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Full text of "General history of the Christian religion and church"

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FROM THE LIBRARY OF 
REV. LOUIS FITZGERALD BENSON, D. D. 

BEQUEATHED BY HIM TO 

THE LIBRARY OF 

PRINCETON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 



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GENERAL HISTORY 



CHRISTIAN RELIGION AND CHURCH: 

FROM THE GERMAN OF 

DR. AUGUSTUS NEANDER. 

TRANSLATED ACCORDING TO THE LATEST EDITION. 

BY y 

JOSEPH TORREY, 

PKOFBSSOR OP MORAL AND INTELLECTUAL PHILOSOPHT IN THE UNIVERSITY OF VERMOKT. 



"I am come to send fire on the earth." — Words of our Lord- 

' And the fire Bhall try every man's work of what sort it is." " But other foundation can no man lay thflu 

that is laid, which is Christ Jesus." — St. Paul. 



VOLUME THIRD: 

COMPRISING THE THIRD AND FOUIiTH VOLUMES OF THE ORIGINAL. 
THIRTEENTH AMERICAN EDITION, 

REVISED, CORRECTED, AND ENLARGED 



BOSTON: 
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY. 

2Ct)e HttocrsiDc prrsfsf, CambriDge, 



BEV. THOMAS CLAYTON. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1871, by 

CROCK KR & BREWSTKR, 
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at AVashington. 



EtVERSIDE, CAMBRIDGE: 
jmrWTRn BY H. 0. HOUGHTON AND COMFAKT. 



DEDICATION OF THE THIRD VOLUME. 



TO MY HONORED FRIEND, 
THE REVEREND JOSEPH BLANCO WHITE OF DUBLIN, 

A PRESBYTER OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 

I dedicate this volume, my dear sir, to you, in token of the fellowship of 
mind and heart existing between us — a fellowship springing out of our com- 
mon consciousness of that evangelical truth which, fitted and designed to unite 
all men together in one community, begets friendship on both sides the ocean 
between those who, by the eye of the spirit, can recognize each other as kins- 
men and brethren, though they have never seen each other face to face. And 
as we are united by the consciousness of that truth which, for eighteen centu- 
ries, has been at work to found among all mankind a fellowship which will de- 
stroy all separating intervals of time and space, so are we more particularly- 
bound together by our peculiar mode of apprehending that truth, resulting 
from the history of our lives, which, differing as they do in other respects, re- 
semble each other in this, that they have run through the same opposite ex- 
tremes, agitating the times in which we live ; as well as by our common con- 
viction of what it is which constitutes the essence of the gospel, and of its rela- 
tion to the changing forms of human culture. Out of your struggle with su- 
perstition and infidelity, with dogmatism and skepticism, you have reached 
and found repose in the settled conviction that, as in your last work you finely 
express it, the essence of Christianity consists not so much in the revelation of 
a new speculative theory or system of morality, as in the bestowment of a new 
divine life fitted to penetrate, and refine from its inmost centre, man's entire 
nature with all its powers and capacities, and also to give a new direction to 
all human thought and action. This divine principle of life is one which ever 
retains the freshness and vigor of youth ; while dogmatic systems dependent on 
the changing forms of culture among men become superannuated. Humanity, 
as it advances in years, by this principle of the new life continually grows 
young again. From this divine life comes the consciousness which conquers 
doubt, which dissipates crxavduXi* and nQoawfxiJutia, which overcomes all diffi- 
culties ; while human science ever continues to be a patch-work, as it cannot 
deny without contradicting itself. To exhibit the progressive evolution and 
purification of this divine life within the whole compass of humanity, on the 
sides of thought and of action, is precisely the task which the present work, 
feebly and imperfectly as it may be done, aims to accomplish ; and because 
you perceived this to be its aim and tendency, you have expressed your agree- 
ment with it. May the Spirit of God ever keep us thus united, that so with 
the greater energy we may till the last breath of life bear witness of this divine 
life which Jesus of Nazareth, the Son of God, and Saviour of sinful mankind, 
has bestowed ; that we may promote, cherish and refine it, both in ourselves 
(ind in others ; that we may contend with it and for it, against skepticism and 
dogmatism, against the pride and presumption of a false philosophy, and the 
(irrogant idolatry of mere notions of the human understanding. 

A. NEANDER. 

Beblin, Oct. 4th, 1S34. 



DEDICATION OF THE FOURTH VOLUME. 



TO MY BELOVED FRIEND AND COLLEAGUE, 

DR. TWESTEN. 

"When I dedicated to you a volume of this work some years ago, my inward 
motive was the consciousness of our spiritual fellowship as Christians and theo- 
logians ; while at the same time the outward occasion was presented In the 
pleasure I had of greeting you here again, and of being able to compare our 
views with regard to many points, on the spot where our ancient friendship 
first commenced. And then again, when one of my dearest wishes seemed 
likely, though by a painful occasion, to be fulfilled, and I was promising myself 
the satisfaction of being permitted to labor with you for the kingdom of God in 
a closer collegial union, I felt desirous of dedicating to you the third volume 
of my church history by way of saluting you as my colleague. I omitted to do 
so, because I was unwilling to anticipate a decision of which I had not as yet 
been certainly assured. Since then, you have followed the call of the Lord 
which invited you to join us ; and since then, I have experienced and enjoyed, 
amid the jars and divisions of an all-separating, all-isolating period, the rich and 
manifold blessing of our collegial connection. First of all, then, I would thank 
God for this. I would thank Him, that he led you to us ; for in such a time 
of the breaking up of old foundations, in such a period of ferment, we do Indeed 
especially need theologians who can with calmness and composure, with firm- 
ness and freedom, pursue right onward through the oppositions which agitate 
the times, that true middle course, which is not to be found by falling in with 
every tendency of the good and the evil spirit of the age, but which the pure 
and simple truth of the gospel presents of itself, as the only way ultra quod ci- 
traque nequit consistere rectum ; — men who seek after nothing but the simple 
truth, and who would let this have its sway ; who have received from above 
that disposition which will not allow them to comply with the wishes of those 
for whom this simple truth is not good enough, nor to humor that sickly ten- 
dency of a false culture and excitement which can be satisfied only with the 
piquant and the striking. May God, therefore, who has bestowed this blessing 
on you, preserve your health and strength to work among us yet many years 
by your science and your life, in this spirit, for his kingdom ; and may he give 
you to enjoy an ever Increasing pleasure and delight in this work. May he 
bless also our union, and cause us to be a mutual help, as it becomes Christian 
friends to be, to each other, by strengthening each other's hands, encouraging 
each other's hearts and correcting each other's errors. May he enable us to 
labor together for one common end, even that — to use the language of the 
great Erasmus — ut Christus ille purus attjue simplex inseratur mentibus ho- 
minum, an end to which science Itself must also be subservient. 

Yours, with my whole heart, 

NEANDEB. 
Berlin, June 10th, 1836. 



PREFACE TO THE THIRD VOLUME. 



In presenting to the public this third volume of my Church History, I beg 
leave to remark that it would have given me great pleasure if I had found it 
possible to conclude in this volume my account of the image-controversy ; but 
in considering the immense mass of the materials, I have thought best to re- 
serve the second part of this controversy for the next succeeding period, where 
it chronologically belongs. The thread of events which in this period served 
to prepare the way for the schism betwixt the Greek and the Latin church, I 
shall take up again in the genetic exposition of this controversy in the follow- 
ing period. 

Through the obliging assistance of my friend Dr. Petermann, whose praise- 
worthy efforts have opened the way for establishing among us a chair of Ar- 
menian literature, I have been enabled here and there to avail myself of Ar- 
menian sources of information hitherto unexplored. 

May the indefatigable labors of this estimable man, in a field which promises 
eo rich a harvest, meet with the acknowledgment and the patronage thej so 
eminently deserve. 

A. N. 

Berlin, Oct. 4th, 1834. 



PREFACE TO THE FOURTH VOLUME. 

God be thanked that he has enabled me to complete this new and important 
section of the present work, and to approach the flourishing period of the mid- 
dle ages. 

I cannot forbear expressing my hearty acknowledgments to Councillor 
Reuss of Gottingen, and to Mr. Kopitar, keeper of the Imperial library in 
Vienna for the kind assistance they have rendered me on several points of 
literary inquiry. Mr. Kopitar has shown the distinguished kindness of send- 
ing me from his private library the Greek work mentioned on the 314th page 
of this volume, with the request that after having made such use of it as I 
needed for myself, I should place it in the royal library of this city for the use 
of other inquirers. 

I must also express my obligations to Dr. Petermann for the extracts with 
which he has furnished me from books published only in the Armenian lan- 
guage. 

NEANDER. 

Berlin, June 10th, 1836. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



VOLUME THIRD. 

THIKD PERIOD OF THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCR 

fROM PHE ROMAN BISHOP GREGORT THE GREAT TO THE DEATH Off THE EMPEEOB 
CHARLEMAGNE ; OR FROM A. D. 690 TO A. D. 814. 



INTRODUCTORY REMARKS, p. 1—3. 



FASI. 



POVER AND INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY IN THIS PERIOD A3 
COMPARED WITH THE FORMER PERIODS. CORRUPTING ELE- 
MENTS OF CHURCH-TRADITION. REACTION AGAINST THEM. 
SOURCE OF THESE CORRUPTING ELEMENTS. EXTENT TO 
WHICH THE OLD TESTAMENT NOTIONS OF CHRISTIANITY 
TENDED TO PROMOTE ITS PROGRESS 1—S 



SECTION FIRST. 

EELATION OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH TO THE ■WORLD. ITS 
EXTENSION AND LIMITATION, 4 90, 

1. In Europe, 4 — 84. 

Means for the diffusion of Christianity 4— B 

Burgundians, their Arianism. Activity of the Arians (Note). Avi- 
tus of Vienne. Gundobad. Disputation (499). Burgundians 
embrace the Nicene creed in the time of Siegesmund (517) . . . 4— <5 

Franks. Conversion of Clovis (496), how prepared. Its influence. 
Ampulla Remensis. Foreign admixtures in the Frank church. 
Childebert's law against idolatry (554). Regeneration of the Frank 
church by means of Britain and Ireland 6 — 10 

Ireland, abounds in monasteries, insula sanctorum, study of the Bible, 
mission-schools. Abbot Comgal founds Bangor. Ninyas among 
the southern, Columba among the northern Picts (565). Monastery 
on the island of Hy or St. lona, St. Columba 10 

British church. Corruptions in it (Gildas). Britons call in the An- 
glo-Saxons. Anglo-Saxon Heptarchy. Gregory the Great. Ethel- 
bert king of Kent, his Christian wife Bertha. Abbot Augustin sent 
by Gregory to the Anglo-Saxons (596). His reception by Ethel- 
bert. Settles down in Canterbury. Apparent miracles. Ethel- 
bert's baptism and conduct after it. Gregory's principles touching 
conversion (note). Augustin ordained bishop by Etherich of Aries. 
Lawrence and Peter sent to Rome. Gregory's prudent advice to 
Augustin. He sends abbot Mellltus with monks to England. Au- 
gustin made archbishop Diversity of ecclesiastical usages in Gftul 



Viu TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

and in the Romish church. Gregory's view of it. Gregory on idol- 
temples and festivals ; determines to make London and York seats 
of arch-bishoprics. Sabereth of East-Saxony. Mellitus archbishop 
of London. Gregory's vie* of his power in the Western church. 
Augustin's attempt to extend his primacy over the ancient British 
church. Abbot Deynoch of Bangor. Conference between Augus- 
tin and British bisliops. Natural hatred of Britons and Anglo- 
Saxons. Augustin's death (605), his successor Lawrence. Ethel- 
bert's death (616). His son Eadbald, an idolat-r. Suppression of 
Christianity in Essex. Bishop Mellitus driven away. Vision of 

Lawrence. Eadbald converted and baptized 10 — IS 

Northumberland. Edwin and Ethelberga. Paulinus bishop of York. 
Assembly of nobles, convened to deliberate on the affairs of religion, 
decides in favor of Christianity. Edwin dies (633). Oswald, re- 
storer of the kingdom and the church. Aidan of St. lona. Os- 
wald's death (642) ; respect paid to his memory. Spread of Chris- 
tianity through all the provinces of the Heptarchy. Sussex. Wil- 
frid of York 19—28 

Difference in the ecclesiastical institutions of the Britannico-Scottish 
and of the Romish church. Bede on the Scottish missionaries. Con- 
trariety of usage in the celebration of Easter under bishop Aidan. 
Triumph of the constitution of the Romish church. Synodus Pha- 
rensis (664). The Scottish bishop Colemann and the presbyter 
. Wilfrid. Theodore of Canterbury and the abbot Hadrian. Coun- 

. oil at Hertford (673) 23—25 

Germany. Seeds of Christianity scattered there at an earlier period. 
Severinus. His descent (note) and places of residence. His activ- 
ity and influence. Labors of pious Eremites. Goar. Wulflach. 
Great activity of the Irish missionaries. Monkish colonies. Abbot 
Columban's labors in the Frank empire. Anegrey, Luxeuil, Fon- 
taine. Columban's rule. His trials. His opinion touching the di- 
versities of ecclesiastical usages. Banished by Brunehault and 
Thierri H. from the Burgundian dominions. His wanderings. 
Willlmar. Gallus. Columban in Italy, his conduct towards the 
Romish church. Labors and death of Gallus (640). Magnoald. 

Fridohn. Thrudpert. Kyllena (Cilian) 25—88 

Bavaria. Eustasius and Agil. False doctrines of Photinus and Bo- 
nosus among the Waraskians, Bavarians and Burgundians. Emme- 

ran. Rudbert (Rupert). Corbinian 38 — 40 

Frieslanders, their territory. Amandus (ex. 679). Eligius (ex. 659). 
■ Livin (ex. 656). Englishmen receive their education in Irish mo- 
nasteries. Egbert. Wigbert. Willibrord. The brothers Heu- 
wald. Svidbert among the Boruchtuarians. Pipin of Heristal. 
Willibrord, archbishop of Wilteburg (Utrecht). Wulfram of Sens. 
Radbod (ex. 719). Willibrord in D-enmark and Helgoland (ex. 
739). Wursing Ado. Charles Martel. Circumstances favorable 

to the missionaries in Germany 40 — 46 

Boniface (Winfrid 680 — 755), father of the German church and civi- 
lization. His birth and education. First journey to Friesland (715), 
Utrecht and Rome (718). Gregory II. His residence in Thurin- 
gia and Utrecht (719) His second journey to Thuringia and Hes- 
sia (722). Boniface in Rome (723). His confession of faith. Or- 
dination and oath. Important consequences of this oath to the Ger- 
man church. Boniface as compared with the missionaries from Ire- 



TABLE OP CONTENTS. IS 

land. Boniface in Hessia and Thuringia. His mode of laboring 
and its surcess. The oak of Geismar. Boniface makes provision 
for the religious instruction of the people. Advice of Daniel of Wor- 
cester on this subject. Boniface's sermons and biblical studies. At- 
tention bestowed by him on spiritual culture. Opponents of Boni- 
face. Boniface in Rome (739) and Bavaria. Bishoprics in that 
country. Death of Charles Martel (741). Charlemagne and Pipin. 
New bishoprics (742). Institution of provincial synods. Errorists. 
Adelbert Desiderius, mentioned by Gregory of Tours (note). Boni- 
face's report about him. Respect paid to Adelbert ; his followers. 
Adelbert's arrest. Clement opposed to the authority of the church- 
fathers and councils — in favor of the marriage of bishops and op- 
posed to the customary hindrances to marriage. Boniface on hin- 
drances to marriage arising from the relations of god-parents and 
god-children. Clement's view of the descensus and of the doctrine 
of predestination. Just conduct of pope Zacharias towards Adel- 
bert and Clement (747). Ultimate fortunes of these men. Con- 
troversy of Boniface with Yirgilius, with Samon. Frankness of 
Boniface towards pope Zacharias with regard to abuses existing in 
the Romish church. Efforts of Boniface to establish a fixed eccle- 
siastical organization. Boniface nominated archbishop (732), wish- 
es to have Cologne for his metropolis. Gerold and Gewillieb of 
Mentz. Mentz made an archbishopric. Wish of Boniface to con- 
fer the archiepiscopal dignity on his disciple Lull. Decision of the 
pope. Pipin anointed king by Boniface (752). Solicitude shown 
by Boniface for the English church. Synod for reform at Clove- 
shove (747). Lull consecrated bishop. Letter of Boniface to Ful- 
rad. His controversy with Hildegar bishop of Cologne. Boniface 
in Friesland (755). His martyrdom (5th June 755) 45 — 72 

Disciples of Boniface. Gregory in Friesland. Abbot of a monastery 
in Utrecht. His death (781). Abbot Sturm, founder of the mo- 
nastery of Hersfeld (736) and Fulda (744). His residence in 
Italy; his labors and death (7 79) 72—76 

Saxony. Resistance to Christianity there, increased by the ill-chosen 
means for converting the people. Prudent counsels of abbot AI- 
cuin. Peace of Selz (804). Forced conversion of individuals. Se- 
vere laws. Liudger, labors in Friesland, on Helgoland, in the te'' 
ritory around Mimster, is made bishop (ex. 809). Willehad anion? 
the Fricslanders and Saxons — in the province of Wigmodia (Bre- 
men) — in Rome ; Afternach. Willehad, first bishop of Bremen 
(787 e.x. 789) 75—82 

Avares (Huns). Their prince Tudun baptized. Archbishop Arno 
of Salzburg. Alcuin's advice to the emperor Charles and to Ai-no. 
Success of the mission. Hamburg 82 — 84 

II. In Asia and Africa, 84 — 90. 

Limitation of the Christian church. By Chosru-Parviz of Persia. 

His subjugation by Heraclius 84 

Mohammedanism. First appearance of Mohammed. Condition of the 
Arabians. Mohammed's religious tone of mind. Character of his 
reli"ion. One-sided view of the idea of God. Fanaticism. Ab- 
sence of the ethical element. God worshipped by external works. 
Original state of man. Gnostic elements. Absence of the need of 
a redemption. Mohammed's original design. His opposition to idol- 



X. TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

atry. At a later period opposed to the Jews and tlie Christians. 
He wished to be regarded as the restorer of pure Theism, and to 
contend against the corruptions of earlier revelations. Opposition 
of the princijiles of Mohammed to the essence of Christianity. Re- 
lation of Mohammedanism to Judaism. Defence of Christianity 
by the church -teachers, particularly in relation to the doctrines 
of free-will and of the deity of Christ. Causes which promoted 
Mohammedanism. Monophysitism of tlie Copts. Melchites ('note). 
Oppressions suffered by the Christians from the Mohammedans . 84 — 89 
Nestorians. Timotheus, their patriarch in Syria from 7 78 to 820. 
Missionaries to India and to China. Cardag and Jabdallaha. In- 
scription relating to the labors of the Nestorian priest Olopuen in 
China. Christian kingdom in Nubia standing under the Coptic 
patriarchs 89—90 



SECTION SECOND. 

HISTORY OF THE CHURCH CONSTITUTION, 91 122. 

1. Relation of the Church to the State, 91 — 105. 

Appointment to church offices. Interest of the church to secure 
herself against the influence of the secular power. Resistance of 
the French monai-chs. King Chilperic's doctrine of the Trinity 
(note). Belief in a visible Theocracy. Influence of the French 
monarchs in the nomination of bishops. Disregard of the eccle- 
siastical laws touching the interstitia. Bishoprics made presents 
of, and sold. Laws against interference Avith ecclesiastical elec- 
tions. Deposition of Emeritus, bishop of Xaintes, and its conse- 
quences. Pains taken by Gregory the Great to remove abuses 
in the bestowment of benefices. Fifth synod at Paris (G15) de- 
crees free ecclesiastical elections. Confirmed by Clotaire II. 
Boniface. Restoration of free ecclesiastical elections by Charle- 
magne. Influence of the English and Spanish monarchs on the 
bestowment of benefices 91 — 96 

Ecclesiastical legislation. Assembling of the synods with the concur- 
rence of the monarchs. Synods gradually fall out of use. Com- 
plaints of Gregory the Great and of Boniface on this subject. 
Diets pass ecclesiastical as well as civil laws. Influence of the 
bishops on civil legislation. In Spain, synods uphold the royal 
prerogative and exercise great influence over the State. Charle- 
magne's determinations with regard to general assemblies . . . 95—97 

Exemption of the church from State burdens. Service in war. 
Quarrel of the emperor ISIaurltlus with Gregory the Great. 
Bondmen admitted as ecclesiastics; reason of this. Ordinances 
against the abuse of this. Influence of Christianity in abolishing 
slavery. Judgments of the church-fathers concerning this Insti- 
tution. Abbot Isidore of Pelusium. Johannes Eleemosynarius 
patriarch of Alexandria. Plato. Theodorus Studita. Gregory 
the Great. The church protects slaves. Redemption and manu- 
mission of slayes regarded as a good work 97 — 101 

Possessions of the Church Tithes (note). Superstition contributes 
to their increase. Insecurity of her landed possessions. Church- 
bailifi's. Advocati. Vicedomiul (note). Taxes on church \\to- 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. XI 

perty. Army-ban (Heerbann). Participation of bishops and ab- 
bots in war. Ordinances of Charlemagne on this subject ... 10 —10? 
Administradon ofjuxtice. Influence of the church on it. Judg- 
ments of the church respecting suicide (note). Ak-uin opposed 
to the punishment of death. Intercessions of the clergy for trans- 
gressors. Eparcliius (note). Asylums of the churches. Little le- 
gard paid to them. Chramnus (note). Ordinances relating to 
the treatment of jiersons condemned to death in asylums. Rela- 
ting to the care of prisoner:^. Ordinances relating to the influ- 
ence of the church in S]);iin. Benefits and evils resultincr from 
the great influence of the bishops. Complaints of Alcuin with 
regard to the clergy (note) 102 — 105 

II. Internal Organization of the Church, 106 — 122. 

Increasing consideration of the monks. Tonsure among the clergy 
(note). Formation of societies of ecclesiactics after the pattern 
of monkish fraternities. Chrodegang of Metz, founder of the ca- 
nonical life of the clergy. Horae canonicae. Capitula. Con- 
firmation of the Rule of Chrodegang at Aix (81G). Advanta- 
geous influence of this institution. Church-visitations. Sends in 
the Frank church. Abuses hurtful to the diocesan connection. 
Ordinationes absolutae. Court-clergy. Castle-priests. Ordi- 
nances for the maintenance of parochial worship. Rights of pa- 
tronage, founded by Justinian. Augmentation and abuse. Laws 
against them. Capitula ruralia among Archi-presbyters. Great 
authority of arch-deacons. Metropolitan constitution. Disinclina- 
tion of the Frank bishops to it 106 — 111- 

^apacy. Important bearing of its completion on the church theo- 
cratical system. Gregory I. the Great. His manifold activity. 
His conduct towards monarchs (note). His zeal for the honor 
of the Romish church, and habit of declining all honors shown to 
himself personally. His conduct towards Natalis, bishop of Salo- 
na. His recognition of the ecpial rank of all bishops — refuses to 
be called Papa universalis. His quarrel with the patriarch Jo- 
hannes j'?j(jr£rT»;s 01 Constantinople. Relation of the popes to the 
East-Roman emperors ; to the Longobards. Transition of Theo- 
delinda queen of the Longobards to the catholic church (587). 
Relation of the popes to the Spanish church. Reckared king of 
the Visigoths comes over to the catholic church (589). Leander 
of Seville. Gregory the Great e.xenises his supreme judicial au- 
thority in Spain. King Witiza forbids appeals to Rome (701). 
Dependence of the English on the Romish church. Pilgrimages. 
Relation of the Romish to the Frank church. Example oi" an ac- 
'knowledged decision of pope John III. (note). Gregory the 
Great. Boniface. Pallium (note). Influence of the papal ap- 
probation on the anointing of Pipin. Aid furnished to pope Ste- 
phen II. by Pipin against the Longobards. Pipin adds the terri- 
tory taken from the Longobards (755), to the patrimonium Petri. 
Charlemagne founds the Frank kingdom in Italy. His coronation 
as emperor by pope Leo HI. (800). De-^larations of the popes 
concerning their power ; Hadrian I (note). Stephen II. de- 
mands the right of confirmation in the case of princely and royal 
marriages. Alcuin's view of the spiritual power of the papacy. 
Attempts made fo create a feud between the emperor Charles 



xii TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



and the popes. His disposition towards them. Landed property 
of the church. Forged deeds of gift by Constantine the Great. 
Missi. Synods at Rome touching the case of pope Leo III. ; the 
bishops decline to pnss judgment on the pope Ill — 122 



SECTION THIRD. 

CHRISTIAN LIFE AND CHRISTIAN WORSHIP, 123 — 140. 

Christianity acquires true influence only by degrees. Footholds for 
superstition. Deficiency of continued and progressive religious 
instruction. Synod of Cloveshove on this subject. Determina- 
tions touching preaching in the Rule of Chrodegang. Charle- 
magne ; Alcuin, on this subject. Alcuin on the study of the 
■Scriptures. Decrees of councils on the subject of preaching. 
Theodulf of Orleans active in promoting the cause of religious 
instruction. Great want of able clergymen. Homiliaria. The 
Homiliarum compiled by Paul the deacon with a preface of Char- 
lemagne. The Latin, the liturgical language 123 — 129 

Superstition. Seeking oracles in the sacred Scriptures. Sortes 
sanctorum. Ordinances against these practices. Judgments of 
God. Introduction of them into the Burgundian code by Gundo- 
bad. Avitus of Vienne opposed to them. Charlemagne approves 
them. Justification sought from external works. Charlemagne 
opposed to this ; Theodulf of Orleans. Worship of saints. Deter- 
mination of this in the church system of faith. Pagan element in 
it. Gregory of Tours concerning Martin of Tours. Frauds prac- 
tised with relics. Unworthy persons exalted to the rank of saints 129 — 133 

Festivals. Presentation of Christ in the Greek church. Purificatio Ma- 
riae in the Western church. Assumptio Marlae. Festival of Christ's 
circumcision. Festival of St. Michael. Dies natalis apostolorum Pe- 
tri et Pauli. Nativity of John the Baptist. Natales of Sts. Andrew, 
Remigius and Martin. Festival of All Saints. Alcuin on this subject 133 — 135 

Lord's Supper. Idea of sacrifice in it. Gregory the Great. Magi- 
cal effects of the eucharist. Ignis purgatorius. Masses for the 
dead. Missae privatae. Voices against these 135 — 136 

Church-discipline. Private exercises of penance. Absolution given 
without permission to commune. Libelli poenitentiales. Direc- 
tions for the administration of church penance. Pecuniary mulcts. 
Compositiones. Origin of indulgence. Mischiefs growing out of it. 
Synodal declarations touching the giving of alms and other exter- 
nal works, touching the divine forgiveness of sins and priestly 
absolution. Theodulf of Orleans, Halitgar of Cambray on these 
points. More rigid forms of penance 136 — 141 



SECTION FOURTH. 

HISTORY OF CHRISTIANITY APPREHENDED AND DEVELOPED AS 
A SYSTEM OF DOCTRINES, 141 — 270. 

1. In the Latin Church, 141 — 169. 

Gregory the Great. Circumstances of his life. Improves the psalm- 
ody and liturgy of the church ; a zealous preacher ; his Regula 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. XIH 

pastoralis. Influence of Augustin on him. Ills doctrine of pre- 
destination. Practical application of it. Uncertainty respecting 
salvation. Injurious consequences of this doctrine. Opposition 
of the purely Christian and sensuous catholic elements. His 
views of miracles ; of prayer. His mode of treating ethics. His 
Moralia. His views of love ; the cardinal virtues. Opposed to 
mere opus operatum. His views of the new creation. Of mock- 
humility and truthfulness. His views of the relation of ratio to 
fides. Of the study of profane literature. The commentary on 
the two books of Kings ascribed to him on this point (note) . . 141 — 150 
Decline of ancient culture. Libraries. Cassiodore (note) . . . 151 

Jsidjre of Hispalis. His writings. His models. His influence . 151 — 152 
Theological culture in Ireland. Archbishop Theodore of Canter- 
bury. Abbot Hadrian (Adrian). Their laudable efforts in found- 
ing schools. The venerable Bede (A. D. 673—735). Egbert, 
archbishop of York. Albert, master of the school at York. Al- 
cuin (A. D. 735 — 804). Events of his life. Charlemagne's zeal 
for the advancement of the sciences. Alcuin master of the Scola 
Palatina. His intimate relations with Charlemagne — he improves 
the Latin version of the Bible — becomes teacher to the abbey of 

St. Martin of Tours— his end 152—156 

Dogmatical oppositions of this age. In the CaroHngian period the 
appli'-ation of traditional dogmas prevailed over new investigations 
concerning the doctrines of faith. Renewal of the opposition be- 
tween the Antiochian and the Alexandrian schools in Spain. 
Elipandus, archbishop of Toledo. His personal character. His 
controversies with the errorist Migetius (note). Felix of Urgel- 
lis, probably the author of Adoplianism. Resemblance of the 
mode of development of his dogmatical views with that of Theo- 
dore of Mopsuestia. 'WTiether Felix was instigated by the wri- 
tings of Theodore ? Possibility of the spread of these writings in 
Spain. Felix defends Christianity against Mohammedanism. 
Combats the confounding together of the predicates of the two 
natures In Christ. In what sense Christ Is called Son of God and 
God. The antithesis between natura, genere and voluntate, bene- 
placlto. Antithesis between a fillus genere et natura, and a Alius 
adoptione. Idea of adoption. His appeal to Scripture. Hypo- 
thesis of the avjtjjE&ldTaaig lutv bvopaimv (note). Comparison 
of the union between God and Christ with the adoption of men 
by grace. Felix opposed to the designation of Mary as the mother 
of God. Connection of baptism with the spiritalis generatio per 
adoptlonem. Progressive steps of the revelation of God in the 

humanity of Christ. Agnoetism 156— 1S8 

Opponents of Adoptianism. Etherius o^ Othma. Beatus. Violence 
of the dispute. Conduct of Elipandus. Spread of the Contro- 
versy to France. Character of Felix of Urgellls. Condemna- 
tion of Adoptianism at Regensburg (A. D. 792). Felix in Rome. 
His recantation. Felix In Spain. Letter to the Spanish bishops. 
Council at Frankfort (A. D. 794). Alcuin. Felix defends 
Adoptianism against Alcuin. His more liberal views concerning 
the church. Letter of Elipandus to Alcuin. Elipandus on the 
Romish church (note). Pope Adrian on the apostol. Decret. 
Act. 15 (note). Proposal of Alcuin for the refutation of Felix. 
Abbot Benedict of Aniana, archbishop Leldrad of Lyons and 



nv 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



bishop Nefrid of Narbonne are sent to south-France for the pur- 
pose of suppressing Adoptianism. Their meeting with Felix of 
*Uro-ellis. Felix before the synod at Aix (A. D. 799) declares 
himself convinced— is committed to the oversight of Leidrad of 
Lyons. Felix (ex. 816) retains his opinions. His avowal respect- 
ing Agnoetism 163—168 

II. In the Greek Church, 169—243. 

State of learning. Free mental development placed under check. 
Colleotions of the scriptural expositions of the older church- 
teachers catenae, afiqal. Predominant dialectical tendency. 
John of Damascus. A dialectico-mystical tendency fostered by 
Monachism. Spurious writings of Dionysius the Areopagite — first 
used (A. D. 533) bv the Severianians. Presbyter Theodore de- 
fends their genuineness. Influence of these writings. Distinction 

of a ^foAo/tM x«?(X(f)rtT(>{»i and «7io9«ri)«») 169 — 171 

Maximus, representative of the dialectico-contemplative tendency. 
Character of his writings. On servitude. End of creation. End 
of Redemption. Continuous incarnation of the Logos in the faith- 
ful. Natural ability and grace. This belonging together of the 
divine and human in the faithful, compared with the two natures 
in Christ. Proo^ressive evolution of divine revelations. Faith. 
Faith compared with the kingdom of God. Love. Union of the 
theoretical and the practical. Prayer. Everlasting life and 

earthly existence. Restoration 171 — 17? 

Monotheletic controversies. Internal and external causes of them. 
Emperor Heraclius proposes a formulary of union. Cyrus, bishop 
of Phasis, after 630, patriarch of Alexandria, hesitates about adopt- 
ino- the formulary of union. Judgment of Sergius patriarch of 
Constantinople respecting it. Covenant of Cyrus with the Egyp- 
tian Monophysites. Sophronius, opposes the covenant. Sergius 
endeavors to suppress the dispute. His inclination to Monothe- 
letisra. Sophronius, after 634, patriarch of Jerusalem. Honorius 
of Rome declares in favor of Monotheletism, without wishing for 
ecclesiastical determinations ; his judgment respecting the contro 
versy. Circular letter of Sophronius, expressing Dyotheletism 
Edict of Heraclius : aa&iaig t»;? niuTiwq (A. D. 638) favoring Mo- 
notheletism — confirmed by a ctuvo^o? ivdrifiovaa at Constantinople. 
Maximus, head of the Dyotheletian party. Theodore, bishop of 
Pharan, head of the Monotheletian party. Dogmatical interest of 
the latter. Positions maintained by Maximus against him. Ap- 
proximation of Monotheletism to Docetism (note). The Mono- 
theletians hold to an absorption of the human will in the divine. 
Maximus against this. Difference of interpretation of the older 

church-teachers 175—184 

Dyotheletism, predominant in Rome and Africa. Maximus active as 
a writer. Gregorius, governor in Africa. Pyrrhus, patriarch of 
Constantinople resigns his office (A. D. 642)— disputes with Maxi- 
mus — passes over for a time to the Dyotheletians. Edict of the 
emperor Constans : xv7io<; ii]<; niujsmt; (648). Faulus, patriarch of 
Constantinople. Contents of the TtTro?. Issue of it .... 184 — 185 
Martin I, pope, zealous Dyotheletist. Assembles (A. D. 648) the 
general Lateran council. This condemns Monotheletism and the 
edict. Olymplus, Exarch of Ravenna. Calliopas his successor 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. XV 

(A. D. 653). Martin considered a state-criminal. Defends him- 
self. Political charges laid against him. Conduct of Calliopas. 
Martin deposed, taken prisoner — sullers with submission — is tried 
at Constantinople— banished to Chersonesus — dies, forsaken by 
his friends 185 — >19l 

ilaximus taken prisoner with Anastasius. Politii'al charges. At 
first treated with lenity. Attempts to induce Maximus to yield. 
New formulary of union. F^ugenius, bishop of Rome. Banish- 
ment of Maximus. His death occasioned by cruel treatment . . 191 — 192 

Opposition of the Romish and Greek churches. Eugenius and Vita- 
lian of Rome. Breaking out of the opposition from the time of 
Adeodatus of Rome (A. D. 677). Theodore, patriarch of Con- 
stantinople ; Macarius, patriarch of Antioch. Emperor Constan- 
tine Pogonatus. His letter to Domnus of Rome (6 78) . . . 192 — 19S 

Sixth general council^ the third at Constantinople, the first Trullan. 
Va<TUcness of the language of the older church-teachers on the 
disputed points. Two letters of bishop Agatho of Rome to the 
council, expressing Dyotheletism. Georgius, patriarch of Con- 
stantinople declares himself convinced by them. Macarius ad- 
heres to Monotheletlsm. Polychronius. Establishment of Dyo- 
theletism in a creed. The Monotheletian patriarchs of Constan- 
tinople and Honorius of Rome anathematized 193 — 19b 

Second Trullan council (cone, quiui-sextum) under Justinian II. . 196 

Brief rule of Monotheletlsm by means of the emperor Philippicus. 
John, patriarch of Constantinople. Synod at Constantinople 
draw up a symbol for Monotheletlsm. Insurrection in Italy . 196 

Victory of Dyotheletism by means of the emperor Anastasius 11. 
Change of opinion by the patriarch John. His letter to Constan- 
tine of Rome. John of Damascus propagates the dispute against 
Monotheletlsm 196 — 197 

Monotheletlsm of the Maronites 197 

Controversies respecting image-worship. General participation in 
them. Theodorus Studita on the difference between these and 
earlier disputes. History of the mode of thinking and acting in 
relation to this matter. Gregory the Great on image-worship. 
His affair with Serenus of Marseilles. Zeal for image-worship 
among the later popes. Superstitious worship of images in the 
Greek church. '^^fi^oioZ/jiM. Reaction against this — proceed- 
ing especially from the secular power. Mischiefs of this . . . 197 — 201 

Emperor Leo the Isaurian. Forcible measures against Jews and 
Montanists. Result of these. Individual bishops by means of 
study led to oppose image-worship. Constantine of Nacolia. 
Motives and proceedings of Leo. Germanus, patriarch of Con- 
stantinople, friend of image-worship. Ordinance of Leo (A. D. 
726) against signs of a superstitious worship of images. Inter- 
view between Leo and Germanus. Reasons of Germanus in fa- 
vor of image-worship. Individual bishops act against images. 
Disturbances among the people. Constantine of Nacolia treats 
■with Germanus at Constantinople. Thomas of Claudioi)olis ope- 
rates against image-worship. Letter of Germanus to him. Ex- 
citement produced by this attack on image-worship. John of Da- 
mascus. His education (note) — combats the tales of dragons and 
fairies (note) — writes a discourse in defence of image-worship. 
Inburrection in the Cyclades island under Stephen. Prohibition 



KVl TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

of all religious images (730). Germanus resigns his office. Anas- 
tasius his successor. The recusant bishops deposed. Second 
and third discourses of John in defence of images. Dissolution 
of church-fellowship between the two parties. Letter of Gregory 
n. to the emperor. Difficulty of carrying the edict into full ef- 
fect. Abolition of the most important images. Disturbances at- 
tending it. The image XgiaTog 6 avntpuvi'jTtjg (note) — ngoaxwrj- 

