the congregational churches of
New England, as if there was no way found to end dif-
ferences, that might occasionally arise in or amongst the
churches of that constitution.

Their usual way of ending all differences, is by the im-
proving the help of neighbour churches, who, by their
elders and other messengers meeting together, are wont
to deliberate and give their adv ice concerning any matter
of difference ; in which case, where there appeared an
unanimous consent in the said messengers, all parties
concerned were found always ready to acquiesce therein.
But in case of any difibring apprehensions of the said

OF NEW EXGLANl). 609

messeni^ers amongst themselves, or in case of any con-
tumacy in any of the offending parties, the civil magis-
trates' help being implored by them that are aggrieved,
that useth always to put a iinal end to all matters of con-
troversy amongst any of their churches.

In like manner do all protestant divines allow a power
in the civil magistrate, not only in worldly regiment,
but also in spiritual, for the preservation of the church,
i. e. in cases temporal, so far as belongeth to tlxe outward
preservation, not to the personal administration of them,
which is the substance of our English oath of suprema-
cy, as a learned man observes.

It is true, that in the primitive times, infidels were con-
verted to the faith, and churches established and kept
up, when there was no assistance, but rather opposition
from the princes of the earth, as saith the same author.
And the benefit we have now, by christian magistrates,
was then more abundantly supplied, by the miracles
wrought, and the constant direction and care of apostol-
ick and extraordinary persons, who were gifted by Christ
for the purpose ; but in following times, the ordinary
helps and external means, for the upholding and main-
taining of peace and truth in the churches, scil. in way
of a civil power, is only a pious and christian magistracy,
where a nation is blessed with it, so as by the help of the
ecclesiastical and the civil power, acting in a way of
subordination each unto other, all differences arising may
easily be composed there, as well as in any other place,
as instances might easily be given, of the issue of some
late differences in several of the churches there of late, as
namely, at Newbury, Salem, and at Salisbury, the par-
ticulars whereof need not here be inserted. By such
means hath truth and order been maintained, peace re-
stored unto the several churches within the jurisdictions
of New England, in all former times, since the first plant,
ing, and may accordingly be expected for the future^

77

610 GENERAL HISTORY-

CHAP. LXXI.

General affairs of the Massachusetts ^ from the year 1671

to 1676.

In the beginning of this last epocha, or series of
vears, Mr. Bellingham was again chosen governour of
the Massachusetts, and Maj. John Leverett, (to whose
lot it had fallen some years before to be the major general
of the Massachusetts colony,) was at the same time, May
31, 1671, called by the general consent of the electors
to be deputy governour, in the room of Mr. Willoughby,
that formerly supplied that place, and always by his grav-
ity and prudence, as well as by his integrity and faithful-
ness, well becoming the dignity thereof.

In the year 1672, Harvard College being decayed, a
liberal contribution was granted for rebuilding the same,
which was so far promoted from that time, that in the
year 1677, a fair and stately edifice of brick was erected
anew, not far from the place where the former stood, and
so far finished that the publick acts of the commence-
ment were there performed, over which God send or
confirm and continue a president, for the carrying on of
that hopeful work, that so the glory of the succeeding
may in all respects equal and exceed that of the former
generation.

In the end of the year 1672 an end was put to the life
and government of Mr. Bellingham, a very ancient gen-
tleman, having spun a long thread of above eighty
years ; he was a great justiciary, a notable hater of
birbes, firm and fixed in any resolution he entertained,
of larger comprehension than expression, like a vessel
whose vent holdeth no good proportion with its capacity
to contain, a disadvantage ro a publick person ; had he
not been alittle too much overpowered with the humour of
melancholy in his natural constitution, (the infirmities of
which tincture did now and then appear in his dispensing
of justice,) he had been very well qualified for a gover-
nour. He had been bred a lawyer, yet turned strangely,
although upon very pious considerations, as some have

OF NEW ENGLAND. 6li^

judged, out of the ordinary road thereof, in the making
of his last will and testament, which defect, if there
were any, was abundantly supplied by the power of the
general court, so as that no prejudice did arise to his
successours about his estate.

In the following year, 1673, May 7th, Maj. John Lev-
erett was invited by the free and general consent of the
freemen of the Massachusetts, to take the governour's
place after him, which he held ever since unto his life's
end. His choice at this time was a little remarkable, in
that he, being one of the junior magistrates, was called
first to be deputy, then governour, which according to
the usual course of succession belonged to the senior.
Thus many times things so fall out that the last shall be
first. What his administration hath been in the time
past, as to wisdom, justice, courage, and liberality is
known to all, in that which is to come, is left to be re-
lated by them to whose lot it may fall to write the epi-
logue of New England story, which God grant it may
not prove so tragical as it hath been in the four last years
preceding. But as is well known, since God took him
out of this troublesome world, March 16, 1678, he hath
in his merciful providence, called one to preside as chief
inauthority over the colony of the Massachusetts, who, by
his sage wisdom, and long experience, (even ever since
the first coming over of the patentees,) hath been found
the best able to take upon him the conduct of affairs in
those difficult times, that have since happened, sufficient to
have tried the wisdom of all that preceded in that statioiu

This year. Monsieur Colve, coming with a few ships
and soldiers from the West Indies, surprized the fort at
Manhatos, or New York, in the absence of Col. Love-
lace, the governour, under his highness the duke of York,
which might have proved no small disadvantage to the
colonies of New England, the Dutch having thereby an
opportunity to seize many of their vessels, as they pas-
sed to and from the West Indies, who were wont to stop
on the other side of the Cape Shoals ; and many of their
vessels were, during the time he held the place, surpriz-
ed by his orders, which put the country upon a resolu-

SIS GENERAL HISTORY

tion to secure their vessels on that side of the cape ; but
by good providence the quarrel betwixt the EngUsh and
the Dutch being ended, those places were again peacea-
bly surrendered into the hands of the English, so as from
that time free intercourse and traffick bcin^ allowed for
the trading vessels, it is hoped the country may now
flourish for the future more than formerly.

The court of election, from the beginning of this lus-
tre, fell out in 1671, May 31; 1672, May 15; 1673,
May 7; 1674, May 27; 1675, May 12; 1676, May 3;
1677, May 27; in every of which, since the year 1672,
unless in 1678, May 8, when Mr. Bradstreet was first
chosen governour, and Mr. Danforth, of Cambridge,
deputy, Maj. Leverett hath been honoured with the place
of governour over the Massachusetts colony. And the
principal transactions which have since happened there,
relate either to their troubles with the Indians, (of which
more may be seen in the narrative forementioned, and
the continuation thereof in the following chapter,) or else
to the controversy which lately arose, and is yet depend-
ing between the heirs of one Capt, Mason and Sir Fer-
dinando Gorges, who have several times complained
against the said colony to his majesty, and by reiterated
petitions, requested for an hearing thereof before him,
have by much importunity, at last obtained their de-
sire.

The substance of their complaint was, that whereas,
as they pretended a grant had been made by the council
of Plymouth to the said Capt. Johii Mason and Sir Fer-
dinando Gorges, of a distinct Province to each of them,
the one called Hampsliire, the other Maine, both in the
years 1621, 1622, and 1629 and 1635, and that they had,
bv the expense of many thousand pounds there, taken
possession by their agents, yet that they had been dispos-
sessed thereof, by violence and strong hand, by some
persons employed by the government of the said colony
of the Massachusetts, and notwithstanding all applica-
tions made unto them, could obtain no redress or relief
of their injuries and wrongs, &c.

By these kind of petitions they prevailed so far as to

OF NEW ENGLANJ). 613

obtain letters from his majesty, March 10th, 167f re-
quiring the colony aforesaid to send over agents to ap-
pear before him in six months after the receipt of the
said letters, with full instructions impowered to answer
for them, that so they might receive his royal determin-
ation in that matter depending for judgment before him.
This command of his majesty was carefully observed
by the Massachusetts, and notwithstanding the many
difficulties they were at that time incumbered withal,
by reason of their war with the Indians, and the great
distance of place, and other sad calamities, they deputed
as their agents, Mr. William Stoughton and Mr. Buck-
ley, to take that service upon them, who were ready to
attend his majesty's pleasure at Whitehall, within the
time limited in his royal letters ; and not long after, up-
on a just hearing of the allegations of each party, his ma-
jesty was pleased to give his final determination, wherein
he saw cause to confirm unto the Massachusetts their
charter, with the original bounds of the same, contrary
to the expectation of the petitioners, who had, at least
one of them, endeavoured by sundry allegations, to have
vacated the same ; and the Province of Maine was also,
by the said determination, not altered, but left to the
heirs of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, both as to the soil and
government. But as for the Province, which was de-
manded by Mr. Mason, his plea not being made for any
right of government, himself was left at liberty to take
his course at law to recover his interest, whatever it was,
in the soil. But how the government of the said Pro-
vince shall be disposed of, was then left to his majesty's
determination, who then gave his subjects in that coun-
try a ground of hope, that as they have given a good ex-
ample to all the rest of his plantations in America, of in-
dustry and sobriety, so they shall not want any due en-
couragement from himself, both of protection, and an
equal participation of all other acts of his royal grace and
favour, which others already have had, or hereafter have
hope to receive.

The gentlemen forenamed, having been detained in
England for the space of three years, to give answer to

014 GENERAL HISTORY

such allegations as Mr. Mason and his adherents had giv-
en in against them, at the last were for the present dis-
missed, upon demand of others to be sent in their room
with more full instructions and power to make answer
to whatever the lords commissioners for foreign planta-
tions should see cause to require satisfciction in, in refer-
ence not only to the claims of Mr. R;)bert Mason afore-
said, but also to make answer to whatever else might be
alleged about the charter of the Massachusetts and the
regulation thereof. Accordingly Mr. William Stoughton
a.id Mr. Peter Buckley returning home in the year 1679,
there were two other gentlemen deputed in their room
to attend that service, viz. Mr. Joseph Dudley, and Mr.
John Richards, who were sent to England in ihc year
1682, \v liich was as soon as things could be prepared and
dispatched for their journey, which they safely accom-
plished, arriving at London about the latter end of Au-
gust in the same year. Not long before, the honoured
gentleman, Edward Cranfield, Esq. appointed by his
majesty's special commission to be governour of New
Hampshire, arrived there, a Province situate between the
river Merrimack and Pascataqua, challenged by Mr.
Mason to be his propriety, concerning whose right there-
unto, at this time, subjudice lis est ; and because many
motions have been occasioned by the pretensions of said
Mr. Mason, it may not be amiss to take a view of the
several grants made to his grandfather, Capt. John Ma-
son, in former times, with the opinion of a great lawyer,
Sir William Jones, the king's attorney, about them.

The copy of a grant made by the council of Plymouth, to Capt.
John Mason, of the land betwixt Naumkeag and Merrimack,
in New England, anno 1621.

""This indenture, made the 9th of March, anno 1621,
the 19th year of the reign of our sovereign lord, James, by
the grace of God, &c. between the president and council
of New England on the one part, and John Mason, gent,
&c. on the other part witnesseth, that whereas our sove-
reign lord, king James, for the making aplantation and es-
tablishinjjf a colony, &c. Now this indenture further witnes-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 6l0

scth, that the said president and council, of their full, free
and mutual consent, as well to the end that all the lands,
woods, waters, islands, &c. hereafter in these presents
mentioned, may be wholly and entirely invested, appro-
priated, severed and settled in and upon the said John Ma-
son, his heirs and assigns forever; as for divers special
services for the advancement of the said plantation, and
other good causes, and considerations tbeni especially
hereunto moving, have given, granted, bargained, sold,
assigned, enfeoffed, set over and confirmed, and by dicse
presersts do give, Sec. unto the said John Mason, his heirs
and assigns, all that part of the sea coast in New Eng-
land, being a great head land, or cape, and lying in the
northernmost parts of the Massachusetts country, and to
the northeastwards of the grtat river of the Massachu-
setts, stretching itself out into the sea eastwards five
leagues or thereabouts, and lying betwixt the latitude
of 42 and 43 degrees or thereabouts, and commonly
called and known by the name of Tragabigsenda, or
Cape Anne, with the north, south, and east sheres there-
of; the back bounds toward the main land to begin at
the head of the next great river, to the southward of the
said cape, which runs up into the country of the main
land westward, and supposed to be called Naumkeag, or
by what other name or names the said river is, or may
be called, and to a river lying to the northwestward of the
said cape, and to the furthest head of the said river, from
which period to cross over land to the head of the other
great river which lies southward of the foresaid cape,
where the perambulation began, and halfway over, that
is to say, to the midst of either of the said two rivers
which bounds or limits the aforesaid lands, both on the
north and south thereof, together with the great isle or
island, henceforth to be called Isle Mason, lying near or
before the bay, harbour, or river of Agavvam, together
with all the sects, isles, or islands adjouiing to any part
of the precincts of the lands aforesaid, or lying within
three miles of any part of the same, as also all the lands,
soil, grounds, havens, ports, rivers, mines, minerals,
pearls, and precious stones, woods, quarries, marshes,

616 GENERAL HISTORY

waters, lakes, fishings, hunting, hawking, fowling, com-
modities and hereditaments whatsoever, with all and sin-
gular their appurtenances, together with all prerogatives,
rights, royalties, jurisdictions, privileges, franchises, pre-
emincncies, liberties, marine power, as also the escheats
and casualties thereof, with all the state, right, title, in-
terest, claim and demand whatsoever, which the said
president and council, and their successors, of right
ou.^htrohave or claim, in or to the said portions of land,
and other the premises as is aforesaid."

But this grant being only sealed with the council's
seal, but unwitnessed, no seizin endorsed, nor posses-
sion ever given with the grant. Sir William Jones, the
king's attorney general, concludes, that having no other
confirmation but the council's seal, and there being also
no entry of them upon record, it is not good in law, nei-
ther according to the law of England nor of New Eng-
land, they having no particular law of their own, (to his
knowledge,) which differs from the law of England, as to
the manner of passing lands ; therefore, he saith, he doth
not see how those grants can be good ; and further, he
saith that Mr. Mason's rights to any of the lands which
he claims, that lie within the jurisdiction of the Massa-
chusetts, ought to be tried upon the place, liable to such
appeals as the charter allows, if it allows any ; all which
appears by a writing under his hand, bearing daie|18th
Sept. 1679, which he gave to the agents of New England,
then present at London.

Besides the forementioned grant, made to Capt, John
Mason for Cape Anne, he obtained another grant from
the said council of Plymouth, bearing date August 10th,
1622, which was made both to him and to Sir Ferdinan-
do Gorges, from Merrimack to Sagadahock, a copy of
which it seems is yet extant, although it appears not, that
ever the said grant was signed, sealed, or witnessed, by
any order of the council.

There is another like copy of such a grant, made to
Sir Fcrdinando Gorges and Capt. J. Mason, bearing date
the 17th of November, 1629.

There was the copy of another grant made to the said

OF NEW ENGLAND, 6i7

Capf.' John Mason for all the land from Naumkeag to Pas-
cataqua river, bearing date x\pril 22, in the 11th year of
king Charles the First, soil, anno 1635, much what of
the same tenour with the first grant, 1621.