<Tig to the cross 202 — 214 

Emperor Constantine Copronymus (A. D. 741). Insurrection of 
Artabaxdux, restoration of image-worship. Constantine becomes 
(A. D. 744) once more master of the empire. General council 
(A. D. 754) at Constantinople. Theodoaius of Ephesus. Aboli- 
tion of images of Christ, the virgin Mary and the saints. Causes 
of this. Decrees against images of every sort, against the art of 
painting, against arbitrary use of church utensils. Confession of 
faith. Polemical attack on images in the doctrine concerning the 
person of Christ. Opposite modes of view which prevailed among 
the image-worshippers and the iconoclasts. Anathemas pro- 
nounced on such as made images of Christ and of the saints, — on 
such as did not worship Mary and the saints. Accusations brought 
against the iconoclasts, that they injured the worship of Mary and 
of the saints. Reports concerning the emperor Constantine on 
this matter. Constantine of Syleum becomes patriarch of Con- 
stantinople. Execution of the decrees of the council. Burning 
of books on account of the pictures in them (note). Images se- 
cretly preserved. Resistance made by the monks to the decrees. 
Stephen. Cruel proceedings against the monks. Andrew the 
Calybite. Description of the bishops of this period. Emperor 
Constantine, enemy of monachism, of relics. His opposition to 
the devotional class generally. Opposed to the title ^ioioxog be- 
stowed on Mary. The patriarch Constantine deposed and exe- 
cuted. Result of the efforts of Constantine the emperor . . . 214 — 2JS 
Emperor Leo IV. His wife Irene. Her religious disposition and 
love for images. Her oath not to worship images. Leo's char- 
acter. New influence of the monks. Result of it. Attempt to 
reintroduce image-worship. Leo's proceedings against it. Hia 

death 223—224 

Irene reio^ns in place of Constantine yet a minor. Obstacles to the 
immediate restoration of the images. Favor shown to monachism. 
Reverence of the empress for the monks. Paul patriarch of Con- 
stantinople abdicates. Possible motives which may have induced 
him. Tarasius, the emperor's secretary, proposed by Paul as his 
successor — struggles against receiving the patriarchate — presents 
his reasons before the people, and makes conditions in favor of 
image-worship. Arrangement for a general council. Corres- 
pondence for this purpose with pope Adrian I. Difficulty of 
bringing about the concurrence of all the four patriarchs. The 
monks John and Thomas, representatives of the three failing pa- 
triarchs. Theodorus Studita on this council (note). Opening 
of the council (A. D. 786) at Constantinople. Many iconoclasts 
among the bishops. Heads of the iconoclasts (note). The army, 
particularly the body-guard, opposed to images. Secret transac- 
tions of the iconoclasts ; — their meetings forbidden by Tarasius. 
Opposition of the iconoclasts to the council. Insurrection ol the 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. XVU 

body-guard. Prevention of the council. Body-guard dissolved, 
a new one formed. The general council (A. D. 787) called to 
meet at Nicea. Testimonies are cited in favor of images from 
the church-fathers, and from the histories of saints. Sudden 
change of opinion in many of the iconoclasts. Careless mode of 
proceeding towards the recanting bishops. The monks opposed to 
it. Indications of a protestant tendency of spirit among the icono- 
clasts. Decrees of the council with regard to images. The 
assembly repair to Constantinople. Eighth session held there in 
presence of the empress and her son. Promulgation of the de- 
crees. Reactions against this triumph of image- worship necessary 224 — 2S3 
Participation of the Western church in the^e controversies. Worship 
of images predominant in the Romish church. Opposition to it 
in the Frank church, — whether an original one, or first called forth 
in the Carolingian age ? Transactions concerning images at Gen- 
tiliacum (A. D. 76 7) under Pipin. The resulLunknown. Judg- 
ment of pope Paul I. with regard to these transactions ; conclu- 
sions to be drawn therefrom in respect to image-worship. Parti- 
cipation of the Frank church in the image-controversies under 
Charlemagne. Cliarleinagne opponent of the second Nicene coun- 
cil ; for what reasons ? Refutation of the council in the Libris 
Carolinis. Their author. The Libri Carolini opposed to the de- 
struction of images, and to the superstitious worship of them. 
Judgment respecting the end and use of images. Opposition be- 
tween the standing-points of the Old and New Testament* 
brought prominently to view. Judgment respecting the sa- 
cred Scriptures ; respecting the sign of the cross ; respecting 
relics ; respecting the use of lights and incense. Prominence 
given to the fulfilment of Christian duties over image-worship. 
Rejection of learned decisions respecting image-worship. Decla- 
rations concerning the miracles said to be wrought by means of 
images; concerning the confirmation of image-worship given ia 
dreams ; concerning the worship of saints — against the Byzantine 
Basileolatry — against the guiding of a council by a woman. The 
emperor sends this written refutation to pope Adrian. Reply of 
the pope. Decree of the council of Frankfort (A. D. 794) against 
the service of images 233 — 243 

III. Reaction of the sects against the dominant system of doctrine, 
243—270. 

Remains of the more ancient sects in the East. Opposed to the 
fundamental doctrines of Christianity ; but also particularly to the 
corruption of it by the introduction of the Jewish element . . 243 — 244 

The Paulicians. Whether they sprang out of Manichaeanism ? Cal- 
linice and her sons J'aul and John. Points of opposition between 
the faulicians and the Manichaeans. Agreement of the Pauli- 
cians with the Marcionite sects. Possibility of their connection. 
Examination of the story about Callinice and her sons. Origin 
of the name of the Paulicians. Constantine (Silvanus) founder 
of the sect. Attachment of the Paulicians to the New Testament, 
particularly to the writings of I'aul. Persecution of them under 
Constantine Pogonatus. Simeon sent to institute inquiries against 
them (C84). Constantine stoned. Simeon becomes inclined to 
the principles of the Paulicians ; finally becomes head of the sect, 



XViii TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

and assumes the name of Titus. New persecution under Justinian 
IL (690). Simeon executed. Paul. Schism among the Pauli- 
cians by means of Gegnaeaius and Theodorun. Gegnaesius tried 
at Constantinople, and declared orthodox in the faith. The Pau- 
licians opposed to image-worship ; whether Leo the Isaurian waa 
for this reason ftivorable to them ? John of Oznun (note). New 
schism among the Paulicians by means of Zacharias and Joseph. 
Spread of the Paulioians to Asia Minor. Baunes o ^VTtuQog. Ser- 
gius (Tychicus), reformer of the sect. Result of his labors. His 
self-exaltation. False accusations brought against Sergius and 
the Paulicians by their adversaries. Whether Sergius styled him- 
self the Paraclete ? Emperor Nicephorus against the Paulicians. 
Cause of this. A party in the Greek church disapproves of the 
bloody persecution of heretics. Theodorus Studita, its represen- 
tative. Persecution of the Paulicians under the emperor Mi- 
chael Curopalates and Leo the Armenian. Conspiracy of the 
Paulicians. KvvoxMQi^ah A(jyuuviai. Irruptions of the Pauli- 
cians in Roman provinces. Sergius opposed to this. His assas- 
sination 244--25« 

Doctrine of the Paulicians. Dualistic principles. Whether they 
attributed the creation of the world to the evil principle ? Demi- 
urge and perfect God. Difi'erent view of the creation of heaven. The 
corporeal world, a work of the Demiurge. Constituent parts of hu- 
man nature. The anthropogony and anthropology of the Pauli- 
cians. Fragment of a letter of Sergius. Sense of the word noq- 
vtia in it. Original affinity of the soul with God. Enduring 
union of the same with God. Meaning of the doctrine of re- 
demption. Person and work of the Redeemer. Doctrine con- 
cerning Christ's body. Monophysitism in the Armenian church. 
Different ways of apprehending the same. Point ot attachment 
presented to the Paulicians in the ultra-monophysite forms of ex- 
pression. Opposition to the worship of Mary. Christ's passion. 
Symbolical meaning of the crucifixion. Opposition to the adora- 
tion of the cross. Simplification of religious acts. Rejection of 
the celebration of the sacraments. They style themselves the 
Catholic church, XQiaionoUxut,. Apostolic simplicity in ecclesias- 
tical institutions. uQoasvxul. Opposition to priesthood. Church- 
offices. Apostles and prophets ; noifiiveg and diddaxaloi, ; av- 
VExdtjfioi ; vo}JU()ioi. Successors of Sergius in the guidance of 
the sect. Aaxmoi. Moral system of the Paulicians. Allegations 
of their opponents with regard to the hindrances to marriage. 
Serious moral spirit of the Paulician doctrines. Opposition to 
the ascetic prescriptions in the Greek church. View of the Old 
Testaraent. nQoaxvvtjatg before the books of the gospels. Spe- 
cial use of the gospels of Luke and John. Rejection of tie epis- 
tles of Peter 259—269 

Other anti-hierarchical sects. A&lyyavoi . . 269 — 270 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. XIX 



FOURTH PERIOD OF THE HISTORY OF THE CHRISTLIN CHURCH. 

FROM TILE DEATH OF CHARLEMAGNE TO POPE GREGORY THE SEVENTH, OR FROM 
A. D. 814 TO A. D. 1073. 



SECTION FIRST. 

EXTENSION AND LIMITATION OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH, 

271—345. 

Denmark and Sweden. Disputes concerning the succession in Den- 
mark lead prince Harald Krag of Jutland to apply to Lewis the 
Pious for assistance (A. D. 822). Lewis takes advantage of this 
opportunity to found a mission. Ehho of Rheims and Halitgar of 
Cambray, missionaries. Harald baptized (A. D. 826). Anschar 
from the monastery of Corvey sent by Louis to Denmark (A. D. 
826). His labors restricted by Harald's expulsion. Anschar 
goes (in 829) to Sweden, labors to introduce Christianity, returns 
(in 831) to the Frank empire, Lewis makes Hamburg a centre 
for the northern missions. Anschar, Ebbo, Gauzbert appointed 
by pope Leo IV. to difiuse Christianity in the North .... 271 — 277 

In Denmark king Horik a hindrance to the spread of Christianity. 
Anschar not discouraged. Gauzbert labors in Sweden with good 
success. Hamburg laid waste by the Normans. Death of Lewis 
the Pious. Bremen united with Hamburg. Anschar takes ad- 
vantage of the personal friendship of king Horik (Erich) of Jut- 
land to spread Christianity in Denmark. Ardgar labors in Swe- 
den. Herigar converts the calamities which befel Sweden into 
a means of advancing Christianity among the people. Pious 
Christians in Sweden. Ardgar returns home. Anschar goes 
with Erimbert to Sweden. Meets with an unfavorable reception. 
Succeeds in persuading the king to embrace Christianity. An- 
schar returns (in 854). Horik II, an enemy of Christianity. 
Anschar's humility, sickness and death 277 — 287 

Bimbert, Anschar's disciple, labors in Denmark and Sweden. King 
Gurin in Denmark (934) hostile to Christianity. Compelled by 
Henry I. of Germany to desist from persecuting Christianity. 
Archbishop Unni goes to Denmark. Favorably received by the 
king's son, Harald Blaatand (941). War between the latter and 
Otho I. (972) favorable to the introduction of Christianity. Har- 
ald receives baptism. Sveno, Harald's son, opposed to his father, 
and to Christianity (991). Canute the Great (1014) zealous in 
favor of Christianity. Undertakes (1027) a pilgrimage to Rome. 
Records his sentiments in favor of Christianity in a letter to his 
people 287—291 

Sweden. Labors of Rimbert and of Unni. Its union with Denmark 
favorable to the cause of Christianity. The Swedish king, Olof 
Stautkonung declares himself at first decidedly in favor of Chris- 
tianity. English ecclesiastics accomplish nothing by their impru- 
dent zeal. Jacob Amund and his step-brother Emund (1051) 
promote Christianity. Stenkil his successor (1059) active in be- 
half of Christianity. The cure of an idolatrous priest tends to 



XX TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

advance Christianity. Opinion expressed by Adam of Bremen 
respectintr the preparation of Sweden for receiving Christianity 291 — 293 

Norway. The Normans become acquainted with Christianity by 
means of their piratical expeditions against Christian nations. 
Prince Hacon endeavors to found the Christian church in Nor- 
way. Transfers the Yule festival of his people to Christmas. 
Proposes to liis people (945) that they should renounce idolatry. 
Meets with violent opposition and is forced to conform to the usages 
of his country. The Danish king Harald endeavors (967) to de- 
stroy paganism in Norway by force. His vicegerent Yarl Hacon 
restores idolatry. The Norwegian general Olof Tryggweson be- 
comes acquainted with Christianity through his intercourse with 
Christian nations. Receives baptism in England, obtains the gov- 
ernment in Norway. Introduces Christianity by force (1000). 
Under the foreign regents, who divided Norway among them, pa- 
ganism revives. Olof the Thick (1017) a decided Christian. Pro- 
ceeds with great violence against paganism. Scarcity in some 
provinces causes the restoration of the pagan rites, which Olof 
abolishes by force. Insurrection against Olof under Gutbrand. 
Olof demolishes the great Thor (an enormous idol). Is killed in 
a t)attle against Canute king of Denmark and England (1033). 
Honored as a martyr 293 — 300 

Iceland. First attempt to introduce Christianity there. Thorwald, 
a respectable Icelander, carries bishop Frederic of Saxony to Ice- 
land (981). Thorwald meets with an indifferent reception. 
Traverses the country amid many persecutions. Goes to Norway 
(986). Olof TiTggweson induces the Icelander Stefner to preach 
Christianity in his native land. Obliged to leave his country 
(997) and to return again to king Olof A like fate befolls the 
Icelander Hiallti. Thangbrand (997) sent as an envoy to Ice- 
land by king Olof Obliged to flee on account of a murder 
(999). Gissur and Hiallti go as missionaries to Iceland (1000). 
Are received. Sidu-Hallr, leader of the Christians. Laws pass- 
ed in favor of Christianity. Recognition of Christianity as the 
public religion. Isleif, the first Icelandic bishop (1056) . . . 300 — 806 

The Orcades and Faroe islands. Olof Tryggweson induces one of 
the most powerful of the Faroe-islanders, Sigmund Bresterson, to 
receive baptism (998). He proposed to the islanders that they 
should receive Christianity. Meets with violent opposition. Yet 
labors on zealously. Thrand, a powerful islander, with his fol- 
lowers, returns back to paganism 306 — 307 

Greenland. The Icelander Leif conveys (999) Christianity to 
Greenland. Adalbert (1055) bishop of the Greenlanders. Ion, 
said to have met with martyrdom in Greenland (A. D. 1059) . 807 

Bulgaria. Christians who had been taken prisoners by the Bulga- 
rians (813), diffuse Christianity in Bulgaria. Constantius Cy- 
pharas, a captive monk. Bogoris, prince of the Bulgarians, con- 
verted by his sister Theodora and by the monk Methodius (864). 
Photius, patriarch of Constantinople, e.\horts him in a letter to 
take measures for the conversion of his people. False teachers 
among the Bulgarians. Poj)e Nicholas I. lays down rules for the 
Bulgarians respecting the keeping of festivals, against superstition, 
against cruelty, against the too frequent capital punishments, 
against the employment of the rack, respecting freedom and des- 



TABLE OF CONTEXTS. XXI 

potism. The Greek emperor, Basilius Macedo, prevails upon the 
Bulgarians to adopt the Greek church 307— 314 

Crimea. Cyrill and Methodius, meritorious efforts of, to convert 

the Chazars inhabiting this ])oninsula 314 — 315 

Moravia. Radislnv, ruler of the Moravians, connects himself from 
motives of policy first with the Greek, afterwards with the Ger- 
man empire. Cyrill and Methodius labor earnestly for Chris- 
tianity. Methodius, archbishop of the Moravian church, excites 
the jealousy of the German clergy. Is complained of to pope 
John VIII. Is summoned to Rome, where he satisfies the pope 
(879). John VIII. recommends Methodius in a letter to Swato- 
pluk, successor of Radislav. Methodius falls out with Radislav. 
Bishop AVichin takes part against him, and he is defeated (881) 315 — 821 

Bohemia. Duke Boi-ziwoi of Bohemia becomes acquainted with 
Christianity at the Moravian court. His son Wratislav leaves 
behind him (A. D. 925) two sons, Wenzeslav and Boleslav. Wen- 
zeslav a zealous Christian, is assassinated by his pagan brother 

- Boleslav (938). Boleslav professes Christianity. His son, Bo- 
leslav, the mild, a zealous Christian. Adalbert, archbishop of 
Prague, labors in Bohemia. Severus, archbishop of Prague 
(1038), makes laws for the church 321 — 828 

Kingdom of the Wends. Boso, bishop of Merseburg, labors first 
among the Slavonians. Insurrection of the Wends. Otho I. 
avails himself of his victory over the Slavonian ti'ibes to found 
several bishoprics. Mistiwoi, a Wendian prince, destroys all the 
Christian establishments in northern Germany (983). Repents 
and returns back to Christianity. Gottshalk, founder of the 
kingdom of the Wends (1047), a zealous Christian. Founds 
many bishoprics. New insurrection of the Wends. Gottshalk 
dies (1066) by martyrdom 323 — 887 

Kussia. Commercial connections and wars with the Greek empire 
the means of spreading Christianity among the Russians. Under 
the grand prince Igur (945) there are already Christians in the 
Russian army. Kiew, the most important place for the diffusion 
of Christianity. The grand princess Olga embraces Christianity. 
Her son Swaroslav is not to be won to Christianity. Confound- 
ing of the Russi with the Rugi (note). 1 17«(/<////?-, grandson of the 
grand princess Olga, embraces Christianity. He and his succes- 
sor Jaroslaw (1019 — 1054) promote Christianity. Introduction 
of Cyrill's alphabet and his translation of the Bible 327 — 330 

Poland. The Christian church planted there from Bohemia. Duke 
Miecislaw and his Bohemian wife Dambrowska receive baptism 
(966) 880 

Hungary. Its connection with the Greek empire the first occasion 
of missionary enterprises there. Bulosudes and Gylas, two Hun- 
garian princes, are said to have been baptized at Constantinople 
towards the middle of the tenth century. Beginning of the mis- 
sions (9 70). Pilgrim of Passau sends the monk Wolfgang to 
Hungary as a missionary. Adalbert of Prague and his disciple 
Radla labor in Hungary. Stephen, son and successor of the Hun- 
garian prince Geisa, labor zealously to spread Christianity (997). 
Calls monks and ecclesiastics into his kingdom. Has recourse to 
violent measures for the introduction of Christianity. Emmericn, 
his son and successor. Stephen honored as a saint. Reaction 
of the pagan party 880 — 8S5 



XXU TABLE OP CONTENTS. 

TJmitation of the Christian church in Spain. Until the year 850 
Christians allowed in the free exercise of their religion. Insults 
and persecution of the Christians. The more lax and the more 
strict party of Christians. Paul Alvarus of Cordova. Fanatical 
enthusiasm for martyrdom among the Christians. Abderrhaman II, 
caliph of the Arabians (850). Perfectus (850), John, Isaac, Flora 
die as martyrs. Eulogius and Alvarus promote the fanaticism. 
Recafrid comes out against it. Aurelius and other martyrs. 
Council of Cordova against these disturbances (852). Moham- 
med, successor of Abderrhaman. Eulogius dies a martyr. Apo- 
logeticus martyrum of Eulogius and Indiculus luminosus of Alva- 
rus. Prudent party of the Christians repress the fanaticism . . 335 — 846 



SECTION SECOND. 

HISTORY OF THE CHl'RCH CONSTITUTION, 346 424. 

I. Popes and the Papacy, 346 — 400. 

Pseudo-Isidorean decretals. Evidence of their spuriousness. Their 
contents. Who was their author ? Contest about the recognition 
of them. The weak government of Lewis the Pious favorable to 
the putting In practice of the Pseudo-Isidorean principles . . . 346 — 353 

Nicholas I. (858) seeks to realize the idea of the papacy sketched 
forth In the Pseudo-Isidorean decretals. Makes his authority valid 
against the unlawful connection of Lothaire of Lotharingia with 
Waldrade. Synods at Metz and Rome (863). Lothaire recog 
nizes Thietberga, whom he had repudiated, as his lawful wife. 
Resorts to new devices to satisfy his lust. Letter of the pope to 
Thietberga 353—358 

Nicolaus in the contest with Hinkmar archbishop of Rheims. Synod 
of Soissons (863). Principles on which he proceeded defended 
by the declarations of the Pseudo-Isidorean decretals. Founds 
the papal theocratic monarchy in relation to church and State . 358 — 361 

Hadrian II. contends (867) with Charles the Bald unsuccessfully. 
Letter of archbishop Hinkmar to the pope In reference to the 
threat of excommunication pronounced against Charles the Bald. 
Hadrian in his quarrel with archbishop Hinkmar and in favor of 
his nephew, bishop Hinkmar of Laon, seeks to establish the Pseu- 
do-Isidorean principle, that the definitive sentence in affairs re- 
lating to bishops belonged exclusively to the pope. Archbishop 
Hinkmar violently attacks the Pseudo-Isidorean decretals. The 
pope's consistency in applying these principles triumphs . . • 361 — 366 

John VIII, Hadrian's successor (872). Hurtful Influence of Italian 
princely families on the papacy. Rome, the seat of every species 
of corruption. John XH. (956) pope, deposed by king Otho II. 
of Germany. Leo VIII. his successor 366 -868 

More liberal direction of ecclesiastical law. Gerbert, centre of the 
movement, acquires influence in the time of John XV. Hugh 
Capet, in the quarrel with duke Charles of Lotharingia, confers 
the vacated archbishopric of Rheims on Arnulph, the nephew of 
the latter. Council of Rheims (991) for inquiring into this mat- 
ter. Arnulph, archbishop of Orleans, exposes the vices of the 
papal court. His proposition triumphs; Arnulph of Rheims is 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXDl 

deposed and Gerbert made his successor. The pope declares the 
proceeding arbitrary and illegal. Gerbert defends his principles 
before the council of Muson (995). The contest between the 
party of Gerbert and that of the pope endures till the time of 
Gregory V. Gerbert deposed at the council of Rheims (996). 368 — 875 

Gerbert chosen pope by Otho III, takes the name Silvester 11. Re- 
cognizes Arnulph of Rheims. The dukes of Tuscoli, dominant 
party in Italy, choose Benedict IX. (1033) for pope, and soon af- 
terwards (1044) Silvester III. Benedict sells his papal dignity 
to Gregory VI, without wholly giving up however his papal au- 
thority. Henry III. deposes all the three popes, and elects 
Clement II. Commencement of new reformation-tendency under 
Leo IX. (1049), represented by Petro Damiani and Hildebrand 375 — 380 

Preparation for a new period in the evolution of the church. Hilde- 
brand, and his early education. Friend of the deposed Gregory. 
His great influence on Leo IX. Introduction of a stricter moral 
discipline by means of celibacy and the abolition of simony, the 
principles of his reforming enterprize. Resistance to the laws 
grounded on this basis. Leo IX. labors to carry them into effect. 
Council of Mantua (1052) on the maintenance of these laws. 
Leo himself transgresses the ecclesiastical laws in fighting against 
the Normans (1053). He is severely censured for this by Da- 
miani 380 — 886 

[ncreasing influence of Hildebrand. Victor II, Stephen XI, Bene- 
dict X, which latter abdicates. Nicholas II passes a law concern- 
ing the papal election, in which is contained at the same time the 
foundation of the college of cardinals (1059). Energetic efforts 
of the party of Hildebrand and Damiani. The cause of the pa- 
pacy becomes the cause of the people and leads to contests in 
Florence and in Milan. Ariald, Landulf de Cotta and Nazarius 
preach in Milan in support of the papacy. Parties in Milan (Pa- 
tarenes). Damiani and Anselm of Lucca sent by the pope to 
Milan to inquire into these disturbances. Insurrection there 
suppressed by Damiani. Triumph of the Romish church . . . 386 — 395 

Contest of the tivo parties after the death of Nicholas II. (1061) at 
the election of a new pope. Anselm of Lucca chosen pope by 
means of Hildebrand, under the name of Alexander II. Alexan- 
der not recognized in Germany and Honorius II. chosen. Con- 
test of the two popes, decisive with regard to the church-evolution 
of the middle ages. Alexander recognized at the synods of Os- 
born (10G2) and Mantua (1064) as pope 395 — 897 

New disturbances at ^lilan. Defence of priestly marriage. Erlem- 
bald contends in Milan in the cause of the papacy. Ariald mur- 
dered in Milan (106 7). Feuds in Florence quieted by Damiani 
and the monk Peter. Preparatory steps to the new secular gov- 
ernment of Rome by Hildebrand 397 — 399 

n. History of the church constitution in its other relations, 400 — 424. 
1. lulatio)^'; ifthe church to the State. 

Appointment to church offices. Hurtful influence of the sovereigns 
upon it. Quarrel of Lewis ill. of France with Hinkmar of Rheims 
on this subject. Three diflerent parties witli regard to the right 
of investiture in in sovereigns. Abomination of simony. In- 



jcav 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



dulgence shown it. Participation of the clergy in war (955). 
Examples : Fulbert of Camljray, Ulricli of Augsburg, Bernward 
of Hildesheim. Important voices remonstrate against it : Radbod 
of Utrecht, Damiani, Fulbert of Chartres. Influence of the 
church on the administration of justice. Proposal for a general 
peace. Treugae Dei 400 — 407 

2. Organization of' the charcli within itself. 

Things secular and spiritual confounded, a cause of corruption to 
the church. , Earnest labors of pious bishops, particularly in Ger- 
many. Hurtful influence on the clergy of the secular standing 
point Ecclesiastics from the ranks of the nobility, and their con- 
duct towards the bishops. Rudeness among the clergy. Influence 
of the secular interest of families. Complaints about the corruption 
of the clergy. Efforts made to stem this corruption by Dunstan of 
Canterbury, Ratherius of Verona, and Agobard of Lyons. Cas- 
tle-priests. Council of Pavia (850) against the clerici acephali. 
Council of Seligenstadt (1020) against the abuse of patronage , 408—414 

III. History of Monachis7n, 41A — 425. 

Attempts to revive the ancient strictness of the monastic life. Re- 
formers of monachisra. Benedict of Aniane. His call to the mo- 
nastic life. His labors. Hurtful influence of worldly-minded 
hishops. Synod at Trosley (909) on the decline of monachism. 
New attempts at reform. iJerno of Burgundy (92 7-|-). Oc/o (942f). 
Aymar. Majolus. Odllo. Hugo 414 — 118 

Extravagances of the fanatical monastic asceticism in Italy, Her- 
mits. RomuaJd of Ravenna, founder of the Camaldulensian or- 
der. Congregation of Vallombrosa under John. William of Di- 
jon, reformer of monachism. Gervin of Centulum in France. 
Nilus the Younger in Italy. His education, labors and death 
(1005) 418—425 



SECTION THIRD. 

CHRISTIAN LIFE AND CHRISTIAN WORSHIP, 425 455. 

Predominating tendency of the liturgical element in divine worship. 
Ordinances of the council of Mentz (847) on preaching. Olfrid, 
probably a German preacher. His poetical paraphrase of the 
gospels. Ordinances of the council of Valence (855) on preach- 
ing. Pastoral instructions of Gerard bishop of Tours (858) and 
of the synod at Rouen (879). Council of Langres (859). Ordi- 
nances of Riculf bishop of Soissons on the founding of schools. 
Rabanus Maurus de institutione clericorum. Pastoral instructions 
of archbishop Hinkmar 

Tendency in the direction of Christian reform. Agobard of Lyons. 
His zeal against the too artificial church music. His book on im- 
ages. His attack on the Tempestarii. Claudius of Turin. Is 
without reason accused of Adoptianism and Arianism. Influence 
of the doctrines of Augustin on him. His mode of apprehending 
sin. His biblical commentaries. Becomes bishop of Turin (814). 
Zealous in his opposition to the too frequent pilgrimages. Is ac- 



425—428 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXV 

cused as a teacher of error. His work in vindication of himself. 
Takes liis stand in opposition to imafro-worship. Is stijimatized 
by Thcodemir as a heretic. His death (839). Jonas of Orleans 
comes out against the doctrines of Claudius. Walafrid Strabo 
and i/^/i^•7nor (•{/'i^/i^/^R.s- on image-worship 428 — 441 

He&ction against a predominatitic/ sensuous tendency. Nilus. Rathe- 
rius of Verona preaches against all descriptions of mock penitence. 
His views with regard to pilgrimages. Fights against a sensuous 
anthropomorphism. Odo of Cluny. His correct appreciation of 
miracles /. 441^^45 

Superstition. Promotion of it by the worship of saints and relics. 
Introduction of the worship of a saint into the entire church. 
Pope John XV. sets the first example for this (973). P'.mploy- 
ment of the con'-ecrated oil on the sick. Ordinance by the 
synod of Parvia (850) on this subject 445 — 449 

Judgments of God. DiO'erent species of. Agobard of Lyons and 
the council of Valence (855) against them. Atto of Vercelli and 
king Robert of France against them 449—460 

Church discipline. System of penance. Fanatical zeal in defence 
of it. Damiani defends self-castigation. Indulgence. Ordinances 
of the council of Mentz (84 7) on private and public church-pen- 
ance. Jonas of Orleans against almsgiving and the sacrifice of 
the mass 450— 45t 

Spiritual jurisdiction. Independent exercise of it by each bishop in 
his own diocese. Infringed upon by the too frequent pilgrimages 
to Rome. Bishop Ahito of Basel (820) and the council of Seli- 
genstadt (1022) zealous opponents of those pilgrimages. Three 
difierent grades among the guilty. Excommunication. Anathe- 
ma. Interdict 452—^55 



SECTION FOURTH. 

HISTORY OF CHRISTIANITY APPREHENDED AND DEVELOPED AS 
A SYSTEM OF DOCTRINES, 456 — 606. 

I. In the Western church, 456 — 530. 
Practical and bihlico-ecclesiustical direction in Theology. 

Prankish church. Magnentius Rabanus Maurus. His labors. His 
writings. His freedom of spirit with regard to the hierarchy. 
Haimo of Halberstadt (853t). Walafrid Strabo (84 9f). Glossa 
ordinaria. Christian Drulhmar (850), interpreter of the Scrip- 
tures. Servants Lupus, zealous friend of scientific study. Jonas 
of Orleans. His book De institutlone laicali. His rules of living 
for princes ... 456 — 460 

Dialectical and speculative direction in Theology. 

Frankish church. Frcdegis. His controversy with Agobard of 
Lyons. Spread of a dialectical direction of theology from Ire- 
laud. John Scotus Erigena (87 7-|-). Influence of the Greek 
church teachers on him. Agreement of the rational and eccle- 
siastico-traditional ground-idea of his theological bent. His two- 
fold position with respect to the knowledge of God. His four 
C 



XXVI 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



kinds of being. His view of sin. Dionysius Areopagita. Con- 
founding of Dionysius of Paris with the former. Diffusion of his 
■writings 460— 4M 

EroliUion of a new spiritual creation in Theology. 

England. Alfred the Great (871—901). His plan for the culture of 
his people. His translation of the regula pastoralis of Gregory the 
Great. Barbarism in the church after his death. Dunstan of Can- 
terbury. Ethelwold of Winchester. Elfric of Malmeshury . . 

Italy. Ratherius of Verona. His praeloquia. Atto of Vercelli. 
His commentary on the epistles of Paul 

France. Gerhert. Ahbo of Fleury. Fulbert of Chartres. Beren- 
gar. Lanfranc (I089t) 

Germany. Notker of St. Gallen {\022\). His German paraphrase 
of the Psalms. Williram. His translation of Solomon's Song . 



467 — 469 



469—470 



470—471 



471 



Conflict of opposite theological views. 

Doctrine of predestination. Beginning of the controversies on this 
subject occasioned by Gottshalk. His education. His study of 
the doctrine of Augustin. Peculiarities of his own doctrine. His 
hypothesis of a prsedestinatio duplex. Influence of the Augustinian 
system of doctrine on him. Letter of Rabanus Maurus against his 
doctrine marks the course of the succeeding controversies as for- 
mal controversies. Peculiar doctrine of Rabanus Maurus. Gott- 
shalk defends his doctrine before an assembly convened at Mentz. 
Assembly of the states at Chiersy (849). Gottshalk condemned 
as a heretic. Offers to submit to a judgment of God. His death 
(868). Indignation of the pope against Hinkmar, Gottshalk's op- 
pressor ■ ■ 

Fniitless endeavors of Hinkmar to put down the Gottshalkian doc- 
trine. Prudentius of Troyes (861) adopts Gottshalk's doctrine. 
Raframnus of Corbie (868) in favor of Gottshalk's doctrine. Ser- 
vatus Lupus (862) the most learned defender of the Gottshalkian 
doctrine. His work De tribus quaestionibus. John Scotus, an 
opponent of Gottshalk. His doctrine concerning praedestination 
and the freedom of the will. Wetiilo of Sens, Prudentius of Troyes, 
and Florus of Lyons against Scotus. Hinkmar gains new oppo- 
nents of the Gottshalkian doctrine. Amulu and Pardulus of Lyons 
against Gottshalk's doctrine. Remigius of Lyons censures the 
harsh conduct of Hinkmar towards Gottshalk. New undertakings 
of Hinkmar. Second synod at Chiersy (853) against the Gott- 
shalkian doctrine. Synod at Valence (855) against the synod at 
Chiersy. Proposals for establishing a common system of faith. 
The holding fast to set formulas a reason for the non-adoption of 
that proposal. Hinkmar's book on predestination, the lust thing 

that appeared in this controversy _ • 

Doctrine of the Lord's Supper. Peculiar tendency to the sensuali- 
zation of divine things in the Western church. Commencement 
of the controversies respecting the Lord's Supper. Paschasius 
Radbert (831). His stiff supra-naturalistic doctrine of transub- 
Btantiation. Doubts concerning his doctrine. Ratramnus De 
corpore et sanguine Domini. His doctrine of the Lord's Supper 
compared with'that of Paschasius. John Scotus (perhaps Ratram- 
nus) against Paschasius. His view of the Lord's Supper. Mild- 



471^481 



481—494 



TABLE OF CONTENTS, XXVU 

er view of Ratlierius of Verona, Herigar, and Gerhert. General 

approbation of the doctrine of transubstantiation 494 — 602 

Continuation of these controversies. Berengarius. His theological 
education. His free niethod as a schohvstic teacher. His views 
respecting hermits. Influence of Augustin on his doctrine. His 
favorable judgment on the book of Ratramnus or Scotus. At- 
tacks upon hiui. His letter to Lanfranc. Council at Rome. 
His condemnation at the council of Vercelll. His liberation 
brought about by his friends. Berengar's endeavors to defend 
himself on the score of his doctrines. Proposal for a council. 
Council at Paris, at which Berengar docs not appear. Defends 
himself before the council at Tours (1054). Publicly e.xplains 
himself to the satisfaction of the papal legate. His journey to 
Rome (1059). Appears before an assembly. Confirms under 
the fear of death a confession of faith drawn up by Cardinal Hum- 
bert. Yet spreads abroad his doctrine in France. Lanfranc ac- 
cuses him of perjury. His reply to Lanfranc. His followers. 
His continued labors in France. His controversy with Gottfrid 
of Tours. Eusebius Bruno on the doctrine of transubstantiation. 
Council of Poictiers. Berengar in Rome (1078) before Gregory 
VH. Complete triumph of the doctrine of transubstantiation. 
Death of Berengar (1088). More e.xact exhibition of Berengar's 
doctrine. His opposition to every representation of a bodily ap- 
pearance of Christ in the eucharist. His figurative interpretation 
of the eucharist. Conversio of the bread and wine in his own 
sense of it. His view of the sacraments generally, the ground of 
his apprehension of tlie eucharist. His spiritual view of the church. 
His fight against stories of miracles. Berengarians not agreeing 
with him. His position in regard to the doctrine of transub- 
stantiation. Comparison of his mode of apprehending the Lord's 
Supper with that of Paschasius 502—580 

n. In the Greek church, 530 — 551. 

State of theology. Compared with that in the Romish church. Pho- 
tius. Oecumenius of Tricca. Obstacles hindering the free evo- 
lution of the church 530 — 532 

History of the controversies respecting images. Reason of their re- 
newal. Leo the Armenian (813). His first essay to abolish 
images. The patriarch Nicephorus opposed to it. Beginning of 
the destruction of single images by the soldiers. Controversy be- 
tween the emperor and the patriarch on the use of images. Theo- 
dorus Stuilila. His education (note). Protests against the em- 
peror. The latter enjoins silence. Resistance of Theodore and 
the patriarch. Nicephorus deposed (815). Theodolus Cassiteras, 
patriarch. His tendency to a sensuous realism. Council of Con- 
stantinople occasioned by Theodore. Milder measures of the em- 
peror. Violent resistance of Theodore and the monks. Forcible 
measures resorted to by the emperor 532 — 648 

Michael II. (821), emperor. His position in relation to the image- 
controversies. His eflort to restore tranquillity. Neutral posi- 
tion with regard to iuuiges. Embassy sent by Michael to the 
pope and Lewis the Pious 543—646 

Theophilus (830) emperor — opposed to image-worship. His conduct 
towards the teachers and artists who operated to promote image- 



SXVlll TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

worship. Reaction in favor of image-worship occasioned by tha 
empress Theodora. The empress after the death of Theophilug 
necessitated to favor the reintrodnction of images. Manuel and 
Theoctistus. Tlieiv wardship over the minorit}' of Michael. Sol- 
emn introduction of imaores in Constantinople (842), festival of 
orthodoxy. Ignatius. Photius in favor of image-worship. Coun- 
cil at Constantinople (869) opposed to iconoclasts 546 — 551 

APPENDIX. 

Participation of the Western church in these controversies. 

Proceedings of the Prankish church against the image- worshippers. 
The embassy above mentioned of the emperor Michael to Lewis 
the Pious; occasion of it. Synod at Paris (825). Transactions 
of this synod. Embassy of Lewis to the pope. Uncertainty re- 
specting the issue of the negotiations with the pope 551 — 553 

in. Relations of the Greek and of the Latin church to each other; 
and controversies between them, 553 — 586. 

Dogmatical ditferences between the two churches. Their opposite 
views with regard to man's nature. With regard to the doctrine 
of the Holy Spirit. John of Damascus. His doctrine concerning 
the unity in the triad. Doings in relation to this subject at the 
synod of Aix (809). Decrees of this council sent to pope Leo IIL 
The latter opposed to the addition j'JZio^ue. John Scotus. Sides 
on this point with the Greeks 553 — 667 

Difference in outward things. 
The second Trullan council (691). The points of difference be- 
tween the two churches, expressed by the Greek church against 
the Latin. Subject-matter of these differences 657 

Controversies between the two churches. 

Concerning the patriarchate of Ignatius and of Photius. Ignatius 
(Nicetas) patriarch of Constantinople (846). Severity of his 
character. Endeavors of Bardas, uncle of the young emperor 
Michael, to depose Ignatius from his dignity. Photius chosen pa- 
triarch by Bardas. Character of Photius. Ignatius refuse! to 
sign his abdication. Cruel treatment of his adherents. Michael's 
profanation of sacred things. Synod convened at Constantinople 
(859) against Ignatius. The emperor and Photius have recourse 
to the pope. The pope's want of confidence in the truth of the 
charges alleged against Ignatius. Rhodoald and Zacharias sent 
as envoys to Constantinople. The envoys bribed. Synod at Con- 
stantinople (861). Firmness of Ignatius before it. Letter of 
Photius to the pope. Adherents of Ignatius in Rome. Synod 
there (863). The envoys deposed and Photius anathematized. 
Letter of reproach sent by the emperor to the pope. The pope's 
reply. The emperor and Photius attack the Latin church. De- 
fence against these attacks by Ratramnus. Controversy inter- 
rupt-ed by Michael's death 557—568 

Basilius the Macedonian, emperor (86 7). Ignatius restored to the 
patriarchal dignity. Council at Constantinople (86 7). Photius 
deposed by the council ut Rome (868). Inquiry into the whole 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. XHX 

dispute by the eighth oecumenical council of Constantinople (869) 
Opponents and defenders of Photius. Photius anatliematized. 
Influence of the Greek church on Bulgaria ; preparation for a new 
schism. Interrupted by the death of Ignatius (878). Friendly 
relation existing between Photius and Ignatius previous to the 
death of the latter. Attempt of the emperor to elevate Photius 
to the patriarchal dignity. Conduct of the pope in this matter. 
Deception practised by the envoys in the earlier oecumenical coun- 
cils. Council at Constantinople (879) answering to the requisitions 
of an oecumenical council. Transactions at this council. Photius 
obtains misericorditcr the patriarclial dignity. Is banished on the 
ground of political charges (88G). The Ignatian party dominant 568 — 579 

Tranquillity in the two churches without any close connection be- 
tween them. Nilus labors in the Greek and in the Roman church. 
His vie\i of church usages calculated to promote peace between 
the two churches. Peaceful negotiations between the two church- 
es concerning their separation from each other (1024). Univer- 
sal indignation against such proceedings. Frustration of them. 
Greek abbots in Rome; Roman abbots in Constantinople . . . 579 — 581 

Touching Roman riles in the Greek, church. Michael Cerularius, 
patriarch of Constantinople. Attacks the Latin church. Use of 
unleavened bread in the Lord's Supper in the Romish church. 
Cerularius considers this, as well as fasting, an inclining to Judaism. 
Refutation of these charges by Humbert. Endeavors of the 
Greek emperor to restore peace. Message of the pope to Con- 
stantinople (1054). Humbert's work in refutation of the charges 
of Michael and of the priest Nicetas. The work of Nicetas burn- 
ed by order of the emperor. Still more inimical disposition 
between the two churches. Heretical names, Azymites and Pro- 
zymites, Fermentarians. Theological investigations occasioned 
by the dispute concerning the use of leavened or unleavened 
bread ; Peter of Antioch and Theophylact of Achrida on the pas- 
chal meal of Christ. Views taken by both touching the further 
(milder) proceedings towards the Latin church 581 — 686 

IV. Re&ction of the sects agaimt the dominant church and its system 
of faith, 586—606. 

In the Ecist. 