At the court of pleas, held at Portsmouth, in New
England, in February 1682, this last grant was princi-
pally insisted upon, in a suit commenced against one
Mr. Wadley of Exeter, and it was there attested under
oath, by Mr. Chamberlain, secretary of the Province of
New Hampshire, and by one Mr. Reynes, that they had
compared the said grant of April 22, 1635, with the ori-
ginal, and that it was a true copy, although it did notap*
pear that the said grant was either signed, sealed, or wit-
nessed. It being manifest also, that the said council of
Plymouth was to consist of forty persons, who had the
sole power of granting any lands in the country of New
England from the degrees of 40 to 48 of north latitude,
provided it was done by the major part of them, or of a
major part of a lawful assembly of the said council, under
their common seal, which not appearing, and the lands
questioned in that suit had been for a long time, viz.
near fifty years, occupied by others, the jury found for
the defendant ; upon which the plaintiff appealed, the
issue of which is yet depending, till it be heard and de-
termined by the authority appealed unto.

But as to the lands between Naumkeag and Merri-
mack, demanded by Mr. Mason, although they are well
known to be included within the limits of the Massa-
chusetts, as appeared before the lords chief justices, to-
gether with the rest of the honourable commissioners,
that had the hearing ©f the case concerning the bounds of
the Massachusetts patent ; the whole case is thus de-
termined by his majesty's attorney general aforesaid.

The case of the govemour and company of the Massachusetts
Bay, in New England; in America.

3° Nov. 14° Jac. The whole tract of New England
was granted to forty persons, lords and others, by the
name of the Council of New England established at Ply-
mouth, whereby power is given them to set out lands and

7«

618 GENERAL HISTORY

hereditaments to adventurers and planters, as should by
a commission of survey and distribution executed, be
named,

19° Martii, 1628. The said council grant the Massa-
chusetts colony to Roswell and others.

4'' Martii. 4° Car. l^i- The grant to Roswell, &c.
was by letters patents, confirmed to the said proprietors
and others their associates, who were then incorporat-
ed iwith power of government granted to them, and of
making laws not repugnant to the laws of England.

The company, in pursuance of this grant of the coun-
cil at Plymouth and charter from the king, transport
themselves and make a settlement upon the said lands,
distributing the same from time to time, freely to adven-
turers and planters, without any rent reserved to the
company, yet so that where the said lands were posses-
sed by the natives, the planters did also purchase from
them.

May 1657. It is enacted by the laws of the place —
That any person who had, by himself, his grantees, or
assigns, before the law about inheritances, 14th October
1652, possessed and occupied, as his or their proper
right, in fee simple, any houses or lands there, and
should so continue without disturbance, let, suit, or de-
nial, legally made, by having the claims of any person
thereto entered with the recorder of the county, and such
claim prosecuted to effect, within five years, next after
the 20th of that present May, 1657 ; every such proprie-
tor, their heirs and assigns, shall forever hereafter enjoy
the same, without any lawful let, suit, disturbance, or
denial, by any other claim of any person or persons what-
soever, any law or custom to the contrary notwithstand-
ing-

No claim made of the lands in question within the
time limited. In 1635, the pat. of 30 Novris. 14° Jac.
surrendered.

Mr. Mason's title, 9th Martii, 1621. Mr. Mason, by
grant from the council at Plymouth, under their common
seal, to his ancestor, John Mason, claims some ten towns
within the Massachusetts bounds of their patent, to be

OF NEW ENGLAND. 619

called Mariana, to hold to him and his heirs, in free and
common soccage, &c. subject to the exceptions in the
grant to the grand council, yielding a fifth part of all ore
found to his majesty, and another fifth part to the council,
with a letter of attorney to the ehief officer there for the
time being, for delivery of possession and seizin to the
grantee. Mason, or his attorney.

Note. The grant only sealed with the council's seal,
unwitnessed, no seizin endorsed, nor possession ever
given with the grant.

10 August, 1622. The said council grant, alien, sell,
and confirm to Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. John
Mason, their heirs and assigns, all the lands lying be-
tween the rivers Merrimack and Sagadahock.

Note, as in the grant of 1621.

7 Nov. 1629. The said council grant, part of the
premises to Capt. John Mason, single, and his heirs, ex-
tending between the rivers of Merrimack and Pascat-
aqua.

1631. Note as above. The same council did again
grant a small parcel of the premises granted to Sir Fer-
dinando Gorges and Capt. J. Mason, unto the said Sir
Ferdinando and Capt. Mason, with about six or seven
others, their associates, lying on both sides the river of
Pascataqua, upon which lands some settlement was made
and some part thereof divided between the said grantees
and adventurers after, 1631.

April 1635. Capt. John Mason obtains a new grant
from the said great council, of all the lands from Naum-
keag river to Patcataqua river, by the name of New
Hampshire; at which time all that part of the lands so
granted, which are now contained within the bounds of
the Massachusetts, were actually distributed to, and
planted by the inhabitants of that colony, by virtue of
their grants from the said council, anno 1628, 1629.

The whole matter in difference was referred to the two
lord chief justices, by his majesty and council.

They, after a solemn hearing of council on both sides,
reported unto his majesty : That as to the right of the
soil of the Province of New Hampshire and Maine, they

6S& GENERAL HISTORY

could give no opinion, not having proper parties before
them, it appearing that not the Massachusetts company,
but the ten tenents had the right of soil and whole ben-
efit thereof, and yet were not summoned to defend their
titles.

As to Mr. Mason's right of government within the
soil he claimed : Their Ipps. and indeed his own coun-
sel, agreed he had none, the great council of Plymouth,
under whom he claimed, having no power to transfer
government to any.

As to the bounds of the Massachusetts colony : Their
Ipps. have, by their said report, excluded thereout the
four towns of Dover, Portsmouth, Exeter, and Hamp-
ton, parcel of Mr. Mason's claim, but determined the re-
mainder of his claim to be within their bounds ; which
report was confirmed by his majesty in council.

1 Quer. Whether Mr. Mason's grant, being only un-
der the council of Plymouth's seal, unwitnessed, and
without any entry or record of them any where, without
seizin endorsed, and no possession having ever gone
along with them, be valid in law, to out about fifty years
possession, a title under the government of the Massa-
chusetts, and a purchase from the natives ?

[Ans.] I think it is not good, according to the
law of England, and New England having no particular
law of their own, (to my knowledge,) which differs from
the law of England, as to the manner of passing lands
I do not see how many of these grants can be good.

Or admitting they be good in law :

2 Quer. Whether Mr. Mason be not estopt by the
law of the place as above, having not made his claim
thereto, within the time prescribed ?

[Ans.] If Mr. Mason's estate do lie within the juris-
diction of the assembly who made this law, and that this
assembly were rightly constituted, according to the pow-
er given by charter, I think Mr. Mason was bound by
this law, which I look upon to be a reasonable la'iv, and
agreeing in reason with the law of England.

And if Mr. Mason have right thereto :

3 Quer, Whether ought not that right be tried on the

OF NEW ENGLAND. 6%|

place, ten of the towns claimed by him remaining with-
in the Massachusetts jurisdiction, by the chief justice's
report ?

[Ans.] I think his right ought to be tried upon the
place, for so much thereof as lies within the Massachu-
setts jurisdiction, liable to such appeal as the charter al-
lows, if it allows an3\

4 Quer. Or if triable here, by what court can it prop-
erly be so, whether in one of the four courts at West-
minster, or upon a special commission, and how, in your
judgment, whether by jury or otherwise?

[Ans.] It cannot properly be tried here, by any of the
four courts, but according to the law of the place, if it
lie within any jurisdiction ; and if within none, the king
may erect courts to proceed according to the law of Eng-
land, unless altered by the legislative power of the place.

18 Sept. 1679. W. Jones.

CHAP. LXXII.

Ecclesiastical affairs in New England, from the year
1671 to the year 1685.

The solemn and awful dispensations of the Almighty
towards the people of New England of late, have made
all the wise hearted among them fear that he had a con-
troversy with them, having written his displeasure in the
dismal characters of contagious sickness, and of the
sword of war, as well as other disastrous events and sad
calamities. Many endeavours were used, by sundry sol-
emn days of humiliation, to find out the cause why the
Lord contended with them. They conceived that person-
al afflictions did oftentimes come only for probation, but
as to publick calamities it is not usually so, as they ap-
prehended, especially when by a continued series of pro-
vidences God seems to be pleading against a people as
he did against Israel in David's time ; and as he had
seemed to do with them for divers years. At the last,
the general court of the Massachusetts saw cauh,c to as-
semble all the ministers and messengers of the churches
within their jurisdiction in a general synod at Boston^

6^3 GENERAL HISTORY

September 10, 1679, to whom these two questions were
propounded to debate upon :

Quest. 1. What are the evils that have provoked the
Lord to bring his judgments on New England ?

Quest. 2, What is to be done that so these evils may-
be reformed.

In answer to the first, it was determined by the joint
consent of the whole assembly, that beside a great and
visibly decay of the power of godliness, amongst many
professors in their churches, there was likewise too much
cause to fear, that several vices, especially pride, intem-
perance, and worldly mindedness, began to bud forth
amongst them, which were the evils that used to bring
the wrath of God upon the Gentiles of old ; therefore it
need not be wondered at, if God should bring sharp af-
flictions upon the country for the preventing or reform-
ing these grosser evils, that so such noisome weeds
might timely be rooted out, and not suffered to spread
and take place in the garden of God. Accordingly, the
said assembly advised, that for the reforming all the fore-
mentioned evils, that in the first place, all that were above
others in place, would, as to their practice, become very
exemplary unto others, it being incident to the people of
all ages to follow those that are above them, that so, if
any of the sins of the times were found, in any degree,
among those, or any of them that were leaders, either
as to civil or ecclesiastical order, reformation in them
would have an happy influence upon many others, as
Moses and Joshua, being to reform others, began with
w^iat concerned themselves. So, also, tl^at care should
be taken for the revising of the platform of discipline,
drawn up by a synod there anno 1648, which might be a
good means to recover those that had erred from the
truth, and to prevent apostacy for the future, and that by
the renewing of covenant, their churches and admin-
istrations should be reduced to that their primitive pat-
tern.

Furthermore, also, forasmuch as it hath been observ-
ed, that some have reflected upon the New English
churches for their defect in not publishing to the worl(|

OF NEW ENGLAND. 633

a confession of their faith, as if their principles were un-
known, although it had been long since declared, that as
to matters of doctrine they agreed with other reformed
churches ; nor was any thing referring to doctrine, but
Avhat concerns worship and discipline, that caused their
predecessors to remove into the deserts of America,
while it was a land not sown, that there they might have
liberty to practise accordingly. Therefore, this synod
last convened, having in their second session, which was
May 12, 1680, consulted, and considered of a confession
of faith, they unanimously agreed, that a confession of
faith, according to that which was drawn up by the min-
isters and messengers of the congregational churches,
who met at the Savoy in London, (being for the most
part, some small variations excepted, the same with that
which was agreed upon first by the assembly at West-
minster, and had been approved by a general assembly
in Scotland, as well as by the synod at Cambridge, in
New England, anno 1648,) should be compiled, which
being publickly twice read and examined, was approved
of. The litde variation which they made from the one,
in compliance with the other, may be seen by those who
please to compare them. But for the main, they chose
to express themselves in the words of those reverend as-
semblies, that they might, with one heart and mouth, glo-
rify God and our Lord Jesus Christ." But as to what
concerns church government, they refer to the platform
of discipline, agreed upon by the messengers of their
churches anno 1648, solemnly owned and confirmed in
their last synod.

The general court of the Massachusetts, October 15,
1679, having perused the result of the late synod, judge
it meet to commend the same to the serious consideration
of all the churches and people within their jurisdiction,
enjoining and requiring all persons in their respective
capacities, to a careful and diligent reformation of all
those provoking evils mentioned therein, according to
the true intent thereof, that so the anger and displeasure
of God, that hath been many ways manifested, may be
averted from his people, and his favour and blessing ob-

6St • (JEXERAL UISTORt

tained as in former times ; to that end they ordered the
same to be printed, as accordins^ly they did the confes-
sion of faith and platform of discipline, for the benefit
of the churches of New England in present and after
times.

Since the publishing the acts of the late synod at Bos-
ton, one John Russell, a Wedderdop'd shoemaker at
Woburn, in New England, taking notice of an expres-
sion in ©ne clause thereof, under the breach of the se-
cond commandment, rendering those of that persuasion
as guilty of the breach thereof, viz. that they do no bet-
ter than set up an altar against God's altar ; and of some
expressions likewise in a small treatise, since that time
published by one of the principal ministers of the coun-
try, judiciously and learnedly asserting and proving the
divine right of infant baptism, did in the year following
stitch up a small pamphlet, styled by him, " A brief
narrative of some considerable passages concerning the
first gathering and further progress of a church of Christ
in gospel order, in Boston, in New England," &c. where-
in he endeavours to clear the innocency of those com-
monly, (though falsely, as he says,} called anabaptists.
Surely he was not well aware of the old adage, ne sutor
ultra crepidam, or else he would not have made such
botching work. For although the simple cobbler of Ag-
awam, his countryman, who in the year 1645 used many
honest stitches to much better purpose, in helping to re-
pair his native country, lamentably tattered in the upper
leather and sole ; out of which it may not be much amiss
to borrow a few of his lifts, which those of his profession
may make good use of, before they offer any more of
their ware to an open market.

" 1. To entreat them to consider what an high pitch
of boldness it is for man to cut a principal ordinance out
of the kingdom of God, if it be but to make a disloca-
tion, which so far disgoods the ordinance, I fear it alto-
gether unhallows it ; to transplace or transtime a stated
institution of Jesus Christ, without his direction, I think
is to destroy it.

" % What a cruelty it is to divest children of that only

OF NEW ENGLAND. 635

external privilege which their heavenly Father hath be-
queathed them, to interest them visibly in himself, his
Son, his Spirit, his covenant of grace, and the tender
bosom of their careful mother, the church.

" 3. What an inhumanity it is to deprive parents of
that comfort they may take, from the baptism of their
infants, dying in their childhood.

" 4. How unseasonably and unkindly it is, to inter-
turb the state and church with their Amalekltish onsets,
' when they are in their extreme pangs of travail with their
lives.

'* 5. To take a thorough view of those who have per-
ambled this bye path, being sometimes in the crouds of
foreign Wedderdopers, i. e. anabaptists; and prying into
their inward frames witii the best eyes I had, I could not
but observe these disguised guises in the generality of
them. 1. A flit formality of spirit, without salt or sa-
vour, in the spiritualities of Christ, as if their religion
had begun and ended in their opinion. 2. A shallow
slighting of such as dissent from them, appearing too
often in their faces, speeches, and carriages. 3. A fee-
ble yet peremptory obstinacy ; seldom are any of ihem
reclaimed. 4. A shameful sliding into other such tar-
pauline tenets, to keep themselves dry from tlie showers
of justice, as a rational mind vv'ould never entertain, if it
were not errour-blasted from heaven and hell. I should
as shrewdly suspect that opiuj')n, that will cordially cor-
rive* with two or three sottish errours, as that faith that
can professedly live with two or three sordid sins. God is
as jealous of his ordinances as men are of their opinions.'*

Thus far the Simple Cobbler, p. 16, 17, 18, a little of
whose stirrup might have served to have better endoc-
trinated the unstable shoemaker of Woburn, who though
himself uttered it as an argument of divine favour to his
opinions, that none of them of that persuasion died of
the contagious sickness of the small pox, whereof so ma-
ny hundred died at Boston, yet they that survived him
may take notice also, tliat God, in whose hands are all

• From Latin, corrivcr, " to flow together from different streams."