Paulicians. Cruel enterprises set on foot by the empress Theodora 
against them. Carbeas flees out of the imperial army with five 
thousand of this sect to Armenia. E.Ktensive spread of this sect 
in that country. John Tzimisces transplants (969) a large por- 
tion of the sect to Thrace. Their spread in Bulgaria .... 586 — 687 

Arevurdis and Sun-children. Appear in Armenia. Their doctrines 
a mixture of Zoroastrian and Christian elements. Points in which 
they dillered from the Paulicians. New shaping given to this 
sect by Sembat and Medschusik Name Thondracenians. Their 
further spread by means of Jacob (1002). His doctrine. Taken 
prisoner by the Catholicus. He is slain by his enemies. Spread 
of this sect in the Roman provinces 587 — 589 

Euchites and Enlhusidsls. Appear in Mesopotamia. Their resem- 
blance to the older Euchites and to the Bogomiles. Mystico- 
theosophical tendency, dualism. Spread under the disguise of 
monks. DiSerent parties among them. Their constitution . . 589 — 698 



XXX TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

Athinganians. Derivation of this name. Principal seat of the aect 
Sprung from a mixture of Judaism and Christianity. Their ob- 
servance of all the rites of Judaism. Perhaps the sect against 
which Paul contends in the epistle to the Colossians .... 

In the West. 

Corruption of the clergy in Italy ; point of approach by which to 
attack the dominant church. The awakening spirit of inquiry in 
France an occasion for attacking the church doctrines .... 592 — 598 

Sects in Orleans. Their rationalizing and mystical tendency. Proba- 
ble connection with Italian sects. Their contest against the su- 
pernatural birth of Christ. Their spiritual baptism and spiritual 
eucharist. Lisoi (Lisieux) and Stephen at their head. Council 
convened against them at Orleans (1022). Death of the majority 
of them at the stake 593 — 697 

Sects around Arras and Liege. Introduced by the Italian Gun- 
dulf. Connection with the Oriental sects. Impugn the Chris- 
tian Sacraments. Against the worship of saints — of the 
sign of the cross, and choral singing. Synod convened against 
them at Arras (1035). Recantation of their doctrines . . . 597 — 599 

Sects around Camhray and Arras. Ramihed gives spread to hereti- 
cal doctrines. Synod convened against him in Cambray. Con- 
fesses his orthodoxy. Refuses to take the eucharist (in proof 
of his innocence). Is burned. Spread of his followers . . . 599 — 600 

Sects in Montfort near Turin. Gerhard, their presidintr officer. A 
trial of them ordered by Heribert (1027—1046). Mystlco-Ideal- 
istlc tendency. Denial of the reality of Christ. Rejection of 
marriage. Death of the majority of them at the stake .... 600 — 602 

Heretics and fanatics. Study of the Latin authors, occasion of here- 
tical tendencies. Probus at Fulda (In the 9th century). Ex- 
tends the efHcacy of Christ's redemptive sufferings also to the bet- 
ter pagans. Connects therewith the doctrine of absolute predesti- 
nation. Vilgard, grammarian In Ravenna. Fabulous stories re- 
specting him. Probable spread of heretical tendencies In Italy 
and Sardinia. Leuthard makes his appearance (In the 11th cen- 
tury) near Chalons sur Marne, as a fanatic. Finds something 
unchristian In marriage and In several other Christian customs. 
Destroys himself. Cruel proceedings against erroneous teachers 
resisted by Wazo of Liege (1047) 602—606 



Index to the third and fourth volumes 607 

Passages cited from ancient authors in these volumes 625 

Passages from Scripture . . 625 



CHURCH HISTORY. 



THIRD PERIOD OF THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. FROM THE 
TIME OF GREGORY THE GREAT, BISHOP OF ROME, TO THE 
DEATH OF THE EMPEROR CHARLEMAGNE ; OR FROM THE YEAR 
590 TO THE YEAR 814. 



INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 

This period opens to us a new theatre for the exhibition of the 
power of the gospel to mould and transform the world ; and we shall 
see it reveaUng itself in a new and peculiar way. For, in the earher 
periods, we saw Christianity attaching itself to the culture of the 
ancient world, then existing under the forms of the Greek and Roman 
pecuHarities of national character ; and where the harmonious culture 
that could be derived from the elements of human nature left to 
itself had reached its highest point, and, degenerating into false re- 
finement, wrought its own destruction, we saw Christianity introducing 
a new element of divine life, whereby the race, already sinking in 
spiritual death, was recjuickencd, and raised to a far higher point of 
spiritual development than had been reached before ; a new creation 
springing forth out of the new spirit in the ancient form. But a race 
of people now appear, who are still in the rudeness of barbarism ; 
and on these Christianity bestows, by imparting to them the seed of a 
divine life, the germ of all human culture ; — not as an outward pos- 
session already complete and prepared for their acceptance, but as 
something which was to unfold itself with entire freshness and origi- 
nahty from within, through the inward impulse of a divine life, and in 
eonfonnity with the individuality of character belonging to this partic- 
ular race of men. It is the distinguishing characteristic of this new 
work of Christianity, that the new creation does not attach itself to 
any previously existing form of culture sprung from some entirely dif- 
ferent root ; but that everything here springs from the root, and grows 
out of the vital sap of Christianity itself. We come to the fountain- 
head, whence flowed the whole peculiar character of the middle agea 
and all modem civilization. 

VOL. ni. 1 



2 POWER AND INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY IN THIS PERIOD. 

It is true, the foi-m in -vvhicli these rude tribes first came to the 
knowledge of Christianity was not that of the pure gospel. It waa 
the form of church tradition, handed down from the earher centuries ; 
in which, as Ave have seen in tracing the earlier course of develop- 
ment, the divine word had become mixed up with many foreign ele- 
ments. But still, even through the wood, hay and stubble of mere human 
modes of apprehension, the one and only foundation, which ever stood 
firm, though concealed mider the load of foreign additions — the foim- 
dation of faith in the redeemmg love of God, revealed through, and in 
Christ, as the Redeemer of sinful man — was able to manifest its di- 
vine power to transform, to train, and to refine mankind ; and with 
the implantation of this one principle in humanity was given also the 
element from which would proceed, of its OAvn accord, the reaction 
against these foreign admixtures. Such a reaction we may trace 
along through the whole development of the church tradition in the 
middle ages ; and while on the one hand, those foreign elements were 
ever assuming a more substantial shape, so on the other, tliis reaction 
of the original Christian consciousness that strove to purge away every 
foreign element was continually gaining new strength, till it acquired 
power enough to introduce into the church a thorough process of puri- 
fication. Nor should we fail to notice, that with this tradition there 
was handed down, in the sacred text itself, a source of divine know- 
ledge not exposed, in like manner, to corruption, from which the church 
might learn how to distinguish primitive Christianity from all subse- 
quent additions, and so carry forward the work of purifying the Chris- 
tian consciousness to its entire completion. 

The above mentioned intermixture of Christianity with foreign ele- 
ments may be properly traced to such causes as the following : that 
the idea of the kingdom of God had been degraded from man's spirit 
and inward being, and made sensuous and outward ; that in place of 
the progressive, inward, and spiritual union of the soul with the king- 
dom of God through faith, had been substituted a progressive, outward 
mediation with it by means of certain forms and ceremonies ; and 
that in place of the universal, spiritual priesthood of Christians, had 
been substituted a special outward priesthood as the only medium of 
union betwLxt man and God's kingdom ; so that the idea of this 
kingdom was gradually reduced to the form of the Old Testament 
theocracy. The church of Christ having thus taken the shape of an 
outward, visible theocracy, it followed, as a general consequence, that in 
a multitude of ways, the different Jewish and Christian points of view 
were confounded together. But this Old Testament form, adopted by 
the church, proved to the rude tribes, who were not yet prepared to 
take the gospel into their life in its pure spirituality, an intermediate 
stage, for training them to the maturity of Christian manhood, which 
they were destined to attain as soon as they were ready for it, 
by means of that reaction, the elements of which already existed in 
the Christian consciousness. 

The new creation of Christianity which we have now to contem- 
plate, proceeded from those barbarous tribes, particularly of German 



CORRUPT FORM OF IT. 3 

origin, -who planted themselves on the iiiins of the Roman empire 
which they had destroyed, and formed in the West the new theatre of 
a historical development, Avhich was to shape the destinies of the 
world. The way in which Christianity was first conveyed to them is a 
point deserving of special consideration in order to a right understand- 
ing of the whole of this new period of church history ; and every 
tiling relating to this subject, which in the order of time, would have be- 
longed to the earher centuries, but which we have thus far passed over 
as unconnected with the progi'ess of Christianity in the old Grecian 
and Roman world, we shall here embrace together under one view. 



SECTION FIRST. 

RELATION OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH TO THE WORLD; ITS 
EXTENSION AND LIMITATION. 



I. In Europe. 

Several tribes of German origin which, during the migration of na- 
tions in the fourth and fifth centuries, settled down in Gaul, were there 
gained over to Christianity, simply by coming in contact with the 
Christian inhabitants. Pious bishops and abbots, such, for instance, in 
the fifth and sixth centuries, as A\dtus of Vienne, Faustus of Rhegii 
(Riez), Caesarius of Aries,' exemphfied in these countries, by lives of 
unwearied, active, and self-denying love, the blessed influence of the 
Christian faith in the midst of havoc and desolation ; and while by 
such fives, they inspired respect and confidence in the leaders of those 
barbarous hordes, as well as trust and love in the people themselves, 
they contributed in no small measure to introduce and extend the gos- 
pel among them. By marriage alliances, the seeds of Christianity 
were, in the next place, easily transplanted from one of these tribes to 
another. Thus the Burgundians,2 near the beginning of the fifth cen- 



' See Vol. II. p. 709. Caesarius was 
distinsruished for his zeal in promoting 
both the .spiritual and temporal welfare of 
the tribes among whom he lived : for his 
eftbrts to communicate religious instruc- 
tion to the people in a manner suited to 
their wants by the public preaching of the 
gospel, and by private intercourse with 
them, and for his earnest endeavors to 
ameliorate their temporal condition and to 
redeem captives who had been reduced to 
slavery. He sold the vessels and other 
property of the church, even down to liis 
own priestly robes, to furnish himself 
with means for bestowing charity The 
presents which he received from princes, 
he immediately converted into money, 
that he might have wherewith to succor 
the needy. Amid the most difficult rela- 
tions incident to the change of govern- 
ments under the conquests of different 
tribes, Burgundians, East Goths, West 
Goths, Franks, and under the reigns of 
Arian monarchs, whose suspicions he 
would be likely to excite by the difference 
of Ixis creed, he was enabled by a purity 



of life which commanded respect, by the 
wisdom witli which he accommodated him- 
self to men of different dispositions, and by 
a charity which was extended to all with 
out distinction, to preserve his influence 
unimpaired. Though subjected to perse- 
cutions, on the ground of political suspi- 
cion, yet his innocence brought him out 
victonous over them all, which caused him 
to be regarded with still greater reverence 
than before. See the accounts of his life 
by his disciples in the Actis sanctorum 
mens. August T. VI. His scattered ser- 
mons ( a complete critical edition of 
which still remains a desideratum ) ])rove 
also the activity of his life. 

* Orosius, in his History of the World 
(Hist. 8, 32), already si)caks of them as 
Christians, ami notices the change which 
Christianity had produced in the habits of 
the people. The account given of them by 
Socrates (7, 30) who was so far removed 
from the scene of events, though founded 
no doubt in some measure, on facts, is still 
too inaccurate to be rel'ed on. 



ACTIVITY OF THE ARIANS. O 

kxirj, and soon after theii- settlement in Gaul, were, in some way which 
cannot now be exactly determined, converted to Christianity. ^ If they 
did not, from the very first, receive their instruction in Christianity 
from Arian teachers,' yet by their intercourse with the Arian tribes 
settled in these districts, particularly the West Goths, they were led 
at some later period to embrace Arian doctrines ;* and it was only in. 
the reign of Gundobad, who stood in intimate and friendly relations 
with that zealous propagator of the Catholic faith, Avitus, bishop of 
Vicnne, frequently consulted him on matters of religious doctrine, and 
in the year 499 brought about a conference between him and the 
Arian clergy ,3 that the way was opened for the Burgundian chiefs to 
embrace the Niceue doctrine ; and his son Siegismund, who had been 
won over to it by Avitus durhig the life-time of his father, first de- 
clared decidedly in its favor when he ascended the throne in the 
year 517.^ 



' That they may have done so, is at least a 
very possible" siipjiosition. The truth is, we 
know little or nothing distinctly about the 
beginninj; of their conversion ; but their 
later steadfastness in maintaining the Arian 
doctrines would admit in this way of being 
more easily explained 

' The Ai-ians having been expelled 
from the Roman empire, were on this ac- 
count the more zealous in propagating 
their doctrines among the tribes who had 
not as yet embraced Christianity, or who 
were not firmly established in the Chris- 
tian faith. We have seen already (Vol. II. 
p. 473) why it was, that the Anti-Nicene 
doctrine proved particularly acceptable to 
thertintutored nations. It would certainly 
be wrong to pronounce an indiscriminate 
sentence of condemnation on all these 
Arian missionaries and ecclesiastics. Judg- 
ing from what may be known of them, 
from the life and writings of Fulgentius, 
bishop of Ruspe, and from the history of 
the jiersecution among the Vandals, we 
must conceive of them as l)eing in part 
rude zealots, who thought more of spread- 
ing Arianism than the gospel ; and Maxi- 
mus, bishoj) of Turin, warns the people 
against certain vagabond, prolvibly Arian, 
priests, who made it an easy matter to be- 
come a Christian, and of whom he says, 
that they led away the pco])lc by follaci- 
bus blandimentis, that taking advantage of 
the custom which prevailed among the 
German tribes of paying comjiensation 
money (Gcldbussen compositioncs) for all 
crimes, they had their prices for the abso- 
lution of sins, ut si ([uis laicorum fassus 
fuerit crimen admissum, non dicat ille : 
age ])Oonitcntiam, scd dicat : pro hoc crim- 
ine da tantnm mihi et indulgetur tibi. 
Hom. 10. in Mabillon Museum Italicum T. 
I. P. II. ]iagc 28. But there is nothing to 
warrant the opinion that such was the char- 
acter of the Ai-ian clergy generally. The 



condition of the Burgundian people speaks 
rather in their favor than against them. 
In a religious conference between the two 
parties held in the time of king Gundo- 
bad, A. D. 499, when Avitus, bishop of 
Vienne finally declared that God would 
give his own testimony in favor of the 
Catholic faith at the tomb of St. Justus, 
and proposed a trial of this sort to the king, 
the Arians, on the contrary, declared, se 
pro fide sua manifestenda facere nolle, ut 
fecerat Saul et ideo maledictus fuerat, aut 
recurrcre ad incantationes et illicita; suf- 
ficere sibi, se habere scripturam, quae sit 
fortior omnibus praestigiis, Vid. Sirmond. 
opera. T. II. p. 226. 

* One of the great ministers of state 
endeavored, not without reason, to sup- 
press this conference, for said he, tales 
rixae exasperabant animos multitudinis, 
et non poterat alicjuid boni ex iis prove- 
nire. 

* The question now arose whether those 
churches in which the Arians had worship- 
ped, should, after being newly consecrated 
be used for the Catholic worship ; accord- 
ing to the hitherto prevailing custom with re- 
gard to the temples of the pagans and here- 
tics, and according to the rule prescribed 
a few years before in France, by the coun- 
cil of Orleans (Aiu-elianen.sc) A. D. .511, 
in reference to the churches that had been 
previously used by the Arian Visi-Goths, 
c. 10. Avitus was opposed to the proposi- 
tion ; partly on the fanatical ground that a 
y)lace once desecrated by the worship of 
heretics could not be consei-rated again to 
holy uses ; but partly also for reasons 
which showed evidence of Christian wis- 
dom. Occasion would be given to the 
heretics should they be dciirivcd of their 
cliurchcs, for raising the cry of ]iersecution 
cum catholicam mansuetuiiinem calum- 
nis haereticoruin atque gentilium plus de 
ceat sustinere quam facere. Quid enim 



6 THE FRANKS. 

Through this people, the first seeds of Christianity found their way 
to another tribe, which, in these and the next succeeding times, played 
the most important part in the history of the West. We mean the 
Franks. Clotilda, the daughter of the Burgundian king Gundobad, 
married Clovis, king of the Salian Franks ; and this rough warrior, 
who probably looked upon rehgion as a matter of quite inferior impor- 
tance, and, pagan as he was, thought one mode of worship as good as 
another, left her in the free exercise of her own rites, to which she 
was devotedly attached. She labored to convince her lord that his 
idols were notliing, and to win him over to the Christian faith, by set- 
ting forth to him the almighty power of the one and only true God 
whom the Christians worshipped. But the pagan Clovis' had no other 
standard by which to measure the power of the gods, than the military 
success of the nations that worshipped them ; and the doAvnfall of the 
Roman empire, whence the worship of the Christian's God had been 
derived, was convincing proof to him, of the weakness or nothingness 
of that being. At the same time, he made no opposition to her pro- 
posal, that their first-born son should be dedicated to her God, and 
allowed him to be baptized.^ The cliild, however, soon afterwards 
died ; upon which Clovis declared that this event confirmed his opinion 
of the God of the Christians. But Clotilda still possessed sufficient 
influence over her husband, to obtain liis consent to the baptism of their 
second chUd. It so happened that this child also fell sick, and Clovis 
already predicted its death ; but the pious Clotilda, whose faith re- 
mained mishaken under every event, prayed God that its fife might be 
spared for the promotion of his glory among the heathen ; and its re- 
covery, which speedily followed, she announced to her husband as 
bestowed in answer to her prayers.^ The persuasion and the example 
of a wife, so devoted to her faith, and so zealous for its spread, would, 
without doubt, gradually produce on her husband's mind, though he 

tam durum quara si illi, qui aperta perver- down to them from their ancestors (cousu- 

sitate pereunt, de confessione sibi aut mar- etudinem generis et ritum paternae obser- 

tyrio blandiantur ? Nor was it, indeed, a vationis). 

thing impossible, that the present orthodox ^ Gregory of Tours (Hist. II. 27) men- 
monarch might be succeeded by another tions an incident in the life of Clovis which 
inclined to Arianism ; and in this case, tlie happened in 486, while he was still a pa- 
latter might think he had good cause for gan. A beautiful vase taken by his sol- 
commencing a persecution of the orthodox, diers from one of the churches was re- 
as a just retribution for the wrongs, suffered claimed by the bishop (probably Remigius 
by the other party: — non sectae suae of Rheims). Clovis promised at once to 
studio ; sed ex vicissitudinis retributione restore it, as soon as he should be able 
fecisse dicetur et nobis etiam post mortem to dispose of it as his portion of the booty, 
gravandis ad peccatum reputabitur, quic- This accords with what Avitus writes in 
quid fuerit perpessa posteritas. Or perhaps his letter to the king, concerning the res- 
some neiiihhoring Arian prince might think pect he showed to the bishops while he was 
himself clilled upon to inflict a retaliatory still a pagan : Humilitas quam jamdudum 
punishment on his own Catholic subjects, nobis devotione impenditis, qui nunc i>ri- 
The council held this year at Epaona, af- mum professione (after his baptism which 
ter the conversion of Sicgismund had been had just taken ])lacc) debetis. 
publicly declared, decided in its .3.3d Canon ^ Similar incidents are constantly recur- 
conformably to the opinion of Avitus. ring in the history of missions. Compa -c 
' Avitus states, in his letter to this king with tiiis, for example, the account given in 
(ep. 41), that when pagan monarchs were the Journal of the German missionaries in 
exhorted to cnange their religion, they said India of June, 1832 ; — in tlie Missionarj 
they could not forsake the religion handed Register for the year 1832, p. 190. 



VENERATION PAID TO ST. MARTIN OF TOURS. 7 

mii^lit be unconscious of it, a deep and pennancnt impression, which 
was only strengthened bj certain remarkable incidents suited to work 
on the feehngs and temper of the untutored Frank. 

Martin, the former bishop of Tours, was at that time, the object of 
universal veneration in France. In all circumstances of distress, bod- 
ily or spiritual, men were accustomed to seek relief from God through 
his intercession. His tomb, over which a church had been erected, 
Avas repaired to for relief, by sick persons of every description ; and 
not a year passed in which many instances were not recorded of per- 
jured *^men, here constrained to confess the truth, or else punished by 
some signal judgment — of the insane, the nervous, the epilejitic, the 
deaf and dumb, the blind, here restored to soundness and health.* 
The very dust from St. Martin's tomb, fragments of the Avax_ tapers 
that bm-ned before his shrine, or of the curtains that veiled it, and 
everything which was thought to be consecrated by having once been 
in contact with it, were prized as miraculous remedies or powerful 
amulets to remove or avert every species of evil. This veneration of 
St. Martin extended even to Italy and to Spain. As to the reported 
facts, if Ave leave out of the question those cases m which there may 
have been some cooperation of intentional fraud, Ave shall find many of 
them to differ in no respect from the facts related among behcA-ing 
Christians of all times, respectmg ansAvers to prayer ; though added 
to this, in the present case, Avas a reliance on human mediation, quite 
foreign from the spirit of pure Christianity. But many of these facta 
also may be explained from the influence of a strong faith, of devo- 
tional feelings, of an excited imagination ; — from the natural Avorking 
of both mental and physical powers ; Avliilst the rigid abstemiousness, 
necessary to be observed by the patients, contributed to promote their 
cure ;2 and the ignorant Avho, Avithout further inquiry, surrendered 
themselves to the impression of the moment, easily traced a causal 
connection in an accidental coincidence ; and as none Avere inclined to 
investigate the immediate natural causes of the ATisible facts, while an 
exafrseratins fancy added something more to them, so the most Avon- 
derful stories Avere told of the extraordmary works performed by fet. 
Martin. And if much that seemed too incredible sometimes provoked 
the understanding to doubt, such doubts Avere scouted as suggestions 
of the devil. ^ 

These extraordinary things Avhich happened at St. Martin's tomb, 
Clotilda often related to her husband as proofs of the almighty power 
of the God Avorshipped by the Christians. Clovis, hoAvever, still pro- 

' Bishop Gregory of Tours, wlio flonr- ^ Gregory of Tours remarks, coiieem- 

ished at th? close of the sixth century, eol- ing the cures performed on those supjjosed 

Iccted together all these legends in his four to be possessed of devils, and on those sick 

books de miraculis S. Martini — a work with fevers, that they could on-ly expect re- 

which, notwithstanding the ^many fahu- lief si vere fuerint ])arcitas et tides con- 

lous stories it records, contains a great deal junctae.— De miraculis Martini, 1. 1, c. 8, — 

of instructive matter relating to the life and that one individual who relapsed inu 

and manners of those times, as well as in- his former dissipated life was attacked 

teresting facts in a psychological jjoint of again. I. c. 8. 
new. ^ Gregor. Turoncns. 1. c. 1. 11. c. 32. 



8 CONVERSION OF CLOVIS. 

fessed to be incredulous ; he -would believe these facts when he sa-w 
them with his own eyes.' 

Thus by a concurrence of impressions of various kinds, the mind of 
Clevis was prepared for a religious change, when by a remarkable 
event, which would have been attended with the same effect under no 
other circumstances, this change was accomphshed. At the battle of 
Ziilpich (Tolbiacum), fought between him and the Alemanni in the 
year 496, he found himself and his army placed in a situation of ex- 
treme peril. He invoked his gods for deliverance in vain ; Avhen call- 
ing to mind all the accounts he had heard respecting the almighty 
power of the Christian's God, he addressed his supphcations to Him, 
vowing, that if by his assistance the victory should be gained, he 
would devote himself wholly to His service. The enemy was con- 
quered, and Clo\ds ascribed his success to the powerful arm of the 
Christian's God. Rejoicing over the change thus produced in her hus- 
band's mind, Clotilda sent for Kemigius, the venerable bishop of 
Rheims, Avho found on his arrival the ear of the king already open for 
his message. When the bishop spoke of the crucifixion, the Frankish 
warrior indignantly exclaimed :" Had I only been there with my 
Franks, I would have taught those Jews a better lesson," The festival 
of Easter was chosen as the day for his baptism,^ which was performed 
with great solenmity. It produced a wide sensation and was elabo- 
rately described^ in the pompous rhetorico-poetical language of the 
times.* The example of the king was followed by many others, and 
it is reported that more than three thousand of his army received bap- 
tism at one time.* 

Important, however, as was the conversion of Clovis, considered in 
reference to the effect which it had, by reason of his continually ex- 
tending power, in enlarging the boundaries of the Christian church ; 

' Nicetius, bishop of Triers, writes to turies later, when it was desired to have 

the Longobard queen Clodeswinde, Clotil- the conlirmation bestowed on Clovis with 

da's aunt : Audisti ab avia tua Chlotilde, the chrism or roval unction, that an oil- 

qualiter in Franciam venerit, quomodo vase was snpcrnaturally provided — the so 

dominum Chlodoveum ad legem catholi- called amjiulla Kemensis. 
cam adduxerit, et quuin esset astutissimus ^ The important bearing which it was 

noluit acquiescere, antequam vera agnos- supposed the conversion of Clovis would 

cei-et. Quum ilia, quae supra dixi, proba- have on the spread of Christianity among 

ta cognovit, humilis ad Martini limina ce- the races of German descent, appears from 

cidit et baptizari se sine mora permisit. the abovementioned congratulatory letter 

bibl. patr. Galland. T. XII. of Avitus. He expected that the whole 

^ As we are informed in the letter of nation of the Franks would now embrace 

Avitus to the king, already cited, which Christianity, and invites the king to lend 

was written shortly after his'ba])tism: "Ut his aid by means of embassies to promote 

tonsequenter eo die ad salutem regenerari the spread of the gospel : ut quia Deus 

vos pateat, quo natum redemptioni suae gentem vestram per vos ex toto suam fa- 

coeli dominum mundus aecepit." ciet, ulteriorilms quoque gcntibus, quas in 

^ Thus Gregory of Tours : Totum tem- naturali .adhuc ignorantia constitut;is nulla 

plum baptistcrii divino rcsjjergitur ab odo- pravorum dogmatum germina corruperunt 

re talemque ilii gratiam adstantihus Deus (among whom the Arian doctrines h.ad as 

tribuit, ut aestimarent, se paradisi odoribus yet found no admission) de bono thesauro 

collocari. vestri cordis tidei scmina porrigatis, nee 

* The wrong interpretation of such ex- pudeat pigeat((ue etiam directis in rem le- 

pressions and symbolical paintings gave gationibus adstruere partes Dei, qui tan 

origin to the well-known legend some cen- turn vestras erexit. 



REGENERATION OF THE FRAXKISH CnURCH. S 

yet, as in the case of Constantine, his conversion was of such a nature 
as to lead him, in assuming the Christian profession, to clothe his for- 
mer mode of thinlcing in a new garb, rather than to change it entirely 
to make room for a full and hearty admission of the gospel spirit. 
His worldly and political projects too much occupied his attention, or 
he was too busily engaged in war, to allow himself time for earnest 
reflection on the rehgion he professed, so as to understand and truly 
appropriate it. The God of the Christians first appeared to him as 
his protector ui war ; he would fain reckon on enjoying the assistance 
of the same powerful arm in the future, and he imagined that he 
should ssecure it by making rich donations to the church. He gladly 
seized every opportunity to throw a sacred coloring over his ambitious 
schemes, by pretending a zeal for the glory of God ; as, m making 
war -with the Visi-Goths who were Arians.' 

In all cases Avhere large tribes of men are said to have been con- 
verted through the influence of their chiefs, a great deal must of 
course be set do\vn as merely of an outward character : hence, when 
Christianity had already assumed the form of a dominant religion among 
the Franks, it is not surprising that idolatry should still be found to have 
so many votaries, that king Childebert, in the year 554, was obliged 
to pass a law against those who Avould not allow idolatrous images to 
be removed from their estates. The Frankish nobles, also, from this 
time, were anxious to secure a good foundation for their piety by rich 
donations to churches and monasteries, which thus became exposed still 
more than ever to the pillaging disposition of others ; while at the same 
time an incentive Avas offered to the intrusion of worldly-minded men 
into the sacred office. After this followed those numberless internal 
dissensions, wars and revolutions, within the Frankish empire, which 
encouraged barbarism and gave a check to the civilizing influences of 
Christianity and the church. Now, as all that can be done by any 
church, for the real dissemination of Christianity, depends on its own 
internal condition, so the truth was in the present case, that although 
the power of the Frankish empire opened the way for missions, and 
contributed much to facilitate and promote their progress, and although, 
in solitary instances, missions were actually sent forth by the Frankish 
church, yet the most important missionary effiirts did not proceed from 
this quarter ; but the dismembered church of the Franks itself need- 
ed regeneration, which was to be obtained only from some other source. 

The first impulse towards this regeneration proceeded from the same 
countries which sent forth also the most important missions. Those 
islands at the West, which were so well adapted by their situation ^ to 
furnish quiet and secluded seats for seminaries of Christian instruction 
and culture, and to serve the great jturpose of dispersing abroad spir- 
itual blessings as well as other benefits to mankind — the islands of 

' Wlicn the Burgundian kini: Gundo- swer to this proposition : non est lides, ubi 

bad was invited bv Avitus bisliop of Vi- est ajjpctentia alieni ct sitis sanguinis pop- 

ennc and others, at the conference in 4<)'.t, ulorum, ostendat {idem per opera sua 

to abandon the Arian doctrines, and. liiie Sec D'Achery Spicilegia. T. III. ed. fol 

Clovis, profess the Catholic, he said in an- f. 305. 



10 IRELAND, SCOTLAND. 

Great Britain and Ireland Avere the spots, where in retired monaste 
ries, those men obtained their training, who were destined to be teach- 
ers and educators of the rude nations. Let us, then, first cast a glance 
at the history of Christianity in the islands which had so important a 
Bhare in the further extension of the Christian church. 

As it regards Ireland, St, Patrick' had here left behind him a series 
of disciples, who continued to labor on in his own spirit. Ireland be- 
came the seat of famous monasteries, which acquired the name for 
this country of " Island of the Saints" (insula sanctorum). In 
these monasteries, the Scriptures were dihgently read ; ancient books 
eagerly collected and studied. They formed missionary schools ; such 
for example, in the last half of the sixth century was the monastery of 
Bangor, founded by the venerable abbot Comgall. After Christianity 
had been conveyed at a much earlier period, by Ninyas, a British 
bishop, to the Southern provinces of the Picts in Scotland, the abbot 
Columba, of Ireland, transplanted it, about the year 565, among the 
northern Picts, a people separated from those of the South by lofty 
mountains covered Avith ice and snow. The Picts Avhom he converted 
gave him the Island of Hy, north-Avest of Scotland, afterAvards reck- 
oned as one of the Hebrides. Here he founded a monastery, Avhich 
under his management during thirty years, attained the highest repu- 
tation, — a distant and secluded seat for the pursuit of biblical studies 
and other sciences according to the standard of those early times. 
The memory of Columba made this monastery so venerated, that its 
abbots had the control and guidance of the bordering tribes and 
churches ; and even bishops acknoAvledged their authority, though they 
were but simple priests. This island Avas named after himself, St-. 
lona (the names Columba and lona being probably, one the Latin, 
the other the Hebrid translation of an originally Irish Avord), St. Co- 
lumba, and the Island of ColumcelU, Colum Kill.s 

While in this Avay, Christianity Avas planted among the Scots and 
Picts, even to the extreme north of these islands, the Christian 
church had been forced out of its original seat, in ancient Britain, 
England proper. The Britons — among Avhom Christianity had al- 
ready found entrance, having probably been brought to them directly 
or indirectly from the East^ as early as the latter part of the second 
century — Avere from very remote times, a Christian nation ; though 
great corruptions had sprung up and become spread among all raiiks 
of the people." Finding themselves unable to resist the destructive 
inroads of their ancient foes, the Picts and Scots, or to obtain any as 
sistance from the feeble Roman emjire, the Britons had betaken them- 
selves, about the middle of the fifth century, to the wariike German 
tribe of the Anglo-Saxons. The latter, however, made themselves mas- 

' See Vol. 11. p. UG. '' As the fait is descrihcd hy the preshy- 

* Coluinha was named as founder of ter (iildas — a man spnuii: from the mHst 

several *monasteries. Sec the traditions of tliis peo])le — in a work in which he 

resi)ectin"- him eollccted in Usserii IJritan- represents the ca])ture and devastation of 

nicarum "ecelesiarum antir[uitates ed. II. the eonntry hy the An^lo-Saxons. a,s a di- 

p 362 f. vine judgment, — his work De excidio Bri 

•■' See Vol. I. p. S5. tanniae. 



ENGLAND. 11 

ters of the country ; leaving only the western portion to its old pos- 
sessors, while 'they themselves founded the empire of the Anglo-Sax 
on Heptarchy. It was now, indeed, in the power of the Biitons, to do 
much for the conversion of that Pagan tribe ; but the existing na- 
tional hate between the conquerors and the conquered' forbade it. It 
was not till a century and a half later, that the Roman bishop, Greg- 
ory the Great, ;*, man ardently bent on promoting the kingdom of God 
and whose far reacliing eye, in spite of difficulties which seemed ever 
springing up afresh, embraced among its objects the remote and the 
near, drew up a plan for founding the Christian church among the 
Anglo-Saxons. An impression he had received in his earher years, be- 
fore he became a bishop, and while abbot of a monastery in Rome, 
first set him upon this project. Strolling to the public mart, he stop 
pfd to observe the foreign traders there engaged in opening and ex- 
posing their merchandize for sale, when his attention Avas caught bj 
certain boys, brought from afar, and distinguished for their noble air, 
who were waiting to be sold. He inquired after their country, and learn- 
ed to his great grief that a people so distinguished by nature, were as 
yet wholly destitute of the higher gifts of grace. He at once resolved 
to go himself and convey to them these blessings, and he would have 
done so, had he not, at the instigation of the Roman chm-ch, been re- 
called by the then Roman bishop, when abeady several days on his 
journey.* But the plan itself he could never abandon ; and he seems, 
when bishop of Rome, to have been devising, from the first, how he 
might best carry his purpose into effect. Thus, he directed the pres- 
byter whom he had sent to take charge of the property belonging to 
the Roman church in France, to expend part of the money collected 
in Gaul in the purchase of such Anglo-Saxon youths, as might be ex- 
posed for sale, and to send them in company with an ecclesiastic, who 
could baptize them in case of mortal sickness, to Rome ; in order 
that they might there be instructed and trained in the monasteries 3 
Perhaps it was his intention to employ them, after they had been per- 
fectly disciplined in the monastic life, as missionaries among their coun- 
trymen. Meantime an event had occurred, peculiarly well suited to fa- 
ther the projected mission. Ethelbert, king of Kent, then the mightiest 
among the small kingdoms of the Heptarchy, had married Bertha, a 
Prankish, Christian princess. She had connected with her household 
a certain bishop Liuthard, and was allowed freely to observe the rites 
of her rehgion. From her, therefore, the missionaries might expect to 
find, at once, a favorable reception and support. The vigilant Greg- 
ory, wliom nothing escaped which could be made serviceable in pro- 
moting liis great work, may have been moved by this very circum- 
stance to proceed to the execution of his plan. Accordingly, in the 
year 596, he sent Augustin, a Roman abbot, together with several as- 
sociates,* among whom were Peter the monk, and the presbyter Lauren- 

' Gilflas calls the An<ilo-Si\xoiis nefandi * He was abbot of the monastery wliich 

noniinis Saxoiii, Deo hominibusque invisi. had been founded by Gregory himself 

'■^ Beda hist. an<j. II. I. when he retired from "the world. Monas 

^ Epp. 1. VI. ej). VII. terii mei praepositus. 1. IV. ep. 108. 



12 AUGUSTIN. 

tius, to England. These persons while on their jourhej were fright 
ened at the report of the difficulties and dangers which threatened 
them ; and sent Augustin back to the Roman bishop, to obtain a release 
from their commission ; whereupon, Gregory, m a friendly, but earnest 
appeal,' exhorted them to finish the good work commenced with God's 
help ; since it were far better not to begin a good enterprise, than hav- 
ing begun it, to look back. They should remember, that great and 
painful labors would be followed by the reward of everlasting glory. 
On their journey through France, from which country they were to 
cross over to England, Gregory recommended them to the Frankish 
princes and nobles, whose connection with the Anglo-Saxon rulers 
might be made of service to them ; and he also bade them take inter- 
preters from the Frankish kingdom. 

In 597, Augustin, with forty companions, landed on the isle of Thar 
net, eastward of Kent, and sent to inform the kbig of the purpose 
for which they were come. The king made his appearance on the 
next day, to confer with them on the subject. Fearful of magic, he 
did not venture his person under the same roof with them ; but would 
only confer with them in the open air. But Augustin's words inspired 
him with confidence, and he declared that he now saw they had honest 
intentions, and that they had come from so great a distance to coiamu- 
nicate to him that which they considered to be the greatest and best 
of blessings. Yet he could not so lightly and quickly abandon the re- 
ligion of his nation and of his fathers. All he could do at present by 
way of acknowledging their good intentions, was this; — he would 
furnish them a dwelling and the means of support at his capital, Dor- 
overn (Canterbury), and they might be allowed to convince such as 
they could of the truth of their religion, and afterwards to baptize 
them. Thus the missionaries commenced their labors on a small scale. 
They took no more than barely sufficed for their scanty diet. Their 
disinterested, severe mode of life gained for them esteem and confi- 
dence. An old, dilapidated church belonging to the Roman times, and 
consecrated to St. Martin, afforded them the first place for divine wor- 
ship, where they baptized the new Christians, and held with them then* 
rehgious meetings. It is certain, that the propagation of Christianity 
among this rude people was helped forward by a concurrence of cir- 
cumstances, or facts, which appeared to the people as miracles, and 
were also regarded as such by Augustin. By impressions of this kind, 
effects great for the moment, though not of an enduring character, 
may have been produced ; and the missionaries themselves may have 
suffered themselves to be deceived by the unexpected and surprising 
success of their labors. Even the king, who had been gradiially pre- 
pared for it through the influence of his Christian wife, decided to em- 
brace the gospel, and Avas baptized. Yet he declared, in pubhcly pro- 
fessing Christianity, that he would not make his own religious persuar 
sion a" law for his subjects ; but in this would leave each one to hia 
own free choice ; since Augustin had taught him, that the Christian 

» L. VI. ep. 51 



GREGORY'S PRINCIPLES. 