Plin.. Eb,

79

636 iiENERAL HISTORY

men's times, did not suffer him to live above a year in
the said Boston, whither he had translated himself, lest
he should further translate others from the truth ; yet is
not that of the poet to be forgotten, careat successibus^
optOy &c. It is too often seen, that those new secta-
ries, that go about to unchurch all other christian socie-
ties, do at last unchurch themselves, and from anabap-
tists become sebaptists, then seekers, and at last ranters ;
it being more usual for them, that out of a giddy, unsta-
ble mind have wandered from the truth, to run into the
contrary extreme, than to close with the mean principles
of truth and soberness, which they have at first deserted
without cause. It hath been likewise a common obser-
vation, that these Wedderdoping, new sort of christians
have proved but the materia prima of all the corrupt
opinions that christian religion hath of late days, since
the reformation of Luther, been besmeared withal. Let
men take heed of attempting a new way to heaven, by a
ladder of lying figments of their own, lest thereby they
be thrown the deeper into hell, as saith the same author.
But to return to what is in hand, and give this gospel
ordered church, (as J. Russell terms them,) what is their
due from an historian. As for the persons of those seven
he apologizes for, it may more easily be granted, that
they were good in the main, than that it was a good work
for God they were engaged in. Boni homines are some-
times found male feriati^iJt. good men may be found to be
ill employed, as Peter was, whom Christ rebukes and calls
Satan, and bids get behind him. Whether any of them
absolutely did deserve to be delivered to satan for their
obstinacy in their opinions or other miscarriages, which
either through weakness of their judgments or strength
of their passions, which in defence of their opinions or
practices they ran into, or whether there were not more
acrimony of the salt than sweetness of the gospel spirit
of peace, in those that managed the discipline of the
church against some of them, that had been in the com-
munion of some of the churches thereabout, must not
be here discussed, only some sober christians that were
of their own profession, viz. in opposition to infant bap-

OF NEW ENGLAND* 617

tism, have said that they could not but look upon their
way to be evil, and such as could not be justified. It
hath possibly also been observed by some, that though
slow bellied Cretians, as Paul speaks to Titus, are to be
rebuked sharply, that they may be sound in the faith, yet
men of a grave and serious spirit and of sober conversa-
tions, as Thomas Gold and some of the rest were said
to be, would easier in all iikelihood have been reclaimed
from the errour of their judgments by gentler means of
persuasion and long suffering, than by the corrosives of
severity and sharp censures of the church, which if it
were granted, yet that can give no colour to their irregular
and hasty casting themselves into the mould of a partic-
ular church, under the specious varnish of a church in
gospel order, consisting only of a few giddy sectaries,
that fondly conceit themselves to be an orderly church,
when their very coalition is explicitly not only without,
but against the consent of all the rest of the churches
in the place, as well as the order of the civil authority.

I shall conclude with the last words of the late synod :*
" Inasmuch as a thorougfi and hearty reformation is ne-
cessary in order to obtaining peace with God, and all
outward means will be ineffectual unto that end, except
the Lord pour down his Spirit from on high, it doth
therefore concern us to cry mightily unto God, both in
ordinary and extraordinary manner, that he would be
pleased to rain down righteousness upon us ;" and that
the north wind would awake, and the south come and
blow, that the spices thereof may flow out, that the whole
church of Christ in these deserts of America may be
found unto her beloved, as an orchard of pomegranates
with all pleasant fruits.

CHAP. LXXIII.

Memorable accidents during this lustre of years ^ from
1671 to 1676.

Much hurt done by thunder and lightning about
these times. To those mentioned before may be added

• Reforming Synod, A. D. 1679. Ed.

6S8 (iENERAL HISTORr

several awful strokes of thunder and lightning within
the bounds of Ipswich, viz. the great oak in that called
Scott's lane, which on a Saturday night in August, anno
1668, (or 1667,) was broken all apieces, and some logs
rent offfroin it, as much and more than a man could lift,
were flung several rods from the place. A man in the
house next to the place was struck down with the crack
of thunder, but had no other hurt.

In the year 1670, the barn of one Edward Allin, in
Ipswich, was fired with lightning in the time of harvest^
with sixteen loads of barley newly carried thereinto.
Several of the harvest men were but newly gone out of
the barn into the dwelling house, and so their destruction
was prevented thereby.

May 18, 1671, the house of Sergeant Perkins in Ips-
wich, was smitten with lightning, while many were met
together at the repetition of the sermon that day preach-
ed, it being the Lord's day ; several breaches were made
in the timber work, and some persons were struck down
therewith, yet came to life again. Sergeant Perkins him-
self had his waistcoat pierced with many holes like
goose shot, yet had no other considerable harm, only beat-
en down, as if he had been dead for the present.

In the year 1671, a whirlwind at Cape Anne passed
through the neck of land that makes one side of the har-
bour towards the main sea ; its space or breadth was
about forty feet from the sea to the harbour, but it went
with such violence that it bore away whatever it met in
the way, both small and great trees, and the boughs of
trees, that on each side hung over that glade, were broken
off and carried away therewith. A gieat rock that stood
up in the harbour, as it passed along, was scarce able to
withstand the fury of it, without being turned over.

About that time, or not many years before, some of
the inhabitants of Ipswich, on the northwest side of the
river, in a thunder storm, saw a sheet of fire, as they im-
agined, fall down just before the house of Mr. W, H.
but it reached not the house, only rent the body of an
oak that stood not far from it.

OF NEW Ei^GLANI>, 829

CHAP. LXXIV.

A further continuation of the narrative of the troubles
with the Indians in JVew England ^ from April 1677
to June 1680.

An attempt was made against our Indian enemies,
by way of a diversion, in the spring of the last year,
1677, by treating with the Mohawks or Mawques In-
dians, partly to secure them to be our friends, as hither-
to they had been, and partly to see if they could not be
induced to prosecute their inbred antipathy against our
Indian enemies, with whom they have had a long and
deadly feud heretofore. Something was done that way
by the help and advice of Maj. Andros, the governour
of New York ; and probably the fear thereof was the on-
ly thing that awed the Indians about Pemaquid into a
stricter correspondency and more ready compliance with
the English ; but the truth of this will be judged by the
event hereafter.

A long, troublesome, and hazardous journey was un-
dertaken by the Hon, Maj. Pinchon, of Springfield, and
Mr. Richards, of Hartford, in behalf of those two colo-
nies : they were followed with as much success as they
could expect. The Mawque Indians made a great shew
of cordial friendship to the English, and bitter enmity to
the Indians that have risen against them, making large
promises of pursuing their quarrel against them, to the
uttermost of their power ; but distance of the place, and
difficulty of the journey, hath prevented any great mat-
ter of effect in that kind, as was expected.

For though some of them armed themselves and came
down within the territories of those Indians, that have of
late so much infested the English plantations, yet the
distance between their own place and that of the other
Indians was so great, that they did little execution upon
their own or our enemies. The most good it is hoped
they did, was by the rumour of their coming down upon
the backs of our enemies ; it being known to be their nat-
ural temper to be very fearful of any evil while it is far off,

680 ClENERAL HISTORY

and very stupid and blockish, whenever it actually falls
upon them.

Some of the country were not well satisfied in the de-
sign, as questioning the lawfulness of making use of their
help, as they were heathen ; but the general court, and the
most considerate of the country, apprehended it lawful
to make use of any advantage Providence put into their
hands, whereby to weaken or abate the force and power
of their enemies.

Abraham entered into a confederacy with the Amo-
rites, among whom he sojourned, and made use of their
assistance to assist him in the vindicating of the quarrel
of his kinsman, Lot, and recovering of him and his family
out of the hands of the common enemy of them all.
That which was now done by the general court of the
Massachusetts was no other. And this further benefit
did redound to them thereby, that blind Will, a sagamore
at Pascataqua, that was a secret enemy of the English,
and one contrived much of the mischief that was done
by the Indians of those parts against the English, was
killed by those Mohawks or Mawques, as they ranged
through those woods in the beginning of the year 1677,
which the English much rejoiced in, although they knew
not well how to put him to death themselves, because
he pretended a kind of friendship towards them, with-
out provoking the other Indians, his neighbours, against
whom they had no such cause of exception.

But to return to the other part of the narrative, con-
cerning the further mischief acted by the Indians east-
ward against the English in those parts.

It was hoped in the beginning of that year, 1677, that
the warfare of New England had been accomplished,
but it appeared by the sequel that the storm was not yet
over, nor were they as yet called to put on beauty for
ashes, or the garments of praise for heaviness. For early
in the spring that year, the country was alarmed with
the uncomfortable news of the slaughter of nine of the
garrison left before winter at Kennebeck, who going se-
curely to Arowsick island to inter some of the English,
that were left unburied before winter, and not having

OF NEW ENGLAND. 681

seen an Indian stir for many weeks together, were ap-
prehensive of no danger till they fell into the same ; for
as they went to perform the funeral obsequies to their
christian friends, ihey were suddenly surprised by a num-
ber of Indians that intercepted them, before they could
recover their boat, and so all cut off but three or four
that hardly escaped by some other way than. they came;
which doleful accident put the governour and council
upon a resolution to fetch off the rest of the garrison, not
accounting it worth the while to run so much hazard to
secure it ; so that poor remnant returning back, arrived at
Boston with Capt. Hunting, who was sent for them,
April the 19th, 1677.

The soldiers being thus drawn off from the garrison,
more mischief was done by the barbarous enemy in scat-
tering parties down lower towards Pascataqua, for \pril
6th three were killed at the town of Wells, and April the
12th two more, the one named John Weld, the other
Benjamin Storer.

About the same time a man and a boy were fowling
in the marshes, and suddenly the boy espied seven In-
dians coming near them, while the man was mending his
flint ; but at the notice, suddenly rising, he presently
scared them away by holding out his gun and saying,
" you rogues, I have been looking for you."

About April the 7th, six or seven men were slain by
the Indians near York, while they were at work two
miles from the town, whereof one was the son of Lieut.
Smith of Winnisimet, near Boston, a very hopeful
young man, who went in his brother's room, yet his
brother's turn is to come soon after. April the 14th,
Simon and Andrew, the two brethren in iniquity, with a
few more, adventured to come over Pascataqua river on
Portsmouth side, when they burnt one house within four
or five miles of the town, and took a maid and a young
woman captive ; one of them had a young child in her
arms, with which not willing to be troubled they gave
leave to her that held it to leave it with an old woman,
whom the Indian Simon spared because he said she had
been kind to his grandmother ; yet one of the two cap-

UEKEIIAL HISTORV

tives escaped from their hands two days after, as did the
other April 22, who giving notice of the Indians, (being
not so narrowly looked to as they used to do others,)
thirty soldiers were sent in that pursuit into three places,
by one of which the Indians that had done the mischief
were to pass, but discovering the English at a distance
they escaped away through the woods.

Soon after three more were slain in those woods near
Portsmouth, whereof one was riding to give notice of
the danger to others in the outparts of the town, which
himself it seems could not escape. Two of the men
slain were very much lamented, being sober, aQtive
young men ; but the sword, when it hath its commis-
sion, will devour one as well as another.

April 29, an Indian discovered himself near Wells, on
purpose, as was judged, to draw out the Enghsh into a
snare. Lieut. Swett, that commanded the garrison, at
that time left for securing the town, sent out eleven of
the soldiers under his command to lie in wait in some
convenient place ; but as they passed along they fell into
an ambush of the Indians, who shot down two of them
and mortally wounded a third. The lieutenant hearing
the guns, sent with all speed upon the enemy, and shot
down five or six of them ; but was prevented of doing
any considerable spoil upon them by the folly of an Irish-
man that was in his company, who gave the notice of the
lieutenant's approach, by calling out aloud, " here they
be, here they be ;" for upon that alarum they presently
ran all away out of sight, and too fast to be pursued.

May 16, another party of the enemy resolved to try
their valour once again upon the garrison at Blackpoint,
not doubting but to carry the place with a bold onset,
which they made with much resolution and courage, for
they assaulted the garrison three days together, in which
space of time they killed three of the English and took
one prisoner, whom, as is said, they miserably tormented.
The garrison, on the other hand, as stoutly defended
themselves, by the courage and valour of Lieut. Tippin,
that commanded them, and at last made a successful
shot upon an Indian, that was observed to be very busy

OP NEW ENGLAND. 633

and bold in the assault, whom at diat time they deemed
to be Simon, the arch villain and incendiary of all the
eastward Indians, but proved to be one almost as
good as himself, who was called Mogg^, that had been
an author of umch miscaief the year before. The
slaughter of him much damped the courage of all his
companions, so as they soon after quitted the siege, flying
away in eleven canoes towards the eastward ; yet five
paddled their canoes down towards York, where they
killed six of the English and took one captive, May 19
following ; and May 23, four days after, one was killed
at Wells, and one taken by them betwixt York and
Wells ; amongst whom was the eldest son of Lieut.
Smith forementioned ; his younger brother was slain in
the same town not long before ; so as their father might
well mourn, as Ephrami did of old, for the evil that be-
fel his house, the memorial of which was signalized by
the name Beriah, in remembrance thereof, given his
next succeeding child.

May 28, six Indians that were of the English side,
having drunk too much strong liquor, made them sottish
and also careless of their lives, so as that next morning
they were taken prisoners by the enemy Indians, who
carried them twenty miles up into the woods, where
they let them loose again, for fear of the Mohawks,
whose very name is a terrour and dread to them.

Yet still their malice against us being implacable, they
ranged from one town to another, observing where they
could do any further mischief, for June Ij, two men up-
on a surprize were suddenly shot down, that belonged
to Hampton, above two miles distant from the town, for
two sprightly young men of the place, hearing guns,
mounted their horses and presently made to that place,
to see what the matter was, but not looking about them
so carefully as they should, were both mortally wound-
ed, whereof one was called Edward Colcot, a sober and
well disposed young man, much lamented at his death
by all that knew him. He died soon after, if not the next
day, of his wounds.

The Indians thus making daily inroads upon these weak

881? CiEVERAL HISTORY

unfenced places, the governour and council resolved to
raise new forces, and having had good experience of the
faithfulness and valour of the christian Indians about Na-
tick, armed two hundred of them and sent them, together
with forty English, to prosecute the quarrel against those
eastward Indians to the full ; but not judging aright of he
number of the enemy, they much underdid their business,
for besides that the number they sent of English was a
great deal too small, those that were chosen this bout, to
take their turns in the service abroad, were many of them
young, raw, and unexperienced soldiers, who were not
able to look danger, much less death, in the face, in cool
blood, by which means it came to pass that the enterprizc
succeeded so ill ; for Capt. Swett, with Lieut. Richard-
son, that was sent with him to command the friendly In-
dians, coming to Blackpoint June 28th, he began to try
the valour and courage of his company before he had
disciplined them, or had any experience of their ability
to fight. The very next morning after he had landed
his men, understanding by his scouts that many of the
enemies were up and down upon the place, he made too
much haste to fall upon them, and not mistrusting their
number, while he was marching upon the edge of an hill
with one party and his lieutenant with another, the In-
dians that had hid themselves in the swamp on each side
of the hill, suddenly fired upon the F^nglish on both
sides, which not a little discouraged his young and un-
disciplined company, so as they could not or did not keep
their ranks ; but while some were ready to run and shift
for themselves, the captain strived to keep them together
to bring off the dead and wounded men, so long that he
brought himself and all the company in danger of an ut-
ter overthrow, which soon after took place, for the poor
unskilful soldiers being scattered were shifting for them-
selves, while a few resolute men of courage bore the brunt
of the service till they were in a manner all knocked down,
Thelieutenant was killed soon alter die first onset, the cap-
tain having received near twenty wounds, yetstill held out,
defending and encouraging of his men, till he was sur-
rounded with more of his enemies than he was able to

OF NEW ENGLAND. 630

grapple with, and so was at the last barbarously murder-
ed by them within a linle of the garrison house. There
were slain at this time somewhat above forty of the Eng-
lish and twelve of the friendly Indians that assisted, very-
few escaping but were either tilled right out or danger-
ously wounded. Thus was another summer spent in
calamities and miserable occurrents amongst the eastern
parts ; yet was not this all the miseries that the poor Eng*
lish had to endure this year; for after the poor husband-
men and planters had drunk their full share of the cup
of affliction, that the other sort who trade by sea, and use
to follow fishing upon those eastern parts might not take
themselves to be secure, or think better of themselves
than their brethren, who had suffered all the calamities
foremenlioned, July 15 news came of several ketches
that were surprised, as they lay secure in the harbours,
whither they used to turn in upon every occasion as they
were making their fishing voyages. There Vv'ere near
twenty of those fishing ketches thus surprised first and
last, most of which carried five or six men apiece, but
they being many of ihem a dull and heavy moulded sort
of people, that had not either skill or courage to kill any
thing but fish, were easily taken, and had not heart
enough either to make resistance when first attacked, nor
afterward to make any attempt for an escape to free
themselves, as some did, and so delivered themselves,
with the slaughter of them that held them prisoners
aboard their own vessels, when some others, that had
more courage and spirit than the rest, were sadly destroy-
ed for want of courage in them that were in their ves-
sels, to stand by tlK;m while they were attempting to de>
liver themselves, which was the case of one or two of
the vessels, whose companions were all cut off by that
means.

But the Indians finding their inability to manage such
kind of vessels, much too heavy for them to wield with
paddles, grew soon after weary of that sport, and were
pretty willing to return the vessels to the English, after
they had pillaged out of them what was for their turn.
The merchants about Salem, to whom ttie said ketches

636 tJENERAL HISTORY

principally belonged, fitted up a vessel in the nature of a
man of war, which they had furi .isiicd with several reso-
lute, stout hands, but they were strangely disappointed of
coming up with any of the Indian mariners, so as they
were forced to return without doing any considerable ex-
ecution upon them.

During these troubles, Maj. Andros, the governourof
New York, being willing to secure the interest of his
highness the duke of York in those parts, lest in the ab-
sence of the English, some fortign nation should take
the advantage of possessing themselves of any part of
the dominions belonging to our nation, timely sent a
sloop with a considerable number of soldiers to the parts
about Pemaquid, which, when the Indians that had all
this while been up in rebellion, understood, they were at
the last willing to fall into a kind of amity and friendship.
In the beginning of August, news of this overture came
to the Massachusetts, the comfort of which was not a lit-
tle augmented by tha certain information that came soon
after of fifteen English captives returned to the soldiers
of Maj. Andros, and hopes of a general peace; and the
confirmation thereof was more increased by the news of
the return of the rest of the vessels, that were taken by
the enemy, into the hands of the English. In which pos-
ture were things left in those parts in the beginning of
winter, and nothing of another nature was discoursed in
the end of February following, nor yet in the end of
June that next ensued.

But the tragical sufferings of the poor English are not
as yet all accomplished in other parts of the country, for
about September the 19th following, forty or fifty river
Indians fell suddenly upon the town of Hatfield, about
Connecticut, who were a little too secure, and too ready
to say the bitterness of death was past, because they
had neither seen nor heard of any enemy in those parts
for half a year before. But at this time, as a considera-
ble number of the inhabitants of that small village were
semployed in raising the frame of an house without the
palisadoes, that defended their houses from any sudden
|!f)C}irsions of the enemy, they were violently ^nd sudden*

OF NEW ENGLAND. 637

ly assaulted by forty or fifty Lidians. when they were in
no capacity to resist or defend themselves, so as several
were shot down from the top of the house which they
were raising, and sundry were carried away captive, to
the number of twenty or more, which was made up twen-
ty four with them they carried away the same or the
next day from Decrfield, whither some of the inhabit-
ants hiid unadvisedly too soon returned. One of the
company escaped out of their hands two or three days
after, who informed that they had passed with their poor
captives two or three times over the river of Connecticut
to prevent being pursued. It was said, also, that about a
fortnight after, the same Indians attempted to take a mill
at Hadley, two miles from the town, and missing their
end pretended a kind of parley, and promised to return
those they had captivated a little before; but it proved but
one of their usual deceits, whereby they were wont to
abuse the English ; for where, or in what condition,
those captives are at present, must be the subject of the
reader's prayers rather than of the author's story.

Yet, since the writing of the premises, Benjamin Wait
and Stephen Jennings, two men of Hatfield, whose wives
were amongst the number of the forementioned cap-
tives, having obtained a commission from the govern-
ment of the Massachusetts, pursued after them in the
depth of winter, (though not with such a number as
those with which Abram pursued after the army that
carried captive his kinsman. Lot,) and overtook them
about Canada, and by the help of the French there seated
recovered their wives, with other captives, which they
brought back by way of ransom, and not by force of
arms.

Their adventure being attended with so m^ny difficul-
ties and dangers, in the depth of winter, not to be paral-
leled with any attempt of that nature since the English
came into those parts, wherein they were surely led aion^
by a divine nutus^ as well as by the innate love to their
wives, (which would have afforded matter for a large fic-
tion to some of the ancient poets,) is as folio wetti from
their own mouths. On the 24th of October, 1677, they

638 <SENEKAL HISTORY

advanced towards Westfield, and from thence to Alba^
ny, where they arrived the Thursday seven night after,
distant at least two hundred miles from Boston, and in-
stead of being encouraged and furthered in so commend-
able an enterprize, they were by force and* strong hand,
after two or three attempts to pass on towards Canada,
(whither it was conceived their wives, with the other
captives, were carried by the Indians,) carried back above
twenty miles from Sconektoket* to Albany, where they
were detained prisoners till they could be sent down to
the governour of New York, upon pretence of an or-
der at that very time newly come from the said gover-
nour, that none, either christian or pagan, should go that
way to the French, but first to be sent down to him,
which was about one hundred miles down Hudson's riv-
er. Being thither brought, it appeared he had little to say
to them, and at last, by the intercession of Capt. Brock-
hurst, they were sent back again to Albany with a pass.
It was now the i9th of November before they recovered
that stage.

And there also they met with no small discourage-
ments, by rumours and other false suggestions, sufficient
to have diverted the most constant undertakers from
their purpose, had they not been carried with an invinci-
ble resolution. Thereabouts they tarried till about the
10th of December, in expectation of having the lakes,
over ^vhich they were to pass, frozen hard enough to
bear them. They found no small difficulty in procuring
a pilot; Capt. Salisbury, the governour there, discour-
aging a Frenchman which they had hired from under-
taking that service, so as they were forced to agree with
a Mohawk Indian to conduct them to the first lake,
which was sixteen leages over, which he faithfully per-
formed. It was about the 16th of December when they
came thither, they foui-d it open, but their pilot finding a
canoe, fitted it up for them and drew for them a draught
of the lakes by which they were to pass. The}^ were
three days passing the first lakes, and then carrying their
canoe upon their backs two miles over a neck of land,
they entered the great lake, which the second day, they

• Schenectady. Be.

OF NEW ENGLAND. G2Q

hopini^ to trust to the ice, left their canoe, but having trav-
elled one day upon the ice they were forced to return back
to fetch their canoe, and then went by water till they
came to the land, beint^ windbound six days in the inte-
rim ; so as they roade it about the first of January, hav-
ing travelled three days without a bit of bread, or any
other relief but of some raccoon's flesh, which they had
killed in an hollow tree. On the 6th of January they
came to Shampley,* a small village of ten houses, be-
longing to the French, only by the way they met with a
bag Df biscuit and a bottle of brandy in an empty wig-
wam, with which they were not a little refreshed ; and in
travelling towards Sorrell, fifty miles distant from thence,
they came to a lodging of Indians, amongst whom was
Steven Jennings his wife, by whom they understood how
hard it was with the rest, yet resolved, according to ad-
vice, to give them good words, and hastened to bargain
for their redemption. At Sorrell they found five more
of the captives, two ef which the Indians had pawned
for drink ; the remainder of them were in the woods.
From this place they had two hundred miles to Kebeck,f
which in the next place they travelled to, where they
were civilly entertamed by the French governour, who
at the last granted them a guard of eleven persons to-
wards Albany, whither they began to march on ihe 1 9th
of April, 1678, and arrived there about the middle of
May following, having spent sixteen days upon the lake,
two days in crossing the neck of land betwixt the upper
branches of Canada and Hudson's river, which they
came swiftly down in two days more ; the rest of the
time they spent in hunting. They tarried at Albany
from Wednesday May 22d till Monday following, from
which they came on foot twenty miles to Vanterhook,
where they were met with horses and men that carried
them safely to Westfield, a few days after. They brought
with them nineteen captives, which had been carried a-
way by the Indians September before. Their ransom
cost above two hundred pounds, which was gathered by
contribution among the English.

» Chamblee. E». f Qvlebeck. Et)

6"iO OBNEUAL HISTORY

CHAP. LXXV.

Memorable occurrents and sad accidents that happened in
New England from 1666 to 1682.

All things come alike to all, saith the wise man,
and no man knoweth either love or hatred by all that is
before them ; yet it is too often seen, that men that are
but of yesterday, and know nothing, dare adventure to
enter the secret of the Almighty, and will undertake to
give an account of his judgments and actions, assigning
the reason of this and that sudden and unexpected stroke
of death, not considering that our Saviour acquits those
eighteen on whom the tower of Siloam fell, and the Gal-
ileans, whose blood Pilate mingled with their sacrifices,
from being guilty of more sin than the rest of the inhab-
itants in those places. All men stand condemned in
Adam, and therefore at all times are obnoxious unto the
stroke of death, whenever the writ of execution is issued
forth; nor is the Almighty confined to one and the
same harbinger, having always his arrow upon the string
to shoot in the darkness and at noon day.

April 5th, 1663, Mr. John Norton, the reverend teach-
er of the church at Boston, (after Mr. Cotton,) was taken
out of this life by a sudden change, which the quakers
imputed to a judgment of God upon him for opposing
their doctrine in the country. He was a man of great
worth and learning, a ready scribe in the law of God,
one that had the tongue of the learned to speak a word
in season to the weary soul, besides an eminent acumen,
with which he was endowed in polemical divinity and
all controversial points of religion, especially those of the
present age.

He was desired by the ministers of New England, to
draw up an answer in their names, to the Sylloge Ques-
tionum^ sent over by the Rev. Apollonius, pastor ot the
church at Middlcburg, to the congregational divines
in London, and by them commended to those of New
England.

In his answer, besides the satisfaction he gave to those

6%3

OF NEW ENGLAND.

of the same persuasion in either Englands, he was hi^j^^jj.
applauded both for the acumen of his judgment, u.iu
candour of his spirit appearing therein, by those of the
adverse party, which made Dr. Hornbeck, the learned
professor of <:}ivinity at Leyden, thus to express himself
in a tractate of his own, where he treats of the same con-
troversy : " Non tsedet hujus viri nonnulla prolixius
describere, propter singulare acumen, quamvis in multis
non ei accedimus ; in iis et aliis accurate disputat, et
Sccpe ingenua sua confessione, controversiam toUit,
quam alii vel faciunt, veil putant superesse, quare nee
ita commode alj iis tractatur." The like testimony is
given him by some of our own nation, even of the epis-
copal persuasion, both for his modesty and learning, in
stating the controversy in difference between himself and
them. Nor was he unacquainted with the mysteries of
civil policy, where he had been very serviceable to the
country of New England, in which he had spent the
greatest part of his time and labours : what acceptance
soever they found with some persons, his revard is with
the Lord, who, to compensate any injury he might receive
from men, gave him a speedy discharge from his burden,
when it grew too heavy. The dark shadow of envy
and obloquy always follows the body of virtue, which
himself could never shake off, especially after his last
publick employment in England with the honoured Mr,
Bradstreet ; soon after which, not too precisely to indigi-
tate the cause of his death, he suddenly was snatched
away by an unusual lypothymy, a kind of athanasia,
which some have desired, so as not to feel the pains of
death, though he were to pass through the gates thereof.
In the year 1665, Mr. Atherton, the chief military of-
ficer in New England, died suddenly by a/c//from his
horse, who likewise was called to conflict with the strife of
tongues, and the manner of his death also noted as a judg-
ment. Moses and Aaron must be stoned when the mix-
ed multitude in Israel have not their will ; who by the
perverseness of their minds become the more obdurate
in their errours by the solemn strokes of Providence
81

(j-^0 GENERAL HISTORY

.) if righly improved might lead them to repentance,
.viiich is the use thereof.

Much about the same time several persons were struck
dead with thunder and lightning in the country. One
James Peirce, in Plymouth harbour ; Capt. Davenport,
in the castle near Boston, was in like manner slain, the
window of the castle being open against him, as he lay
upon his bed, but no sign of battering any part of the
building. This last happened in July 1665, the former
in 1660.

And in the year 1666, three were in like manner sud-
denly killed in a storm of thunder, whereof one was nam-
ed John ShurtlefF, that had a child in his hand, and was
holding his wife in the other, both of w^hom escaped,
when himself was struck dead.

In the year 1664 the country was smitten with a strange
blasting and mildew in their wheat, by which, in many
places, whole fields were quite consumed ; which blast-
ing hath continued more or less most of the following
years.

In 1668, a spermaceti whale of fifty five feet long was
cast up in Winter Harbour, near Casco Bay* The like
hath happened in other places of the country at several
times, when for want of skill to improve it, much gain
hath slipped out of the hands of the finders.

In the spring of the year 1676, some of the magis-
trates and ministers of New England passing down the
harbour in a lesser boat, were overrun by a bigger vessel,
that steered just upon them for want of care, whereby
most of them were in danger of perishing, yet were all
preserved. Soon after which a rude fellow, called Irons,
coming aboard a ship that lay in the same harbour before
Boston, and entering into discourse about the said acci-
dent, replied to the company, that it had been no matter
if they had been all drowned ; but himself, presently af-
ter he left the ship, as he was about to deliver two maids
(having none else beside in the boat with him,) aboard
another vessel, missing his stroke with the oar, tipt him-
self over the side of the boat into the channel, and so was
irrecoverably lost. The other two shiftless sailors, not

OF NEW ENGLAND. 643

being able to help themselves or him, yet were safely
landed by the tide upon an island near by, so as their
lives were thereby preserved. Let men take heed how
they pass rash censures upon others, lest unawares they
read their own destiny in ])ronouncing sentence upon
their neighbours, and not be too forward with the men
of Miletum, to give an interpretation of the acts of Prov-
idence, the beginnings of which we may see, but cannot
foresee the issue and intendment thereof.