13 



worship of God must proceed from conviction, and could not be ex-, 
torted by outward force. It may be safely conjectured, that Augustin 
had been directed by the Roman bishop, to aim at extending the faith 
by instruction and persuasion, by acts of love winning the heart, and 
not by forcible measures ; for a correct msight into the nature of di- 
vine worship generally, and of Christianity in particular, as well as 
the spirit of charity by which he was animated had led bishop Grego- 
ry to adopt this as a principle, though he by no means always acted iu 
conformity with it in practice.' Still, the king distmguished by pecu- 
liar marks of favor those who followed his own example in rehgion. 
The exami^le and influence of the monarch, and the sensuous unpres- 
sions produced by the miracles, which the people supposed they beheld, 
induced great numbers to receive baptism ; with many of whom, how- 
ever, as was shown by succeeding events, the faith had taken no deep 
root. On one Christmas festival, Augustin was enabled to baptize 
more than ten thousand pagans,^ to which momentary, and apparently 



' We may here compare together Grego- 
ry's differcDt modes of procedure in these 
matters. Wlien blind zeal, or selfish pas- 
sions, making use of religion as a pretext, 
disturbed the Jews in the free exercise of 
their worship in the synagogues secured to 
them by the ancient laws, Gregory stood 
forth astheir protector, and emphatically re- 
monstrated against such conduct. To this 
course, he might be led, in these cases, sim- 
ply by a regard for justice, and zeal for the 
preservation of order ; as the Jews were 
threatened to be deprived, in an arbi- 
trary manner, of the riglits secured to 
them by law — a reason which he him- 
self alleges against such proceedings ; 
L. I. ep. 1 0. " Hebraeos gravari vel aliligi 
contra ordinem rationis prohibemus ; sed 
sicut Romanis vivere legibus permittuntur, 
annuente justitia actus suos, ut norunt, nul- 
lo irapcdieute disponant," and L. VIII. ep. 
25. " Judaei in his, quae iis concessa sunt, 
nullum debent pracjudicium sustinere." 
But he also declared himself opposed to 
all attempts whatever to convert the Jews 
by forcible measures, — because the very 
opposite eftcct might be produced from 
what was intended. The only proper way 
of dealing with them, in his opinion, was 
by instructing and convincing them. L. 
IX. ep. 47, to the bishops of Aries and of 
Marseilles : ''Dum cnim quispiam ad bap- 
tismatis fontem non praedicationis suavita- 
te, sed necessitate pervenerit, ad pristinam 
superstitionem remeans, inde detcrius mo- 
ritur, unde renatus esse videbatur. Frater- 
nitas ergo vestra hujus modi homines fre- 
quenti praedicatione provocct, quatenus 
mutare vetcrem vitam magls do doctoris 
suavitate desiderent, adliii)endus ergo est 
illis sermo, qui et erronim in ipsis spinas 
urere debeat et praedicando quod in his 
tenebrescit illuminet." And in a letter to 
the bishop of Naples L. XIII. ep. 12 : " cur 



Judaeis, qualiter caerimonias suas colere 
debeant, regulas ponimus, si per hoc eos 
lucrari non possumus 1 agendum ergo est, 
ut ratione potius ct mansuetudine provo- 
cati, sequi nos velint, non fugere, ut eis eji^ 
eorum codicibus osteudentes quae dicimus, 
ad sinum matris ecclesiae Deo possimug 
adjuvantc convertere." And I. ep. 35. " eos, 
qui a religione Christiana discordant, man- 
suetudine, benignitate, admonendo, suaden- 
do, ad unitatcm hdei necesse est congrega- 
re, ne, quos dulcedo praedicationis et prae- 
ventus futuri judicis terror ad credendum 
invitare poterat, minis et terroribus repel- 
lantur." Still Gregory did not always act 
according to the principles here expressed. 
Thus, for example, he directed that the 
Jews, whose estates were held of property 
belonging to the Roman church in Sicily, 
should be exempted from a certain portion 
of the rents to be paid on them, if they con- 
sented to receive baptism- Now he must 
certainly have been aware, that conversions 
so ])rought about, could not be sincere ; but 
he thought: " et si ipsi minus fidehterve- 
niunt, hi tamen, (jui de eis nati fuerint, jam 
fidelius baptizantur." L. V. ep. 7. And 
he directed that the peasantry still devoted 
to paganism in Sardinia, should be induced, 
by taxing them beyond their means of pay- 
ment, to renounce their religion, ut ipsa 
reactionis suae poena coinpellaiitur ad rcc- 
titudinem festinare. 1. IV. ep. 26. Those 
who still persisted in idolatry, sliould, if 
they belonged to the class of bondmen, bo 
punished corporeally, and if to the free- 
men, with close imprisonment, ut qui sal- 
ubria ct a mortis ]iericulo revocantia audi- 
re verba contemnunt, cruciatus saltcm eo3 
corporis ad dosidoratam mentis valer nt re- 
dueere sanitatcm. 1. IX. ep. 85. 1. VIII 
ep. 18. 

* Grcfforv savs, in his letter to Eulogius 
bishop of Aiexaiidria, 1. VIII. ep 30, touch 



14 AUGUSTIN'S mission to GREGORY. 

great success, Augustin attached too much importance. In obedience 
to the instructions of Gregory, he now crossed over to France, and 
received from Etherich, bishop of Aries the episcopal ordination, in or- 
der that he might perform in the new church the duties of a bishop. 
He next despatched to Rome liis two associates, the presbyter Lauren- 
tins, and Peter the monk, in order to give pope Gregory, whom he 
had probably informed abeady m a general manner of the great suc- 
cess of his labors, a more detailed account of his proceedings ; to re- 
ceive instructions as to the course he ought to pursue, with regard to 
disputed points, in settlmg the order of the new church, so that a firm 
shapmg might be given to it by papal authority ; and also to demand 
of the pope new assistants for a work requiruig so much labor. In 
the first letter or one of the first of Gregory to Augustin, he express- 
ed his gi-eat joy at what had been done in England. He recognized 
in this, the hand of Him, who said, " My Father worketh hitherto, 
and I also work ;" but at tiie same time, he warned the missionary in 
the language of true Christian wisdom. Augustin might well rejoice, 
he said, that by outward signs and wonders, the souls of the English 
had been drawn to mward grace ; but in the consciousness of human 
weakness, he should ever be on the watch against piide. He remind- 
ed him of our Saviour's words to his disciples, when they returned 
from their first mission, and testified their joy, that the evil spirits 
were made subject to them in his name (Luke 10: 20.) ; how he 
tm^ned their minds away from all selfish and temporal grounds of 
joy, to universal and enduring ones ; for the disciples of truth should 
rejoice only in the good which is common to all, and in that which is 
the end of all joy. As a check to spiritual pride in its first begimiings, 
he advised him straitly to examine and prove himself, and to be ever 
mindful of the end for which this gift was bestowed on him ; that he 
had only received it for the salvation of those among whom he labored. 
He held up to him as a warning the example of Moses, who, though the 
instrument, under God, of so many miracles, yet was not permitted 
hunself to enter the promised land. He also reminded liim, that mira- 
cles were no certain evidence of election ; for our Lord had said, that 
many who appealed to the wonderful works, they had done, would not 
be received by him, Matth. 7: 22. One mark alone had our Lord 
given, in the possession of which liis disciples might truly rejoice, and 
recognize in it the glory of election, — the mark of his discipleship, 
■which is love, John lo: 53. This I write to thee — says Gregory — 
that I may exhort thee to humility ; but to humility, thou must join a 
confident trust in God. " I who am a smner — exclaims the pope — en- 
tertain the most confident assurance, that through the grace of our al- 
mighty Creator and Redeemer, thy sins are already forgiven thee, and 

ing the conversion of tlie English people by Christinas festival. And ]). 27 in c. 36. Job. 

means of Augnstin : "(piia tantisniiraculis c. 21. Omnipotcns Doniinus emicantibus 

vel ipse vel lii, ijui cum co transmissi sunt, praedicatoruin miraculis ad fidem etiaro 

in gcnte eadem coruscant, ut apustoloruin terminos nuindi jierduxit. Linsjua Britan- 

virtutes in signis quae cxhibcnt, iniitari vi- niae, quae nil aliud noverat, quam barba- 

dcaiitur." He then cites the account of the rum frendere, jam dudum in Divinis laudi- 

baptism of this great multitude on the last bus Hebraeum coepit alleliya resonare 



HIS REGULATIONS. 15 

that thou art, on that account, a chosen instrument to procure the 
forgiveness of their sins for others. 

Gregory sent him some new assistants ; choosing, as a friend and 
favorer of the monastic Ufe, none but monks for tliis purpose, over 
Avliom he placed, as superior, the abbot MeUitus. To the latter, he 
gave an exhortatory, pastoral letter, together with presents, for the 
king. By the same hand, he sent to Augustin the pall, wliich marked 
the dignity of an archbishop ; copies of the sacred Scriptui-es, reUcs to 
be used in the consecration of the new churches, together vnth. several 
ecclesiastical vessels, and a reply to the questions wliich had been pro- 
posed to him ; questions which, it must be confessed, betrayed some 
narro^vness of mind in the proposer. Augustin, in his journey through 
France, had been struck, among other things, by the difference be- 
tween many of the church customs prevailing in Gaul and the Roman 
usages, and he asked the Roman bishop, why it was, that with but one 
faith, tlie church should so differ in its ritual. To this Gregory replied, 
that although he had been brought up in the Roman church, stiU he 
ought by no means, in settling the order of the new church, to follow 
exclusively the example of Rome ; but should select the good from all 
quarters, where it was to be found, whether in the Gallic church or 
elsewhere ; for the thing ought not to be loved on account of the place, 
but only the place on account of the thing, — a warning against the 
bigoted attachment to Roman forms, which deserves notice as coming 
from the mouth of a Roman bishop. At first, it was Gregory's inten- 
tion, which he intimated, indeed, to king Ethelbert,3 to have all the 
temples of idolatry desti-oyed. But on maturer reflection, he altered 
his mind, and despatched a letter after the abbot Melhtus,3 in which 
he declared, that the idol temples, if well built, ought not to be de- 
stroyed, but sprinkled mth holy water, and sanctified by holy rehcs, 
should be converted into temples of the hving God ; so that the people 
might be the more easily induced to assemble in their accustomed 
places.'* Moreover, the festivals in honor of the idols, of which the 
rude people had been deprived, should be replaced by others, either 
on the anniversaries of the consecration of churches, or on days de- 
voted to the memory of the saints, whose rehcs were deposited in them. 
On such flays, the people should be taught to erect arbors around the 
churches, in which to celebrate their festive meals, and thus be hold- 
en to thank the giver of all good for these temporal gifts. Being thus 
allowed to indulge in some sensual enjoyments, they could be the more 
easily led to those which are inward and spiritual. It was impossible 

' Lib. XI. ep. 28. The more Grej^ory cles which mistakes the Christian concop- 

was inclined to believe in miracles wrought tion of a miracle and the essence of the 

in his own times, and to regard them as higher life. We shall unfold his remarka- 

manifest tokens of divine interference to ble ideas on this subject, when we come to 

advance the weal of the church, the more speak of his character generally. See below 

remarkable it a])pcnrs, that he still by no ° L. XI. ep. 66. 

means over-r:#od the importance of mira- ^ L. XI. ep. 76. 

eles as a means of furthering the kingdom * Ad loca, quae consuerit, familiarius 

of God ■, and that he was ever decidedly concurrat. 
opposed to that fleshly eagerness for mira- 



16 ARCHBISHOPRIC OF CANTERBURY. 

■^he said — for rude and untutored minds to receive all tliin>j;s at 



once 



In appointing Augustin to be the first archbishop over the new 
church, it was Gregory's intention to make London the seat of this 
archbishopric, to which twelve bishoprics Avere to be subordinate. As 
soon as Christianity should be extended so far to the north, the second 
metropolis was to be established at Eboraciun (York) ; and the two 
archbishoprics were, for all future time, to be independent of each 
other, equal in dignity, and subject only to the bishop of Rome.' 
That is, he marked out the church dioceses by the rank which the 
cities of England had acquired under the Roman dominion. From 
the history of those earher times he had become well acquainted with the 
cities of Z/ondinum and Ehoracwm ; but not with Dorovern (Canter- 
bury), which had first risen to notice as capital of one of the seven 
Anglo-Saxon kingdoms. But to make London, which belonged to 
another government, the seat of the first archbishopric, was, of course, 
beyond Augustin's power. He could only select, for this purpose, 
the chief city of the kingdom in which he had first planted the Chris- 
tian church ; and hence in this particular, it was necessary to deviate 
from the papal instruction. But of the negotiations which took place 
between Augustin and the Roman bishop on this subject, we know 
nothing. When, however, through the influence of king Ethelbert, 
whose niece had married Sabert, king of Essex, a door was opened 
for the introduction of Christianity into this province, Augustin estab- 
lished an archbishopric for this portion of the Heptarchy at London, 
and gave it over to Mellitus. 

By the instructions of the Roman bishop, Augustin was to have 
supreme direction not only over the newly estabhshed Anglo-Saxon, 
but also over the ancient British church ; for he went on the piin- 
ciple, that to him, as successor of St. Peter, belonged the spiritual 
power over the whole Western church. Augustin who, with all his 
pious zeal, seems not to have been wholly exempt from spiritual pride 
and ambition, was unAvilling to yield a particle of his dignity, as pri- 
mate over the entire English church, or to tolerate any spiritual author- 
ity in England independent of his own. He considered it, moreover, 
as highly important, when the laborers for the church which was to be 
built up among a pagan people were so few, to gain the active co- 
operation of the numerous clergy and monks of the British race. 
But as the Britons had not received their Christianity from Rome, but 
directly or indirectly from the East,3 they had not been used to vexe- 
rence the Roman church as their mother-church, nor to place them- 
selves in any relation of dependence upon it. Their long separa- 
tion from the rest of Western Christendom had naturally served to 
strengthen and confirm in them the spirit of ecclesiastical freedom. 
They had, moreover, from the most ancient times, given a different 

' Grep^ory appeals here to the example practised in the worship of idols to the 

of the divine method for educating man- worship of the true God. 

kind. He regards the Jewish sacrificial ^ See L. XI. ep. 65. 

worship as a "transfer of that whicli was ^ See Vol. I. p. 85 



RELATION OF THE NEW CHURCHES TO THE ANCIENT BRITISH. 17 

form to many parts of the ritual, from that -which prevailed in the 
Roman church ; they differed, for example, in the time for observing 
Easter, in the form of tonsure among the clergy, and in the mode of 
baptism. Augustin's bigoted attachment to the forms of the Roman 
church, as well as his spiritual pride, did not cpahfy him to pass a 
charitable judgment on these diversities, or to seek the means of 
reconciling them. The abbot of the most distinguished British monas- 
tery, at Bangor, Deynoch by name, whose opinion in ecclesistical 
affairs had the most weight with his countrjnnen, when urged by 
Augustin to submit, in all things to the ordinances of the Roman 
church, gave him the following remarkable answer : " We are all 
ready to hsten to the church of God, to the pope at Rome, and to 
every pious Christian, that so we may show to each, according to his 
station, perfect love, and uphold him by word and deed. We know 
not, that any other obedience can be required of us towards him 
whom you call the pope or the father of fathers. But this obeclience 
we are prepared constantly to render to him and to every Christian. "i 
At the suggestion of king Ethelbert, the bishops of the nearest 
British province were invited to hold a conference with Augustin 
about these matters ; and a council for this purpose was held, accord- 
ing to the ancient German custom, near an oak.a It was quite 
characteristic of Augustm, that when he found the Britons were not 
disposed to yield, he proposed that a sick man should be brought 
before them, whom both the parties should try to restore by their 
prayers, and that the answer given should be considered as a decision 
of the question by the divine judgment. The Britons finally declared, 
that they could do nothing without the consent of a larger number of 
their party. But previous to the calling of a more numerous church 
assembly, they consulted the opmion of a pious hermit, who stood 
with them in the highest veneration. He told them, they might follow 
Augustin, if he was a man of God. When they inquired how they 
were to know whether he was a man of God, he rephed, if he be 
meek and lowly of spirit, after the pattern of our Lord, it is to be 
expected that, as a disciple of Christ, he will bear liimself the yoke 
of his Master, and will lay no heavier burden on others. But if he 
is of a violent, overbearing spirit, it is plain, that he is not born of 
God ; and we should pay no regard to his words. When they in- 
quii-ed still further by what signs they might know whether he was a 
meek and humble man, he said they should allow liim and his attend- 
ants to enter first into the place where they were to assemble ; and 
if upon their entrance he arose to meet them, they shoidd acknow- 
ledge him as a servant of Christ. But not so, if notwithstanding 
their great superiority to his own party in numbers, he still remained 
sitting. Tliis proof of humility, Augustin failed to show ; and the 
Britons refused to enter with him into any terms of agreement, 

' See the Anglo-Suxon ori^iinal of these ' Wliich place was still called in the time 
words, with the Latin version in Wilkins' of Bede, Augustin's oak. The synod at 
Collection of English councils, or in Bede's Wigorn, A. D. 601. 
Hist, eccles. Angl. ed. Smith, f. 116, 

VOL. III. 2 



18 ALTERED CONDITION OF THE CHURCHES IN KENT AND ESSEX. 

" Well, then " — lie is said to have indignantly exclaimed — " as you 
are unwiUing to recognize the Anglo-Saxons as brethren, and to preach 
to them the word of hfe, you shall have them as foes, and experience 
their vengeance." The national hatred of the Anglo-Saxons towards 
the Britons, which by this church schism Augustin was the means of 
fomenting, would easily bring about the fulfilment of this threat.^ 
But the relation of the Britons to the Anglo-Saxon, and to the Roman 
church, had an important influence on the history of the church in 
the West duiing the next succeeding centuries, for we afterwards find 
many traces of a reaction against the Roman hierarchy, proceeding 
from the spirit of ecclesiastical freedom among the Britons. 

Upon the death of Augustin, in 605, he was succeeded, in accord- 
ance "with his own wishes, by Laurentius. But the new chm-ch had 
by no means been estabUshed as yet on a firm basis, calculated to 
withstand every change of circumstances ; for, as we have already 
remarked, the conversion of many to Christianity had been brought 
about by the example and the influence of their king, or by momen- 
tary impressions on the senses, rather than by any well-grounded 
conviction. Hence on the death of Ethelbert, in the year G16, a 
gi-eat change immediately ensued. His son Eadbald relapsed into 
the old idolatry, wliich imposed fewer restraints upon his Hcentious 
habits ; and his example was followed by many. A like change took 
place also ui Essex, where Christianity was still less firmly rooted. 
After the death of king Sabert, the three sons whom he left behind 
him, openly declared again in favor of paganism, which, indeed, they 
had never heartily renounced. They had never consented to receive 
baptism ; but still they were unwilling to be excluded from partici- 
pating of the beautiful white bread,* distributed by the bishop in 
celebrating the eucharist, — whether it was that they were attracted 
by the bread itself, or whether they attributed to it some magical 
charm, as they might easily be led to do by the customary language 
of those times, in describing the effects of the holy supper. As 
Melhtus, bishop of London, could not allow of this, he was banished, 
with all his clergy. He repaired to the bishop Laurentius in Kent, 
to consult with liim, as to what was next to be done. It was already 
agreed, that where there was such obstinate resistance, the mission 
must be abandoned. And even Laurence was on the point of follow- 
ing the steps of his departed companions, the bishops Melhtus and 
Justus ; but his conscience reproached him for being willing to aban- 
don the post which God had entrusted to him. After fervent prayer, 

' Though according to the common least indirectly concerned in this transac- 

rcading in Bedc, from which, however, the tion. See Hist. Bed. 1. II. c. II. 
old Anglo-Saxon translation varies, iving ^ Panis nitidus, in the words of Bede. 

Kihclbert's attack on the Britons, hy which This might be understood as meaning, 

much blood was shed on both sides, took that even at this period it was customary 

place after Augustin's death, and cannot to use a peculiar kind of bread, unleavened 

be attributed to his immediate influence ; bread, in the celebration of the eucharist ; 

still, considering his influence on the state but it may also be understood to mean, 

of feeling of the Anglo-Saxon people to- that it was customary to use white and 

wards the Britons, we cannot exempt fine bread prepared expressly for the occa 

him from the charge of having been at sion. 



DREAM OF LAURENCE. NORTHUMBERLAND. 19 

and mam- tears, on tlic night before the day appomted for his depar- 
tui-e, he "threw hmiself dowTi on some chaff in the church of St. Peter 
and St. PauL As he fell asleep amidst painful thoughts of the 
future, St. Peter appeared to him in a dream, and severely upbraided 
him for not being afraid thus to forsake the hearth which had been 
committed to his charge. ^ We may suppose that the young Icing 
Eadbald had not been able wholly to suppress the lessons of Chris- 
tianity received by him m childhood ; but that these early impressions 
had only been obhterated for a season by the tide of sensual plea- 
sures. And thus we may understand, how the terrifying description 
which Laurence drew of the vision he had seen, should so work upon 
his imagination, as to revive the impressions Avhich still lay concealed 
in the secret chambers of his heart. Laui*ence would make the best 
of this opportunity to rekindle the spark of faith, still hngering, 
though smothered by sensuahty, in the breast of the king. He sub- 
mitted to baptism, wholly renounced idolatry, and moreover forsook 
the forbidden comiections, which he had hitherto refused to give up. 

For a longer time, paganism maintained its ground in the province 
of Essex. But from Kent Christianity was spread to another of the 
small kingdoms, which became- a principal point for the wider diffusion 
of the gospel, — namely Northumberland. Edwin, the kmg of this 
province, had married Ethelberga, a sister of king Eadbald of Kent ; 
but under the express stipulation, that she should be allowed to take 
her clergy with her, and practice without molestation the Christian 
worship of God. Pauhnus was appointed to go with her as bishop, 
and Eboracum (York), the chief to\vn of the province, became after- 
wards the seat of the new bishopric. Paulinus labored, with great 
zeal, to convert the prmce and the people. He met with httle suc- 
cess among the people, till he had succeeded in gainmg over the 
former to the gospel. But king Edwin was not so easily brought to a 
decision in his rehgious convictions. He came to it only after 
serious examination. He had already been satisfied of the vanity of 
idols, and had ceased to worship them ; but he did not, as yet, make 
profession of Christianity. He declared that he must, in the first 
place, make himself better acquainted with its doctrines, and more 
carefully consult about them, with the wisest of his nation ; and he 
frequently occupied himself in silent rehgious meditations. Seizing a 
favorable moment, when the king was alone and buried in such medi- 
tations, Pauhnus taking advantage of a vision which, as he had been 

' It is possible, to be sure, that Lau- resorted to a trick, in order that his story 

rence, going on the princii)l(" of the "pious miglit make a stronger impression on the 

fraud," ventured ujion a fiction for the king's mind. But at the same time, it is 

purpose of operating on the mind of the impossible to calculate by what circum- 

young king ; yet the other view so natu- stances it might happen that he himself 

•ally presents itself, that we find no good was deceived ; or it may be that the origi- 

'eason for recurring to this. If everything nal facts were magnified into the miracu- 

.lappencd in the way Bede relates, and lous by the transmission of the story. It 

Laurence exhibited to the jirince the marks is to be remarked, that many stories from 

left by the scourge, this indeed might lead the older times. res])ccting such miracu- 

to the hypothesis, that although Laurence lous visitations for the punishmc nt of sia 

really had a \ision of this sort, yet he were current in the church. 



20 DELIBERATION ON RELIGIOUS MATTERS. OSWALD. 

accidentally informed, once appeared to the king when in a hazardoua 
and eventful situation, prevailed upon him to convoke an assembly 
of his priests and nobles, which Paulinus also was to attend, for the 
purpose of deciding on the great question of religion. Many voices 
were here heard to speak for the first time against the old idolatry. 
To illustrate how important it must be for man to arrive at certainty 
in the things of religion, one of the chiefs used the following inge- 
nious comparison : "As when in winter, the king and his nobles and 
servants have met at a feast, and are couched around the fire blazing 
in the centre of the hall, and feel nothing of the cold, and of the 
I'ough weather of the season, while the storm and the snow-blasts are 
raging without, and a little sparrow flies quickly through, entering in 
at one door and passing out at the other ; — what the moment wliich 
the bird passes in the warm hall, Avithout feeling anything of the 
rough weather, is to the whole long remainder of the time, which it 
has spent, and must again spend, amidst the storms, such is the pre- 
sent short moment of time wliich we know, compared to that which 
has gone before us, and to that which follows after us, of which we 
know nothing. With good reason then, may we feel ourselves bound 
to receive this new doctrine, if it reveals anything more certain on 
these matters." Then, after Paulinus had expounded the Cliristian 
doctrine, the chief priest himself was the first to propose the destruc- 
tion of the ancient idols, and riding to the spot wliich formed the 
principal seat of the idol worship, set the example of destroying the 
old objects of veneration. But king Edwin, the most zealous laborer 
for the spread of Christianity, died in battle, in the year 633. After 
his death, the condition of his people changed for the worse under a 
hostile dominion, and paganism once more obtained the ascendancy; 
until Oswald, a man of the royal family, appeared as the liberator of 
his people, and the triumphant restorer of the Christian church 
among them. While living in banishment among the Scots ui Ire- 
land, he had been instructed in Christianity, and baptized, by pious 
monks ; and through their influence he was filled with an ardent zeal 
for the Christian faith. Before proceeding to battle, lie planted a 
cross in the ground, knelt before it in prayer, and besought the Al- 
mighty, that by his arm he would bestow the \ictory on the righteous 
cause. ^ Having, by the help of his God, conquered an enemy supe- 
rior to him in numbers, it was his firm resolution to do his utmost to 
make the worsliip of this his God universal among his people. He 
applied to the Scottish church, from which he had received his own 
knowledge of Christianity, to send him a teacher for his people. 
Selection was made of one of those monks, distinguished for the 
austerity of their lives, of whom Ireland was at that time the nursing 
school. But this stern man could not bring himself to condescend to 
the rudeness, to the weaknesses, and wants of a people who were 
to be gradually formed by Christianity. The people were repelled by 

' The place where this is said to have sacred. It was visited, as well as the pre 
occurred, was pointed out for a long time tended relics of that wooden crpss, for the 
(fterwards, and the memory of it deemed cure of bodily maladies. 



AIDAN. UIS LABORS. 21 

his rigid manners. Despairing of being able to effect anything 
among them, — he returned back to his country ; and in an assembly 
of his°8piritual superiors he declared, that the people were too rude 
to receive any benefit from his labors. But among the persons assem 
bled was Aidan, a monk from the island of lona, whence came the 
austerest monks ; and this person, severe to himself, was none the less 
full of love and gentleness to others.* To the missionary who com- 
plained of the people to whom he had been sent as a teacher, he said 
that his want of success was liis own fault ; that he had proceeded too 
roughly with his untutored hearers ; that he had not, according to the 
precept of St. Paul, fed them at first with milk, until nourished by 
the word of God, they became capable of advancing to a liigher 
stage of the Christian hfe. All were convinced, that the rude people 
needed for their teacher just such a man as he was himself. Aidan 
was consecrated a bishop, and sent to Northumberland. Until he 
had gained a competent knowledge of the Enghsh tongue, he preached 
only to the chief men and servants of the king, assembled at his 
court ; and as the king during liis exile had made himself acquainted 
with the Scottish language, the latter translated on the spot into the 
vernacular tongue, for the understanding of the hearers, the matter 
of these discourses. No sooner, however, had Aidan himself so far 
mastered the English language, as to be aljle to make himself under- 
stood in it, than unsparing of labor, and but seldom vising a horee, he 
\asited the city and the country around, and wheresoever he fell in 
with rich or poor, detaiued them, until he had found out whether they 
were still pagans or had already become behevers, and had received 
baptism. In the first case, he began by preachmg to them the gos- 
pel ; in the second, he exliorted them with a few directions to prove 
then- faith by their good works. He accomphshed much, because his 
life was so consonant with liis zealous preaching ; because everything 
he did, testified to his disinterested love which was ready for any 
sacrifice. Whenever he received presents from the king or from the 
nobles, he distributed the whole among the poor, or expended it in 
redeeming captives ; and to many of these he afterwards imparted 
spiritual instruction, till he had educated them for the office of priests. 
To the rich and powerful, be boldly spoke the truth ; reprimanding 
whatever was bad without respect of persons. Ecclesiastics, monks 
and laity who fell into liis company, he constantly kept employed in 
reading the Holy Scriptures. By this jomt activity of the zealous 
king and such a man, a firm foundation was laid for the church in 
this district. It is true, that after a reign of eight years, Oswald 
met his death in battle with the pagan tribe of the Mercians, A. D. 
642 ; but as by a life corresponding to the faith which he professed, 

' In the Irish nionasticism, however, modum a creatura Dei se abstinent cor 

vas incorporated a priiici])le, derived from intrinsecus nitidum coram Deo servantes, 

a certain Gildas, and opposed to the spiri- quam illi, qui carnem non edunt neque 

tual pride of an extravagant asceticism : vehiculis equisquc vehuntur et pro his 

" Abstincntia corporalium cihorum abs([ue quasi superiores cactcris se putantes, qui- 

caritate inutilis est ; mcliorcs sunt bk^o, bus mors intrat per fenestrain 6levationis " 

qui non magnopere jejunant nee supra See Wilkins's Concil. Angl. 1. 1, f. 4. 



22 Oswald's death. Sussex, avilfrid. 

he had done much to recommend that faith to liis people, so thu 
manner in which he had sacrificed his hfc for the mdependence of his 
people served but to deepen and confirm tliis impression. His name 
was cherished m the affections and respect of his nation, and hence 
soon began to be honored as that of a saint. Miracles were said to 
be wrought at his tomb, and by his rehcs ; and mdeed the faith in 
them prevailed tlu'ough the whole of these islands. 

From this provauce, Christianity continued to spread, till the last 
half of the seventh century, to all the tribes of the Anglo-Saxon He}> 
tarchy ; arid m part, native and Frankish ecclesiastics, acting in 
dependence on the Roman church, and partly, British and Scottish 
clergy, who were accustomed to act with more freedom, labored for 
the conversion and for the instruction of these tribes. Last of all, 
the inhabitants of the provmce of South Saxony (Sussex) were con- 
verted to Christianity. Their king, it is true, had been baptized 
before ; but the people continued still to be devoted to their old idol- 
atry ; and a few Scottish monks, who had fomided a monastery in the 
wdlderness, and led an austere hfe, were unable by that means to gain 
the confidence of the rude people, or to find any opportunity of preach- 
ing to them the gospel. It so happened, that Wilfrid, archbishop of 
York, a descendant from an Enghsh family, was deposed from his 
office by occasion of a quarrel with his king ; and he here sought for 
a field of labor. He better imderstood how to let himself down to the 
wants of the mitutored multitude. On coming among them, he found 
them in circumstances of great distress ; a drought occasioned by the 
want of rain having been followed by a severe famine. The neigh- 
boring lakes and rivers afforded, it is true, abundance of fish ; but the 
rude people were still wholly ignorant of the mode of taldng them, 
and only knew a way of fisliing for eels. He caused, therefore, all 
the nets to be collected together, and his attendants caught three 
hundred fishes of different kinds. A third part of these he dis- 
tributed among the poor ; another third he gave to those who furnished 
the nets, and the remainder he reserved for liis companions. Having 
thus, by such gifts and instruction in the art of fishing, relieved the 
temporal necessities of the people, he found them the more inchned to 
receive instruction from him in spiritual things. A favorable impression 
was made on the minds of the people by the circumstance that, on the 
day when he first baptized a large number of them, copious showers 
of raui, which had long been needed, fell from the skies.' Next, he 

'But it is evident, that while such a CO- ing towards Christianity. Thus, in East 

incidence of the introduction of Chris- Saxony, a desoUiting sickness, following 

tianity or of baptism among a pagan race directly after the introduction of Chris- 

of men with fortunate events, might appear tianity, occasioned a momentary relapse 

to them as a divine token in favor of the of many into idolatry. Eede' III. 30. 

new religion, and contribute to render their Hence Gregory showed his wisdom, when 

minds more favorable to its reception, so he wrote to king Kthclbert of Kent, af- 

the same prejudice by which men were led ter his conversion, that he was not to ex- 

to consider what was connected in the pect from his embracing Christianity some 

sequence of time, as connected also in the golden period of earthly felicity; but should 

sequence of cause and ctf'cct. might, in understand that in the last "ages of the 

vases of unlooked for calainity, have an world many trials were to be looked for 

anfavorable influence on the state of feel- " appropinquante mund termino multa 



DIFFERENCE OF ECCLESIASTICAL CUSTOMS. AIDAN. 23 

spared no pains in laying a deeper and firmer foundation for Chi'istianit_y 
in the hearts and minds of tlie people, by providing means for the instruc- 
tion of the youth, in the estabUshment of schools throughout the country.' 
Since, however, as we have remarked, monks and ecclesiastics who 
were born, or who had received their education, in Scotland or Ireland, 
and Anglo-Saxon or Frankish bishops, who acted in the interest of the 
Roman church, came and labored together in England, the difference 
of ecclesiastical usages between the British-Scotch and the Roman 
chm'ch, could hardly fail to present an ever-fruitful subject of conten- 
tion. Bede, the historian of the English church, though standing 
himself in this controversy on the opposite side, yet draws a most 
favorable pictm*e of the pious, disinterested zeal manifested by the 
Scottish missionaries. The veneration which they thus procured for 
themselves, gave still more weight to their influence in promoting 
Christianity, and nourishing the vigor of the Christian life. Hence, 
clergy and monks, wherever they appeared, were received with joy ; 
a circle was soon formed around them to hsten to the words of Chris- 
tian edification ; and they were even visited for this purpose by the 
laity, in then- monasteries.^ Although Augustin, the founder of the 
Enghsh church, had attached so much importance to this difierence of 
rites, yet men afterwards learned to estimate it as a minor considera- 
tion compared with the salutary doctrines, for the spread and esta)> 
Ushment of which, laborers of both parties zealously exerted them- 
selves. Peculiarly striking was the difference in the time of observ- 
ing Easter mider the administration of the above-mentioned bishop 
Aidan ; for it so happened, that the king and the queen, who had 
been instructed by different teachers, pursued opposite com-ses in this 
respect, and while the king celebrated his Easter, the queen was still 
holding her fasts. The imiversal respect, wliich bishop Aidan had 
acquired, caused this difference to be overlooked ; for men could not 
deny it to their own minds, as Bede finely remarks, that although the 
bishop could not depart, in celebrating the Easter festival, from the 
usage of the church that had sent him ; yet he took every pains to 
promote works of piet\% faith and charity, after the customary man- 
ner of all holy men.^ But in the times which immediately followed, 
it became necessary for men to decide between the Roman and the 

imminent, quae antea non fuerunt, videli- vel ore illius se benedici <jaudebant, verbis 

cet immutationes aeris, terrorcsque do quoque horum exhortatoriis dilipentcr au- 

coelo, et contra ordinem temporum tern- ditum pracbebant. Sed et diebus domini 

pestates, belia, fames, pestilentiac, tcrrae tis ad ecclesiam sive ad monasteria certa 

tnotus per loca. Vos itaquc, si (\iv\ de his tim non reficiendi corporis ; sed audicndi 

evenire in terra vestra coi^noscitis, nullo sernionis Dei gratia coMflucI)ant, et si quis 

modo vc^trum animum pertiirhetis, qnia sacerdotum in vicum forte devenirct, mox 

idcirco iiacc sipna de fine saeculi ])raeniit- congrcgati in unum vicani verbum vitae 

tuntur, ut de aniniabus nostris debcamus ab illo expetcre curabant. Bcda hist 

esse solliciti. de mortis liora snspecti et angl. III. 26. 

venturo judici in bonis actibus inveniamur ^ Etsi ]iascha contra morem eorum, qui 

esse prae])arati." Gregor. 1. XI. ep. 60. ipsum miserant, facere non potuit, opera 

' Bede III. 18. tamcn tidei, pietatis et dilcctionis juxta mo- 

* Etiam si in itinerc pergens (Clericus rem omnibus Sanctis diligentei-exseciui en* 

ftliquis aut monachus) inveniretur, adcur- ravit. 1. III. c. 25. 
rebant et flexo cervice vel manu signari 



24 COLMANN AND WILFRID. 

Scottish church mflucnccs ; and the manner in which this decision was 
made, could not fail to be attended wdth the most important effects on 
the shaping of ecclesiastic relations over all England ; for had the 
Scottish tendency prevailed, England would have obtained a more 
free church constitution, and a reaction against the Romish hierarchi- 
cal system would have ever continued to go forth from this quarter, 
^et in the mode in which Christianity had been first introduced into 
Kent, the victory Avas already prepared for the system of the Roman 
church ; and to this was added the activity of the missicnaries and 
clergy sent afterwards from Rome, or who came over from France. 
In proportion as, by their means, the authority of the Roman church 
gained the ascendancy, entire conformity with the Roman usages 
would become more universally prevalent. Under Colmann, who suc- 
ceeded, next but one, the above mentioned bishop Aidan, and was 
also of Scottish descent, greater importance was attached to this con- 
troversy, and a conference, for the purpose of decidmg the matter in 
dispute, was held in presence of king Oswin and of his successor 
Alfred, in the year 664.1 Bishop Colmann, who defended the Scot- 
tish usage, appealed to the example of the venerated father Columba, 
and of his successors ; among whom were men, whose hohness had 
been attested by the miracles they performed. To this, the presbyter 
Wilfrid, who spoke in the name of the opposite party, replied, that 
miracles, by tliemselves considered, afforded no evidence of truth or 
holiness ; for our Lord himself had said, that many, who had per- 
formed wonderful works in his name, would not be acknowledged by 
him as his. Yet it was far from his intention, he said, to apply this 
to their fathers ; since it is more reasonable to think good than evil 
of those about whom we have no knowledge. He beUeved, therefore, 
that those servants of God loved Him with fervent piety ; but that 
they had erred through an ignorant sim[)licity. " Nay — said he — even 
though your Columba, whom if he was a Christian, we will also call ours, 
were a saint, and performed miracles, — is he entitled therefore to be 
preferred to St. Peter, whom our Lord called the Rock, on whom He 
founded the church, and to whom he gave the keys of the kingdom of 
heaven ? " — So mighty a power had the reverence for the church of 
Peter, the apostle to whose hands were committed the keys to the 
Idngdom of heaven, already become, that this appeal settled the ques- 
tion ; for the king was afraid lest if he resisted the authority of this 
apostle, he might one day find the gates of 'heaven shut against him.a 
Bishop Colmann, who by his fidelity in administering the pastoral 
office, had, Hke his predecessors, acquired universal respect, resigned 
his post ; smce he was unwilhng to give up the usage of the Scottish 
church. Still more was done to introduce the dominion of the Roman 
church-customs into the entire English church, by the influence of the 

' Known by the name of the synodus tradiccre nolo, sed in quantum novi vel 

Pharensis, held at a spot not far distant valeo hujus cupio in omnilnis obedire sta- 

fi-oin the pity of York ; afterwards called tutis, ne forte me advenicnte ad foras regnj 

VVbitby (white-bay) on the sea-coast. coelorum, non sit, qui rcserat, avcrso illo 

'•* Tlie king's language was : Et ego vobis qui elaves tenere probatur. 
iico, quia h'c est ostiarius ille, cui ego con- 



THEODORE OF CANTERBURY. GERMANY. 26 

archbishop Theodore of Canterbmy,^ a man who eminentlj contribu- 
ted to the culture of this people. A native of Tarsus iu Cihcia, he 
was a monk well lvnoA\Ti for his extensive learning, and at the age of 
Bixty-six was still living at Rome. He came to England in 669, as 
archbishop of Canterbury, ha^dng been consecrated to that office by 
pope VitaUan, But as the pope could not absolutely rely on a man edu- 
cated in the oriental church as one who would hold fast to the usages 
and doctrines of the Roman church, he sent with him the Italian 
abbot Hadi-ian, in the capacity of an associate, and in a certain sense, 
overseer. With him, Theodore travelled through all England, and settled 
everything after the form and order of the Roman church. He was 
the first who was able to carry into effect the rights of primacy over 
the entire English church, bestowed by the popes on the archbishop 
of Canterbury ; and in the course of his administration of twenty-one 
years, he succeeded in completely banisliing the usages of the Scot- 
tish chm'ch from England. In accomphshing tliis, he was also assisted 
by an ecclesiastical assembly held by liim at Hertford (Harford), not 
far from London, in the year 673.2 The influence of the English 
church opei-ated gradually also in this respect on Scotland and Ire- 
land. But the Britons endeavored to hold fast their old ecclesiastical 
forms in connection with their national independence, wliich however, 
became every day contracted to a smaller compass. 

As regards Germany, the seeds of Christianity had been planted at 
a very early period in the portions of this country wliich formerly 
belonged to the Roman empire. But when these distiicts were over- 
run by Imrbarous, pagan tribes, these seeds of Christianity were 
necessarily in part suppressed, and partly falsified and nearly obliter- 
ated by the uitermixture of pagan elements. Afterwards, throvigh 
the connection of these parts with the Frankish empire, and with other 
tribes of German descent, which had already emln-aced Christianity, 
new excitements were produced ; but so long as all these efforts were 
of an isolated character, without being brought into closer connection, 
or united on fixed ecclesiastical foundations, such individual attempts 
could avail nothuig in stemming the tide of barbarism and devasta- 
tion. 

Among the men who, by the influence of religion, diflused salvation 
and blessing amidst the devastations occasioned by the migration of 
nations, Severinus is particularly distinguished. Probably a native of 
the East,^ he had, in striving after the perfection of the inward fife, 

' Bede treats of his life and works in orip;in and place of nativity. To an ec- 

the IV. and V. books of his history of elesia«tic, who once sought refuge with 

the Eny;lish cliuroh. These accounts are him. he replied to an inquiry of this sort, 

brought together in Mabillon acta sancto- at first jokingly — AVhy, if you think I am 

rum ordinis Hcnedicti Saec. 11. f lO.'Jl. a runaway, then have "ready your ransom 

^ See the acts of this synod in Bede IV. money, to pay for me in case" they require 

:. 5. and in Wilkins's Concilia magnae Bri- me to l)c delivered up. Then he added in 

.anniae I. f. 41. a more serious tone : " Yet know, that the 

■^ Respecting his native country nothing God who called you to the i)ri(!stly office, 

certain is known. He himself, in a joking bade me to dwell among these meii tiireat- 

or earnest manner, evaded the ([uestions ened with so many dangers (periclitantihas 

of those, who inquired of him about his his hominibus intercsse). By his languau-e 



26 SEVERINUS. HIS INFLUENCE AND AUTHORITY. 

retired into one of the deserts of the East. But impelled by a di^ant 
call, often heard in his own breast, he forsook his solitude and repose, 
to hasten to the assistance of the much harassed nations of the West, 
now exposed to all mamier of devastation ; and oftentimes, when a 
longing for the silent life, consecrated to meditation, stirred once more 
within him, that voice, which bade liini remain on the scene of deso- 
lation, soimded in his soul with a still clearer tone.^ lie appeared on 
the banks of the Danube, and settled down among the people of those 
districts which now belong to Austria and Bavaria. He was residing 
in the neighborhood of Passau,^ at a time when these districts 
in particular presented a wild scene of desolation, during the restless 
period Avhich ensued on the death of Attila, in 453, when nation 
crowded upon nation, and one place after another was given up to the 
devastations of fire and sword, and the peoplof after ha^^ng been 
stripped of all their possessions, were dragged off as slaves. By a 
severely abstemious life, in which he voluntarily subjected himself to 
depiivations of all sorts, and cheerfully submitted to every inconven- 
ience, he set before the effemuiate and enfeebled people among whom 
he dwelt, an example how to bear wilhngly the e\ils which necessity 
laid upon them. Though accustomed to a more southern climate, he 
went about among the peoj)le barefoot, in the midst of an inclement 
winter, when the Danube was frozen over, to collect provisions and 
clothing for those, who were exposed to hunger and nakedness by the 
devastations of war ; to procure, either by contributions of ransom- 
money, or by the powerful influence of his mtercession, freedom for 
the troops of captives who were on the point of being carried into sla- 
very ; to warn the nations of the troubles which hmag over them, and 
to exhort them to timely repentance ; to encourage them to put their 
trust in God ; to administer, by liis earnest and faithful prayers, com- 
fort and reUef to the suffering, whether from spiritual or bodily dis- 
tress ; and to persuade the leaders and generals of the barbarous 
tribes, who respected his words as a voice from a higher world, to 
spare the conquered. Hardened as he had rendered himself against 
every outward impression, easy as he found it to endure every bodily 
hardship, subduing outward impressions by the force of mind, he was 
none the less tender in his sympathies for the distresses of others.3 
By the force of liis example, of his exhortations and rebukes, many 

he was judged to be a Latin, or iHTording residence are Fciviuna. a city which some 

to anotlicr reading, a North-African. He of the older writers lield to he Vienna, 

himself sometimes hinted, as if sjieaUing though this is disimted by others ; Astitra; 

of another person, tliat by peculiar lead- Lauriurum, perhaps tie Austrian town 

ings of the divine ])rovidence he had lieen called Lorch. 

conducted from a distant country of the ^ His disciple Eugi]ipi-. s says in regard 

East, after escaping many dangers, to this to this: Quum ipse hebdcmadaruin contin- 

spot. See the letter of Eugippius to the uatis jejuniis niininie frangeietur, tanien 

deacon Paschasius, prefixed to the account esuric miserorum se credeltat atllictum. 

of his life. Frigus quoijue vir Dei tantum in nuditate 

' Quanto solitudinem incolere cupiebat, pauperuni scntiebat, si (|nidem specialiter 

tanto erebrius revelationibus nioncbatur, a Deo penepcrat, utinfrigidissiniaregione 

ne pvaescntiam suani poi)ulis denegaret mirahili abstinentia castigatus, fortis e' 

»fflietis. Eugippii vita. c. 4. alacer permaneret. 

* Other towns mentioned as his place of 



HIS INFLUENCE AND AUTHORITY. Zi 

hearts were softened, so that from various quarters, provisions and 
clothing were sent to him for distribution among the poor. On such 
occasions, he collected together the oftentimes numerous bodj of the 
needy iiud distressed into a church, and himself divided out to each 
person his share, according to the estimate he had made of their re- 
spective wants. Having first offered a praj^er, he began the work of 
distribution with the words, " Praised be the name of the Lord," add- 
ing a few words of Christian exhortation.' Various examples evidence 
the power which the godlike within him exercised over the minds of 
men. On one occasion, a horde of barbarians had stripped the whole 
country about the city where he was lodged, carrying away men aivl 
cattle ; and in this, as in every distress, the unfortunate sufferers went 
complaining and weeping to Severinus. He asked the Roman com- 
mander, if he had not an armed force at hand, to put in pursuit of the 
robbers, and wr*^st from them their plunder. The commander replied, 
that he did not consider his little band strong enough to cope with the 
greater numbers of the enemy ; still, if Severinus required it, he would 
sally forth, relying, not on the force of arms, but on the help of his 
prayers. Severinus bade him go quickly and boldly, in the name of 
God ; for where the Lord mercifully went before, the weak would prove 
himself to be the strongest ; the Lord would fight for them. Only he 
bound him to promise, that all the barl^arians taken captive should be 
conducted to him unharmed. His words were fulfilled ; he caused the 
fetters to be immediately knocked off from the captives brought into 
his presence, and having refreshed them with food and drink, sent 
them away to their robber-companions, bidding them say to the lat- 
ter, that they must not suffer themselves for the future to be tempted 
by thirst of pillage to come into this territory, for assuredly they would 
not escape the divine judgment, since as they saw, God fights for his 
servants. His appearance and his words operated with such force on 
the mind of a leader of the Alemanni, that he was seized in his pres- 
ence with a violent trembling.2 Wlien all the fortresses in Bavaria, 
on the banks of the Danube,^ were threatened by attacks of the barba- 
rians, the inhabitants rec^uested Severinus to reside among them by 
turn, since they considered his presence to be their best protection.'* 
The remarkable success wliich seemed to be given in answer to his 
faithful prayers, the effect of that impression of the godlike whicli 
many experienced in his presence, procured for him the fame of a 
worker of miracles. He himself knew how to appreciate such occur- 
rences at their just value in relation to the progress of the kingdom of 
God, at that juncture, among the severely tried and untutored nations. 
" Such things now happen — said he — in many places and among 
many tribes, in order that it may be seen, that there is one God who 

' Eugippius (o. 28) speaks of an exam- ' L. c. c. 19. ut trcmcrc coram eo vche- 

ple where Scverinns sucrecdcd in olitain- mcntius coeperit, sed et postca snis exerci- 

ing through some merchants a su])ply of tilnis indicavit, nunquam se nee re hellica 

oil, a means of sustenance whieli had he- nee aliqua formidine tanto tremore fuisse 

come extremely scarce in these districts, concussum. 

and risen to a i)rice winch placed it beyond * In the Noricura Ripense. 

the reach of the poor. ^ L. c. c. 1 1 



28 INFLUENCE OF PIOUS HERMITS. 

does wonderful works in heaven and on eai-tli ;" and when men were 
seeking for great results from the efficacy of his pra,yers, he was wont 
to say : " Why require great things from small ? I know myself to be 
a man altogether miworthy. It is enough for me if I can but obtain 
the forgiveness of my own sins !"^ Sometimes when requested to use 
liis intercessions for temporal favors, he du-ected the petitioners to look 
rather at their spiiitual needs. Thus, to a monk from one of the rude 
tribes, who requested him. to pray that he might be relieved of a weak- 
ness in the eyes, he said : Pray rather, that the eye within thee may 
be purged. When invited to undertake the charge of a bishopric, he 
declined it saying, it was enough for him that he had renounced his 
beloved sohtude, and Adsited these countries in obedience to a divine 
call, to share in the troubles of the afflicted nations.2 

After such a hero of faith had thus labored, from twenty to thirty 
years, in the midst of these tribes, many a trace of the impression 
which he had produced among them would doubtless be left behind 
him ; and in fact, even on those populations whose residence in these 
districts was but transient, an impression was made by him which they 
never lost.3 Many devout men, who in the sixth and seventh centu- 
ries retreated from the wild scenes of confusion in the Frankish em- 
pire, to Uve as hermits in the countries on the Rhine, acquired the re- 
spect of the tribes which had settled down there, by their pious hves, 
or by outward proof of having obtained the mastery over their sensual 
nature. Or travelling about, they gained the confidence of the people 
by kindly actions, and hospitably sharing with them the harvested 
fruits of their labors. The impression produced by their devout lives 
and their intellectual superiority over the untaught people, gained for 
them the reputation of possessing miraculovis powers, and they might 
take advantage of this personal respect and love, to pave the way for 
the entrance of Christianity into their minds. To this number belongs 
Goar^ near the close of the sixth century, who fixed his position on the 
spot where afterwards the city which goes by his name transmitted hia 
memory to future times ; and Wulflach or Wolf an ecclesiastic of 
Longobardian origin, who in the last half of the sixth century estab- 
hshed himself as a styhte in the district of Triers, drew the admiration 
of the people for whose conversion he prayed, preached to the multi- 
tudes that thronged around him, and succeeded in persuading them to 
destroy their idols.'* 

' L. c. c. 14. to him his future greatness. When pos- 

^ L. c. c. 9. The life of Severinus by sessed of his later power he still held a 

his disciple Eugippius, ab])Ot of a monas- word from Severinus in the highest respect, 

tery in the Neapolitan territory, in the In Italy Odoacer met with another man 

Actis sanctorum of the Bollandists. Mens, who amid the horrible disorders of those 

Januar. T. I. f. 483. times labored with self-denying, ardent love 

^ Among those who felt the influence of for the good of mankind. Tliis was Epi- 

Severinus was Odoacer, si)rnng from the phanius bishop of Ticinum (Pavia). His 

race of the Eugians, afterwards, as chief- intercessions acquired for him great influ- 

tain of the Hcrulians, founder of an empire cnce with this prince. See his life by En* 

in Italy. Wliile a young man, and hold- nodius in Sirmond. opp. T. I. 
ing as" yet no important rank among the * See Gregor. Tur. Hist. Franc. 1. VIII 

barbarians, he is said to have fallen in com- e. 15. 
■jany with Severinus. when the latter foretold 



COLUMBAN. 29 

The useful labors of these Frankish heraiits were far outdone, how- 
ever, by the activity of the missionaries from Ireland, who exerted 
themselves in reclaiming and tilling the soil, founding monasteries from 
svhich proceeded the conversion and culture of the people, and pro- 
viding for the education of the youth. For the establishment of the 
earhest missions among the nations of Germany, the monks that went 
out from England, and first of all from Ireland, are entitled to the 
chief merit. The monasteries of Ireland were full to overflo^ving. 
Pious monks felt themselves called to more active labors in the service 
of rehgion, for which they found no sufficient field in their own coun- 
try ; while at the same time, the native love of foreign travel, peculiar 
to the Irish people, i would serve as a means of conveying Christianity 
and civiHzation to the distant nations. It was natural, that the atten- 
tion of those who by the love of adventure, by the spirit of enterprise 
or the ardor of Christian zeal, had been induced to leave their native 
country, would be directed to the vast uncultivated regions, now occu- 
pied by numerous barbarian tribes, who were as yet whoUy ignorant 
of Christianity, or among whom the first elements which had once 
been communicated, had become Avholly lost by the prevalence of bar- 
barism. Thus, whole colonies of monks, under the guidance of sohd, 
judicious men as their abbots, emigrated into these parts.^ 

Columban, ne&r the end of the sixth century, set the first exam- 
ple of this kind, which stimulated numbers, in the seventh, to follow 
his steps. Born in the Irish province of Leinster (a terra Lageno- 
rum), he had, from early youth, been educated in the famous monas- 
tery of Bangor, founded and governed by the abbot Comgall. At the 
age of thirty, he felt himself impelled to engage in an independent and 
more extensive field of activity, to preach the gospel to the pagan na- 
tions of whom some knowledge had been obtained through the medium of 
France. He felt within him, as the author of his biography expresses 
it, that fire which our Sa\dour says he came to kindle on the earth. 3 
His abbot gave him twelve young men as his companions, who were to 
assist him in his labors, and to be trained under his spiritual guidance. 
About the year 590, he crossed over with these to the Frankish king- 
dom ; probably with the intention of preaching the gospel to the tribes 
dwelling on the borders of that empire.'' But having been entreated 
to take up his residence within the Frankish empire itself, and finding 
that so much still remained to be done in that region for the Christian 
culture of the vast masses of untaught barbarians, he comphed with 
this invitation. He purposely sought after a spot on which to estab- 
hsh himself in the savage mlderness, which must first be reclaimed 

' Natio Scotorum, quibus consuetudo monastery of Bohbio near Pavia in Mabil- 

peregrinandi Jam i)aene in naturam eon- Ion Acta S. O. B. Saec. II. p. 9. are igni- 

versa est. Vita S. Galli I. II. § 47. Pertz turn igne Domini desiderium, dc quo ii^ne 

monumenta hist. germ. T. II. f. oO. Doininus loiiuitur: ignem veni mittere in 

* Alfuin says (ep.2-21), " Antiquo tern- tcrram. 

pore doctissim'i solcbant magistri dc Hiber- * He says himself in his fourth letter to 

nia Britanniam. Galliam. Italiam venire et his students and monks, § 4. Galland. bibl. 

iQultos per eeclcsias Christi fccissc profec- patr. T. XII: -'moi voti fuit, gentes visi- 

Us." tare et evangelium iis a nobis praedicari. 

' The words of the monk Jona.s of the 



30 columban's rule. 

and rendered cultivable by the severe labors of his monks, in ordei 
that, by the difficulties they must overcome, the monks might gain a 
greater power of self-denial and control over their sensuous nature, and 
that an example which would excite imitation might be given to the 
untutored people, of tilling the soil, the condition of all social improve- 
ment. The needful care to supply themselves with the means of hving, 
comi)elled them to extraordinary exertions, in order to render the soil 
fruitful, from the products of which, as well as from fishing, they were 
to derive their sustenance ; and without the invincible faith of the man 
who directed the whole, and whom all implicitly obeyed, they would 
inevitably have sunk under the difficulties they encountered. When 
Columban first settled down with his associates in a forest of the Vos- 
ges, upon the ruins of an ancient castle, called Anagrates (Anegrey), 
they were so destitute of the means of hving, as to be obhged to sus- 
tain themselves for several days on herbs and the bark of trees. But 
while he kept his monks steadily employed in the most active labors, 
he rehed, where hmnan means failed, on the providence of God, to 
whom he prayed in an unwavering confidence of being heard ; and the 
way in which he was dehvered from the most extreme distress by an 
unforseen concurrence of circumstances, strengthened the confidence 
of his companions, and caused him to be regarded by the people as a 
man extraordinarily favored of God. Once he was visited by a neigh- 
boring priest, and with him went to take a look of the store of gTain 
laid up for the use of the monastery. The visitor expressed liis sur 
prise that so small a store should suffice for the wants of so many ; 
whereupon Columban rephed : " Let men but rightly serve their Crear 
tor, and they are already exempted from the danger of starvation, as 
it is written in the thirty-seventh Psalm: I have never seen the 
righteous forsaken, nor his seed begging bread. It is easy for that 
God to replenish the barrel with meal, who with five loaves of bread 
satisfied the five thousand." In proportion as severity of disciplme, 
and the sense for spiritual things had abated among the monks and 
clergy of the Gallic church ; particularly in proportion as the old fonn 
of monastic hfe, Avhich corresponded to the rule of Benedict, had gone 
mto obhvion, in the same proportion the new mode of life exhibited by 
Columban excited attention and interest, and a new enthusiasm for 
monasticism was spread through aU France. Families of every rank 
committed their sons to him for education ; and he was obhged to dis- 
tribute his numerous monks in three several monasteries, Anegrey 
already mentioned, LiLxeuil (Luxuvium) in Franche comte, and Fon- 
tenay (Fontanae). 

Columban's rde was altogether adapted to keep the monks at se- 
vere labor, and to inure them to the hardness and self-mastery requi- 
site in order to hold out in this contest with a savage nature, and to 
overcome so great difficulties. He recpiired of every monk " that he 
should retire to his couch weary, that he should be able to take sleep 
while travelhng, and that he should be forced to aAvake before hia 
sleep was quite over." Though he prescribed for his monks a rigidly 
abstemious life, yet he forbade an excessive severity tending to waste 



COLUMBAX LOOKS NOT AT EXTERNALS ALONE. 31 

the body, and to unfit them for the duties to which thej were called. i 
In tliis, too, we recognize the spirit of the asceticism peculiar to the 
Irish monks. By implicit, servile obedience, all self-wiU was to be 
mortified ; and the severest discipline, extending to every motion of 
the body and tone of the voice, was to be maintained by bodily punish- 
ments which followed closely on each transgression. Yet Columban 
did not govern by outward force alone. How much, even without this, 
a single word from one, so honored, and by the better portion, sin- 
cerely beloved as well as feared, could avail, is proved by the follow- 
ing example. He was once summoned from the solitude to wliich he 
had retired, by the sad tidings, that sickness of various kinds had so 
spread among his monks in the monastery of LuxeuU, that barely 
enough still remained Avell to take care of the invalids. He hastened 
to them, and finding them all sick, bid them rouse up and go to work 
in the granary at threshing out corn. A part of them in whom the 
words of Columban inspired the confidence, that strength for the labor 
would not be fomid lacking, went to work. Very soon, however, he 
said to them, that they should allow a httle refreshment to their bodies 
exhausted by disease. He caused food to be placed before them, and 
they were well. If the discipline was severe, yet it should also be 
considered, what a number of rude men, whose powers were to be di- 
rected to one end, were here brought together, and how much was re- 
quired, in order to train and govern so rude a multitude. Although 
again, he insisted with great rigor on the punctilious observance of all 
prescribed outward customs, and imposed upon his monks many out- 
ward' devotional practices, Avhich might easily become mechanical, yet 
he was far from making the essence of piety to consist in externals. 
He considered these but as means, and was careful to remind his 
monks, that everything depended on the temper of the heart.2 Al- 
though the monks were kept daily employed in the severest bodily la- 
bor, their minds should still not be prostrated under the bm-den of a 
task-work urged on by earthly solicitudes, but should constantly rise 
to the contemplation of divine tilings, and the hours of each day should 
be portioned out to prayer, to labor, and to the reading of spiritual 
works.3 Columban himself knew how to unite the contemplative fife 
with great activity in practical business. Occasionally he retired 
from his convent into the dense forest, bearing on his shoulder a copy 
of the holy Scriptures, which he wanted to study in the soUtude. Es- 
pecially for the celebration of high festivals, he was accustomed thus 
to prepare himself in solitude by prayer and meditation. His Rules 

' C. III. of the Rule: " idco temperandas bata, de intus non de foris speciosi ac or- 

est ita usus, sicut temperandus est labor, nati apparere studeamus, vera enim reli;2:io 

quia haec est vera discretio, ut possibilitas non in corporis, scd in cordis hninilitale 

spiritalis profectus cum abstinentia camera consistit. And after having represented 

macerante retentetur. Si enim modum ab- charity as the highest thing of all in his In- 

stinentia excesserit, vitiuni, non virtus erit, structio XI, he says : " non est labor dilec- 

virtus enim multa sustinet bona et conti- tio, phis suave est, plus mcdicale est, plus 

net." salul)re est cordi dilectio." 

* In the Instructio II. he impresses on ^ Reg. c. II. quotidie jcjunandum est, si- 

their hearts the words of tlic monk Com- cut quotidie orandum est, quotidie laboran- 

gall : Non simus tanquam sepulcra deal- dum quotidieque est Icgcndum. 



32 columban's trials. 

for the spiritual life (Instructiones variae) evince a deep feeling of 
Christian pietj.' 

Columban had many violent contests to endure in the French king- 
dom. His zeal for moral disciphne, and for the restoration of ita 
ancient order and severity to monasticism, must have created for him 
many enemies, in the then degenerate state of the Frankish church, 
among a set of ecclesiastics, whose whole hfe, governed by the spirit 
of this world, stood in too marked a contradiction to such an example. 
Add to tliis, that as he was unwilhng to give up the pecuhar usages 
he had brought with him from his native land, he thus furnished no 
small occasion of offence to the sticlders for the letter of the old church 
tradition, and for uniformity in all things. With a free sj^irit, he 
asserted his independence in this respect, as well in controversy with 
the popes Gregory the Great, and Boniface the fourth, as with the 
French bishops. To Gregory the Great, he wrote, that he ought not 
allow himself to be determined _ in these matters by a false humihty ; 
as he would be if, out of deference to the authority of his predecessor, 
Leo the Great, he refused to correct that which was false ; for perhaps 
a li\'ing dog might be better than a dead lion, Eccles. 9: 4 — living 
saints might improve what had been left unimproved by another and 
a greater. He adjured pope Boniface IV, by the vuiity of the Chris- 
tian fold, to grant himself and his people permission, as strangers in 
France, to preserve their ancient customs, for they were just the same 
as if in their own country, since dwelling in the wilderness, they fol- 
lowed the principles of their fathers, giving annoyance to no one. He 
held up to him the example of the bishops Polycarp and Anicetus^ 
who had parted from each other Avith charity undisturbed, though each 
of them remained firm by liis ancient usages. A Frankish synod 
having met to deUberate on this matter, in the year 602, he wrote to 
them, that he must express his disapprobation, that they did not, in 
conformity with the ecclesiastical laws, hold these synods oftener, 
wliich were so essential to the correction of abuses in the church, 
while at the same time he thanked God, that at least the present dis- 
pute respecting the celebration of Easter had occasioned the assem- 
bhng of such a synod once more ; but he expressed the wish, that 
they would also busy themselves with more important things. He 
called upon them to take care, that, as shepherds, they followed the 
example of the chief shepherd. The voice of the hirehng, who may 
be knoAvn because he does not himself observe the precepts he lays 
down for others, could not reach the hearts of men. Words profited 
nothing without a corresponding life. True — he said, the diversity 
of customs and traditions had greatly disturbed the peace of the 
church ; but — added he — if we only strive in humility to follow the 
example of our Lord, we shall next acquire the power of mutually 
loving each other, as true discijJes of Christ, with all the heart and 
without taking offence at each other's failings. And soon would men 

' In the first he says : Non longe a nobis tat, quasi anima in corpore, si tamen noi 
manentcm quaerimus Deum, qucm intra membra sana sumus ejus, 
nos sumere habemus, in nobis enim habi- 



columban's banishment. 33 

come to the knowledge of the true way, if they sought the truth with 
equal zeal, and none were inclined to borrow too much from self, but 
each sought his glory only in the Lord. One thing I beg of you, he 
wrote to them, that since I am the cause of this difference, and I 
came, for the sake of our common Lord and Saviour, as a stranger 
into this land, I may be allowed to Uve silently in these forests, near 
the bones of our seventeen departed brethren, as I have been permit- 
ted to live twelve yeai-s among you already, that so, as in duty bound, 
we may pray for you, as hitherto we have done. May Gaul embrace 
us all at once, as the kingdom of heaven will embrace us, if we shall 
be found worthy of it. May God's free grace give us to abhor and 
renounce the whole world, to love, the Lord alone, and long after him 
with the Father and the Holy Ghost. And after having requested 
their prayers for him, he added — We beg of you not to consider us 
as strangers, for we are all members of one body, whether we be 
Gauls, Bi-itons, Irish, or of whatever other country. Ah-eady Avheu , 
writing this letter, Columban had reason to apprehend, that on accomit 
of these disputes he would be driven out of the countryj and this let- 
ter, in which he reproached the French bishops on account of their 
worldly Hves, was not exactly suited to render them more favorably 
disposed to him. Circumstances also now occurred, which enabled 
his enemies to accomphsh their designs against him. He drew upon 
himself the hatred of the then powerful, but vicious Brmiehault, the 
grandmother of king Thierri II, who ruled over the Burgundian 
empire, in which lay the three monasteries abovementioned, and 
which had hitherto chiefly supported him. He came into collision 
^•ith her policy, by decidedly protesting against the unchaste life of 
that prince, and by exliorting him, in opposition to the designs of 
Brunehault, to enter into a regular marriage connection.^ As Colum- 
ban opposed an unbenchng will to all the threats and all the favors, by 
which it Avas endeavored to change his mind, and refused to abate 
anything from the rigor of discipHne in his monasteries, he was at 
length, in the year 610, banished from Tliierri's kingdom, and was to 
be conveyed back to Ireland. But no one ventured to carry the 
order into execution.^ He was now on the point of paying a visit to 
the Longobards in Italy, for the purpose of founding there a monas- 
tery, and of laboring for the dissemination of pure doctrine among 
the Arians. But by the invitation of a Frankish king, he was induced 

' Once when Columban came to the ban's banishment was the cause of his un- 

monarch's camp, Brunehault caused Thier- fortunate voyage, and he refused to take 

ri's illcfiitimate children to be presented, either him or his property on board, 

that he mijiht give them his blessing; but And now, from the fear of God's anger, 

he declared, they ought to know that these no one was willing to execute against him 

children of an' unlawful bed would not the decree of banishment. He was left 

come to the succession in the kingdom, 'ree to go where he ])lcased, and was vcn- 

which put her in a great rage. erated still more than before. Yet Colum- 

* As the author of Columban's life re- i)an says in his letter to his monks, § 7 : 

lates (§ 47), the vessel which was to con- "Nunc mihi scribenti nuntius supervenit 

vey him to Ireland, was driven ashore by narrans mihi navcm parari, qua invitus 

the waves, and could not for several days vehar in meam regionem,. sod si fugero, 

.•)e got loose from the strand. This led nullus vetat custos, nam hoc videnturvelle, 

the ship-master to conclude that Colura- ut ego fugiam." 

VOL. III. 3 



34 HIS RESIDENCE IN BREGENZ, IN ITALY. 

to look up a place in his kingdom, from which, as a centre, he might 
conveniently carry out his plans for the conversion of the bordering 
tribes. Thus he estabhshed himself, with his associates, in the terri- 
tory of Zurich, near Tuggen on the Limmat, expecting to find here 
an opportunity of converting the Alemanni or Suevi, who dwelt 
in this region.^ But they drew upon themselves the rage of the 
pagan people by burning one of their idol-temples, and were obliged to 
seek safety in flight. Arriving at a castle, named Arbon, near lake 
Constance, a monument of the Roman dominion, they here fell in vfith. 
Willimar, a pastor and priest, Avho Avas overjoyed to be once more vis- 
ited in his solitude and desertion, by Christian brethren. Entertained 
by his hospitality for seven days, they then heard of an ehgible situar 
tion, at no great distance, near the ruins of an ancient castle called 
Pregentia (Bregenz,) well suited to their purpose on account of the 
fruitfulness of the country, and the vicinity of a lake abounding in 
fish. To this spot they repaired ; here they fomided a church ; here 
they supported themselves by cultivating a garden and by fishing ; they 
also distributed their fish among the pagan people and thus gained 
their confidence and affection. Gallus, a young Irishman of respect- 
able family, whom Columban had brought up, and Avho during his res- 
idence in the Frankish kingdom had acquired a knowledge of the Ger- 
man language, availed himself of this knowledge to preach divine truth 
to the people. For three years, they continued to labor after this 
manner ; until Columban was driven by the hostile party from this re- 
treat also. He now executed the plan which he had before already 
resolved upon, and betook himself, in the year 613, to Italy, where he 
founded, near Pa via, the monastery of Bobbio, 

Although the communities now to be fbund among the Longobards, 
the Arians, had the strongest reasons for union among themselves, yet 
the schism which had grown out of the dis}iute concerning the three 
chapters prevailed here still. For this reason, Columban, at the insti- 
gation of the Longobardian king liimself, wrote a letter to pope Boni- 
face IV. in which, with great freedom, he called upon him to take 
measures to have this subject sul^mitted to the careful investigation of 
a synod, the Roman church vindicated from the reproach of heresy,* 
and the schism brought to end. It is plain, indeed, that either his res- 
idence in France and Italy had operated to modify the \dews he enter- 
tained of his relation to the Roman church, or the influence of the cir- 
cumstances in which he now found himself placed altered his position 
to that church, and that he now addressed the pope, in a different style 
from -^ihat he would have done in Ireland or Britain. The Roman 
church he pronounces mistress, and speaks in exalted terms of her 



' Agathias, in the last half of the sixth ^ The way in which he speaks of it shows 

century, Hist. 1. I. c. 7. eel. Niebuhr, pag. how far he was from jiossessing a correct 

28, writes, that the Alemanni were gradu- knowledge of the more ancient doctrinal 

ally converted from their idolatry by inter- controversies. He brings together Euty- 

course with the Pranks, v £~i/ij^ia I/d?] ches and Nestorius as kindred teachers of 

i(pe?iKSTai TOi)( ifK^poveaTEpov^, oi) ■ko7.Xov error. 
Si: olfxai xpovov Kal uwaaiv iKVCKijaet. 



HIS DEMEANOR TOWARDS Tlli': HOMAN CHURCH. 35 

autliorit3\ Much of this however, is nothing more than a foi-mal cour- 
tesy ; and he would have been very far from ascribing any thing Hke 
infallibihty to her decisions, or allowing himself to be governed im- 
conditionally by them. lie avows this i«ecuhar respect for the Roman 
church, on the ground that Peter and Paul had taught in it and hon- 
ored it by their martyrdom, and that their relics were preserved m 
Rome. But he places the church of Jerusalem in a still higher rank.i 
He admonishes the Roman church so to conduct as not to forfeit, by any 
abuse, the spiritual dignity conferred on her ; for the power would re- 
main with her only so long as the recta ratio remained with her. He 
only was the true key-bearer of the kingdom of heaven, who by true 
knowledge opened the door for the worthy, and shut it upon the unwor- 
thy. Whoever did the contrary, could neither open nor shut. He warns 
the Roman church against setting up any arrogant claims on the ground 
that the keys of the kingdom of heaven had been given to St. Peter ; 
since t\\Qj could have no force in op})Osition to the faith of the imiversal 
church.2 Addressing himself to both parties, he says, "Therefore, be- 
loved, be ye one, and seek not to renew old disputes : but be silent 
rather, and bury them forever in oblivion : and if anything is doubtful, let 
it be reserved to the final judgment. But whatever is revealed, and ca- 
pable of being made a matter of human judgment, on this decide justly, 
and without respect to persons. Mutually acknowledge one another ; 
that there may be joy in heaven and on earth on accovmt of your peace 
and union. I see not how any Christian can contend with another on 
the faith ; for whatever the orthodox Christian who rightly praises the 
Lord may say, to that the other must respond Amen, because he has 
the same faith and the same love. Be ye all, therefore, of the same 
mind; that ye may be both one, all Christians." 

As to Gailus, he found himself to his great grief compelled by sick- 
ness to let his beloved father Columban proceed on his journey alone 
He took his net, and with his boat proceeded by the lake of Constance 
to the priest Willimar, by whom they had before been hospitably en- 
tertained, where he met with the same friendly reception again. Willi- 
mar gave the sick man in charge to two of his clergy. No sooner had 
Gailus recovered, than he begged the deacon Hiltibad, who was best 
acquainted with the paths in the surrounding country, as it was his 
business, by hunting and fishing, to provide for the wants of his com- 
panions, to conduct him into the vast forest near by, that he might 
there look out some suitable spot for a hermitage. But the deacon 
described to him the great danger to which he would be exposed, the 
forest being full of wolves, bears and wild boars. Said Gailus, " if 
God be for us, who can be against us ? The God who deUvered Dan- 

' ^ 10. Roma orbis terrarutn caput est dihus vestris, quia unitas fidei in toto orbe 

scclesiarum, salva loci dominicac resurrec- unitatem fecit potestatis et pracroirativae, 

lionij singulari praerogativa. ita nt libertas veritati ubique ab oinnibus 

^ Vos per hoc forte superciliosum nescio dctur ct aditus errori ab omnibus similiter 
quid prae cactcris vobis majoris auctorita- abncgetur, quia confessio recta etiam Sanc- 
tis ac in divinis rebus potestatis vindicafis, to privilcgium dedit claviculario comrauni 
novcritis minorem fore potestatcm vcstram omnium, 
ipud Dominum, si vel cogitaturhoc in cor- 



56 GALLUS. 

iel out of the lion's den, is able to defend me from the fimgs of the 
wild beasts." He prepared himself, bj spending a day in prayer and 
fastuig, for the perilous expedition, and with prayer he set out on his 
joume}^ the next day, accompanied by the deacon. They travelled 
on till the third hour after noon, when the deacon in\ated him to sit 
do^Mi with himself, and refresh themselves with food, for they had taken 
ynth them bread, and a net to catch fish in the well watered forest. 
But Gallus said he would taste of nothing, until a place of rest had 
been shown him. They continued their pilgrimage until sun-down ; 
when they came to a spot, where the river Steinach, precipitating itself 
from a mountain, had hollowed out a rock, and where plenty of fish 
were seen swimming in the stream. They caught several in their net. 
The deacon struck up a fire with a flint, and they prepared liiemselves 
a supper. When Gallus, before they sat down to eat, was about to 
kneel in prayer, he was caught by a thorn-bush, and fell prostrate to 
the eartli. The deacon ran to his assistance ; but said Gallus, " let me 
alone, here is my resting-place forever ; here will I abide." And after 
he had risen from prayer, he made a cross out of a hazel-rod, from 
which he suspended a capsule of relics. On this spot Gallus now laid 
the foundation of a monastery, which led to the clearing up of the for- 
est, and the conversion of the land into cultivable soil, and which after- 
wards became so celebrated under his name, St. Gall. Some years 
after this foundation, in 615, the vacant bishopric of Constance was of 
fered to Gallus ; but he declined it, and procured that the choice should 
fall upon a native of the country, a certain deacon Johannes, Avho had 
been trained under his own direction. The consecration of the new 
bishop to his office drew together a large concourse of people of every 
rank, and the abbot Gallus availed himself of this opportunity to bring 
home to the hearts of the still ignorant peo])le, who had but recently 
been converted from Paganism, a word of exhortation suited to their 
case. He himself delivered in the Latin language* what his disciple 
interpreted to the people in the dialect of the comitry.' After having 
described in this discourse the history of God's providence, for the sal- 
vation of mankind, from the fall downwards, he concluded with these 
words : We who are thus the unworthy ministers of this message to 
the present times, adjure you in Christ's name, that as ye have once, 
at j^our baptism, renounced the devil, all his works and all his ways, so 
ye would renounce all these through your whole fife and five as becometh 
children of God ; and he proceeded to designate, by name, the sins 
which they should especially strive to shun. Having then alluded to 
the judgment of God, in time and in eternity, he ended with the bless- 
ing : " May the Almighty God, who wills that all men should be saved, 
and come to the knowledge of the truth, and who through the ministry 
of my tongue has communicated this to your ears, may he himself by his 
own grace caiise it to bring forth fruit in your hearts !" Thus Gallus 
labored for the salvation of the Swiss and Swabian populations dwelling 
around him till the year 640.^ A short tiuip before his death, his 

' The sermon is to be found among otli- ^ Tlie oldest, simplest account of the life 
;rs in Galland. Bibl. patr. T. 12. of Gallus, written in a Latin wliicli is often 



GALLUS' DEATH, MAGNOALD. 37 

old friend the priest Willimar had requested him to meet him at the 
castle of Arbon. Feeble as he was, he summoned his last energies, 
and preached there to the assembled people. Sickness prevented him 
from returning back to his monastery, and he died at this place.^ 

He left behmd him disciples who labored on, after his example, 
for the culture of the people and of the coimtry, and founded monas- 
teries, from which proceeded the reclaiming of the wilderness. Among 
these may be mentioned particularly Magnoald (Magold, or abbre- 
viated Magnus) who had probably while a youth joined Gallus at the 
castle of Arbon, and was of German descent. He founded the 
monastery at Fiissen (Faucense monasterium), on the Lech, in the 
department of the Upper Danube ; and this marks the theatre of his 
labors .2 We may observe in most cases, that these men reached a 
good old age, — a consequence of their simple mode of life, and a 
kind of activity, which with all its toUs strengthened then- physical 
powers. In a length of life wliich seldom fell short of seventy years, 
they were enabled to extend and confii-m the work of their hands in 
a proportionate degree. The number of uidividuals who thus passed 
over from Ireland to France was undoubtedly great ; and the names 
of many of them are unknown to us. Of very few indeed have we 
a-ny exact information. Soon after the death of Gallus, Fridolin. a 
monk, came over from Ireland. He labored among the people on the 
borders of Alsace, Switzerland, and Suabia, and founded a monastery 
near Sackingen, on the Rhine.3 There came also from Ireland, soon 
after the death of Gallus, the monk Thrudpert ; 4 he Avent to Breis- 
gau, in the Black Forest, and woidd have founded there a monastery ; 
but some of the people, whom a prince of that country, favorable to 
his plan, sent with him to assist in subduing the wilderness, are said to 
have murdered him. A monastery, called after his name, St. Hu- 
brecht, perpetuated his memory.* 

Another Irish monk by the name of CyUena (Cihan) appeared in 
the last half of the seventh century, as a preacher in a part of the 
Frankish territory, where probably, .at an earUer period, when it 
belonged to the Thuringian dominion, some seeds of Christianity had 
been scattered.^ He is said to have found in the command of Christ, 

scarcely intelligible, is to be found in the * It is singular, that the names of the 

latest collection of the scriptores rerum two last sound more like German than 

Germanicarum by PertzIII. The recom- Irish ; yet they may have been early altered 

posed life by the abbot Walafrid Strabo of by a foreign pronunciation, 

'he ninth century is in ISIabillon Acta S. ^ See Acta p. 26. April. 