1676. Three gentlemen and two women passing cross
the harbour before Boston, (not above three quarters of
a mile in breadth,) in a pleasure boat, by a sudden and
very violent flaw of wind, were overset in the midst of
the channel, and but one man escaped by his activity in
swimming, or keeping fast hold of an oar that Providence
put into his hand as a staff to pass over JorddU with,
when the boisterous surges thereof began to rage and
swell by the violence of the whirlwind. Everlasting
arms do oft bear us up when the waters are ready to
overwhelm us and the stream to go over our soul : let
him that found safety never forget the mercy, lest a worsQ
thing fall upon him.

In the same harbour, and within the compass of the
same lustre, some merchants and gendemen going aboard
a ship that was then newly arrived, by the firing an half
barrel of powder, through the carelessness of the gun-
ner, were with the hinder part of the ship suddenly
blown up, and divers of them sore wounded thereby, ei-
ther losing their lives or their limbs, and two or three
spoiled of both.

Many that go forth know not that they shall return,
and the mariner that is ready to let fall his anchor knows
not but it may be that fatal one v.hich shall put an end to
the navigation of his life ; and many that go forth with
earnest expectation to meet their best friends, are some-
times unexpectedly found of their last enemy before
they return. Within the compass of the same year,
(which it seems Providence hath marked out as a year
to be much observed by the people of New England,)
Mr. Timothy Proutj jun. master of a ship, having

644 GENERAL HISTORY

twelve or thirteen seamen in bis company, sailinf^ to-
v/ardsNew England, nhcn iliey had almost fetched Cape
Cod, by the violence of tlie northwest winds sprin^^ins^
lip suddenly they were driven back towards the West
Indies again, where by a long continued storm their ves-
sel was ready to founder under them : all that were able,
(being almost famished for want of food,) betook them-
selves to their long boat, with small store of provision,
(besides raw hides ;) in which pitiful and forlorn state
they were driven upon the ocean eleven or twelve days,
at the end of which they were landed at Hispaniola in
so weak a condition that none of them was able to foot
it over the sands or to shoulder a musket, yet were by
good Providence directed to a Frenchman's house, of
whom the master had some knowledge before, who re-
lieving them in their distress, gave them opportunity to
transport themselves back into their own country. Thus
oft times, when we have marched almost to the very
gates of death, the Almighty saith, return ye children of
men: Oh, that men would praise the Lord for his good-
ness, and for his wonderful works to the children of men.

Take one instance more of the same date and of the
like tragical nature.

One Kphraim How, that used to sail between Boston
and New Haven, about the middle of September, 1676,
setting forth of Boston with two of his sons, able sea-
men, a passenger and surgeon, with a youth, before they
had doubled the cape, scil. Cape Cod, they were attacked
with a violent storm that almost stranded them amongst
the shoals, yet did only strike off the rudder of the ves-
sel ; after which they were left to the mere mercy of the
waves, which tossed them to and again upon those seas
for divers weeks, so as they could get the sight of no
shores, but those of death, bordering on the land of eter-
nity.

But the winter fast approaching was ushered in with
such violent storms of cold winds, that those who stood to
the sail instead of the helm were of necessity to be fas-
tened down with ropes, that they might keep their stand-
ing, till at last both the master's sons (himself being most

OF NEW ENGLAND,. 645

of this time sick in the cabin,) perished with wet and
cold. This was their condition till another wind drove
them ashore upon a sunken island, a receptacle only for
night birds and gulls, by which, with the help of a gun
or two happily cast ashore with the vessel, they procur-
ed the lengthening out of their own lives a while by the
death of other creatures ; but of these four that gat
alive upon the island, by the coldness of the place or un-
vvholcsomeress of their entertainment, all droptaway but
the master, who was now left alone in this solitary condi-
tion, yet was supplied with his daily bread, as was Eli-
jah by the ravens, for many months after the winter was
over. During all which space sometimes he had noth-
ing to do but meditate and pray in the cave or cell,
which at first they prepared for themselves ; yet in all
this sea of misery the poor man could see so much mer-
cy as to condemn himself for the not acknowledging of
it in some solemn way of thanksgiving ; for it seems
hitherunto his devotions had run only in a way of prayer
and supplication, omitting the part of thanksgiving; af-
ter which considerations he set a day apart with himself
for that duty also, within a few days after which God
by special providence sent a vessel within keen* of this
forgotten creature, who found means to discover him-
self by some wafe that he made, and so was he, after
nine months restraint or confinement, returned safe to
some of his friends, who saw cause to rejoice both for
him and with him before the Lord,

There is one more solemn occurrent, within the reach
of a lustre of years from the forementioned year of 1676,
not less remarkable than any of the former. An Eng-
lish ship sailing from about the Strait's mouth, under the
command of a prudent master, (whose name is not now
at hand,) but manned with many cruel and hard hearted
miscreants ; these quarreling with the master and some
of the officers, turned them all into the long boat with
a small quantity of provision, about a hundred leagues
to the westward of the Spanish coast. In the mean while
these villains intended to sail the ship towards New Eng-
land, where soon alter the master, with the rest of tiie

* Ken, viev. Ed.

<J46 GENERAL HISTORY

company all but one, (whose death, by their barbarous
usage, made all tic actors guilty of murther,) were by
special providence directed not only to follow but to
overtake them. His countenance no doubt did not a
little appal them, whom he iound, some at Rhode Island
and some elsewhere, and of whom it might truly be said,
that though they had escaped the sea, yet vengeance did
not suffer to live long upon the dry land ; for at the in-
stance and complaint of the master, they were apprehend-
ed by the officers as guilty of many capital crimes and in-
human cruelty, which brought tliem all under a sentence
(at least guilt,) of death, which was iiifiicted on the ring-
leaders, but some of the less culpable were rescued from
tliat sentence, that so justice mixed with clemency might
terrify the bold and presumptuous offenders and encour-
age such as being carried with the stream of bad compa-
ny only might be looked upon as less culpable in them-
selves, and lawful authority the more reverenced by all.
Divers reports have passed up and down the country
of several ominous accidents happening within the fore-
mentioned time, as of earthquakes in some places, and
of sfevera/ voUies of shot heard in the air in the year 1667,
but because many that lived not far off those places,
where the said accidents were supposed to fall out, know
nothing thereof, no more notice shall here be taken of
ihe same than a bare hint of the report. But at a place
called Kennebunk, at the northeast side of Wells, in
the Province of Maine, not far from the river side, a
piece of clay ground was thrown up by a mineral vapour,
(as is supposed,) over the tops of high oaks that grew
between it and the river. The said ground so thrown
up fell in the channel of the river, stopping the course
thereof, and leaving an hole forty yards square in the
place whence it was thrown, in which were found thou-
sands ol round pellets of clay like musket bullets. All
the whole town of Wells are witnesses of the truth of
this relation ; and many others have seen sundry of these
clay pellets, which the inhabitants have shewn to their
neighbours of other towns. This accident fell out in
the year 1670.

9F NEW ENGLAND. 643^'

Much about these times two wicked fellows about
Pascataqua river, killing their master for his money, were
soon after discovered and condemned for the same, and
executed at Boston. — Others have confidently reported
also, that they have seen the eruption of a pond of water
far up into the woods, and many fish cast up upon the
dry land adjoining, supposed to be done by the kindling
of some mineral vapours Uiider these hollow channels,
running far within the land under ground. All which
show the wonderful work of God, that commandeth
both the sea and the dry land, that all the inhabitants of
the earth should learn to fear before him.

To the forementioned accidents may be added those
which follow, most of which happened about Pascat-
aqua, being sad instances of the mischief of intemper-
ance.

April 20, 1658, was observed to be the coldest night
in all the year, in which two men going from aboard a
ship which lay in Pascataqua river, towards Kittery side,
and being so drunk that they were not able to get to the
ship again, were found next morning near the shore, one
dead by the canoe side, the other so frozen in the canoe
that notwithstanding all means used for his recovery, he
rotted away by piecemeal, and so died.

June 5, 1666, one Tucker, a taylor who belonged to
the Isle of Shoals, being then at the point in Pascataqua
river, was so drunk in the lecture time, that pulling off his
clothes he ran into the water, cursing and swearing, and
at last swimming up and down, he fell with his face
upon the fiats and so was drowned.

About that time two fishermen, after sermon on the
Lord's day at Portsmouth, going into an house, drank so
much rum, that being intoxicated therewith, they fell
out of their canoe as they were going down the river,
and were both drowned.

In August, 1669, a ship built at Pascataqua by a Bris-
tol merchant, and laden with fish and tobacco, (the mas-
ter would needs be setting sail out of the river on the
Lord's day,) was split on a rock in the Bay of Fundy the
next Tuesday after, where the vessel and goods were all

648 GENERAL HISTORY

lost, and the men saved by their long boat. This accident
was the more remarkable, falling out in fair weather.

In June 1671, one J. S. having profanely spent the
Lord's day by passing to and from the great island to
Kittery side, going to the vessel he belonged to at night,
was so excessive drunk that he fell over his canoe and
was drowned, and his body not found till twelve days
after.

December 23, 1671, several fishermen coming from
the Isle of Shoals to keep Christmas at Pascataqua, over-
set the canoe, wherein they were going ashore, and were
all drowned.

January 18, 1671, there was observed much thunder
and lightning in a storm of snow.

January 24, the same year, Capt. Lockwood's wife
going in a canoe with a drunken fellow from the great
island to Kittery side, were carried away by the tide, and
never heard of more.

June 5, 1673, washed linen was frozen stiff the next
morning near Pascataqua river.

Anno 1675, one T. Tricks, falling out of his canoe
while he was drunk, was drowned.

December 25, 1677, one of J. Hunkins his men, choos-
ing rather to fight than to fish on that day, was struck on
the face by one of his fellows, whereof he died that week,
the wound not appearing considerable at the first.

April, anno 1678, one Stevens his daughter, about
four years old, taking a bottle of rum from her mother's
bed's head, drank about half a pint thereof, upon which
she was presently taken speechless, and died at noon.

In July the same year, one Antipas M. being observed
to be often overtaken with drink, at the last in that dis-
temper fell out of his canoe and was drowned.

Some time in June, 1676, it was observed that at a
great pond in ^Vatertown all the fish there, (many cart
loads as was thought,) swam to the shore and died. It
was conceived to be the effect of some mineral vapour,
that at that time had made an irruption into the water.

In November, 1676, a fire was enkindled at the north
end of the town of Boston, (tlirough the carelessncs of

OF NEW ENGLAND.

a boy called up to work very early in the morning, who
falling asleep, as was said, the candle set the house oa
fire,) wherelDy many other houses were consumed, to-
gether with the meeting house at that end of the said
town.

Sometime in November, 1677, a great black boar
came into the town of Dedham, no man knows from
whence, which was eight feet in length. He was shot
thirteen times, before he could be killed, and almost the
whole town were mustered together, before he could be
mastered.

A French vessel, that lay between the capes to take a
vessel that was at Pascataqua, was driven ashore at Cape
Anne ; twelve of the men drowned, and of eight that es-
caped, many frozen.

For close of these sad events of Providence may be
added the burning of Boston August 5, 1679, set on fire
by some wicked and malicious wretches, as is justly
suspected, which hath half ruined the whole colony, as
well as the town ; for therein a considerable part of the
warehouses, belonging to the chiefest merchants in the
town were suddenly consumed in the flames, and seve-
ral dwelling houses of good value, to the number of
twenty or thirty, whereby that which was many years in
gathering was in a few hours scattered and consumed.
By another fire also, which happened there in the year
1682, were many principal warehouses burnt down
again, whereby God would teach us not to trust in richest
which take wing and fly away as a bird toward heaven.,
out of the reach of the owners thereof.

CHAP. LXXVI.

The success and progress of the gospel amongst the In-
dians in JVetv England,

Forasmuch as the conversion of the Indians in A-
merica was none of the least motives that persuaded nia-
• ny of the inhabitants of New England to transport them-
selves thither, it will be expected that in this place sqme
account should be given of the effect thereof.
82

650 «ENERAL HISTORf

For the satisfaction, therefore, of those that desire to
inquire after the premises, the footsteps of God's deal-
ing with these poor heathen, shall be declared in what
follows. From the first planting of the country there
might be observed some taste of the sprinklings of his
grace upon them, of which some instances are given by
those that were careful to take notice of them.

Anno 1622, in the second year after the English first
settled at Plymouth, when that place and people were in
great distress for want of rain, the people there set a
solemn day apart to seek God in that behalf. An Indian,
taking notice that all the former part of the day was a
very hot, clear sunshine time, and yet in the evening that
rain fell in a sweet, soaking shower, was transported into
a great wonderment of the power the English had with
their God, and was so convinced thereby, that he resolv-
ed from that day not to rest till he did know this great
God, and for that end he immediately forsook the In-
dians, and clave to the English ; and notwithstanding all
enticements and flatteries or frowns of his countrymen,
he could never be induced to forsake his christian friends,
but died amongst them, leaving some good hopes in
their hearts that his soul went to rest.

Two years after the English were settled in the Mas-
sachusetts, sagamore John, i. e. the chief of those In-
dians, being from the first landing of the English more
courteous and ingenuous to them than the rest, desired to
learn their language, and loved to imitate their manners
and behaviour, and was so persuaded of the goodness of
the Englishmen's religion above the Indians', that he
promised to leave the Indians and come live with them ;
but yet kept dowii by fear of the scoffs of the Indians,
had not power to make good his promise ; and being
soon after smitten with the small pox, a mortal disease
amongst them, and never known to them before, he sad-
ly lamented his not endeavouring to know God better.
But now, siiid he, I must die, the God of the English is
much angry with me, and will destroy me. Ah! I was
afraid of the scoffs of the wicked Indians, yet my child
shall live with the English and learn to know their God,

OF NEW ENGLAND. 6Si

when I am dead. He did give him to Mr. Wilson, (the
minister of Boston,) that went to visit this poor wretch
in his forlorn condition, (as his disease at that time made
it:) he is much good man and much loi^e me. And
when he had committed his only child to Mr. Wilson's
care he soon after died ; but whether the child answered
the father's desire or no, is not known, but the contrary
feared. He hath mercy on whom he will have mercy :
there shall be two in one house, the one taken and the
other left.

Mention is made of another Indian, that seeing a pro-
fane fellow of the English, in some remote plantation,
felling of a tree, said unto him, do you not know this
is the Lord's day in the Massachusetts, much matchet
man, (i.e. much wicked man,) what, break you God's day?
The same Indian coming a little while after into an
Englishman's house thereabouts, where a man and his
wife were a chiding and contending with angry words
one against the other, when they intermitted their brawl-
ing so far as to bid him sit down and tell him he was
welcome, (possibly they m.ight be in expectation of traf-
fick, wherein they both were well agreed,) he answered,
he would not stay there, because God no dwell there,
but rather Holbomack, i. e. with them, the devil.

Lastly, a Pequod Indian, called Waquash, a proper
man, and of good courage, and a captain amongst them
in the wars they had with the English anno 1637, yet
was so smitten at the terrours of God upon the taking
their fort and killing so many hundred of the Indians in
an hour's time, he was from that moment so awakened
in his conscience, to think the Englishman's God was a
great God ; which ^id so pursue and follow him that he
could have no rest till he canie to the knowledge of the
Englishmen's God, and was so importunate that way
that he would occasion the English, (amongst whom he
came afterwards,) to spend more than half the night in
conversing with him. Afterwards coming to live with
the English at Connecticut, he would often sadly smite
on his breast and complain of his naughty heart, adding,
Waquash no know God, Waquash no know Jesus

8ffS (ifeSfeHAL HiiTORT

Christ ; but afterwards it pleased the Lord s6 to tnOvt
on his heart, that he throughoz/if reformed liislife, confes-
sing his dearest sins, lust and revenge, many ways tes-
tifying his unfeigned return from the same. Afterwards
he went amongst the Indians, like the woman of Sama-
ria, prociaiming Christ, and warning them to fly from
the wrath to come, by breaking off their sins and wick-
edness. Some of the Indians were^ like the children of
the devil, as Paul speaks, so filled with rage that they
gave him poison, which he took without suspicion ;
when the Indians wished him to send for the powaws,
who with them are their \)hi/sici\ins and their priests, he
only told them, if Jesus Christ say that Waquash shall
live, then Waquash live ; if Jesus Christ say Waquash
shall die, then Waquash is willing to die, and will not
lengthen out his life by any such means ; and so he be-
iqueathcd his only child to the care of the English. He
died, as was charitably conceived, a martyr for Christ,
rejoicing in this hope, that the child should know more
of Christ than its poor father did.

These were the first fruits or gleanings ; what the har-
vest may prove, will be the advantage of after genera-
tions to know, but at the present there have been some
few, a remnant, that have given some hopes of their seek*
ing after God. For it having been put into the heart of
that faithful and laborious minister of the gospel, Mr.
John Eliot of Roxbury, to use indefatigable pains to
learn the language, and take all opportunities to instruct
them domatim et vicatim, he did at last persuade two or
three small companies to join together in the profession
of Christianity, separating themselves from the Indian's
manners, way, and worship, wherein they were bred up,
and many of them have given good hopes of the truth
and reality of their conversion to the christians, which is
evident by their publick profession thereof, and savoury
discourses out of texts of scripture before some of their
company upon solemn times, when they have been call-
ed to seek God by fasting and prayer for the removal of
some judgments that have befallen them, upon some
publick occasion. The principal of those that so do with-

OF NEW tlNGLANfi. 693

in the bounds of the Massachusetts is called Natick,
near Dedham, where there had been ever since a compa-
ny of them that profess our religion. An instance shall,
for the satisfaction of the reader, be given of one, that
in the year 1658 thus delivered himself from a text of
scripture at the said Natick.

The sum of the speech of Nishokken.

The text he spake from was Gen. viii. 20, 21» "And
Noah built an altar unto J^^hovah, and took of every
clean beast, and of every clean fowl, and offered burnt-
offerings on the altar. 21. And the Lord smelled a sweet
savour ; and the Lord said in his heart, I will not again
curse the ground any more for man's sake ; for the im-
agination of man's heart is evil from his youth : neither
will I again smite any more every thing living, as I have
done."

A little I shall say, according to that little I know.

In that Noah sacrificed to God, he shewed himself
thankful ; in that he worshipped God, he shewed himself
godly ; in that he sacrificed clean beasts, he shewed that
God is an holy God, pure and clean, and all that come to
God and worship him, must be pure and clean, and know
that we must by repentance purge ourselves and cleanse
our hearts from all sin, which is a work we are to do this
day. In that he sacrificed, it w^as the manner of wor*
shipping God in old times. But what sacrifice must we
offer now ? Ans. by that in Psalms iv. 5, offer to God the
sacrifice of righteousness, and trust in the Lord. These
are true and spiritual sacrifices which God requireth at
our hands ; sacrifices of righteousness, that is, we must
look to our hearts and conversation, that they be right-
eous, and then we shall be acceptable to God when we
worship him ; but if we be unrighteous, and unhol}^
and wicked, we shall not be accepted, our sacrifices are
naught. Again, we must trust in the Lord, for who else
should we trust in ; we must believe in the word of
God, for if we doubt of God and doubt of his word,
then our sacrifices arc little worth ; but if we trust .stead-
fastly in the Lord, then our sacrifices are good. Again,

ft5^ GENERAL HISTORY

what sacrifices must we offer? Ans. we must offer such
as Abraham offered. And what sacrifices did he offer ?
Ans. see Gen. xx. 12. Now I know that thou fearest
me, seeing thou hast not withheld thy son, thine only son
from me ; he had but one dearly beloved son, and he
offered him to God ; and then said God, I know thou
fearest me, because thou hast not withheld thy son.
This was to sacrifice in deed and in truth, so we must
sacrifice in deed and in truth ; but God doth not require
us to sacrifice our sons, but our sins, our dearest sins.
God calleth us this day to part with all our sins, though
never so beloved, and we must not withhold any of them
from him ; if we will not part with all, it is not a right
sacrifice; we must part with diose sins we love best, and
then we offer a good sacrifice. Again, God smelt a good
savour in Noah's sacrifice, and so when we offer such
worship to God as is clean and pure, and sacrifice as A-
braham did, then God accepts our sacrifice. Again,
God manifested his acceptance of Noah's sacrifice by
promising to drown the world no more, but gave him
fruitful times and seasons. God hath chastised us of
late, as if he would drown us ; and he hath drowned and
spoiled a great deal of the hay, and threatens to kill our
cattle, and for this we fast and pray this day. Now, if
we offer a spiritual sacrifice, clean and pure as Noah did,
then God will smell a savour of rest in us, as he did in
Noah, and then he will withhold the rain and give us
fruitful seasons.

But the greatest appearance of any saving work, and
serious profession of Christianity amongst any of them,
was at Martin's Vineyard, which beginning in the year
1645 hath gradually proceeded till this present time,
wherein all the island is in a manner leavened with the
profession of our religion, and hath taken up the prac-
tice of our manners in civil behaviour, and our manner
of cultivating of the earth. It is credibly reported that
there are two hundred families of them that so do, and
that there are about six or seven that are able to instruct
the rest, by catechising or other ways of teaching,
which the reader may take in the words of Mr. Mayhew,

OF NEW ENGLAND. 655

whom God raised up, and fitted as a special instrument
with knowledge of their language and zealous resolu-
tion to improve all advantages for the promoting that
blessed work, although it pleased the Lord, in whose
hand are all our times, to put a period to his life, as he
was going over for England in the year 1657, that the
work may appear not to be carried on by the arm of
flesh, but by the power of the living God, who causeth
the dry bones to live.

In a letter from^Mr. Whilfield.

" Now for your satisfaction you may please to know,
that this work amongst the Indians had its first rise and
beginning in the year 1643, when the Lord stirred up
the heart of an Indian, who then lived near to an English
plantation, whose name was Hiacoomes, a man of a sad
and sober spirit ; unto whose wigwam, or house, some of
the English repairing, and speaking to him about the way
of the English, he came to visit our habitations and pub-
lick meetings, thinking that there might be better ways
and means amongst the English for attaining the bles-
shigs of health and life than be found among themselves,
yet not without some thoughts and hopes of an higher
good he might possibly gain thereby ; at which time I
took notice of him, and had oft discourse with him, in-
viting him to my house every Lord's day at night.
About this time it so fell out that this Indian went with
some Englishmen to a little island, where meeting with
a surly sagamore whose name was Pakeponesso, who re-
proved him for his fellowsliip with the English, both in
their civil and religious ways, railing at him for his being
obedient to them, Hiacoomes replied, that he was gladly
obedient to the English, neither was it for the Indians' hurt
he did so ; upon which the sagamore gave him a great
blow on the face with his hand, but there being some Eng.
lish present, they would not suffer the sagamore to strike
him again. The poor Indian, thus wronged, made this use
of it and said, I had one hand for injuries and the other
for God ; while I did receive wrong with the one, the
other had the better hold on God.

056 QENERAL HISTORY

" There was a very strange disease this year among
the Indians : they did run up and down till they could
run no longer ; they made their faces black as a coal,
snatched up any weapon, spake great words, but did
no hurt, 1 have seen many of them in this case. The
Indians having many calamities fallen upon them, they
laid the cause of all their want, sicknesses, and death,
upon their departing from their old heathenish ways.
Only this man held out, and continued his care about the
things of God ; and being desirous to read, the Eng-
lish gave hiai a primer, which lie still carries about
with him,

"Now whilst Hiacoomes was feeling after God he
jrif t with another trial, for going into an Indian house,
where there were many Indians, they scoffed at him with
great laughter, saying, here comes the Englishman ; who
by their noise awaked his old enemy, Pakeponesso, who
was asleep, but now joining with the other Indians, told
him, I wonder (said he,) that you that are a young man,
having a wife and two children, should love the English
and their ways, and forsake the Powaws ; what would
you do if any of you should be sick, whither would you
go for help ? I say, if I were in your case, they should
nothing draw me away from our Gods and Powaws.
'At this time he replied nothing, but told a friend of his
that he thought in his heart, that the God in heaven did
know and hear all the evil words that Pakeponesso spake.
Thus the changing his way caused much hatred to him,
neither was there so much as the least appearance of any
outward argument amongst us, that might weigh a-
gainst it.

" After this there fell a great judgment of God upon
this sagamore, for in the night, when he and his com-
pany were in the wigwam, it beginnmg to rain, he and a
young man stood up upon the floor of planks, which lay
about two foot from the ground, to put a mat over the
chimney, there came a great flash of lightning, and after
it thunder not very loud, z/et full of the vengeance of God,
which killed the young man outright and struck Pake-
ponesso down dead for a long time ; and he fell off from

OF NEW ENGLAND. Off?

the floor of planks along upon the ground, with one leg
in the fire, and being much burned, it was took out by
some that lay in the other side of the Indian house.
Now Hiacoomes, (as himself saith,) did remember his
former thoughts of God, and then thought God did an-
swer him, and that he was brought more to rejoice in
God, and rest more upon him."

Now in these times, as I did endeavour the good of
these heathens by discourse with divers of them, so in
particular with Hiacoomes, who did com Tiunicate that
knowledge he had, amongst those he could, (for some of
them could not endure the light he brought;) some were
more attentive to hear, aud more ready to follow the
truth, yet they did not well behold the majesty of God,
by these personal and particular works of God. At last
the Lord sent an universal sickness, and it was observed
by the Indians, that they that did but give the hearing to
good counsel did not taste so deeply of it, but Hia-
coomes and his family, in a manner, not at all. This put
the Indians, who dwell about six miles from us, upon
serious consideration of the thing, being much affected
that he, which exposed himself to such reproaches and
troubles, should receive more blessings than themselves.
Hereupon they sent a messenger to Hiacoomes, who was
with him about the break of day, and delivering his mes-
sage, told him, that he was come to pray him to go pre-
sently to Myoxco, the chief man of that place, and he
should have a reward for his labour, for the Indians were
very desirous to know from him all things that he knew
and did in the ways of God ; so he being glad of the
opportunity, went with the messenger, and when he came
there were many Indians gathered together, amongst
which was Tovvanquatick, the sagamore. Then after ma-
ny requests, (the general whereof was this, that he would
shew his heart unto them, how it stood towards God,
and what they must do ;) he shewed unto them all things
that he knew concernmg God the Father, Son, and Ho-
ly Ghost. Myoxeo asking iiim how many gods the
English did worship, he answered, one God ; whereupon
^lyoxeo reckoned up about thirty seven principal gods
83

609 (iENEEAL HISTOHT

he had, and shall I, (said he,) throw away these thirty sev-
en for one ? Hiacoomes replied, what do you think of
yourself? I have thrown away all these, and a great many
more, some years ago, yet am preserved you see this day.
You speak true, said Myoxeo, therefore I will throw
away all my gods too, and serve that one God with you.
Hiacoomes told them all, he did fear this great God
only, and also in a special manner, that the Son of
God did suff<ir death to satisfy the wrath of God his fa-
ther, for all those that did trust in him, and forsake their
sins, and that the Spirit did work these things in the
hearts of men, and that himself did fear this great God
only, was sorry for his sins, desiring to be redeemed by
Jesus Christ, and to walk in God's commandments.
This, with many truths more he shewed unto them, as
Adam's transgression, and the misery of the world by
it, and did conclude, that if they had such hearts as he,
they should have the same mercies. He reckoned up
to them many of their sins, as having many gods, going
to their powaws ; and Hiacoomes told me himself, that
this was the first time he ever saw the Indians sensible
of their sins ; formerly they did but hear of it as a new
thing, but not so nearly concerning them, for they were
exceeding thankful, saying also, now we have seen our
sins. Thus it pleased the Lord to give both light and
courage to this poor Indian, for although formerly he had
been an harmless man amongst them, yet as themselves
say, not at all accounted of, and therefore they often won-
dered that he, which had nothing to say in all their meet-
ings formerly, is now become the teacher of them all.
I must needs give him this testimony, after some years
experience of him, that he is a man of a sober spirit and
good conversation, and as I hope he hath received the
Lord Jesus Christ in truth, so also I look upon him to
be faithful, diligent and constant in the work ot the Lord,
for the good of his own soul, and his neighbours with
him.

Now after these things it pleased God to move the
heart of Towanquatick, encouraged by some others
amongst them, to desire me to preach unto them. At my

OF NEW ENGLAND. 653

coming, this man spake thus unto me ; that a long time
ago they had wise men, which in a grave manner taught
the people knowledge, but they are dead and their wis-
dom is buried with them, and now men live a giddy life
in ignorance till they are white headed, and though ripe
in years, yet then they go without wisdom to their graves.
He told me he wondered the English should be almost
thirty years in the country, and the Indians fools still ;
but he hoped the time of knowledge '^was now comej
wherefore himself with others desired me to give them
an Indian meeting, to make known the word of God t©
them in their own tongue. And when he came to me
to accomplish his desire thereabout, he told me I should
be to them as one that stands by a running river filling
many vessels, even so should I fill them with everlast-
ing knowledge ; so I undertook to give them a meeting
once a month ; but as soon as the first exercise was
ended, they desired it ofiener, if I could well attend it,
but once in a fortnight is our settled course : he hath al-
so, since told me the reason why he desired me to preach
to them, as that he was greatly desirous to have the In-
dians grow more in goodness, to have their posterity in-
herit blessings when he was dead ; and himself was de-
sirous to put the word of God to his heart, to repent and
throw away his sins and to be better, and after he was
dead to inherit a life in heaven.

By such ways and means hath it pleased God to con-
vince sundry Indians of that island, so as that in the
year 1650 there was about forty families that had given
up themselves to the profession of the christian religion,
and did attend upon the publick means appointed by
the care of Mr. Mayhew, to instruct them further there-
in ; insomuch that now ail the island, in a manner hath
embraced our religion and follow our customs and man-
ners in their husbandry and such like occasions, &c.