■)rd. Bcncd. S. II. "^ We are in want of ancient and trust- 

' According to the ancient tradition, worthy accounts of tlie life of this man 

ninety-live years old: which certainly can- also; for the older and simpler biogra])hi- 

not lie correct, as he accompanied Colum- cal notices published among those of Cani- 

ban from Ireland when he was a young sius (Lect. antiqq. T. III.) cannot be so 

man. called. What is told in them both, about 

* The account of his life (unfortunately Cilian's journey to Rome, for the purpose 
of very uncertain authority,) written at a of obtaining full power from the pope to 
later period, is to be fouiid in the Actis enter upon his missionary labors, certainly 
sanctorum, at the VI. of September. does not look exactly like what we might 

* The uncertain accounts of his life, at the expect from an Irish monk. 
VI of March. 



38 CYLLENA. BAVARIA. PRECEDIXG FALSE TEACHERS. 

To forsake all and folloAv him, a call expressly addressed to himself, 
and bidding him to engage hi the work of a missionary. He set out 
on his journey with several companions, and came to Wiirzburg, where 
he fell m with a certain duke Gozbert, who was baptized by him, and 
whose example was followed by many of his people. But tliis person 
afterwards contracted a marriage with Geilane, his brother's ■ftidow, 
thus violating laws of the church ; Cilian, behoving him to have 
arrived at sufficient maturity of Christian knowledge to know better, 
upbraided him with this as a crime. He resolved to separate from 
her, — but Geilane, being hiformed of liis intention, took advantage of 
che absence of her husband m a time of war, and caused Cilian to bo 
put to death. If the facts were so, we have here an example show- 
ing how the missionaries were hampered and thwarted in the discharge 
of their proper duties, from being no longer able to discriminate be- 
tween the divine law and human prescriptions. 

As it respects the dissemination of Christianity in Bavaria proper ; 
our som-ces of information are not sufficiently accurate and certain to 
enable us to trace the progress of events, subsequent to the death of 
that man of God, Severmus. From the neighboiing fields of mis- 
sionary labor already mentioned, many seeds of divine truth would 
find their way here also. It may be supposed, that Irish missionaries 
would not fail to visit so invitmg a spot. A Frankish synod, in the 
year 613, felt itself called to do sometliing for the spread of Chris- 
tianity, as well as the diffusion of pure Christian knowledge, among 
the neighboring populations ; and they committed tliis work to the 
abbot Eustasius, of Luxeuil, the successor of Columban, and to the 
monk Agil.i These persons are said to have extended their travels 
as far as Bavaria, where they found not only the remams of idolatry, 
but also certain heretical views of Christianity ; 2 namelj^, as it is 
asserted, the errors of Photinus and Bonosus. 

As regards the so designated doctrines of Bonosus, it may be con- 
jectured, that some Irish missionary had introduced there the opinion, 
in earher times not deemed offensive, that Mary had other "sons after 
the birth of Jesus ; but it may be questioned, whether the reporters 
of this account had any right notion of the doctrine of Bonosus, or 
knew how to distinguish it from that of Photinus. At all events, by 
the latter they meant the denial of Christ's divinity, and the opinion 
that he was merely a man.^ We might then suppose, either tliat 

' Called by the French St. Aile, after- the Waraskians, and found such errors 

wards abbot of the monastery Resbacum, prevailing only among this peoijlc — among 

Rebais. the Bavarians merely idolatry. But ac- 

^ The road to Alsace, on the borders of cording to the Life of Salabcrga, Eusta- 

Switzerland, led them perhaps next still sius went first to the Bavarians, and found 

further towards Bavaria ; for one object of such errors prevailing first among these, 

their jouniey was the tribe of Waraskians, Also in the Life of Agil (f 319) their 

whose locality, in the life of St. Salabcrga, route is described in the same manner ; but 

iMabillon O. B. saec. IL (. 425.) is thus whether these errors were found to pre- 

aescribed : " qui jiartcm Scquanorum pro- vail also among the Bavarians, is noi 

vinciae et Duvii (river Doulis) amnis flu- stated. 

enta ex utratiue parte incoliint." Accord- ^ The author of the Life of Sahiherga 

ing to the Life of Eustasius by the monk describes the erroneous doctrines most dis- 

Jonas, Eustasius went in the first place to tinctly: "purum homincm dominun. no» 



PHOTINIAXISM AMONG THE BURGUNDIAN-S. EMMERAN. 39 

Bome among the new converts had framed to themselves such a con- 
ception of the Christian doctrine, the rude understanding of the 
natural man being easily led to form such views of Christ,"i or that 
the ignorance of rude missionaries had given occasion to these opin- 
ions ; for no sooner had the enthusiasm for missionary labors begiin 
to spread, than it happened, that even such as possessed no suitable 
qualifications were led from the force of imitation, from ambition, or 
other impure motives, to devote themselves to the work.^ It is proba- 
ble, however, that these errors sprung from some root of false doc- 
trine, which had been propagated among these tribes at a much ear- 
lier period ; for we find already, at the close of the fifth century, 
indications of the fact, that along with the Arians, the followers also 
of these Photinian opinions sought to introduce their doctrines among 
the Burgundians ; whether it was that Arianism itself had called forth 
a tendency of the natural understanding, which proceeded still fur- 
ther in the denial of our Saviour's peculiar dignity, or that such a 
sect had from ancient times been secretly propagated in the Roman 
empire, and now sought to gain among the newly converted peo})le, a 
place of refuge for itself as well as proselytes to its faith.3 

When about the middle of the seventh century, Emmeran, a bishop 
from Aquitania,^ made a journey to Hungary, with a view to labor 
for the conversion of the Avares, the Bavarian duke Theodo I., as it 
is recorded, represented to him, that desolating wars rendered his 
undertaking impracticable, and begged him, instead of pursuing his 
plan, to remain in Bavaria, where some seeds of Christianity were 
already to be found, though mixed up w4th paganism, and to labor for 

trum Jcsum esse absque Deitate patris." ' Sidonius ApoUinaris, bishop of Cler- 

Biit here also no distinction is made in mont, (epp I. VI ep. 12. opp. Sirmond I. 

fact between the doctrine of Photin and f. 582) speaks of the pains taken by Pati- 

of Bonosus ; and as the other narrators nus, bisiiop of Lyons, to convert the Pho- 

sav likewise : Photinus vol Bonosus, they tinians among' the Burgundian people. It 

too were doubtless aware of no difference, niio-ht be supposed, however, that he here 

' How possible it is for heretical tenden- confounded the Photinians with the Arians. 
cies to spring up even in the midst of a Yetitisplain, from a letter of Avitus bishoji 
peo])le in a wholly rude state, when Chris- of Vienne to the l^urgundian king Gundo- 
tianity has made some little progress bad, (cp. 28. opp. Sirmond II. f. 44) that 
among them, is seen at present in the re- . persons who denied a preexistent divine 
markalile appearances among the islanders nature of Christ, perhaps proper Phofi- 
of the Pacilic Ocean. See the Missionary nians, had sought to gain over the king to 
Operations in the South Sea, by F. Krohn, their opinions. Hence he was led to con- 
Hamburg F. Perthes 1833, and Missionary suit bishop Avitus. 
Register for 1832, pj). 99 and 36.'). * Not even the name of his bishopric is 

* Thus e. g. it is related in the life of stated in the account of his life lirst corn- 
Ac abbot Eustasius, that a certain Agves- jjilcd in the eleventh century, wliich Cani- 
<UN, who had iicen secretary of the Frank- sius has published in the third volume of 
ish king 'I'hierri II., seized with sudden his Lcctioncs antiquae. The life, in this 
feelings of contrition, had renounced all form, was first composed in the eleventh 
his earthly possessions, and withdrawn to century; and though an earlier narrative 
retirement in the convent of Luxeud. furnishes the basis of it, yet even this docs 
Next he was seized with a violent desire not reach back to the age of Emmeran; 
to become a missionary ; and it was in and these later compilations arc always 
vain the abbot Eustasius assured him, that less trustworthy. A true jjicture of the 
ne wanted the maturity necessary for that labors and fortunes of I'^mmeran cannot 
employment. He went among the Bava- be recovered from these meagre biogra" 
rians, but tarried there otdy a short time, as phies. 
he could effect nothing. 



40 RUDBERT, CORBINIAN. FllIESLAXDERS. 

the restoration of religion to its purity among his people. lie labored 
there for three years. After this, he undertook a journey to Home, 
intending to spend the remainder of his days in the vicinity of" places 
deemed sacred ; but waylaid and murdered by a son of the duke to 
revenge an accusation of which he was supposed to be the author, 
he perished as a martyr.' At the close of the seventh century, Rud- 
bert (Ruprecht) bishop of Worms, descended from a royal family 
among the Franks, made a joui'ney to Bavaria at the uiAdtation of 
duke Tlicodo II. He begged of the duke that he might be 
allowed to establish himself in a wild district of country, full of the 
remains of magnificent structures belonging to the Roman times, 
where the city of Juvavia lay in ruins. Here he built a church and 
a monastery, the foundation upon which rose afterwards the bishopric of 
Salzburg. After this he returned to his native land, to procure fur- 
ther aid for the prosecution of his growing work ; and with twelve 
new missionaries he returned to his old field of action, and labored 
afresh in it until at an advanced age. Thinking his work established on 
a sufficiently firm foundation, and having left beliind him a successor 
in the field, he returned back to his bishopric, for the purpose of 
spending there the remnant of his days.2 After these men, followed 
the Frankish hermit Corbinian, who settled down in the district where 
afterwards sprung up the bishopric of Freismgen. 

Bordering on the Idngdom of the Franks was the powerful, barba- 
rous and warlike tribe of the Frieslanders, who besides the strip of 
territory which still bears their name, had possession of several other 
portions of the Netherlands and of the neighboring Germany ; and 
partly by reason of their vicinity, partly by the conquest of some por- 
tions of the territory, zealous bishops among the Franks found oppor- 
tunity of extending among this people the sphere of their labors. 
Among these, was Amandus, a person of glowing zeal, but who seems 
to have been wanting in prudence and wisdom. Having been ordain- 
ed as a bishop without any fixed diocese (episcopus regionarius),he 
chose the districts of the Schelde, then belonging to the kingdom of 
the Franks, as his field of labor. He came to the place called Ganda- 
vum (Ghent), and here found idolatry prevailing. But he was unable 
to subdue the barbarism of the peo])le. He procured an order from 
the Frankish king Dagobert, by which all might be compelled to sub- 
mit to baptism. In endeavoring to carry this command into execution, 
and to preach to the people, who as it may well be supposed could de- 
rive but little benefit from preaching, backed by such forcible measm-es, 
he exposed himself to the most violent persecutions and ill-treatment, 
and sometimes to the peril of liis hfe. Yet he endeavored also to mu 
the affections of his hearers by acts of benevolence. He redeemed 

' The cause of the persecution excited and when at some hiter period he retracted 

against him still remains in the dark. Ac- the pious tiction, lie was not believed, 

cording to the abovementioned life, Em- ^ Respecting these missionaries also we 

mcran, out of compassion to the guilty have only a meagre account, drawn up ar a 

ones, took upon himself the blame of the much later period. Canis. Lect. antiq T 

pregnancy of a daughter of the duke ; III. 1*. II. 



AMANDUS. 41 

captives ; instructed and baptized them. A great impression waa 
made bj him on the minds of the rude people, when on a certain occa- 
sion, he caused a thief, who had been hung, and whom he had sought 
in vain, by his intercessions, to dehver from the punishment of death, 
to be taken down from the gallows after the execution of his sentence, 
and conveyed to his own chamber, Avhere he succeeded in recalling 
him to life. As he appeared now in the character of a miracle- worker, 
many came to liim of their own accord and were baptized. They de- 
stroyed their idol-temples, and Amandus was assisted by presents of 
the king and the united ofierings of pious men, in the work of convert- 
ing these temples into monasteries and churches. But now instead of 
continuing to build on these first successful issues, and to extend and 
establish on a still fiiTuer fomidation his sphere of action where so much 
still remained to be done, and a happy beginning had just been made, 
he allowed himself to be hurried on by a fanatical zeal to seek martyr- 
dom among the savage Slavonians, and directed liis course to the coim- 
tries around the Danube ; but finding here no opportunity of doing 
good, nor even a chance for martyrdom, being received perhaps with 
indifference or ridicule rather than rage, he soon returned back to his 
former field of labor. At last, he obtained a fixed diocese, as bishop 
of Maestricht (Trajectum) and with indefatigable pains, he journeyed 
through it, exliorting the clergy to the faithful discharge of their duties, 
and preaching to the pagan populations who dwelt within, or on the bor- 
ders of, his diocese, till his death, in 679.' One of the most distinguished 
among these Frankisli bishops who exerted themselves in the cause of 
missions, was Ehgius.^ Tlie story of liis fife before he became a bishop, 
shows, that amidst all the rudeness of the Frankish people, and in 
spite of the sensuous coloring of the religious spiiit, some remains of 
vital Christianity were still preserved m old Christian famiUes. From 
such a fiimily Eligius had sprung.^ Already, while pursuing the occupa- 
tion of a goldsmith, he had l)y remarkable skill in his art, as well as 
by his integrity and trust-worthiness, won the particular esteem and 
confidence of king Clotaire II. and stood high at his court. Even 
then the cause of the gospel was to him the dearest interest to which 
everything else w^as made subservient. While working at his art, he 
always had a Bible lying open before him. The abundant income of 
his labors, he devoted to reUgious objects and deeds of charity. 
Whenever he heard of captives — who in these days were often drag- 
wed off in troops as slaves — that were to be sold at auctiony4 he has- 
tened to the spot and paid down their price. Sometimes, by his means, 
a hundred at once, men and women, thus obtained their liberty. He 
then left it to their choice, either to return home, or to remain with 
him as free Christian brethren, or to become monks. In the first case, 

' The source, is the ancient account of found in D'Acliery splcileg. T. II. nov. 

nis life in the Actis S. Ord. Bened. Mubil- edit. 

Ion Saec. II. ^ Born at Chatelat, four miles from Li- 

* St. Elov. His life, written by his dis- moges, A. T>. 588. 

dpi* Audoen, is better suited than other •• Praccipuc e generc Saxonum. qui abun- 

biou^raphie.s of this period to give a true and do eo tempore veluti grcgcs !.\ sedibus pro- 

vivrd picture of the man it describes. It is priis cvulsi in diversa distrahebantur. 



42 HIS ACTIVITY. 

be gave them money for their jjurnej ; in the last, wliich pleased him 
most, he took pains to procure them a handsome reception into some 
monastery. While a lajnuan, he made use of his Christian knowledge, 
in which he excelled many of the common clergy,- to further the reU- 
gious instruction of the people. Thus his fame soon spread far and 
wide, and when strangers from abroad, from Italy or Spain, came on 
any business to the king, they first repaired to him for consultation and 
advice. In the practice of his art, he was most pleased to be enmloy- 
ed on objects connected with the interests of religion, consequently in 
accordance with the peculiar spirit of those times, in adorning Avith 
costly shrines the graves of saints. 

Tills person, in 641, was appointed bishop over the extensive dio- 
cese of Vermandois, Tournay and Noyon, the boundaries of which 
touched on pagan tribes, while its inhabitants were many of them stiU 
pagans, or new converts, and Christians only in name. With indefati- 
gable zeal he discharged the duties of this office till 659, through a 
period of eighteen years. He took every pains to search out the rude 
populations within the bovmds of liis extensive diocese and even beyond 
them. In these tours of visitation, he had to suffer many insults and 
persecutions, sometimes exposing his life to danger ; but by love, gen- 
tleness and patience he triumplied over every obstacle. The account 
which his scholar and biographer gives us of the matter of his discourses, 
shows that he was very far from attaching importance to a barely ex- 
ternal conversion, or mere conformity to the Christian ritual ; on the 
contrary, he endeavored carefully to put men on their guard against 
such outward show, and to insist on a Christian change of heart in its 
whole extent. "It is not enough — said he — that you have taken 
upon you the Christian name, if you do not the works of a Christian. 
The Christian name is profitable to him, Avho constantly treasures 
Christ's precepts in his heart and expresses them in his life." He re- 
minded his hearers of their baptismal vows, recalled them to the sense 
of what these vows implied and of what was requisite in order to fulfil 
them. He then warned them against particular sins, and exhorted 
them to various kinds of good works. He taught them that love was 
the fulfilhng of the law, and that the dignity of the children of God 
consisted hi their loving even their enemies for God's sake. He warn- 
ed them against the remains of pagan superstition. They should not 
allow themselves to be deluded by auguries or pretended omens of 
good or ill fortune ;^ but when going on a journey or about to engage 
in any other business, they should simply cross themselves in the name 
of Christ, repeat the creed and the Pater noster with faith and sincere 
devotion, and no power of the e\i\ one would be able to hurt them, 
No Christian should care in the least on what day he left liis house, oi 
on what day he returned home, for all days ahke were made by God. 
None should bind an amulet on the neck of man or beast, even though 
the charm were prepared by a priest, though it were said to be a holy 

' Similiter ot auguria, vcl sternutationes (^uas aviculas cantantcs attendatis. 
^oIite observare. ncc in itiiiere positi ali- 



LIVIN. EGBERT. WIGBERT. WILLIBRORD. 4i] 

thing and to contain passages of Holy Writ ; for there was in it nc 
remedy of Christ, but only a poison of the devil. In everything, men 
Bhoukf simply seek to be partakers of the grace of Christ, and to con 
fide, with the whole heart, in the power of his name. They should 
desire constantly to have Christ in their hearts, and his sign on theii 
foreheads ; for the sign of Christ was a great thing, but it profited 
those only, who labored to fulfil his commandments. 

About' tliis period, Livin, descended from a respectable Irish fam 
ily,' labored as a missionary among the barbarous people in Brabant ; 
and in 656 he experienced the martja-dom which he had predicted for 
himself.9 

Monks from England must have found in their relationship to the 
German nations, a peculiar motive for engaging in the work of con- 
veying to these nations the message of salvation ; and by means of 
this relati(^nship such an enterprise would m their case be greatly 
facihtated. In the last times of the seventh century, many young 
Englishmen resorted to Ireland, partly for the purpose of leading a 
silent and strictly syiritual life among the monks of that island, and 
partly for the sake of gathering up the various knowledge there to be 
obtained. They were received by the Irish with Christian hospitality, 
and provided not only with the means of subsistence, but with books. 
Among th'^se, was one by the name of Egbert, who in a sickness 
which threatened to prove fatal, made a vow, that if God spared his 
hfe, he would not return to his native land, but devote his days to the 
service of the Lord in some foreign country. He afterwards decided, 
with several companions, to repair to the German tribes ; but when 
on the point of embarking with them, was detained behind.^ His 
companions, however, carried their resolution into effect ; and thus 
it was he that really gave the first impulse to the work, which subse- 
quently placed the German church on a stable foundation. The prm- 
cipal among these was the monk Wiyhert. He resided for two years 
among the Frieslandcrs, who at that time still maintained their m(\^- 
pendence ; but owing to the rude temper of the people and of their 
kuig Radbod, he met with too determined a resistance, and returned, 
without accomplishing anything, to his native land. But the work 
was resumed with better success by another person from England, the 
presbyter W'dllhrord. A pious education had early hghted up in 
him the fire of di\dne love. At the age of twenty, he too visited Ire- 
land, for the purpose of being trained ; and after having spent there 
twelve years,'* he felt an impulse constraining him to five no longer 

' Boniface, who wrote the life of this * His poetical letter to the abbot Flor 

person, alHrms, it is true, that he received bei-t in Ghent: 

his facts from the mouth of three of Livin's Impia liarbarico gens exagitaUi tuniuUu 

disciples : but still his narrative is entitled Hie Brabanta furit mcque cruenta petit. 

to little coniidcMU'e, an.i cannot be safely Quid tibipeccayi, qui pads nuntia porto? 

' _. . . ■,' , -11* Pax est, (luoil porto. cur iinlii bella moves? 

used. Livm is said to have received tiap- g^,j ^^.^ tu spha.-;. foriu.s sors laeta tiiumphi. 

tism from Au^ustin, the founder Ot the Atque dabit palmam gloiia martjrii. 

Ensrlish church ; but to iu{l^•e from the re- Cui credam novi, nee spe fiustrabor inaiii, 

lations in which he stood to the British Qui .pondet Deu8 est, qu.s dubicare potest ^ 

church, this certain! v is not i)robable. ' Bede III. 27 ; V. 11 12. 

" See Alcuin's Life of Willibrord. 



44 SVIDBERT. ARCHBISHOPRIC OF UTRECHT. WULFRAM OF SENS. 

simply for liis own improvement, but to labor also for the good of 
others ; and the fame of the nations of German descent, the Fries 
landers, the Saxons, where the field of labor was so great, and the 
laborers so few, strongly attracted him. Pipin, mayor of the palace, 
having subdued the Fneslandcrs and made a part of them dependent 
on the Frankish empire, new and more favorable prospects were thus 
opened for a mission into these countries. He set out Avith twelve 
associates, and others followed after. Among these were two broth- 
ers by the name of Heuwald, who died as martyrs among the Saxons. 
Willibrord having been invited by Pipin to fix the seat of his labors 
in the northern parts of his kuigdom, first visited Rome, in the year 
692, yielding to that respect for the Roman church which was so 
deeply impressed on the Enghsh mind. His object was to begin the 
great work under the authority of the pope, and to provide himself 
with relics for the consecration of the new churches. Meantime his 
associates were not inactive. They got one of their own number,* a 
gentle spirit, Svidbert by name, to be ordained as bishop, and he 
labored among the Westphalian tribe of the Boruchtuarians, but by 
an irruption of the Saxons was driven away ; whereupon Pipin made 
over to him the island of Kaisersworth, in the Rhine, for the foundar 
tion of a monastery. 

Wilhbrord soon returned from Rome, and began his labors, with 
flattering results, in Frankish Friesland. Pipin now concluded to 
give the new church a fixed and permanent form, by erecting a bish- 
opric which should have its seat in the old borough of the Wilts 
(Wilteburg, the Roman Trajectum, Utrecht), and for this purpose 
sent Willibrord to Rome, to receive ordination from the pope as an 
independent bishop over the new church. Thus his church was to 
obtain the dignity of a metropohs, or an archbishopric. The fame of 
Willibrord's labors in these districts is said to have induced Wulfram, 
a bishop of Sens, to repair thither with several companions. He went 
te those Frieslanders who were not yet subjected to the Franldsh 
dominion, and is said to have baptized many. A characteristic inci- 
dent is related of his labors, which, though the account of his life 
cannot be relied on as authentic, may nevertheless be true. King 
Radbod came and represented himself as prepared to receive baptism, 
but was first desirous of having one question answered ; namely, 
whether on arriving at heaven, he should find there his forefathers 
also, the earher kings. The bishop replied, that these, having died 
without baptism, had assuredly been condemned to hell. " What 
business have I, then — said Radbod — with a few poor people in 
heaven ; I prefer to abide by the rehgion of my fathers." Though 
the barbarous Radbod was, doubtless, only seeking a pretext to reject, 
m a half bantering way, the proposal that he should embrace Chris- 
tianity, still this incident may serve to illustrate how the spread of 
Christianity was hindered and checked, by the narrow and tangled 
views of its doctrines which had grown out of the ordinances of the 
church. Alike fruitless were all the pains bestowed by Willibrord on 
the king of the Frieslanders. The active missionary made a journey. 



anssioxs in Germany. 45 

however, to the north, beyond the provmce of Radbod, as far as Den- 
mark. Yet all that he coiUd do here was to purchase thirty of the 
native youths. These he instructed as he travelled ; and having at 
length landed on a certain island consecrated to the ancient German 
deity Fosite (Fositc's laud, Helgoland) he meant to avail himself 
of some opportunity while he remained there, to baptize them. But 
to touch anything consecrated to the god on this holy island, was consid- 
ered a capital crime. When Willibrord therefore ventured to baptise 
the lads in a sacred fountain, while his associates slaughtered some 
animals deemed sacred, the fury of the people was greatly excited. 
One of the missionaries, selected by lot, was sacrificed to the idols ; 
the rest king Radbod sent back to the Franldsh kingdom. Somewhat 
later, Wilhbrord was enabled to extend the field of his labors among 
this people. It was Avhen the Frieslanders were more completely 
subjected to the Franldsh dominion, and after the death of king Rad- 
bod, the most violent opposcr of the Christian church. This happened 
in 719. At a still later period, he was assisted in no inconsiderable 
degree, by one of the natives, a man of high standing, and a zealous 
Christian, — Wursing, whose surname was Ado. In him, while yet 
a heathen, we have a remarkable instance of that drawing of the 
Heavenly Father, which leads those who follow it to the Son ; for even 
then he strove to follow the law of God written on the heart. He was 
a benefactor to the poor, a defender of the oppressed, and as a judge 
exercised justice. But in fearlessly administering the law, and setting 
his face against all the wrong done by king Radbod and his servants, 
he drew upon himself the persecutions of that prince, and was com- 
pelled to escape, with his family, to the neighboring kingdom of the 
Franks. Here he met with a friendly reception ; here too he became 
acquainted with the Christian doctrines, was convinced of their truth, 
and went over, with his whole family, to the Christian church. After 
the death of king Radbod, Charles Martel, the mayor of the palace, 
presented him with a feof on the borders of Friesland, and sent him 
back to his native country, to labor there for the promotion of the 
Christian faith. He estabhshed himself in the vicinity of Utrecht, 
and with his whole family, zealously maintained the preaching of the 
faith.^ Thus Willibrord labored for more than thirty years as bishop 
of the new church. In 739, at the age of eighty-one, he died.^ 

But notmthstanding the individual efforts which had thus far been 
made, on so many different sides, for the introduction of Christianity 
into Germany, still these isolated and scattered attempts, Avithout a 
common centre, or a firm ecclesiastical bond to unite the individual 
plans in one concerted whole, could accomplish but little which was 
calculated to endure, amid such amass of untutored nations and under 
circumstances in so many respects unfavorable. To msure the steady 

' Sec Altfrid's Life of St. Liudger, near tate, utpote mccsimum ct sextum in epi- 

the bcginnin;;: Monumenta Germaniae scopatu habens annum ct post niiiltiplices 

historica by Pertz T. II. f 405. militiae coelcstis a<iones ad piaemia remih 

' Bede says of him, A. D. 731 : Ipse nerationis supernao tota mcritc suspirans. 
adhuc superest, longa jam venerabilis ae- 



46 BONIFACE (WIXFIIID,) IX FRIESLAND. 

progress of Christiamtj among these populations for all future time, 
one of two things was necessary. Either a large number of mission 
aries laboring singly, and relying simjily on the poioer of the divine 
word lodged in the hearts of men, would have to be distributed through 
a large number of smaller fields, and to prepare the way, so that the 
Christian church might gradually and by worJcing ontwSbYds frojn with- 
in^ attain among these nations a fixed and determinate shape, and 
Christianity like a leaven penetrate through the whole mass of the 
people ; and this was the end to which the efforts of the Irish and 
British missionaries chiefly tended ; or some one individual must rise 
up, endowed with great energy and wisdom, to conduct the whole en- 
terprise after one plan, who would be able in a much shorter space of 
time to found a miiversal German church after some determinate out- 
ward form, and to secure its perpetuity by forced outward institutions 
knit in close connection with the great body of the Roman church. 
The latter was done ; and it was the work of Boniface, whom for this 
reason, though he found already many scattered missionaries in Ger- 
many, we must still regard as the father both of the German church, 
and of Christian civiUzation in Germany. 

Winfrid, as he was properly named,^ was born in Kirton, Devonshire, 
in the year 680. He belonged, as it seems, to a family of some con- 
sideration, and was destined by his father for a secular profession. 
But by the discourses of the clergy, who according to an old Enghsh 
custom^ w^ere used to visit the families of the laity for the purpose of 
instructing them in the faith and advancing their progress in the Chris- 
tian life, the heart of the youth, peculiarly susceptible to religious im- 
pressions, was inflamed wth a passion for the monastic life ; and his 
father, who was at first opposed, rendei-ed humble and pliant by a re- 
verse of fortvme, was finally induced to yield to his wishes. In two 
considerable Enghsh convents, at Adscancester (Exeter) and Nutes- 
celle, he received his clerical education, and theological training. The 
predominant bent of his mind was practical. By prudence and skill 
in the management of affairs, he must have early distinguished him- 
self; hence he was employed by his convent as their chosen agent in 
all difficult cases. But the passion for foreign travel which seemed in- 
nate in the monks of these islands, together with a loftier wish of de- 
voting hia life to labors for promoting the salvation of pagan nations,^ 
constrained him to form the resolution of leaving his native land. In 
715, he set out on his voyage to Friesland ; yet the consequences of 
the war, then unfortunate for the French kingdom, between the Ma- 



' Tlie name Bonifaciiis, by which he was 1. p. 334, it is said : " Ciirn vero aliqui, si 

.•ommonly known after his ordination as a cut illis in regionibus moris est, presbyteri 

bisho]i, he had perhaps adopted already on sive clerioi populares vel laicos praedicandi 

his entrance into the convent. causa adiissent." 

* This, in truth, was a kind of duty to •' He himself says in a letter to an Eng- 

whicli the EuLjlish missionaries were earn- lish abbess: '' Postquam nos timor Christi 

cstiv devoted from the verv nrst, see above et amor peregrinationis longa et lata teixa- 

p. 21, 23. In the life of Boniface by Ins rum ac maris intercapedine separavit" cp 

scholar, the presbyter Willibald, in Pertz 31. 
Monumenta Germaniae historica T. II. c. 



BONIFACE IN HESSIA. THURINGIA. 47 

jor domo Charles Martel and the Friesland king Radbod, proved a hin- 
drance to his labors, and he was therefore induced, after having spent a 
whole summer and a part of the autumn in Utrecht, to return back to 
his convent. The monks of his cloister Avere now ready and anxious 
to make him their abbot, the office having just become vacant ; but he 
could not be induced to aliandon the missionary work which was so 
dear to his heart, and following the example of the older English mis- 
sionaries, he first visited Rome in the autumn of the year 718, when 
pope Gregory II, to whom he had been recommended by his mse 
friend Daniel, bishop of Winchester, commissioned him to preach the 
gospel to the pagan nations of Germany. He now made his first 
essay in Thuringia, to Avliich at that time a large portion of the French 
territory belonged : but the information which he obtained there, con- 
vinced him, that to accomplish the ends he had in view, it would be nec- 
essary for him to secure the cooperation of the French government ; and 
he repaired for this purpose to Charles Martel the maj'or of the palace. 
The favorable prospects wliich began to open on the mission to Fries- 
land by the death of Radbod in 719, induced him to visit that country, 
and he acted under the Archbishop Willibrord for three years with en- 
com-aging success. The latter, in his advanced age, was desirous of 
securing him as his successor ; but Boniface thought it his duty to de- 
cline this offer, feehng himself impelled by an inward call from above 
to secure the spread of the gospel among the nations of Germany, 
whose sad condition was kno^vn to him by actual observation. This 
thought so occupied his mind, as to present itself in the shape of a 
dream,i in which he hoard the divine call, and saw opened to his view 
the sure prospect of an abundant harvest among the pagan nations of 
Germany. In obedience to this call, he journeyed, in 722, to Hessia 
and Thuringia ; at Amoeneburg in Upper Hessia, he baptised two prin- 
ces of the covmtry, Detwig and Dierolf, and there he founded the first 
monastery. In Thuringia, a country exposed, by wars with the bor- 
dering Saxons, to constant devastations, he had to sustain many dan- 
gers and hardships, with great difficulty obtaining a scanty supply for 
his own wants and those of his companions.^ Ha\'ing reported the 
results of his labors thus far to the pope, he was called by the latter to 
Rome, which in obedience to this call, he visited again in the year 723. 
Pope Gregory II, had it in view to consecrate him as bishop over the 
new church ; but he wished in the first place, after the usual manner 

' I take this anecdote from a letter of the reura regis coelcstis. The series of eveni!' 

abbess Bufjira to Boniface, who at that time here described harmonises entirely with 

was still a prcslivtcr cp. III. In ])raisinf^ the chronology of Boniface's life, as clear- 

the divine mercy, which had iicen shown to ed up from other sources. First his jour- 

him in so many ways, te transcuntem per ney to Rome and the acquiescence of 

icrnotos pagos piissime conduxit, she adds : the pope in liis missionary entcqiriscs ; 

Primum pontificem gloriosae sedi' ad de- next, the event so fortunate for the mission 

sidcrium mentis tuac blandiendum inclina- among the Fricslandcrs, the death of Rad- 

vit, postca inimicum catholicae ecclesiae bod ; then the inward call of God to lahor 

Rathhodum coram te constcrnavit, demum among the pagan tribes of Germany, con- 

per somnia scmetipso rcvelavk, qnnd debuisti firmed by a vision. 

manifeste mrssem Dei metere et congrega- ^ See Liudgcr's life of abbot Gregory of 

re sanctarum animarum manipulos in lior- Utrecht § 6. 



48 ROME. nrS ORDIXATIOISr. HIS OATH. 

to make sure of his orthodoxy, and for this purpose required him t<i 
repeat his confession of faith. Partly because he was ignorant of the 
Roman mode of pronouncing Latin, partly because he distrusted his 
abihty to find suitable expressions at once for doctrinal matter in an 
oral discourse,^ he begged to be allowed the privilege of presenting to 
the pope a written confession, which Avas granted him. The pope be- 
ing satisfied with this confession and vnth the manner in wliich he had 
acquitted himself in reporting his labors thus far, solemnly ordained 
him as bishop over the new chvxrch to be founded in Germany ,2 without 
assigning of course, for the present, a special diocese.3 His laboi's 
were to be confined to no one place ; but he was to travel round among 
the tribes, and to spend the most of his time wherever necessity might 
require.^ At this ordination, Boniface boimd himself by an oath to 
ecclesiastical obedience to the pope similar to that usually taken by the 
Italian bishops belonging to the several Patriarchal dioceses of the 
Roman church,^ but with such modifications, as the difference between 
the relations of an Italian bishop and of a bishop of the new German 
church required. At the tomb of the Apostle Peter he took the oath, 
which in substance was as follows : " I promise thee, the first of the 
Apostles, and thy representative pope Gregory, and his successors, that 
with God's help I will abide in the unity of the Catholic faith, that I 
will in no manner agree with anything contrary to the unity of the 
Cathohc church, but will in every way maintain my faith pure and my 
cooperation constantly for thee, and for the benefit of thy church, on 
which was bestowed by God the power to bind and to loose, and for 
thy representative aforesaid, and his successors. And whenever I find, 
that the conduct of the presiding officers of churches contradicts the 
ancient decrees and ordinances of the fathers, I will have no fellowship 
or connection with them ; but on the contrary, if I can hinder them, I 
will liinder them ; and if not, report them faithfully to the pope.^" 

' This is probably the meaning; of Boni- ^ A so called episcopus regionarius. 

fiice's words : '• Novi me imperitiim jam pe- ■• As late as the year 739, Gregory HI, 

regriuus" (after he had spent so long a time wrote to him : " Nee enim habebis licenti- 

among the rude populations, and was used am, frater, pro incejjti laboris utilitate in imo 

to speak only in the German tongue) 1. c. morari loco, sed confirmatis cordibus fra- 

in Pertz p. 343. Hence it is next said also trum et omnium fidelium qui rarescunt in 

of written confessions of faith : Fidem itr- illis Hesperiis partibus, ubi tibi dominus 

banae eloquentiae scientia conscriptam. aperuerit viam salutis, praedic.ire non de- 

^ Yet Bonifiice seems by no means to seras." 

have been resolved from the first to ]iass the * The form of an oath of this scrt is still 

whole of his life in Germany ; and hence preserved in the business-diary of the popes, 

he could not have entertained the design belonging to the first part of the eighth cen- 

of becoming the head of a new church ; for tury, the Liber diurnus Eomanorum poii- 

it was his purpose,, some time or other, to tificum, published by the Jesuit Garnier at 

return to his native land, as is evident from Paris 1680, aud to be found in C. G. HofF- 

his IV letter ed. Wiirdtwein. in which, ex- mann nova scriptorum ac monumentoruin 

horting a friend in England to the diligent collectio. T. II. Lips. 1733. 

stu(^y of the sacred scriptures, he says to ^ This latter passage was calculated es- 

him : Si doininus voluerit, ut aliquando ad pecially with reference to the circumstances 

istas partes remci\ns,sici(tpropositi(m haheo, under which Boniface was to labor; and 

per viam Cit should doubtless read vitam) in the present cnse the references in the 

spondeo. me tibi in bis omnibus fore fide- original oath, which might suit the old re- 

lem amicum ct in studio divinanim scrip- lations of the pope to the Byzantine om- 

turarum, in quantum vires supi>editcnt, pire, were altered for the occasion. In ihe 

devotissimum adjutorem. latter, it ran thus : Promitto pariter, quoc. 



INFLUENCE OF THIS OATH ON THE GERMAN CHURCH. 49 

This formal oath was of the greater moment in its influence on the 
formation of the New German church, inasmuch as Boniface — such 
was the integrity of his character — would be most conscientious in 
observing its provisions. The t[uestion was now settled, whether the 
German church should be incorporated into the old system of the 
Roman hierarchy, and the entire Christian culture of the West be 
determined by this ; or whether from this time onward there should 
go forth from the German church a reaction of free Christian develoi> 
ment. The last would have taken place, if the more free-minded 
British and Irish missionaries, who were scattered among the German 
populations, had succeeded in gaining the preponderance. At Rome 
the danger which threatened from this quarter was well understood ; 
and the formal oath prescribed to Boniface was doubtless expressly 
intended for the purpose of warding off this danger, and of making 
Boniface an instrument of the Roman church system, for suppressing 
the freer mstitutions \vhich sprung from the British and the Irish 
churches. The purpose of his mission was not barely to convert the 
pagans, but quite as much also to bring back those whom the here- 
tics had led astray, to orthodoxy, and t<A obedience to the Roman 
church.' And it is singular to remark, that the church from which 
the Christian spirit that was to bm'st the chains of the Roman church 
system was destined to proceed, was even in its first beginnuigs on the 
point of taking tliis same direction ! 