As God had stirred up Mr. Eliot in the Massachusetts,
and Mr. Mayhew at Martin's Vineyard, to take some
pains with the Indians about them to instruct them in the
christian religion ; in like manner was one Mr. Richard
Bourne, of Sandwich, in the colony of New Plymouth,

660 GENERAL HI3T0R¥

inciined to the like endeavour with the Indians near that
place of his abode, so as about the middle of July, 1666,
the governour of that jurisciiction, with some other gen-
tlemen of that and t!ie other coioay, gave a meeting to
Mr, Bourne, to take notice of wl>at proficiency the In-
dians had made in the knowledge of the true religion by
an open confession thereof, in order to their joining to-^
gether in church fellowship ; who it seems gave such sat-
isfaction to those honoured and judicious persons, then
assembled on that account, that they encouraged them
to proceed on therein, insomuch that copies of what the
Indians had expressed that way, being exhibited to the
neighbouring churches upon their further approbation,
they judged that they might be owned as a christian sOt
ciety ; and these were looked upon as the first fruits of
the jurisdiction of New Plymouth.

Upon the publishing of these discoveries of the hope-
ful progress of the Indians in the knowledge of the gos-
pel, the parliament of England were pleased so far to take
notice thereof in the year 1649, that they passed an act
for the promoting and propagating the gospel of Jesus
Christ amongst the Indians of New England, and in re-
ference to the furtherance and advancement of so good a
work, a corporation was appointed, &c. to receive such
sums of money as from time to time was or should be
collected, and raised by the liberal contribution of such
whose hearts God had touched, and stirred up to so glo-
rious a work. It was likewise enacted, that the commis-
sioners of the United Colonies of New England, for
the time being, by themselves, or such as they shall ap-
point, shall have power and authority to receive and
dispose of the said money, &c. This act, with several
particular orders and instructions relating thereunto, was
published July 27, 1649.

Since which time it hath pleased his mejcsty, since his
restitution to the crown, and regal dignity, so far to
countenance this work by a legal settlement, which be-
fore was wanting. One principal benefit obtained there-
by, is the translating and printing the holy bible in the
Indian language, whereby the glad tidings of the gospel,

OF NEW ENGLAND. 66i

with the history of the scriptures, both of the old and
new testament, may with the greater facility be commu-
nicated unto them ; so as, in a sense, that of the prophet
Isaiah may be said to be fulfilled as to the Indians of A-
merica; "the people that walked in darkness have seen a
great light, they that dwell in the land of the shadow of
death, upon them hath the light shined." For before the
breaking out of the late troubles amongst ihem in sundry
places, there were schools, in wliich some wer<? employ-
ed to teach the Indian children to read in the said bibles;
which practice, although it hath been much interrupted
by the late wars, yet it is not wholly laid aside, so as the
hopes of further and greater success in that behalf are
again revived.

This is the substance of what at the present can be
said of the progress of the gospel amongst the Indians
in New England ; and although the devil hath here, as he
always hath done in former times, raised up persecution
against them that preach and profess the gospel, yet are
not the christian Indians discouraged thereb}% as to lay
aside their profession ; but have with the peril of their
lives many of them endeavoured to maintain and defend
it, against the enemies thereof.

CHAP. LXXVII.

,4 continuation of the History of New Plymouth^ from
the year 1633, U7itil the year 1678.

The inhabitants of New Plymouth found so great
advantage for divers years in the wisdom and gravity oif
Mr. Bradford, that they never durst attempt to make any
change in their governour, notwithstanding the like tes-
timony of respect was deservedly due to some other of
the company, (like mariners in a storm or dangerous
channel, that having experience of a skilful and able pi-
lot are loath to change the helm till that storm be over, or
the haven obtained,) till this year, 1633, when encourag-
ed by the approach of another colony in the next neigh-
bourhood, they called Mr. Edward Winslow to take that
place upon him. He had done many good offices for

t56^ GENERAL HISTORY

that colony, and adventured his life far for them, both by
sea and land ; therefore was this testimony of respect ac-
counted but his just desert.

This year, Plymouth was visited with an infectious
fever, which put an end to the lives of many of their
chiefest friends, amongst whom was Mr. Samuel Fuller,
that had been their great comfort and help in matters of
physick and chirurgery heretofore. It proved a pestilen-
tial fever amongst the Indians next adjoining, and swept
away many of them. >

In the spring of the same year, was observed great
swarms of black flies, like wasps, that were as the harbin-
gers, sounding the alarum of some solemn judgment ap-
proaching that place. The next year, they adventured to
call Mr. Thomas Prince to the place of governour, a se^
rious and prudent man.

In the year 1635, Mr. Winslo\v took another voyage
into England, where he had another opportunity to stand
up in behalf of the colonies of New England, and to an-
swer the accusations which Morton and Gardner made
at the council table against them. He put up a petition
to the lords of the said council, which put a check to
the design which some had against the country, ah
though he could not put an issue to some trouble, that
was occasioned thereby.

In the year 1636, Mr. Winslow took his turn again in
the governour's place of New Plymoutii, and managed
the affairs thereof during that year, to great satisfaction.

This year the town of Plymouth, being straightened
for room, sallied out into a new plantation near by,
which they called Duxbury, and whither the people in-
vited Mr. Partridge, a learned and judicious divine, thpt
came over into those parts the same year, to exercise the
ministry of the gospel amongst them ; who proved a not-
able champion for the truth against Samuel Gorton, who
the next year came thither, and began to leaven that ju-
risdiction with his familistical, or rather atheistical, opin-
ions; but by his seditious and tumultuous carriage, be-
fore the court, (at which he was complained of for inju-
ry done to Mr, Smith, the minister at Plymouth 'town,)

OF NEW ENGLAND, 663

gave them occasion to put him upon seeking sureties for
his good behaviour, which being not able to do, he re-
moved to Rhode Island, where he behaved himself so
insolently, that they were forced to condemn him to the
whippingpost, as was mentioned before, and then to
banishment,

III the year 1638, there was a necessary and exemplary
piece of justice done in Plymouth upon three men that
were executed for robbing a poor Indian near Provi-
dence, according to that ancient law of divine institution;
Gen. ix. 6. " He that sheddeth man's blood, by man shall
his blood be shed;" for they murdered the poor Indian
whom they robbed.

Thus went on the affairs of this small colony of New
Plymouth, not by wealth, nor by might or strength of man,
but by the special presence and blessing of Almighty
God, in some convenient measure of prosperity till the
year 1643, at which time they were furnished with many
worthy ministers in their several townships, as namely :

Mr. Charles Chauncey, Mr. Edward Bulkley,

Mr. Ralph Partridge, Mr. William Leveridge,

Mr. William Hooke, Mr. Richard Blinman,

Mr. Nicholas Streec, Mr. John Miller,

Mr. John Lotrope,* Mr. Marmaduke Matthews^
Mr. John Mayo,

These were dispersed over the whole colony in seve-
ral plantations, as at Plymouth town, Duxbury, Taun-
ton, Scituate, Barnstable, Sandwich, Eastham, Yar-
mouth, Rehoboth, all that were erected before the year
1645. But the inhabitants being but kwj and the
encouragement but small, and the difficulties wherewith
they were to conflict in the first setting up of new plan-
tations very great, they, many of them, were removed,
some back into old Enjrland, others into the nei^h-
bour colonies, and some into their eternal rest, not long
after.

But the sorest loss that hitherto befel them, was in
the year 1643 by the death of Mr. Brew^^tr, one that
did, (if any other in his age,) deserve the name of a
ruling elder, being able to rule both his own house and

* Lothrop. Ei).

664 (JENERAL HISTOEY

the church of Ged, and do much that might and did go
for labour in the word and doctrine.

Mr. Bradford and Mr. Brewster were the two main
props and pillars of their colony, yet after the removal of
them, others were raised up, who hitherto have been able
to carry on the work of their generation to the honour
of Almighty God, and the prosperity of their jurisdiction,
viz. Mr. Thomas Prince, and Maj. Josiah Winslow, who
succeeded the former in the chiefest place of govern-
ment.

In the year 1664, it pleased his majesty to send over
commissioners to take cop^nizance of the estate of the
several colonies in New England, who came to Ply-
mouth the same year and presented the governour of
that colony with a gracious letter from his majesty, the
contents of which are as foUoweth, much after the same
tenour with those which were commended to the rest of
the colonies, and therefore, that which was directed to
this colony may serve for a specimen for the rest, therein
to manifest his majesty's particular care and gracious in-
clination towards these remote plantations in America^
the whole whereof from Acady, or Nova Scotia, on the
south side of Canada, to Florida, is become subject to
his majesty's power and absolute government, with-
out the interposition of the interest of any foreign prince
or state.

His majesty's commissioners had an honourable re-
ception at Plymouth, according to the capacity of the in-
habitants, and as is said, those honourable gentlemen did
very much and very kindly resent it. The like was ten-
dered them at the Massachusetts, but they were not so
propitious to that colony, upon the account foremenlion-
ed ; in which, if there were any failu»-e upon any mis-
taken ground, it is hoped his majesty hath grace enough,
notwithstanding all he hath expei^dcd upon rhe subject
of his three kingdoms, yet left in his royal heart to oblit-
erate the remembrance thereof, and not impute ini-
quity to his servants, who were not willingly led into an
errour of that hi^h nature.

OF NEW ENGLAND, 663

To our trusty and well beloved, the governour and council of

New Plynioutb, Greeting.

Charles Rex.

Trusty and well beloved, we greet you well. We
need not enlarge upoa our care of, and affectzow to
that our plantation of New Plymouth, when we give you
such a testimony and manifestation of it in the sending
of those gentlemen, persons well known unto us, as de-
serving from us, our trvsfi/ and well beloved Col. Rich-
ard Nichols, Sir Robert Carr, knight, George Cartwright,
Esq. and Samuel Maverick, Esq. our commissioners
to visit you, and other our plantantations in those parts
of New England, and to give us a full and particular in-
formation and account of your presait state and condi-
tion, and how the same may be advanced and improved
by any further acts of grace and favour from us towards
you ; and that both you and all the world may know and
take notice^ that we take you into our immediate protec-
tion, and will no more suffer you to be oppres^e^or in-
jured, by any foreign power or ill neighbours, than we
shall suffer our other subjec?5, that live upon the same
continent with us, to be so inj ured and oppressed. And as
our care a?id protection will, (we doubt not,) be sufficient,
with God's blessing, to defend you from foreign force,
so our care and circumspection is no less, that you may
live in peace amongst yowrselves, and with those our oth-
er subjects, who have planted themselves in your neigh-
bour coloniesy with that justice, affection, and brotherly
love, which becomes subjects born under the same prince,
and in the same country, and of the same faith and hope
in the mercies of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. And
to the end, that there mav be no contention and differ-
ence between you, in respect of the bounds and jurisdic-
tion of your several colonies, the hearing a?id determin-
ing whereof we have referred to our commissioners, as
the right appears by clear evidcncQ and testimony before
them, or that they can settle it by your mutual consent
ane/ agreement; otherwise, in cases of difficulty, they
shall present the same to us, who will determine accord-
ing to our own wisdom and justice. The address you
formerly made to us, gave us so good satisfaction of your

866 CJENBRAL HISTORY

duty, loyalty, and affection to us, that we have not the
least doubt that you vviil receive these commissioners in
such manner as becomes you, and so may manifest your
respect and affection towards us, from whom they are
sent. They will let you know the resolution we have to
preserve all your liberties and privileges^ both ecclesias-
tical and civil, without the least violation, which wc pre-
sume wz7/disposc you to manifest, by all ways in your pow-
er, loyahy and affection to us, that all the world may know,
that you do look upon yourselves as being as much our
subjects, and living under the same obedience under us,
as if you continued in your natural country ; and so we
bid you farewell.

Given at our court at Whitehall, April 23, 1664, in
the sixteenth year of our reign.

By his majesty's special command.

Henry Bennett.

CHAP. Lxxvni.

The country about Hudson's river^ when first discovered
and planted ; what changes have passed over them., since
their first planting to this present time*

The most fertile and desirable tract of land in all the
southerly part of New England, is that v^ hich lieth about
the greatest river in all those parts, called Hudson's riv-
er, at the first called New Netherlands, from the people
that first possessed it.

That great river was first discovered by Capt. Hudson
in the year 1610, from whom it received its name. The
reason why it was not first seized into the possession of
the English, seems to be the many sad disasters they met
withal, in their first attempts that way in 1607, and some
years after, which discouraged those of our nation from
further prosecuting any design of that nature till the
year 1620, when some of the separations of Leyden, in
Holland, put on a fresh resolution to transplant them-
selves into some part of America. Their intent was to
have pitched upon some place about Hudson's river,
but they were therein supplanted I y some of the Dutch,
amongst whom they sojourned, which hired the master

OF NEW ENGLAN D, 667

of the ship to bend his course more northward, which to
gratify their fraudulent interlopers, Jones, their mercena«
ry pilot, performed, and forced them in at Cape Cod, hav-
ing at that time an intent to make a plantation about
Hudson's river themselves, which they soon after ac-
complished, although their pretence was only to make
use of the harbour for a supply of fresh water for their
ships, as they passed to and from the West Indies ; but
took such liking to the place, that they there settled a
plantation; for those that began 1614, were routed by
Sir Samuel Argall, soon after the other began at Cape
Cod. On which consideration, that providence is the
more remarkable, that hath of late brought it under the
English in the year 1664, having been in the hands of
the Dutch above forty years before.

At the first settling of their plantation there, they al-
ways held a friendly correspondence with the English at
New Plymouth ; thereby, as it were, proffering them a
mess of pottage instead of the birthright of the land,
which, by an under contrivance, they had before subtile-
ly deprived them of.

It was quietly possessed by the Dutch a long time, till
of late, when beginning to stand upon terms, and upon
masteries, with our royal sovereign Charles the Second,
(whose royal predecessors had not only been their great
benefactors, but their chief upholders, when casting off
the Spanish yoke, they began to set up for themselves,)
it was happily surrendered, or surprized, by the English,
under the conduct of Col. Nichols, in the behalf of his
royal highness the duke of York. Under the govern-
ment of the said Col. Nichols it continued until the year
before our last quarrel with the Dutch, when Gen. Nich-
ols, weary of his confinement there, resigned up his place
in the government of the Dutch plantation to Col. Love-
lace, who held it till the year 1673, when in his absence
from the fort, and chiefest place of strength, it was un-
happily surprised by Mons. Colve, under a Dutch com-
mission, who held it for a while, to the no stnall damage
of the English in those parts, till it was again restored to
the absolute possession of the English, upon their last
treaty of peace between the two nations.

068 GENERAL HISTORY

When the Dutch first planted that part of the coun-
try, they took posst ssion, in like manner, of the wester-
most part of Lon^ Island, where they began some pet-
ty plantations with some inhabitants of their own nation.
The remainder of the said island was possessed by the
English, that removed into those parts foi the sake of a
more convenient and commodions situation, out of the
other coloi lies of New England, having obtaired the lib-
erty so to do, by some kind of grant from the agent of
my lord Sterling, to whose share or allotment, (either by
grant from the earl of Carlisle, or in some other way,)
that part of the country fell, upon the resignation of the
grand patent betwixt the years 1630 and 1635, and also
by a voluntary consent and agreement amongst thera-
selves and of the towns upon that part of Loisg Island,
put themselves under the government of New Haven,
andsovao, under Connecticut colony ; under which juris-
dictions they remained till the coming over of Col. Nich-
ols, 1664, who assumed the whole island into his posses-
sion, as part of the patent granted his royal highness the
duke of York, to which it hath been annexed ever since.
The towns plaw^ed thereon, all, or most of them are
moulded, as to their ecclesiastical concernments, after
tlie manner of the rest of the New English plantations,
and are of their persuasion generally in matters of reli-
gion ; nor have they been abridged of their liberty there-
in, by any of the honourable gentlemen that have pre-
sided there, since it hath been reduced into the power of
the English.