Now, although the missionaries, whom Boniface was bound to 
oppose, were his superiors ui Christian knowledge and in clerical train- 
ing, yet it may be questioned, whether they so exactly understood 
the condition and the wants- of the rude nations among whom the 
Christian church was to be planted ; and Avhether they were quahfied 
to labor for this object to so good a purpose ; — whether they could 

si quid contra rem publii-im vel piissiinum Koman apostolic church, and beware of 

pi'ncipein nostrum a quolibet agi cogno- the doctrina veniemium Erittouum vel fal- 

vcio, minime consentire; sod in quantum sorum sacerdotum ct liaereticoruna ep. 45. 

virtus suffragaverit, obvi.are et vicario tuo, In his letter to the German bishops and 

domino meo apostolico, modis, quibus po- dukes, (ep. 6) the pope states it as being 

tuero, miutiare et id agcrc vel t'acere, qua- the object of Boniface's mission, partly to 

tcnus tidem meam in omnibus sincerissi- convert the heathen, partly et si quos forte 

mam exliibeam. vel ubicunque a rectae tramite lidci devi- 

' In an old report, the object of Boni- asse cognoverit aut astutia diabolica sua- 

face's mission is thus described : ut ultra sos erroneos repcrerit, corrigat. It nmst 

Alpes pergcret et in illis partibus, ubi be owned, that even hi the official letters, 

luwresis imuxinie pullularet, sua salubri the customary forms of the chancery style 

doctrina funditus cam cradicarct. S. from the liber diurnus seem sometimes 

acta S. Mens. Jun. T. 1. f. 482. Willi- to have been preserved unaltered, tliough 

l)ald also, in his life of Boniface, speaks they ma> have been scarcely suited to 

of the influence of surli ciclcsiasties in these new relations. Thus, in the letter to 

Thuringia : qui sub lu^ une religionis the Germans, (ep. 10) in reference to the 

maximam hacreticac pravitatis introdux- obstacles to ordination : " non audeat pro- 

erunt sectam § 23. Pertz monumenta II. movere Afros passim ad eedesiasticos or- 

f. 344. Compare also the admonition of dines praetendcntes, quia aliqui eorum 

pope Gregory III. in the epistola ad epis- Maiiichaei, aliqui rebaptizati sacpius sunt 

copos Bavariae et Alemanniae, that they probati." Which warning might have 

should receive Boniface with all due res- some force in the time of Gregory the 

peet as the pope's legate, adopt the liturgy Great ; but could hardly be in place, as 

and creed according to tiie model of the applied to the churches in Germany. 
VOL. III. 4 



50 HIS MISSIONARY QUALIFICATIONS. IN HESSIA. IN THURINGIA. 

have laid the foundation of an ecclesiastical structure, wliich might 
promise to endure and bid defiance to destruction. But certainlj' 
Boniface, who had been educated in the faith of the Roman theocratic 
church system, and inured to the punctilious obedience of the monks, 
could not, from his own point of view and according to his own reli- 
gious convictions, act otherwise than he did ; and he verilj behoved 
that by so acting, he was taking the best course to promote the pros- 
perity of the new church. Indeed, the course of development pur- 
sued by the church under the guiding hand of a higher Spirit, had 
long since been settled after such an order, as that the nations should 
first be trained and nurtured to the full age of gospel freedom by 
means of a legal Christianity, or a gospel in the form of Judaism. 

Supported by letters of recommendation from the pope, Boniface 
directed his steps, in the first place, to the mayor of the palace ; and 
after having made sure of his cooperation, proceeded to Hessia and 
then to Thuringia. It might be expected, from what has already 
been said, that Boniface would find a foundation of Christianity already 
laid for liim in Thuringia. This, too, is presupposed by the pope, in 
the letters which Boniface icarried Avith him.^ The pope required the 
people of Thuringia to erect churches,^ and to build a house for 
Boniface. We see from the letters of the pope to some of the nobles, 
and other behevers in Thuringia, that a contest was already going on 
there between the pagan and the Christian party ; for he praises the 
Christian dukes, because they had not suliered themselves to be 
moved by any threats of the pagans to take part again in idolatry, 
but had declared that they were ready to die rather than do anything 
to injure the Christian faith.^ Boniface now brought back to Chris- 
tianity such of the cliief men as had fallen away. Having confirmed 
the wavering, he proceeded to labor for the suppression of paganism, 
which still continued to prevail among the mass of the people, and 
for the further Sjiread of Christianity among them. Up to the year 
739, Boniface had baptized towards one hundred thousand of the 
pagan inhabitants of Germany ; and this, as pope Gregory III. 
remarks, was effected by his exertions and those of Charles Martel.'* 

' Nor does Willibald, in his life of Boni- considerable, sind Boniface had now gained 

face, say that he first planted Christianity a wide entrance among the people, it cer- 

here, but that he restored it. He says, tainly could not have been the first church 

that the bad administration of the country which he founded in this country ; but 

under the dukes dependent on the Frank- this was perhaps the little church near the 

ish empire, (since the destruction of the neighl)oring village of Altenbcrga, which 

Thuringian en)ph-e, A. D. 531) favored tlie tradition derived from him, — the first 

revival of paganism, and even induced a which he caused to be erected, when com- 

portion of the people to become subject to ing from Ilessia to Thuringia. See liOfHer, 

the pagan Saxons. He says of Boniface : Celebration in remembrance of the first 

seniores plebis populique principes af- church in Thuringia. Gotlia 1812. 

fatus est eosque ad acceptam duditm chris- ^ Ep. 8. Quod jiaganis compellentibus 

tianitatis religioncm iterando provocavit, vos ad idola colcnda fide plena responde- 

§ 23. litis, magis velle felicitcr mori, quam iidem 

- Willibald mentions first the ecclesias- semel in Christo acceptam aliquatenus vie- 

tical institution founded by Boniface at hire. 

Orthorp (Ohrdruf, in the dukedom of * Ep. 46. Tuo conaminc et Caroli prio 

Gotha); a church together with a monas- cipis. 
tery. But as this was already something 



FRUITS OF ins LALORS. OAK OF GEISMAR. 61 

En the case of these conversions by masses, there may have been a 
great deal at first which Avas merely superficial ; but the suppression 
of idolatry, the destruction of every monument that spoke to the 
senses, the prohibition of all pagan customs, participation in the ritea 
of Christian worship, and the rehgious instruction given in connection 
taerewith, all this could not but serve to advance tlie work ; while at 
the same time provision was made for Christian education by schools 
connected with the monasteries. There is no indication that Boniface 
ever made use of the power of the mayor of the palace to enforce 
baptism. For what purpose he required it, we are informed by him- 
self ; * for he says that without the protection of the Frankish princes, 
he would have been able neither to govern the people, nor to defend 
the clergy, monks and nuns (who superintended the mstruction of the 
youth) ; nor without their_command and the fear of their displeasui'e, 
to forbid idolatry and the pagan customs .^ And how much he could 
efiect by destroying an object of supei'stitious veneration among the 
people, Avhich from one generation to another, and from the childhood 
of each individual, had enchained their senses, is shomi by the follow- 
ing example. At Geismar, which lay at no gi-eat distance from Fritz- 
lar, in the department of Gudensberg, in Upper Hessia, stood a 
gigantic and venerable oak, sacred to Thor, the god of thunder, which 
was regarded by the people with feelings of the deepest awe, — and 
was a central spot for their popvJar gatherings .^ In vain had Boni- 
face preached on the vanity of idols. The impression of that ancient 
object of superstitious veneration ever counteracted the eflect of his 
sermons, and the newly converted were di-awn back by it to paganism. 
Boniface ^ resolved to destroy one sensuous impression by means of 
another of the hke kuid. Accompanied by his associates, he repaired 
to the spot with a large axe. The pagan people stood around, full of 
rage against the enemy of the gods, and they expected nothing but 
that those, who dared attack the sacred monument, would fall as dead 
men, struck by the avenging deity. But when they beheld the huge 
tree, cut into four pieces, fall prostrate before their eyes, their faith 
in the power of the dreaded deity vanished. Boniface took advan- 
tage of this impression, and, to make it a lastuig one, immediately 
caused to be constructed out of the timber a church, which he dcdi- 

' Ep. 12 to Bishop Daniel. every year it was customary to present a 
' Sine patrocinio principis Francorum great ottering. At first a number of boughs 
nee i)opulum regere nee jjresbyteros vel were chopped otV, wliich were employed in 
diaconos, monachos vel ancilUis Dei de- the construction of a school-house. But 
fendere possum vel ipsos jiiiganorum ritus as the converted head of the village, who 
et sacrik'gia idolornm in (icnnunia sine had done this, afterwards fell sick, the 
illius mandato et timore proliibcre valco. j)agan people regarded it as a punishment 
^ In the district of the ancient ISIattium. sent upon him by the idol. To confute 
* An interesting comparison is furnished their opinion, he now resolved to cut away 
)y wliat lia])pcned in the province of Ma- the entire tree. As it was falling many 
dura, in India, in August, 1831. There hundreds collected around it full of amaze- 
stood in tliis place a gigantic odia tree, a ment, and they still continued visiting it 
hundred and twenty years old, which had for a whole week, contemplating it as a 
for several generations been held in great wonder, and threatening the new convert 
veneration, and was regarded as the seat with the vengeance of their god. See 
»f the patron god of the province, to whom Missionary Hegister for 1832, p. 399. 



52 BONIFACE pro\t:des religious instruction, his sermons. 

cated to St. Peter the apostle, whose authority and whose church it 
was his great aim to establish. 

But although he endeavored, after this manner, by outward and 
sensible impressions, to acquire an influence over the rude people, yet 
it is evident, from many indications, that he by no means neglected 
the work of religious instruction, but well understood its high impor- 
tance. His old friend Daniel, bishop of Winchester, who Avas now 
bhnd, gave him the following advice with regard to reHgious instruc- 
tion.* He was not to begin at once with refuting the idolatrous 
notions of the pagans ; but in the Avay of interrogation, in which he 
ought to show his own thorough knowledge of their system, he was to 
lead them on to discover for themselves the self-contradiction it in- 
volved, and the absurd consequences it led to ; all, without ridiculing 
or exciting them, but rather with gentleness and moderation.2 Then 
he should occasionally introduce here and there scraps of Christian 
doctrine, comparing it with their superstition, so that they might 
rather be shamed than excited to anger. That he liimself preached, 
and used the sacred Scriptures in preaching, appears evident — from 
a remarkable commission, which he gave to his old friend, the abbess 
Eadburga, who used to send liim clothes and books from England .3 
He requested her to procure for him a copy of the epistles of St. 
Peter written with gilt letters, which he might use in jjreaching. By 
the use of this, he hojied to inspire in sense-bound men a reverence 
for the Holy Scriptures, and no doubt, also for St. Peter, whose mis- 
sionary he conceived and represented himself to be.'* How diligently 
he studied the Scriptures may be inferred from the fact, that he often 
imported from England coi^ies of the same, together mth expository 
works, fairly written, on account of his weak eyes. Thus, for exam- 
ple, he secured a copy of the prophets prepared by his teacher, the 
abbot Wimbert, without abbreviations, and with plain and distinctly 
separated letters.^ There are still extant a few fragments of dis- 
courses preached by Boniface, probably after being translated into the 
language of the country, — one of which is an exhortation to chastity 
and purity of morals, as necessary in order to a worthy participation 
in the sacrament of the supper. "We address you — said he — not 
as the messengers of one, from the obligation of obedience to whom 
you can jmrclia^e exemjytion with money ; ^ but of one to whom you 
are bound by the blood he shed for you. My beloved, we are men 
covered with the defilement of sin, and yet we would not sufier our 
limbs to be touched by the defiled — and we beUeve that the only 
begotten Son of God wilhngly took upon his own body the defilement 

' Ep. 14. 1cm desidero, acquirere non possum, et 

' Non quasi insultando vel irritando eos, caligautibus oculis miiiutas ac comiexas 

sed placide ac magna objicere moderatione litteras discere non possum. 

debcs. * Doubtless an allusion to the Composi- 

^ Ep. 19. t'lones customary among the German tribes. 

* Et quia dicta ejus, qui me in hoc iter Out of accommodation to this custom 
dircxit, maxime semper in pracsentia cu- against which Boniface seems here to be 
piam habere. guarding himself, grew the indulgences 

* Quia librum prophetarum talem, qua- 



HIS EFFORTS FOR SPIRITUAL IMPROYEMEXT. HIS OPPONENTS. 53 

of our sins. Behold, brethren, our kmg, who has condescended to 
make us his messengers, comes directly after us ; let us prepare for 
him a })ure mansion, if we desire him to dwell in our bodies." In the 
other sermon, he replies to the objection, why have the messengers 
of salvation come so late after so many have already been rumed — 
in the follo^ving language : " You would have a right to complain of 
the late coming of the physician, if now, when he is come to attend 
you, you are eagerly bent on makuig the right use of the remedies 
he prescribes." Instead of minutely inquiring why the remedy 
came so late, they should rather hasten to apply it, now that they 
had it. 

The whole conduct of Boniface in founding the new church, shows 
also how much importance he attached to the spiritual culture of the 
people by Christianity. The same tiling is apparent from liis found 
ing monasteries, especially in the central spots of the tribes, whence 
proceeded the culture of the people as well as the reclaimmg of the 
wilderness ; and into which he introduced monks ^ and nmis from 
England, who brought with them various arts and sciences,^ and 
books for the instruction of the youth ^ — and who furnished mission- 
aries for the people.'' It is apparent also from his ordinances, which 
directed that no man or woman should stand in the relation of god- 
father or god-mother unless he or she knew by heart the creed and 
the Lord's Prayer ; that no person should be appointed priest, who 
could not repeat the form of renunciation at baptism, and the confes- 
sion of sins in the language of the country .» 

Boniface met with various opponents in his field of labor. Con- 
cerning these, it must be confessed, we can get but httle certain know- 
ledge from his by no means unprejudiced and impartial reports. Some 
of them were free-minded British and Irish clergy, particularly such 
as would not submit to the Roman laws touching the cehbacy of 
priests,' but whose married life appeared to Boniface, looking at the 
matter from his own point of view, an unlawful coimection. Others 
were rude and ignorant men, whose lives were a disgrace to their pro- 
fession, who freely took part in the sports of the chase and in warhke 
expeditions, made traffic of their priestly functions, and spread among 
the untutored people false notions of Christianity, extremely detrimen- 
tal to the interests of religion and morality.7 Others again Avere 

' The monks magistri infantium ep. 79. licet valdc sit pcriculosum ac laboriosum 

" Willibald says (§ 23), E Britanniae paene* in omni re, in fame et siti, m al- 

partibus scrvorum Dei plurima ad cum gore et incursione paganorum inter se de- 

tam Icctorura quam etiam scriptorum (wlio gere." 

nusicd themselves in the coitying of ^ See f. 142 in epp. cd. WUrdtwein. 
Dooks), alionunqne artitim cruditorum vi- ^ As it is ordered by an Irish synod, A. 

'orum congregationis conveucrat multi- D. 456, can. 6, that the wives of the eccles- 

^ido. iastics, from the ostiarius to the priest, 

^ lie also procured books from Rome, should never go about othenvise than 

See ep. 69. ep. 54. veiled. See Wilkins's Concil. Angl. T. I 

* Boniface went a hmg distance to meet p. 2 ; so it is evident from this, that the 

such new comers. See ep. 80. They wrote marriage of these ecclesiastics was consid- 

to England about their labors among the ercd regular. 

heathen : " Ueus per misericordiam suam ' There were those, who in consequence 

Wfficientiam operis nostri bouam perficit, of their scanty knowledge, and to please 



54 HIS SCRUPLES REGARDING HIS OPPONEXTS. 

ecclesiastics or monks, who for some reason or other, whether right or 
wrong, struggled against the authority of Boniface, while the veneror 
tion inspired bj their lives of rigid austerit}-, had secured for them a 
strong interest in the affections of the people. Certainly, the schisms 
occasioned by such ecclesiastics, even though they belonged themselves 
to the better class, could not but hinder the prosperous growth of the 
church among so nide a people. ^ These persons too may have had 
their influence at the court of the warlike Charles Martel, with whose 
interests and inclinations, many things wliich they aimed at and advo- 
cated, perhaps more fully coincided, than the strict ecclesiastical rules 
of Bonifo-ce, At any rate, the latter could not succeed, as long as 
Charles Martel hved, in making good his authority as papal legate 
against these antagonists. But as he had sworn to withdraw fellow- 
ship from all ecclesiastics who opposed the Roman church-system, he 
was not a httle perplexed, when he visited the court of Charles Mar- 
tel, to find that he could not avoid having some fellowship ^ith the 
persons above described, while yet he could not neglect the oath with- 
out prejudice to his ecclesiastical institutions. He consoled himself, 
however, by reflecting, that he satisfied his oath, if he shmmed all 
voluntary connection, and all chvirch-communion with those persons. 
In this opinion, he was confirmed by his prudent friend, bishop Daniel, 
to whom he confessed his scruples ; for that prelate advised him, to 
pay a due regard to the circumstances of the case, and to accommo- 
date himself to them with a wise dissimulation subservient to higher 
ends.* Boniface could not feel perfectly at rest on this subject, until 
he had also made known his scruples to the pope who had placed him 
under this oath, and had received from liim an authentic interpreta- 
tion of its import. The pope wrote back to him also, that the clergy 
who lowered the dignity of their ofiice by a disreputable life, he should 
endeavor to set right. But if they would not allow themselves to be 
corrected, he still ought not to avoid their company, nor to refuse to 
sit at the same table with them ; for it was often the case, that 
men could be more easily led into the right way by friendly intercourse 
and the familiar society of the table, than by harsher measures. 3 

the rude multitude, mixed up pagan cus- taiuly have stated the matter more dis 
toms with Christian, and even sacrificed to tinctiy. It is very possible, that these peo 
idols. According to Boniface's report to pie, without following any erroneous ten- 
pope Zacharias: "Qui tauros, hircos, diis dency in doctrine, simply lived in haliits of 
paganorum immolabant." unusually rigid abstinence. Ascetic sever 
'Boniface says, ep. 12: Quidam«ahsti- ity under other circumstances would pcr- 
nentes a cibis, qiios Dens ad pcrci))iendum haps have appeared to Boniface a praise- 
creavit. Quidam melle et lacte proprie pa- worthy thing ; but he judged otherwise it 
scentes se, panem et caeteros abjiciunt ci- thecaseof these people, because they availed 
bos. He seems to describe these as false themselves of the consequence tlicy thus 
teachers ; and from this account we might acquired to render themselves independeni 
be led to surmise that there was some con- of him, and to resist his ordinances, 
nection of these mortifications with theo- ^ The principle of the oiticiosum mcnda- 
retical errors, and we might be reminded cium, quod utilis simulatio assunienda sit 
particularly of Gnostic errors. But had in tempore, which he defended, as others 
Bonifocc been knowing to anything of this had done before him, by the examples of 
=und, he who w;is so ready to detect dan- St. Peter and St. Paul. Ep. 13. 
gerous heresies in the slightest deviations ^ Ep. 24. Plurumque enim confingit, ut 
vora the prevailing notions, would cer- quos correctio disciplinae tardo.s facit ad 



BONIFACE IN ROME AND BAVARIA. PIPIX. NEW BISHOPRICS. 55 

Having, -witliin the space of fifteen years, founded the Christian 
church among a hundred thousand Germans, and erected church edi- 
fices and monasteries in the midst of what was before a wilderness, 
Boniface, in 738, repaired for the tliird time to Rome, for the purpose 
of an interview with the new pope Gregory III, and to obtam from 
him a new commission with ample powers. This pope empowered him 
also as his legate, to visit the Bavarian church,^ which had not as yet 
received any permanent organization, and was going to decay, and 
moreover stood open to the British and Irish missionaries, who were 
regarded at Rome with jealousy. He was mvited there also by the Bava- 
rian duke Odilo. On his return from Rome therefore in 7o9, he paid 
a visit to Bavaria, where he resided for some time, and founded, under 
the papal authority, the four bishoprics of Salzburg, Regensburg, 
Freisingen and Passau. 

Soon after he had resumed his former field of labor, a political 
change took place which was favorable to his objects, in the death of 
Charles Martel, in the year 741. Martel, although he had received 
Boniface as a papal legate, and on the whole favored his mission, yet 
could never be prevailed upon to give him such decided preponder 
ance -as would have enabled liim to crush all the opponents to his meas 
ures, and to the Roman supremacy ; and as the rough warrior encour 
aged the clergy to take a part in his warhke enterprizes, and did not 
hesitate to sequester at will the property of churches and convents,^ 
he himself often came into conflict with Boniface and his interests in 
respect to the new ecclesiastical foundations. Far greater was the 
influence acquired by Boniface over the sons of Charles Martel, Car- 
loman and Pipin. In the former of these, the reUgious bent was so 
strong, that he once thought of rehnquishing the sovereign power for 
the monastic life. The other understood far better than his predeces 
sor how to enter into the plans of Boniface for the Christian culture 
of the German people. He was also inclined to form a stricter alli- 
ance with the papacy, with a \dew to the promotion of his own poUti- 
cal interests. In particular, it was now in the power of Boniface to 
carry out two important objects calculated to secure the better organi- 
zation of the new church. One was the foundation of several bishop- 
rics ; the other, the arrangement of the synodal system. He fovmded, 
in 742, under the papal authority, three bishoprics for the new church, 
at Wiirzburg, at Erfurt,^ and at Burburg, not far from Fritzlar. By 
the introduction of regular provincial s_)T:iods, the means was to be 
provided for maintaining an oversight over the entire moral and reh- 
gious condition of the people, and for a form of legislation suited to 

percipiendani veritatis nonnam, coinivio- ' - See Mabillon Aniuil. Orel. Benedict. T. 
rum sedulitas et admonitio di-^cipliiuie ad II. f. 114. 

viam ])crducat justitiae. ^ In reference to tliis, a diffii^nltv avi-;es 

' Yet the missionaries in the present case from the fact, that no hitcr indication^ are 
may have shown themselves more inclined to he found of any such bishopric ; wliether 
to subject themselves to the authority of it was that for special reasons, in the cir- 
the Romish church ; as we see in the" ex- cumstances of the times, this arrangement 
flinplc of Virgilius. was soon altered, or whether a false reai^ 

ing has here crept in 



56 SYNODS. ADELEERT. 

the necessities of the church. In the Frankisli church itself, these 
regular s^mods had fallen into utter desuetude. No such meeting had 
been held for a pciiod of eighty years ; and Carloman himself 
called upon Boniface to appoint one, and to take preventive measures 
against the lamentable abuses that had crept into the administration 
of church affairs. ^ At these synods, Boniface, who acted in the name 
of the pope, enjoyed the first seat ; and his influence was thus ex- 
tended over the whole Frankish church, wliich stood so much in need 
of new regulations. At the same time, pope Zacharias had expressly 
clothed him with full powers to introduce into the Frankish church a 
thorough reform, in his name. 2 He held, in all, five such sjmods. At 
these synods, he caused laws to be passed, whereby the clergy were 
bound to a mode of life better corresponding to their profession, and 
forbidden to take any part in war or in the chase on pain of being 
deposed from ofiice ; — laws to secure the general diffusion of rehgious 
instruction, and to suppress the superstitious customs which had sprung 
out of paganism, or wliich at least were grounded in pagan notions 
transferred to the objects of Christianity ,3 such as soothsaying, pre- 
tended witchcraft, amulets, even though passages of Scripture were 
employed for that purpose.4 At some of these synods, from the year 
744 onward, several persons were tried as teachers of false doctrines, 
belonging, as it may be conjectured, to the number of those of whom 
Boniface had already complained, but whom, in the times of Charles 
Martel, he was not strong enough to put down. 

One of these persons, Adelbert, was a Frank of mean descent, pro- 
bably belonging to that class whom Boniface had some time before 
described, as persons who by the austerity of their lives acquired con- 
sideration in the eyes of the multitude, and then used their influence 
against himself. Adelbert was honored by the people as a saint and 
a worker of miracles.^ He found ignorant bishops, who were willing 

_ * See ep. 51. Carolomannus me accer- ria id est scripturas observaverit, p. 39. 
situm ad se rogavit, ut in jiarte regni Fran- Neither was the chrism to be used as a 
corum, quae in sua est potestate, synodum remedy for diseases, p. 38. 
facerem congregari, et promisit, se de ec- '" Tlie priest of Mayence, whose brief 
clesiastica religione, quae jam longo tern- report of the life of Bonifaee has been pub- 
pore id est non minus quam per sexaginta lished by the Bollandists, at the V. of June, 
vel septuaginta annos calcata et dissijjata rehites, that lie hired people with money to 
fuit, aliquid corrigere et emendare velle. assume the appearance of being afteeted 

^ The words of pope Zacbarias, ep. 60, by various bodily ailments, and then to 

are: "Nos omnia, quae tibi largitus est de- pretend being cured by his prayers. See 

cessor noster, non minuimus, sed augemus. Pertz T. II. f. 354. But this, being thetes- 

Nam non solum Bojoariam, sed etiam om- timony of a passionate opponent, is not en 

nem Galliarum provinciam nostra vice per titled to credit. When a man came once 

praedicationem tilii injtingimus, ut quae to lie regarded as a false teacher, nothing 

i^percris contra christiaiiam religionem vel remained but to declare the miracles sup- 

canonum instituta ibidem detincri. ad nor- j)osed to be wrought by him to be either 

mam rectitudinis studeas reformare." works of sorcery, })crformed by the aid of 

^ E. g. hostias immolatitias, quas stulti an evil spirit, or a decejition. JFor the rest, 

aoinines juxta ecclesias ritu pagano faci- it was no uncommon thing in the Frankish 

nnt, sub nomine sanctorum martyruni vel church, for fanatics or impostors, who con- 

tonfessorum. The German synod of the trived to give themselves an air of sanctity 

year 742. See p. 33. to draw around them, as men who could 

■• Si quis clericus auguria vel divina- work miracles, a crowd of followers. Thus 

Sones, aut somnia sive sortes seu phylacte- Gregory of Tours (I. IX. c. VI) relates the 



REPORT OF BONIFACE CONCERNING ADELBERT. 57 

to give him episcopal ordination. i It would seem, that Adelbert, with 
many fanatical extravagancies, and with many qualities also betoken- 
ing a purer and freer gospel spirit, was opposed to the reign- 
'm<f doctrines or to the reigning ritual of the church. Boniface 
reports of him, 2 that he carried liis pride to such extravagant 
length as to put himself on a level with the Apostles. Hence while 
he thought Apostles and Martyrs not worthy of the honor of having 
churches dedicated to them, he yet had the folly to dedicate oratories 
to his ovm name. But if his claiming to be of equal dignity with the 
Apostles, was the reason why Adelbert thought churches ought not to 
be erected in the name of the Apostles, he might then say, that church- 
es could as properly be consecrated to liis o\vn name, as to the names 
of the Apostles ; and in that case, there would be no inconsistency in 
his language, of which Boniface, however, seems desirous to convict 
him. But from the words of Boniface himself it may, perhaps, be 
gathered, that he ventured on a false construction of Adelbert's asser- 
tions. Adelbert probably said, churches ought not to be dedicated to 
the name of ani/ man,^ therefore not to the name of an apostle ; and 
in this case, he might certainly be accused of self-contradiction, if he 
permitted oratories to be dedicated to his own name. Yet even a fa- 
natic would not l»e likely to fall into so gross a contradiction as this. 
Probably the truth was, that Boniface represented the conduct of Ad- 
elbert in the false light which grew out of his own inferences from his 
doctrines. And this view of the matter is confirmed, when we find 
that Adelbert was a severe censurer of the zeal, manifested by so many 
in those times, to visit the " threshold of the Apostles" (the limina 
Apostolorum,) instead of seeking help from the omnipresent God, or 
from Christ alone. The bad effect on the morals of the pilgrims, 
which as Boniface himself is compelled to acknowledge, resulted from 
these visits to Rome, would be an additional reason for the opposition 

instance of a certain Desiderius, who went virgin Mary. The people flocked to him, 

about in a cowl and a shirt of goat's hair, and brought their sick, who were to be 

pretending to lead a strictly abstemious healed by his touch. At the same time he 

life, and to enjoy special interviews with set himself up as a prophet. More than 

the apostles Peter and Paul ; and numer- three thousand suffered themselves to be 

ous bodies of the country people allowed deceived by liim, and among these there 

themselves to be deccive(i by him, — many were some priests. Gregory says, that in 

sick were brought to him to 'be healed. In France many such had appeared, who, 

the case of those who were lame, he caused after a few women had jcuned them, whom 

their limbs to be stretched with great vio- they extolled as saints, found believers 

lence, — an e.Kperiment which turned out among the people. 

sometimes fortunately, sometimes unfortu- ' Boniface says that, contrary to the 

natelv. Ut quos virtutis divinae largitione church laws, he bad received ordiiiution 

dirigcre (make their liuibs straight again) witliout a specific diocese, an ordinatio ab- 

noii jioterat, (juasi per industriam (by the soluta. This was undoubtedly contrary to 

aid of human art) restauraret. Dcnicpic the diurch laws; but in the case of mis- 

apprehendel)ant pneri ejus manus homi- sionaries it could not be otherwise ; and in 

num. alii vero i)edes, tractosipie divcrsas fact it was the same with Boniface himself. 

n partes, ita ut nervi putarcntur abrumpi. Probably Adell)ert wanted to labor as a 

3um non sanarentur, dimittcliaiituv e.^ani- missionary; like so many even ignorant 

-nes. In another place (1. 10. c. 25) Greg- a.id fanatical persons, wlio believed tliey 

ory relates the instance of a man who. at felt this call. 

first doubtless in an attack of insanity, had * K]). 62. 

given himself out as Christ, and a woman ^ As is intimated by the words " dedig- 

whom he carried about with liim, as the nabatur consecrare." 



58 ADELBERT DISAPPROVES OF PILGRISLAGES TO ROME. 

shown to tliem.i Adclbert procui-ed crosses to be erected in the fields 
where the people might assemble. He built small oratories in the same 
places and near fountains of water. Hence the accusation of Boni- 
face, that he had allowed these oratories to be dedicated to his own 
name, was probably no more than an inference, founded perhaps upon 
the fact, that the people were wont to name these oratories after Adel- 
bert. Large numbers of the people might be induced to forsake the 
pubUc churches and the other bishops and to assemble in these places ; 
sajing, we shall be helped by the merits of the holy Adelbert. Per- 
hajjs Adelbert's followers paid him the excessive veneration usually 
bestowed on other men who bore the reputation of saints. One mode 
of expressing this excessive veneration, which in these times was by no 
means sing-ular, may have been that alleged by Boniface — if his report 
can be rehed on — ■- namely, that Adelbert's followers were in the habit 
of carrying about as rehcs hair and nails taken from his person (from 
which however it would be wrong to infer, that he sought any such 
honor, though it might be true, that he took no pains to avoid it ;) and 
hence, proceeded to form a party. When people came to him to con- 
fess their sins, he is said to have told them, he knew all their sins, for 
to liim every secret thing was open. They needed not confess to him, 
but might consider all their sins forgiven, and return in comfort and 
peace to their homes. Now it is quite possible that Adelbert may 
have been misled by a fanatical self-exaltation actually to make use of 
some such language. But the assertions of Boniface a man so con- 
stantly on the watch for heresies and so inclined to paint every heretic in 
the blackest colors, may well be regarded with suspicion. Perhaps 
Adelbert was merely opposed to the church-system of confession and 
penance. Perhaps he told people, they needed only confess their sins 
to God, and confiding in the forgiveness of sins obtained by the merits 
of Christ, they might go away comforted. There is still extant the 
fragment of a prayer by him,^ in which no trace is to be discovered of 
the fanatical self-exaltation here ascribed to him ; but which on the 
contrary breathes the spirit of Christian humihty. " Lord, Almighty 
God, Father of the Son of God, our Lord Jesus Christ, thou the Al- 
pha and Omega, thou who sittest above the seventh heaven, above 
Cherubim and Seraphim, thou supreme Love, thou Fountain of joy, 
I invoke thee, and invite thee to me the poorest of thy creatures ; since 
thou hast vouchsafed to say, whatever ye ask of my Father in my 
name, that will I do. I beg of thee, therefore, to bestow upon me 
thyself.''^ Ill another passage, however, cited from this ])rayer, follows 
something Avhich does not so well accord -with the pure Christian spirit 
expressed in the first words ; but which however, in a dark, fanatical 

' Boniface endoavored to have a law en- tera vel morctrix (rcncris Anolorum, see ep, 

acted in England bv a synod and by the 7."^ to Cuthbert Archbishoi) of Canterbury, 

kino;s. whereby pii<xi"ima<Tes to IJome, wliich cd. WOrdtwein p. 201. 

so frequently led to corruption of morals ^ In the transactions of the I\oman conn- 

bhould be forbidden to married women and cil, which was held in consequence of the 

the nuns, quia magna ex parte pereunt, rc])Ort drawn up by Boniface. Bonifac. 

paucis remanentibus integris. Perpaucae ejiii. 174. 

rnim sunt civitatcs in Longobardia vel in ^ According to another readirg " To the* 

?rancia aut in Gallia, in qua non sit adul- I direct my prayer." 



LETTER OF CHRIST. RELICS. 59 

jttjsticism, miglit perhaps be reconciled with them — namely, the in 
vocation of angels, man}^ names of whom are cited which do not else- 
where occur.i In th*e acts of the Roman council, mention is made of 
a pretended letter of Christ,2 which in Jerusalem had fallen from heav- 
en, and which Adelbert took pains to circulate. The superscription 
of this letter was couched in a singular style, and the Roman church 
was reco,gnized in it as the one in which were deposited the keys of 
the kingdom of heaven. From this, it would seem evident that the 
mysticism of Adelbert could not be considered as opposed, at least in 
a consistent manner, to the hierarchical system, as we might be led to 
suppose it would be, on various grounds of evidence. According to 
the statements of Boniface he drew notice also by exhibiting certain 
rehcs, to Avhich he ascribed great miraculous power, and which as he 
pretended, had been brought to him from the farthest boundaries of 
the world by an angel in human form.3 Yet it deserves to be men- 
tioned, that Boniface says it was In his younger dnys^'^he came forward 
with such pretensions. From this we might infer, that lie had not al- 
ways maintained the same opinions and professions ; and if such were 
the case, the contradictions so apparent in the tenets ascribed to him, 
are to be explained, perhaps, not so much from the mingling together 
of opposite elements in his mode of thinking, as from confounding to- 
gether the reports of two diiTcrent periods in the history of his religious 
development, the earlier and the later. We might suppose, that the 
element of mysticism in him had, at the outset, been covered up un- 
der a religious tendency bordering on sensuous fanaticism, and more 
closely attaching itself to the forms of the church ; and that gradually 
he stripped away these sensuous forms one after the other. Yet owing 
to the vague and untrustworthy character of all our present sources 
of information, nothing certain can be said on the subject. On the 
whole, it is evident, that Adelbert must have found no inconsiderable 
support even from those who could not be classed with the ignorant 
multitude ; for while hving, he experienced an honor which the most 
attached disciples are wont to bestow on a venerated master only after 
his death. His life was written before its close ; and in this document 
he is styled, the holy and blessed servant of God (sanctus et beatus 
Dei famulus.5) But then, if he had many disciples, a great deal which 

' At the council these unknown names " By such pretences, the people were of 

>f angels were declared to be the names of ten deceived in those times, see Gregor. Tu- 

evil spirits, which Adelbert invoked to his ron. 1. IX. c. VI. 

assistance, and this was brought against "• In primaeva aetate 

him as a specific charge. * The introduction only of this biography 

* There wore at the present time many is known to us tin-ough tlie citations in the 

pieces of forgery of this character in circu- acts of the Roman council. It is here said 

lation. In a capitulary of tlie emjjeror that from liis birth he was filled with the 

Charles A. D. 789, it is* said: Pseudogra- grace of God, in imitation of the acccunt 

pliiae et dubiae narrationcs vel (piae omnino of John the baptist's nativity. True, this 

contra Hdem catholicam sunt, ut epistola expression was declared at the Roman 

pessima et falsisima, quam transacto anno council blasphemous ; but many simila* 

dicebant aliqui erraiites et in errorein alios ones may be pointed out in the Acfis sano 

mittcntes, quod de coelo cecidisset, nee ere- torura, belonging to this age 
dantur nee leganUir; sed coml)urantur. 
Mansi Concil T. XIII. p. 174, appendix. 