The towns there seated lie in this order, being about
twelve in all.

In a bay, at the eastermost end of Long Island, is
that called Shelter Island, a very fruitful and pleasant
place, the seat of one Mr. Sylvester, a rich merchant,
that purchased it of a New Haven gentleman, and hath
there settled his family, which he brought from Barba-
dos.

The next place, on that called Long Island, is East
Hampton, at the furthest end eastward ; then South
Hampton ; next, Southhold, where the inhabitants of
late have fallen upon the killing of whales, that frequent

OF NEW ENGLAND. 669

the south side of the island in the latter part of the win-
ter, wherein they have a notable kind of dexterity ; and
the trade thatariseth therefrom hath been very beneficial
to all that end of the island ; then Seatocket, Hunting-
don, Oister, Jerusalem, Jericho, Hempsied, Flushing,
New Town, Bedford, Gravescant. Some of these are
Dutch towns, in the first planting or ordering of which
there hath not much matter of moment been reported.

After Mens. Colve had possessed himself of the Dutch
plantations at Manhaitus, he made some attempts to have
seized the towns of the English on Long Island, but the
inhabitants stood resolutely upon their guard, and so
prevented his further design upon them. As for any
further discourse of the Dutch plantations next adjoin-
ing, or the description thereof, the reader may take the
„ following relation, with little variation, in the words of
D. D. some time an inhabitant there, and published in
the year 1670.

A brief relation of New York, with the places thereunto adjoin-
ing, formerly called the New Netherlands, Sec.

That tract of land, formerly called the New Nether-
lands, doth contain all that land which Weth in the north
parts of America, betwixt New England and Maryland, iu
Virginia, the length of which northward into the country,
as it hath not been fully discovered, so it is not certainly
known ; the breadth of it is about two hundred miles.
The principal rivers within this arc Hudson's river, Af-
terkuU, Raritan river, and Delaware Bay river; the chief
islands^ the Manahatan's Island, Long Island, and Staten
Island.

And first, to begin with the Manahatan's Island, so
called by the Indians. It licth within and betwixt the de-
grees of 41 and 42 of north latitude, and is about four-
teen miles long and two wide. It is bounded with Long
Island, on the south ; with Staten Island, on the west ;
on the north, with the main land ; and with Connecticut
colony on the east side of it ; only a part of the main
lane/, belonging to New York colony, where several
towns and villages are settled, being about ihree miles in

670 GENERAL HISTORY

breadth, doth intercept the Manhatan's Island and Con-
necticut colony, before mentioned. It is rather an isth-
mus than an island, being tacked to the main by a shal-
low stream, fordablc at low water.

The town, called New York, is settled upon the west
end of the said island, having that small arm of the sea,
which divides it from Long Island, on the south side of
it, which bears away eastward to New England, and is
navigable, though dangerous. For about ten miles /row
York is a place called Hell Gate, which being a narrow
passage, there runneth a violent stream, both upon flood
and ebb, and in the middle lieth some islands of rocks,
which the current sets so T;^olently upon, that it threatens
present shipwreck ; and upon the flood is a large whirl-
pool which contmuaWy sends forth a hideous roaring,
enough to affright any stranger from passing further, but
to wait for some Charon to conduct him through; yet
to those that are well acquainted, there is no danger; yet
a place of great defence against any enemy coming in that
way, which a 5mfl// /or tifi cation would absolutely prevent,
and necessitate them to come in at the west end of the
island by Sandy Hook, where Nutten Island doth force
them within command of the fort *^ * *, which is one
of the best pieces of defence in the north part of A-
merica.

New York is built most of brick and stone, and cov-
ered with red and black tile, which being high, it gives
at a distance a pleasing aspect to the spectators, f * *
* * * * inhabit * * -* most of English
and Dutch, and have a considerable trade with the In-
dians for beavers, otter, rackoon skins, u-ith other furs ;
and also for bear, deer, and elk skins ; and are supplied
with venison and fowl in the winter, and fish in the sum-
mer, by the Indians, which they buy at an easy rate. And
having the country round about them, they are continu-
ally supplied with all such provisions as is needful for the
life of man, not only by the English and Dutch within
their ov^n, but likewise by the adjacent colonies.

The commodities vented from thence are furs and
skins before mentioned, as likewise tobacco, made with-

OP NEW ENGLAND. 67I

in the colony, as good as is usually made in Maryland ;
also, horses, beef, pork, oil, peas, wheat, and the like.

Long- Island, the west end of which lies southward of
New York, runs eastward above one hundred miles, and
is, in some places eight, in some twelve, in some four-
teen miles broad. It is inhabited from one end to the
other. On the west end are four or five Dutch towns,
the rest being all English, to the number of twelve, be-
sides villages and farm houses. The island is most of
it of a very good soil, and very natural for all sorts of
English grain, which they sow and have very good in-
crease of; besides all other fruits and herbs, common in
England, as also tobacco, hemp, flax, pumpkins, melons,
&c.

The fruits, natural to the island, arc mulberries, pos-
simons, grapes, great and small, whortleberries, cram-
berries, plums of several sorts, raspberries, and straw-
berries ; of which last is such abundance in June, that
the fields and woods are died red, in a manner, with them.

The greatest part of the island is very full of timber,
as oaks, white and red walnut trees, chesnut trees, which
yield store of mast for swine, and are often therewith
sufficiently fatted without corn ; as also maples, cedars,
saxifrage, beach, birch, holly, hazel, with many sorts
more.

The herbs, which the country naturally affords, arc
purslain, white orage, egrimony, violets, penny-royal,
cllecampane, besides saxaparilla very common, besides
many more. Yea, in May you shall see the woods and
fields so curiously bedecked with roses, and an innu-
merable multitude of other delightful flowers, not only
pleasing to the eye, but smell, that you may behold na-
ture contending with art, and striving to equal, if not
excel many gardens in England. Nay, did we know the
virtue of all those plants and herbs growing there,
(which time may more discover,) many are of opinion,
and the natives do affirm, that there is no disease com-
mon to the country, but may be cured without materi-
als from other nations.

There are several navigable rivers and bays, which

67iS GBXER VL HISTORY

put into the north side of Long Island ; but upon the
south side, which joins to the sea, it is so fortified with
bars of sands and shoals, that it is a sufficient defence
against any enemy. Yet the south side is not without
brooks and rivulets, which empty themselves into the
sea ; yea, you shall scarce travel a mile but you shall
meet with one of them, whose chrystal streams run so
swift that they purge themselves of such stinking mud
and filth, which the standing or slow paced streams of
most brooks and rivers, westward of this colony, leave ly-
ing behind them upon their banks, and are by the sun's
exhalation dissipated, the air corrupted, and many fevers
and other distempers occasioned, not incident to this col-
ony. Neither do the brooks and rivulets premised, give
way to the frost in winter, or drought in summer, but
keep their course throughout the year.

These rivers are very well furnished with fish, as bass,
sheepsheads, plaice, pearch, trouts, eels, and divers others.
There is also a black fish, of an excellent taste, not
found elsewhere in New England. * * wland is
plentifully stored with all sorts of English cattle, hors-
es, hogs, sheep, * * * * of America
better, which they can both raise and maintain, by reason
of the large spacious meadows * * * *
* * producing excellent English grass, the
seed of which was brought out of England, which they
someixmt: mow twice a year.

For wild beasts there is deer, bear, wolves, foxes,
rackoons, otter, musquashes, and skunks. Wild fowl
there is a great store of, as turkeys, heathhens, quails, par-
tridges, pigeons, cranes, geese of several sorts, brants,
ducks, widgeon, teal, and divers others. There is also
the rftd bird, with divers sorts of singing birds, whose
chirping notes salute the ears of travellers with an har-
monious discord ; and in every pond or brook, green
silken frogs, who whistling forth their shrill notes, strive to
bear a part in this musick, not much unlike the Lanca-
shire bagpipe; while in the mean time the larger sort of
them are bellowing out their sackbut diapason.

Towards the middle of Long Island lieth a plain, six-

OF NEW ENGLAND. 673

teen miles long and four broad, upon which plain grows
very fine grass, that makes exceeding good hay, and is
very good pasture for sheep or other cattle, where
you shall find neither stick nor stone to hinder thefr
heels, or endanger them in their races ; and once a year
the best horses in the island are brought hither to try
their swiftness, and the swiftest are rewarded with a sil-
ver cup, two bcm^ annually procured for that purpose.
There are two or three other small plains, of about a
mile square, which are no small benefit to those towns
that enjoy them.

Upon the south side of Long Island, in the winter,
lie store of whales and grampuses, which the inhabit-
ants begin with small boats to make a trade of catching,
to their no small benefit ; also, an innumerable multi-
tude of seals, which make an excellent oil. They lie all
winter upon some broken marshes and beaches, or bars
of sand before mentioned, and might be easily got, were
there some skilful men would undertake it.

Within two leagues of New York lieth Staten Island.
It bears from New York westf something southerly.
It is about twenty miles long and four or five broad.
It is most/?/ of very good land, full of timber, and pro-
duceth all such commodities as Long Island doth, be^
sides tin, and store of iron ore, and the calamine stone is
said likewise to be found there. There is but one town
upon it, consisting of English and French, but is capa-
ble of entertaining more inhabitants. Betwixt this and
Long Island is a very large bay, and is the comtnon *

* for all ships and vessels out of the sea. On the
north side of this island After-Kull puts into the main
land, on the west side whereof is two or three towns, but
on * * but one. There is very great marshes or
meadows on both sides of it ; excellent grow, ^ and
good convenience for the setding of several towns.
There grows black wa * as there doth in Virginia,
with mighty tall, strait timber, as good as any in the
whole of Americsi. It produceth any commodity Long
Island doth.

Hudson's river runs by New York northward into the
countrv, toward the head of which is seated New Alba*
85

^4 GEKEBAIi HISTORY

ny, a place of great trade with the Indians ; betwixt which
and New York, being above one hundred miles, is as
good corn land as the world z^ords, and able to entertain
hundreds of families, which in the time of the Dutch gov-
ernment oi those parts could not be settled for the Indians,
excepting one place called the Sopers, which is kept a
garrison ; but since the reducement of those parts, un-
der his majesty'5 rule, and a patent granted to his royal
highness the duke of York, which is about six * *
by the care and diligence of the honourable Col. Nich-
ols, sent thither deputy to his * * such a league of
peace was made, and friendship concluded betwixt that
colony, that they have not resisted or disturbed any
christians there, in the settling or peaceful possessing of
any lands there, within that government, but every man
hath sat under his vine, and hath peaceably reaped and
enjoyed the fruits of his own labours, which God * *
Westward of After-KuU, before mentioned, about
eighteen or twenty miles, runs in Raritan river west-
ward into the country, some score of miles, both sides
of which river is adorned with meadows, enough to
maintain thousands of cattle ; the woodland is likewise

* * for corn, and stored with wile beasts, as deer and
elks, and an innumerable * * * fowl, as in other
parts of the country. This river is thought very capa-
ble * * of several towns and villages on each side of it.
JVo place in the north -5^ * * * •*

*********

* * * two or three towns and villages, set-
tled upon * * * betwixt that and Dela-
ware Bay, which is about sixty miles, all which is a rich
champaign country, free from stones, and indifferent
level, store of excellent good timber, and very well wa-
tered, having brooks or rivers ordinarily one or more in
evert/ mile's travel. The country is full of deer, elks, bear,
and other creatures, as in other parts of the country,
where you shall meet with no inhabitants in your journey
but a few Indians ; * where there is stately oaks,
whose broad- branched tops serve for no other use but to
keep off the sun's heat from the wild beasts of the wil-
derness; where is erass as high as a man^s middle, that

OF NEW ENGLANH, 675

serves for no other end except to maintain the elks and
deer, who never devour an hundredth part of it, then to
be burnt every spring, to make way for new. How ma-
ny poor people in the world would think themselves
happy, had they an acre or two of land, whilst here is
[arc] hundreds, nay thousands of acres, that would in-
vite inhahhants,

Delaware Bay, the mouth of the river, lieth about the
midway betwixt New York and the capes of Virginia.
It is a very pleasant river and country, but very few in-
habitants, and them being mostly Swedes, Dutch, and
Finns. About sixty miles up the river is the principal
town, called New Castle, which is about forty miles
from Maryland, and very good way to travel, either with
horse or foot. The people are settled all along the west
side sixty 7niles above New Castle ; the land is good
for all sorts of English grain, and wanteth nothing *

* * people to populate it, it being capable of en-
tertaining many hundred families.

Some may admire that these rich and great tracts of
land, lying so adjoining to New England and Virginia,
should be no better inhabited, and that the richness of
the soil, and healthfulness of the climate, and the like,
should be no better a motive to induce * * *•
* * * to populate it * *

***********

* * that whilst it was under the Dutch gov-
ernment - * * years, there was little en-
couragement for any English, both in respect * *

* from the Indians, * * * *

* the Dutch being almost alvva3s in danger * *
gof a war, which would have been destructive to their

******* the main thing
prosecuted by the Dutch. And secondly the Dutch *

* * lands, together with their exacting of the
tenth of all which * * * * their lands
that did much hinder the populating of it ; together

* * * * dislike the English have of liv*
ing under another government * ^- ^

* there were several towns of a considerable great

076 GENERAL HISTORY

ncss began and settled by people out of New England,
and every day more and more came to view and settle.

To give some satisfaction to people that shall be de-
sirous to transport themselves thither, (the country being
capable of entertaining many thousands,) how and after
what manner people live, and how land may be procured,
&c. I shall answer, that the usual way is for a company
of people to join together, either enough to make a
town, or a less number. Theyt go with the consent of
the governour, and view a tract of land, there being choice
* * and finding a place convenient for a town,
they return to the governour, who, upon their desire, ad-
mits them into the colony, and gives them a grant or pa-
tent for the said tracts for themselves and their associates.
These persons, being thus qualified, settle that * *
and take in what inhabitants to themselves they shall see
cause to admit of, till their town is full.

These associates, thus taken in, have equal privileges
with themselves, and they make division of the land,
suitable to every man's occasions, no man being debarred
of such quantity as he hath occasion for. The rest they
let lie in common, till they have occasion for a new divi-
sion, never dividing their pasture lands at all, which lie
in common to the whole * * The best com-
modities for any to carry with them is clothing, the
country being full of all sorts of cattle, with which they
may furnish themselves at an easy rate.

-^ * a true description of the country about New
York was thought necessary to be published as -well
for the encouragement of any that may have a mind to
remove themselves thither, as for a * * * *

* vfr * * * * * * *

■>}c ''^* tI^ ^ "5^ ■'r* 7f^ Tfv ^

&C. &C. &C.

.<^