60 Boniface's conduct to adelbert. clement. 

ought to be attributed to the mistakes or to the exaggeration of his 
followers, may have been incorrectly charged to his own account, 

When Boniface had compelled Adelbert to cease from preachmg, — 
perhaps before his report to the pope, — and Avhcn, by the authority 
of the mayor of the palace, he had effected his arrest, Adelbert's 
numerous followers complained that they had been deprived of their 
holy apostle, their intercessor and miracle-worker. The reputed 
worker of miracles stood higher in the estimation of the multitude, 
than Boniface, whose zeal was tempered vrith Christian prudence, 
Avhose religion was marked by coolness of imderstanding, rather than 
by the impulses of enthusiasm, and who had no ambition to be consi- 
dered a worker of miracles. This was one pecuharity which distin- 
guished him from other laborious and successful missionaries of the 
same age. Not even liis own disciples have been able to record a 
single miracle wrought by liim.^ 

The second of these antagonists of Boniface, Clement, an Irish- 
man, was a person of an entirely different bent of mind. The theo- 
logical training he had received in Ireland rendered him, no doubt, 
Boniface's superior in largeness of understanding and in Christian 
knowledge, while it raised him above all the fanatical extravagancies 
which we observed in Adelbert. We recognize in him an mstance 
of one of the earliest reactions of the Christian consciousness, still 
holding fast to the primitive truth, against the hierarchical spirit, or 
the prmciple of the Old-Testament theocracy, which characterized the 
middle ages. He would allow to the writings of the older fathers,^ 
and to the canons of councils, no authority binding on faith ; and 
from this it may with probabiUty be inferred, that he conceded such 
authority to the Holy Scriptures alone, acknowledging them as the 
only fomitain and directory of C^hristian faith. The application of 
this principle would lead him, of course, to many important de\dations 
from the reigning doctrines of the church ; though we have no exact 
information as to what these deviations were. Boniface charges him 

' The priest of St. Martin's church in self. Faciebat autem signa et prodigia 
Utrecht, who in the ninth century drew magna in populo, utpote qui ab aegrotis 
up a sliort biographical sketch of Boniface mentibus inorhos invisibiles propellelnit. Af- 
(published by the BoUandists, at tlie fifth ter having prosecuted this thought still 
of June), was obliged to vindicate himself further, he adds : Quod si ad solam corpo- 
from the reproach of not having cited any rum salutem attcnditis et cos angelis ae- 
miracles wrought by him. What he says quiparatis, qui membrorum debilitates je- 
on this point is worthy of notice, as an juniis et orationibus integritati restituunt, 
expression of the Christian sense of truth magnum quidem est quod dicitis, sed hoc 
which is to be found extending through all Sanctis quodammodo et medicis commune 
the centuries. Everything — says he — esse crcbris remediorum manifestntur even- 
depends on the agency of God, which tibus. Sed et quemlibet in his talibus mi- 
operates on man's inmost being, produces raculis sublimem oj)ortet magna scipsum 
miracles from within outwards, and by circumspcctione munire, ut ncc jactantia 
means of miracles quickens the inward emergat ncc appctitus laudis surripiat, ne 
susceptibility to truth, intus, qui modcra- forte quum alios coiiperante sibi vii-tute 
Daturquique idololatras et incredulos trahc- sanaverii, ipse suo vitio vulneratus inte- 
oat ad fidem. The same Spii-it distributed reat. 

his gifts in manifold ways. Uni dabat " Boniface names particularly Jerome, 

fidcm ut Petro, alteri facuiidiam praedica- August in, and Gregory the Great, because 

tionis ut Paulo, and as an instrument of it was customary to appeal especially to 

the same Spirit Boniface had shown him- their authority in the Western Church 



CLEMENT ON TEE MARRIAGE OF BISHOPS, ETC. (Jl 

with maintaining, that he could continue to be a Christian bishop, 
though the father of two sons by adultery. It is probable, that Boni- 
face in this case allowed himself a little prevarication ; and because 
the marriage of a bishop, considered from his own point of view, was 
an irregularity, chose to disparage it under the name of an unlawful 
connection. But there can be no question that Clement defended the 
legality of marriage in a bishop, on such gromids as he found stated 
in the sacred Scriptures. Boniface, again, accused him of bringuig 
back Judaism, because he declared it lawful to marry the widow of a 
deceased brother. But the point charged, that he considered the 
Mosaic law still obligatory on Christians, would he against him only 
in case he declared a Christian hound, according to Deut. 25, to 
marry the widow of a deceased brother, when the latter left no pos- 
terity ; and in that case, he must have declared all other marriage 
with the widow of a deceased brother forbidden ; because all other 
mamage of a brother's wife, this only excepted, is forbidden in the 
Mosaic law. Perhaps, therefore, he only pronounced the ecclesias- 
tical ordinance, whereby this was placed among the proliibited degrees 
of relationsliip, an arbitrary one ; and adduced the abovementfbned 
Mosaic statute in evidence, that such an ordinance had no foundation 
whatever in the divine law, since otherwise Moses would not have 
allowed of any exception. The example of Cihan shows how impor- 
tant such disputed points, on questions of ecclesiastical law, might 
become to the missionaries. And it is worthy of remark, that on 
another kindred point, the Christian feelings of Boniface himself 
brought him into colUsion "\rith the statutes of the ecclesiastical law. 
Although he found the pruiciple to prevail both in the Roman and in 
the Frankish church, that the so-called spiritual kmship of god-father 
or god-mother should prevent a marriage contract between the par- 
ties, yet he could not feel the propriety of it, nor did it seem to him 
to have any foundation either in Scripture, or in the essence of Chris- 
tianity ; since baptism establishes a spiritual relationship among all 
Christians.! Finally, this Clement taught, as Boniface reports, that 
Christ, in descending to Hades, deUvered the souls not only of be- 
lievers, but also of mibehevers and idolaters. This we must under- 
stand as follows : He declared himself opposed to the common doc- 
trine of the descensus Ohristi ad inferos, according to which Christ 
is supposed to have deUvered only the pious dead of the Jewish 
nation. That is, he found in this doctrine, because he held only to 
the Scriptures, an intimation, that all those, who, during then* life on 
earth, had no opportunity of hearing the message of the gospel, were 
after their death taught by Christ himself to know him as the Saviour, 
and brought into fellowship) with him. A reflecting missionary among 
the heathen, might easily be led to entertahi doubts of the doctrine, 
which taught that all pagans were unconditionally lost ; ~ while to the 

' Quia nuUatcnus intclligere possum, tismate Christi et ccclesiae filii ct filiae, fra- 

quare iu uuo loco spiritualis jJi-opiiKjuitas tres et sororos esse coraprobeinus. iSee ep. 

inconjuuctioue carualis copulae tarn graude 39, 40 and 41, f. 88. etc. 
peccatuin sit, quando omues ia sacro bap- * From 1. VII. ep. 15 of Gregory the 



62 ON THE DOCTRINES OF THE DESCENSUS AND PREDESTINATION. 

purely human feelings of those to whom the Christian doctrine waa 
thus presented, much oflence might be given, many doubts awak- 
ened in their minds. But whoever was led, by his own careful exami- 
nation of the divine word, to reject that doctiine, would easily be 
tempted to go further, and to cast himself loose from the viewa 
hitherto held concerning the doctrme of predestination. And accord- 
ingly we find that Boniface actually accuses Clement of teaching 
other tilings, contrary to the Cathohc faith, relative to the divme 
j'redestination.i Whether Clement, however, went so far as to main- 
tain the doctrine of universal restoration,2 is a point which cannot be 
certainly determined. Of course, neither the peculiar spiritual bent 
nor the doctrines of Clement, were suited to procure for him, in this 
rude age, so large a number of followers, as flocked after the fanatical 
Adelbert.3 

Boniface, in bringing his complaint against these two persons before 
pope Zacharias, proposed that, in order to render them harmless, they 
should be confined for life. The pope, in his reply to Boniface's 
report, A. D. 745, confirmed the sentence by which they were con- 
demned, but without determi n ing anything with regard to their per- 
sons, except that they should be removed from their spiritual charges. 
But it is worthy of remark, that perhaps the just and humane Zacha- 
rias was led, by another report from Germany, to doubt the jus- 
tice of the proceedings instituted against these two men ; for about 
two years later, in 747,^ he ordered a new investigation into 
the cases of the two deposed bishops. «'» And should they he con- 
victed of having m any respect departed from the right way, then 
if they showed an inclination to be set riglit, measures were to be 
taken for proceedmg with them according to the ecclesiastical laws. 
But should they obstinately persevere in insisting upon their inno- 
cence, they were to be sent, in company with two or three of the 
most approved ecclesiastics, to Rome, in order that their case might 
be carefully investigated by the apostohcal see, and that they might 
then be treated according to their deserts. So important was it 
considered by the pope, to take care that his agents should not pro- 
ceed with injustice or harshness against two men, in whom he could 
not possibly have any personal hiterest ; and so far was he from bemg 
wilhng to sacrifice them, by giving the sanction of his own supreme 
judicial authoiity, to a man who had done so much for the interests 

Great, we see that two ecclesiastics at Con- the deacon Gemmulus, to whom lie en- 

stantiiiople had also come to the conclu- trusted the management of his cause with 

sion, Christum ad inferos descendentcm the pope (a silver ewer and a napkia), 

omnes qui illic contiteruntur eum salvasse niiyht throw a suspicion upon him, were 

atque a pouni* dcbitis liberasse. Which to it not the custom of those times, as is evi 

Gregory, judging from iiis point of view, dent from Boniface's letters, to accompany 

the conmion doctrine of the church, ap- letters sent from a distance with presents, 

pearcd extremely erroneous. To a pope, 13onilace sent as a present a 

' Multaaliahorribiliadepraedestinatione na])kin, to wipe the hands or feet (villosa), 

Dei and a small sum of gold or silver. 

"^ It may be remarked, that Scotus Eri- •* Sec ep. 74. 
g'ensi, in whsm we hnd similar doctrines, * Together with Adelbert is here men- 

came from Ireland. tioned a certain Godalsacius, who perhaps 

^ The presents which Boniface sent to was associated with him. 



VIRGILIUS. HIS OPIXION OF THE ANTIPODES. 63 

of the papacy, and who ever remained so faithful an instrument in 
promoting them. Had the interests of the papacy been the cliief 
thing aimed at by the pope, he would not have hesitated to follow at 
once the report of Bomface. But as it was, the powerful Boniface 
seems still to have found means to delay the execution of the pope's 
intentions. 

Respecting the fate of Clement, wo have no exact infonnation ; 
though it is certain, from the character of his doctrines, that he could 
not expect any more favorable issue of his case to result from the 
examination at Rome. But with regard to Adelbert we know, that 
by the sentence of Boniface he was subjected to imprisonment for hfe, 
and tliat after having effected his escape from his cell, he came to a 
miserable end.i 

This was not the only case, in which pope Zacharias showed that 
he was not to be governed at once in his decisions by the reports of 
the credulous Boniface — a man so ready, on some misunderstanding 
of his own, to set down his opponents as heretics — but that he was 
inclined to hear these opponents speak for themselves. Virgilius, 
another Irish priest in Bavaria, got into his first difficulty with Boni- 
face, by occasion of a baptism informally administered. Because 
the ignorant priest had been guilty of an error in repeating some of 
the words of the Latin formula,^ Boniface declared that the baptism 
was invalid, and must be repeated. VirgiUus protested against this ; 
he ventured with Sidonius, another priest, to appeal to the pope, and 
the latter decided against Boniface.3 The same Virgihus, who seems 
to have stood in some estimation with the duke Odilo, afterwards pre- 
sented himself as a candidate for one of the bishoprics founded by 
Boniface. The latter, however, endeavored to exclude him. He 
accused Virgil of maintaining the heretical opinion, that under the 
earth existed another world and other men — perhaps a misapprehen- 
sion ; perhaps the opinion that there were antipodes. Now the pope 
himself, it is true, found this opinion objectionable ; perhaps on 
account of the uiference w^hich might be supposed to follow, that 
the whole hiunan race did not spring from Adam, that all men were 
not involved m the orighial sin, that all did not need a Redeemer. 
And on the presumption, that Boniface's report agreed with the truth, 
he decided that Virgil should be deposed from the priestly dignity. 
He addressed a threatening letter to Virgil and Sidonius, and assured 
Boniface that he beUeved him rather than the two former. But still 
he summoned them both to Rome, where their case might be more 
accurately investigated, and a definitive sentence passed accordingly. 
And the result teaches, that Virgil must have succeeded in justifying 
himself before the pope, for he became bishop of Salzburg, and at 
tamed afterwards to the honors of a saint.* 

' The presbyter of Mayonce relates (sec fallen upon, robbed and murdered by shop 

Monumcnta ed.Pertz II. 355), that he was herds. 

contiued in the convent of lulda, but that ^ In nomine patria ct filia 

he sucfccded in eflectinj,' his escape, with a ^ See cp. 62. 

boot full of nuts, bv which ho meant to " See the epigram of Alcum upon him. 

iastain himself on the way. But he was As Boniface fell into collision for the most 



64 BONIFACE "WISHES FOR A STABLE CHURCH ORGANIZATION. 

Though, for the rest, Boniface constantly acted in subservience to 
the popes, and paid them the utmost deference, yet at the same time 
he never hesitated to speak out what a pope might not hke to hear, 
when the duty of his calling required that he should do so. He fear- 
lessly censured pope Zacharias for permitting the Roman church to 
incur the charge of simony, by demanding money for the bestowment 
of the pall.i He complains in a letter to this pope, of the bad exam- 
ple set at Rome to the ignorant and rude people from Gennany ; of 
the various superstitious practices allowed there on the first of Janu- 
ary ; of the custom among the women to hang amulets around their 
arms and limbs, which amulets were publicly exposed for sale. Now 
the vulgar had it to say, that such things were done at Rome under 
the eyes of the pope ; and so his instructions, he said, were not a little 
hindered of their eflfect.^ He cites the authority of St. Paul and of 
Augustin against such practices, — and urgently demands of the pope 
a suppression of these abuses.^ 

The reformation of the church, according to the plan of Boniface, 
required especially the reestablishment of a well-devised church organ- 
ization, at the head of which should stand the pope as the director of 
the whole. All the bishops should hold the same relation to the me- 
tropohtans, as these held to the pope himself. As the bishops, when 
they found it impossible themselves to do away abuses in their dioceses, 
should discharge their consciences, by bringing the matter before their 
proper superiors, the metropolitans, thus throwing the responsibility 
on the latter ; so the metropolitans or archbishops should proceed in 
the same way towards the pope.-* And an oversight, administered on 
this organical plan, over the whole church, might undoubtedly, in 
these times of rudeness, where so many things were contrary to eccle- 
siastical order, have served a very salutary purpose : but the metropo- 
litan constitution was not so well adapted to the relations of the 
French empire, as it had been to the old Roman empire ; and the 
spirit of the Frankish bishops, so inclined to independence, was not 
ready to accomodate itself to any such form. Hence Boniface had 
on this pomt many obstacles to encounter. True, Avhen pope Zacha- 

part with educated Irishmen who were had acted without the pope's knowledge or 

striving to be independent of him, so we will. 

find among them a certain Samson, a priest, ^ Ep. 51. Quae omnia co, quod ibi a 
who, according to Boniface's report (ep. 82), carnalibus et insipicntibus videntur, nobis 
had asserted, that one might become a Chris- hie et improperium et impcdimentura prae- 
tian by the imposition'of the hand of a dicationis et doctrinae perficiunt. 
bishop, without baptism. That he should ^ The pope did not deny, Uiat such abu- 
have asserted this in such a way, that a ses had once more crept in at Eome ; but 
priest should have so over-estimated the affirmed that since he had attained to the 
importance of the episcopal laying on of papal dignity, they had been wholly sup- 
hands, can hardly be sup])osed, and we are pressed. 

here forced to the conjecture, that Boniface * See ep. 73 to the English Metropolitan 

had not rightly apprehended bis opponent's Cuthbert, to whom he sent a report of the 

meaning. administration of his office thus far. Sic 

' Zacharias himself says (ep. 60 f 148) omnes episcopi debcnt nictropolitano et 

of the letter, in which Boniface com])lains ipse Romano pontifici, si quid de corrigen- 

of this, litterae tuae nimis animos nostros dis populis apud cos impossibile est, notum 

conturbaverunt. He denies the whole thing, facere et sic alieni fient a sanguine anima- 

Perhaps the officials of the papal chancery rum perditarum. 



METROPOLIS FOR THE GERMAN CHURCH. COLOGNE. 65 

rias committed to him the business of arivangin^^ the order of the 
Frankish church, Boniface ordained three metropohtans for this church, 
and the pope sent him the palls for the same.' But he found himself 
unable to carry this arrangement immediately into effect.^ The new 
German church also continued to subsist for a longer time without 
metropolitans. It is true, in the year 732, pope Gregory III. ap- 
pointed Boniface archbishop, and sent him the pall ,3 but mthout a 
determinate metropohs. On the death of Raginfred, bishop of Co- 
logne, in 744, Boniface proposed, that the bishopric of Cologne should 
be converted into a metropohs, and conferred on himself.'* This was 
connected with his favorite plan, to resume once more the personal 
superintendence of the mission among the Frieslanders, which, since 
the dt^ath of VViUibrord in 7o9, had not been so rigorously conducted 
as before ; for after the death of Wilhbrord, he reckoned the mission 
among the Frieslanders as belonging to the sphere of labor assigned 
him as papal legate among these tribes : and m accordance with the full 
powers conferred on liim for that purpose by the mayor of the palace, 
Carloman,^ he had ordained his countryman and disciple, the priest 
Eoban, bishop of Utrecht. But from Cologne, as a centre, it would 
be easy for him to extend his Avatch and care also over Friesland.* 
The Frankish nobles were generally satisfied wnth this arrangement, 
and the pope confirmed it ; but a portion of the clergy, as we may 
infer from the mtimations of Boniface in his letter to the pope, were 
opposed to it.' These, as it seems, were composed of such as had all 
along formed a party against Boniface. The pope beheved that this 
opposition might be despised ; but subsequent events showed that it 
was of moment. In addition to this, another event happened, Avhich 
gave a different turn to the choice of a German metropolis. 

' See cp. 59 of pope Zacharias. against the bishop of Cologne, describes 

'^ The pope was much -ui-])riscd to learn him as the episcopum, qui nunc usque de- 

that Boniface afterwards demanded only sidia quadam in eadem gen'.e praedicationis 

one pallium, and asked him, cur tantae verbum disseminare neglexerat, et nunc 

rei facta sit permutatio ? cp. 60. At the sibi partem quasi in parochiam defendit. 

council of Soissons, in the year 1744, he \ See ep. 105. 

succeeded, however, in securing the appoint- " Boniface had himself, on proposing the 
ment of two mctroi)olitans. He wrote, at establishment of a metropolitan see at Co- 
some later lime, to the i)ope, exculpating logne, mentioned the circumstances, which 
himself, ^ep. 86) de eo autcm, quod jam to him seemed to recommend that city as 
praeterito tempore de archiepiscopis et de a proper place for the purpose, as the pope 
palliis a Ronnina ecclesia petendis jtixta says (ep. 70) : Civitatem pertingentem us- 
promissa Francorum sanctitati vestrae no- que ad paganorum fines et in partes Ger- 
tum feci, indulgentiam apostolicae sedis manic-arum gentium, ubi antca praedicasti. 
flagito, quia, quod promiserunt, tardantes That not jMentz, as it reads in the super- 
non implevcrunt et adhuc differtur et ven- scription of the letter, ed. Wiirdtwein. but 
tilatur, quid inde perficere voluerint, igno- Cologne is to be understood — which Pagi 
ratur, sed mea voluntate impleta csset pro- also remarks — maybe gathered not only 
missio. from the circumstances stated, but also 
' See ep. 25. from what the pope expressly says in the 
* With the bishop of Cologne Boniface same letter: Decivitate, quaenuper Agrip- 
early fell out. The former wanted to ex- pina vocabatur, nunc vero Colonia juxta 
tend his diocese over a part of the field of petitionem Francorum per nostrae auctori- 
labor assigned to Boniface, though he had tatis praeceptum nomini tno Metropolin 
taken no pains whatever to diffuse Chris- confirmavimus. 

tianity among the pagan tribes bordering "> Quidam falsi sacerdotes et schismatici 

on his diocese. Gregory II, who decided hoc impedire conati sunt. 
VOL. III. b 



66 GEROLD AND GEWILLIEB OF MENTZ. 

In the army, which in 744 marched to the assistance of the Thurin- 
gians against the Saxons, was Gerold, bishop of Mentz.i He was slain 
by a Saxon ; and Charlemagne appointed his son, by name GewiUieb, 
to succeed him in the office. This son, though in other respects a per- 
son of blameless manners, yet wanted both the disposition and the 
education requisite for a spiritual office ; * being passionately devoted, 
as probably his father also had been, to the sports of the forest. 
When the two armies again met in the field, Gewillieb challenged the 
slayer of his father out of the ranks of the Saxons, and killed him on the 
spot, to revenge his father's death. In pursuance of the ecclesiasti- 
cal laws, passed at his own suggestion, Boniface was obliged to demand 
that GewiUieb, who, though a bishop, still bore the sword, should be 
deposed from his office. This was done at a synod in the year 745, 
over which Boniface himself presided. In this case, it was the 
less possible to accuse him of interested motives, because the transfer 
of the metropolitan see to Mentz, would, according to what we have 
already remarked, be directly opposed to his own wishes and cherished 
plans. Besides, he could not, at the beginning, have possibly conjec- 
tured, that the deposition of GewilUeb would be followed by this 
result ; since he was still negotiating with the pope, for the establish- 
ment of the metropoHtan see at Cologne. GcAvillieb, it is true, 
repaired to Rome for the purpose of laying his appeal before the pope, 
and the latter kept the investigation of the aftair in his own hands ; ^ 
but the issue of it must doubtless have led to the confirmation of the 
sentence passed by the German synod. The removal of Gewilheb, and 
:he vacancy left in the bishopric of Mentz, now enabled the party who 
strove to hinder the estabhshment of a metropohtan see at Cologne, to 
'.arry their point; and it was thought ad\'isable to make the city of 
]Mentz, which had already enjoyed that honor, once more the seat of 
an archbishopric. Boniface, in communicating this decision of the 
Frankish princes and nobles to the pope, besought the latter, at the 
same time, that he might be allowed, on account of his great age and 
bodily infirmities, to consecrate some other person than himself to the 
office of archbishop. This petition of Boniface was certainly not an 
act of dissimulation or hypocritical humility, traits of which not the 
least vestige can be detected in his general character. Nor is it by 
any means necessary so to understand it, as if he wished to devote hia 
already far advanced, but still energetic old age to an inactive repose. 
Perhaps his simple motive was to avoid the great burden of outward 

We are indebted for a circumstantial tantum quod cum herodiis et canibus per 
account of this event to that presbyter of semetii)sum jocabatur. If he is the indi- 
Mcntz, to whose I'eport we have ah'eady vidual whom Boniface describes in his let- 
referred on a former pafje. True, his ter to the pope (see op. 70) "adulterati cle- 
statements cannot be relied on, and are in rici et homicidae filius. in adulterio natus 
this case full of anachronisms; but in et abs(]ue disciplina nutritus;" we must 
Mentz, where he wrote, he might easily ob- remember, that from his own point of view 
tain better information on this particular he might thuj describe a bishop living in 
subject, and his accoiant wears altogether wedlock, and taking an active part in war. 
the impress of truth. ■' He says in his letter to Boniface : Dura 

' The presbyter of Mentz says of him : advenerit, ut Domino placuerit, tiet 
Hie autem honestis moribus, ut ferunt, nisi 



BONIFACE RESIGNS THE ARCII-EPISCOPAL DIGNITY. 67 

busiuesa which must be connected with the administration of the Germap 
Archbishopric, and not to suffer his labors as papal legate, from whose 
duties he bj no means wished to be released, to be circumscribed b_y 
bein"- obhged to confine himself to a distinct arch-episcopal see, and 
one of such a character as seemed to promise him but Uttle freedom 
for missionary journeys. He wished to consecrate his last energies, 
freely and exclusively, to the mstruction of the j)agan and newly con- 
verted populations belonging to his field of labor, to which he also 
reckoned Friesland. 

lie had already, some years earher,' requested of Pope Zacharias, 
that he might be allowed to select and ordain a presb^'-ter to succeed 
him in liis ofiice ; some such person as, after common dehberation, 
should appear to him, under the existing circumstances, the most suit- 
able for the place ; and he referred to the fact, that Gregory III, had 
in the presence of Zacharias at Rome, akeady mvited him to select for 
himself and consecrate a successor ; — whether it was, that Boniface 
even now entertained the purpose just mentioned of committing to or 
sharino- with another the administration of the external affairs of the 
church, so as to leave himself more freedom for the work of religious 
instruction ; or whether, remembering the micertainty of life, and the 
dangers to which he was constantly exposed among the pagans, he 
wished with a prudent regard to the future, to have everything so ar- 
ranged, that after his death the young church should not go to destruc- 
tion. But the old ecclesiastical laws did not permit, that a bishop 
should nommate and ordain his successor, during his own life-time, a 
fact of which Boniface perhaps was not aware. And the question 
now came up, on the presentation of the petition of Boniface to the 
pope, whether considering the extraordinary circumstances of the case, 
the pope ought to depart from the accustomed form ; as indeed it 
should seem that the altogether new and difficult relations of things 
must often call for deviations of this sort. But so thought not the pope, 
at that time. He replied to him- that his request, being incompatible 
with the laws of the church, could in nowise be granted. Even were 
the pope desirous of it, still it was not in his power, to confer on him 
this favor ; for as no man knew, whether he or his fellow stood nearest 
the gi-ave, so it might easily happen, that his destined successor might 
be outlived by himself. He could, however, select some priest as his 
special assistant in discharging the duties of his office, who, after having 
proved himself in the work, might be found worthy of a more exalted 
station. Let it only be your constant prayer, said the pope, that a 
successor well-pleasing to God may be provided for you ; and if the 
priest whom you may select should live, and at the close of your own 
life be found still fitted for the office, you may then publicly designate 
this person as your successor and he may come to Rome and receive 
his ordination. Even this, he said, had never before been granted 
to any one. 

"When Boniface next presented his proposal to resign the arch-epis- 
copal office, the pope with a view to encourage him, in his old age, to 

' See ep. 51. ' See ed. Wiirdtwein p. 113. 



38 DECISION OF THE POPE. 

perseverance in his multiplied and manifold labors conceded still more. 
He wrote liim^ that he ought bj no means to leave the episcopal see at 
Mentz, but should let the word of our Lord be fulfilled in his case, 
Matth. 24 : 13, He that perse vereth unto the end shall be saved. But 
if the Lord gave him an altogether suitable person, qualified to watch 
over the welfare of souls, he might consecrate him a bishop as his oasti 
representative ; and such a person might everywhere act as his colleague 
in the service of the church. Having obtained this privilege of the 
pope, he now determined^ to prepare a retreat for his last days, at his 
favorite foundation, the monastery of Fiilda ; there to refresh, in some 
measure, his enfeebled body, now suffering under the effects of his long 
labors and advanced age. In advising the pope of this step, he gave 
him to understand, that it was by no means his intention to abandon 
the duties of his calling, but that he meant, as Zacharias had exhorted 
him, to persevere in it to the end ; that the monastery of Fulda was 
the most convenient of all places for devoting his last energies to the 
good of the people, to whom he had p)reached the gospel, " for the four 
nations to whom, by the gi-ace of God, we have preached the word of 
Christ, dwell in a circle around this spot. To these I would be useful 
so long as I five or have my senses ; for I wish to persevere in the 
service of the Roman church, among the German people to whom I 
flras sent, and to obey your commands. "^ 

Among the last pubhc acts of Boniface in Geraiany, belongs the 
part he took in a political revolution, which was not without its impor- 
tance, as contributing to the firm establishment of the new ecclesiasti- 
cal foundations. The mayor of the palace, Pepin, after having for a 
long time exercised the royal autliority, determined to assume the royal 
name^ and to deprive the last branch of the old legitimate, ruling 
family, Childeric IIL, who was, in fact, a king only in name, also of 
this name. That he could believe it possible to justify this illegal act, 
to his own conscience and in the eyes of the people, by the authority 
of the pope, — this without doubt was already one result of the influence 
exercised by Boniface in changing the religious mode of thinking, — 
a result of the new point of view in which the church was presented, 
as a theocratical institution, and the pope, as theocratical head over 
the nations. To Boniface himself, it must have appeared of the utmost 
advantage to his field of labor, that Pepin by assuming the royal name 
should obtain still greater authority, so as to be able to place a stronger 
check on the individual Dukes, whose arbitrary will threatened to 
become destructive to all civil and ecclesiastical order ; and with the 
riews he entertained respecting the relation of the church to civil so- 

' Ep. 82. ti per gratiam Dei diximus, in circuitu loci 

* He proposed this to the pojjc some years hujus liabitare dinoscuntur. Quibuscnm ves- 

hiter, in the letter, in whicli he requested tra intercessione, quandiu vivo vel sapio, 

hun to confirm what he liad done in found- utilis esse possum. Cupio enim vestris ora-- 

in<!; the monastery of Fulda, ep. 86. tionibus, comitante gratia Dei in fomiliari- 

^ In quo loco proposui aliquantulum vel tate Romanae ecclesiae et vestro servitio, 

paucisdiebusfessumsenectutecori)Usrequi- inter Germanicas gentes, ad quas missus 

cscendo recui)crare, et post mortem jacere. fui, perseverare ct praecepto vestro obedire. 
Quatuor enim populi, quibus verbum Chris- 



PIPIN ANOINTED KING BY BONIFACE. 69 

cietv, and of the pope to the church, such an act, promising to be so 
advancageous both to church and state, could easily be rendered legal 
by the decision of the pope, as the supreme organ of Christ in the 
government of the household of faith.' From the close alliance be- 
tween Boniface and the pope, from his position as mediator between 
the latter and the Frankish church, it may be mferred, that the nego- 
tiations concerning this important matter, ATcre not managed without 
his intervention ; though it remains uncertain, whether anything in the 
oral communications which Boniface's delegate, the presbyter Lull, is 
said to have made about this period to the pope, had reference to this 
business.2 Certain it is, that it was Boniface, who in tlie year 752, at 
Soissons, by the pope's commission, administered to Pipin the royal 
unction. 

His vast field of labor among foreign nations did not, however, ren 
der Boniface forgetful of his native land. Though his duties compelled 
him to forego his cherished wish of returning there once more, yet he 
ever took a special interest in its afiliirs.^ He maintained a constant 
correspondence with bishops, monks, nuns and princes of his country, 
and as it gave him pecuhar pleasure — to use his own words^ — to hear 
his countrymen praised so he was grieved at being told of their faults. 
He was much pained on learning, that one of the princes of his native 
land, Ethelbald king of Mercia, led an immoral life ; and thereby en- 
couraged immorality among his peoi^le, and that he was guilty of ar- 
bitrarily a])propriating the property of the church, conceiving himself 
both bound and fully authorized, by the pope's commission, to exert liis 
influence against any unchristian conduct which came to his knowledge 
among the nations, even beyond the more narrow circle under his im- 
mediate superintendence,^ he felt himself constrained to transmit, in 
the name of a small synod, a xevy decided letter of remonstrance to 
this petty sovereign. In this letter he described to him, how severely, 
to the shame of the English ])eople,^ the violation of chastity was pun- 
ished in the mother coimtry, among the pagan Anglo-Saxons, who fol- 
lowed the laws of God written on the heart ; and held up for his warn- 
ing the divine judgments on immoral nations. But to conciliate the 
good-will of the prince, and secure a favorable reception of this ad- 
monitory epistle, Boniface wrote him also another shorter letter, which he 
accompanied with presents, namely, a hawk, two falcons, two sliields 
and two lances.' He exhorted the primate of the English church, 

' Thus Willibakl, in the life of Bonifiiee amicitiam et qnod de eadem gente Aiiglo- 

§ 23, shows that this insurrection of pagan- rum nati ct enutriti hie i)eregrinamur ep 

ism in Thuringiahad l)oen in great meas- 71. 

urc provoked by the tjTannieal Dukes. * In the letter refeired to : Bonis et lau- 

^ See ep. 86 concerning Lull, habet se- dibus gentis nostrac laetamur. peccatis et 

creta quaedain mea, quae soli pietati ves- \-itu|)erationibus contristamur. 

trac proliteri debet. * See ep. 54 as the pracceptum Eomani 

' In writing to a priest of his native land, pontiticis, si alicnbi viderein inter Christi- 
to whom he sent the letter of recommenda- anos pergens populos erroneos vel ecclosi- 
rion, presently to be mentioned, for the pur- asticas regulas depravatas vel homines a 
pose of ')oing transmitted to the king of the eatholica fide abductos ad viam salutis in- 
Mercian-, he says : Ilaec verliaadmonitionis vitare ct rcvocare totis viribus niterer. 
nostrae d illnm rcgcm jiropter nihil aliud ^ E]). 72. 
direximi s, nisi proi)ter puram caritatis '' Ep. 55 



70 LULL. LETTER OF BONIFACE TO FULRAD. 

archbishop Cuthbert of Canterbury,' informing him of the reguLations 
adopted bj himself in the Frankish and Gennan churches, to take 
measures for improving the condition of the church in England ; and 
it was probably owing to liis influence, which extended even to this 
distant region, that in the year 747, a synod for the reformation of 
abuses was convened at Cloveshove (Cliff), imder the presidency of 
this archbishop. 

Boniface, acting on the permission he had received from the pope, 
appointed his countryman Lull, who had been for twenty years trabied 
imder his eye, and had served as his colleague, to succeed him in 
office, and ordained liim a bishop. Nothing was wanting, except that 
he should be recognized as his successor by royal authority, and thus 
secured in the exercise of all the rights pertaining to such a relation. 
Impressed with a feeling that the infirmities of age announced for 
him a speedy death,^ his mind was occupied mth the care of provid- 
ing for his ecclesiastical foundations, the destruction or dismember- 
ment of which he had reason to fear, unless they were placed under 
the direction of a firm and able head, such as he wished to give them 
in the person of Lull. The letter in which he sohcited Fulrad, the 
Frankish court-chaplain, to bring this matter before king Pepin, 
touchingly expresses the paternal anxiety of Boniface for those who 
had been committed by God to his pastoral care : " Nearly all my 
disciples — he writes — are foreigners — a few priests, estabUshed at 
various points for the service of the church and of the people ; monks, 
distributed among the monasteries, for the purpose of teaching the 
children to read ; and many aged persons, who have long hved and 
labored with me and sustained me. For all these I am anxious, lest 
after my death they become scattered. I beg, therefore, that they 
may enjoy a share of your protection, so that they may not be scatr 
tered Hke sheep without a shepherd, and that the people hving on the 
borders of the pagans may not lose the law of Christ. I beg ear- 
nestly, in the name of God, that you would cause my son and fellow- 
bishop Lull, to be appointed for this service of the peo[)le and the 
churches, as a preacher and guide of the priests and the people. 
And I hope, if God so will, that in hun the priests will find a guide, 
the monks a teacher of their rule, and the Christian people a faithful 
preacher and shepherd. I beg such a favor especially for this reason, 
because my priests sustain a miserable fife on the borders of the hear 
then. Bread to eat they can obtain by their own exertions ; but 
clothing they cannot find' there, unless they receive help and counsel 
from other quarters ; for so have I sustained them, that they might 
be enabled to persevere in their labors for the people in those places." 

Having obtained what he wished, and thus made the preservation 
of the German church independent of his own existence, Boniface 
concluded not to follow out his earlier intention of passing the rem- 
nant of his days in the monastery of Fulda, but to consecrate them 

1 Ep. 73. militer videtur, ut vitam istain tcmporalenr 

* Ep. 90, to the Frankish court-chap- et cursum dieruin meorum per isUis infir 
lain Eulrad, quod mihi et ainicis mei.s si- mitatcs cito deheani tinire. 



HIS QUARREL WITH HILDEGAR. IN FRIESLAND. 71 

to the work \^-itll which his missionary acti\atj had first commenced. 
Probably it was with a special \iew of having it in liis ])ower to enter 
again, in a more direct and personal manner, upon this mission in 
Friesland, that it had been his wish to make the city of Cologne the 
seat of his archbishopric. But now he was brought into collision with 
the newly appointed bishop, Hildegar of Cologne ; for the latter 
availed himself of certain claims, founded on ancient tradition, to 
make the church of Utrecht dependent on himself; though he took 
no active part in preaching the gospel in those regions. Boniface 
maintained, on the other hand, that the bishops of Cologne, who gave 
themselves no concern about the mission among the Frieslanders, had 
no claims to make upon this province of the church, but that the 
church of Utrecht had been founded by pope Sergius, as a metropolis 
for the conversion of the Frieslanders, and subject only to the pope^ ; 
whence also it followed, that this church ought, fpr the present, to stand 
under no oversight but his own, inasmuch as the pope had committed 
to him, as his legate, the oversight over all these churches, planted 
among pagan nations. It is so much more reasonable to trace this 
controversy of Boniface with the bishop of Cologne to his desire of 
once more taking upon himself, as papal legate, the direction of the 
mission in Friesland, that we should hardlj'' be justified in adopting 
the contrary supposition, and in ascribing the plan of his journey to 
Friesland to an aml)ition which incited him to make good his power of 
legate in that country against the bishop of Cologne. Why should 
he have sought, through so many dangers and difficulties, at such an 
advanced period of life, to acquire for his few remaining days an 
honor, which in a much more convenient and less hazardous way, he 
could have procured for himself by negotiation with the pope,2 and 
with the king of the Franks ? 

Boniface set out on his journey to Friesland, in the beginning of 
the year 755, under the firm persuasion that he should never return. 
With this conviction, he took leave of his disciple Lull, and com- 
mended to him the preservation and prosecution of the work begun by 
himself, and in particular the completion of the church, now erecting 
at Fulda, in which his body was to be deposited. In the book-chest, 
which he was in the habit of taking with him wherever he went,3 
that he might have a supj)!}' of spiritual books at hand, from which he 
could read or sing by the way — he gave his disciple charge to place 
a shroud, in which his body was to be enveloped and conveyed to the 
monastery of Fulda. With a small retinue, composed partly of clergy 

' See cp. 105 to pope Stephen II. infer from tliis, that if the text of tliis 

* It is sins^ular, that the hishop of Co- charter is correct, yet it could not in this 

logne provoked this controversy, in oppo- form obtain from "the first the power of 

sition to tlic ])apal charter foundinir the hiw. 

metropolitan see at Mentz (see Wdrdt- ' The priest from Utrecht says of him, 

wein cp. 83), by virtue of which Utrecht § 18: Quocuncpie ibat, semjier libros se 

and ColoLjno were subordinated to it; and cum gestal)at. Iter agendo vcro vel scrip- 

that Bonifvce did not appeal, before pope turas lectitabat, vel psalmos hymnoiV« 

Stephen II., to the autiiority of this ar- canebat. 
rangement by his predecessor. We might 



72 HIS MARTYRDOM. GREGORY. 

and monks, and partly of servants, he embarked on a boat bv the 
river Rhine, and landed at the Zuyder sea. His disciple, bishop 
Eoban,' joined him in Friesland. They traversed the country ; many 
received them gladly ; they baptized thousands and founded new 
chiu'ches. Boniface had sent numbers home, after having instinicted 
and baptized them, with the direction to return to him on an appointed 
daj, for the purpose of receivuig from him the rite of confirmation. 
McanAvhile, lie had estabhshed liimself with his associates in teuts, on 
the river Burda, not far from Dockmgen,^ and it was the fifth of 
June, 755, when he expected the return of his spiritual children. 
Early in the morning, he heard at a distance the noise of an ap- 
proaching multitude, and full of joy came forth from liis tent ; but he 
soon found himself painfully mistaken. The clash of weapons an- 
nounced anythmg but a friendly disposition and purpose in the ap- 
proacliing bands. The truth was, that numbers of the pagans, mad- 
dened to find that Boniface drew away so many from idolatry, had 
conspired to devote this day, when so many were to be received into 
the bosom of the Christian church, to vengeance for their gods. The 
lay servants would have defended Boniface with their weapons ; but 
he forbade them. With the relics in his hand, he calmly awaited the 
issue ; he exliorted liis attendants not to fear those, who could only 
kill the body, not harm the soid ; but rather to be mindful of the 
infalhble promises of their Lord, and to confide in him, who would 
soon bestow on their souls the reward of everlasting glory. Thus, in 
his seventy-fifth year, he died a martyr ; ^ and with liim, many of his 
companions, as well as the bishop Eoban, died the same death.^ 

Boniface left behind him a series of disciples, who lal^ored on in his 
spirit, zealously devotmg themselves to the education of the youth, to 
the business of clearing up and cultivating the soil, partly as bishops 
and priests, partly as abbots. Among these, the abbot Gregory takes 
an important place, who prosecuted the work in Friesland. The sin- 
gular maimer in which this person, while a young man, was led* 
to attach himself to Boniflice, furnishes a remarkable example of the 
power, which the latter exerted over the muids of youth. When Bon- 
iface, on his second journey from Friesland to Thuringia and Hessia, 
came into the territory of Triers, he met, m a monastery near this 
town, with a hospitable reception from a certain abbess Addvda, who, 
sprung from a noble family, had retired from the society of the great 
world to this spot. Dm-uig meal-tune, the duty was assigned to her 
grandson Gregory (a boy fourteen years old, who had just returned 
from school), to read some passages from the Holy Scriptures. Boni- 
face praised him for reading so well ; and asked him to translate what 
he had read into the German language. As he was compelled to con- 

1 See p. 65. that Boniface, -when he saw the fatal blow 

2 Dockum, between Fi'aneker and Grii- about to be struck, made a jiillow for his 
ning-en. head of a volume of the gospels. 

^ The presbyter of Utrecht informs us ^ According to the story of the ccclesi 
that in the district where this occurred, an astic of Miinster, there were fifty-two o' 
old woman was still livinir, who related them. 



HIS LABORS IN FRIESLAND. HIS DEATH. 73 

fess his inability, Boniface himself translated and explained the pas- 
sages read, and made the whole the subject of a discoui-se, which left 
a deep impression on the mind of the 3'^outh. The latter felt himself 
so drawn towards him, that he declared himself resolved to go with 
him, and never to leave him, that he might learn from him how to under- 
stand the IIolj Scriptures. The grand-mother, to whom Boniface was 
at that time wholly unknown, did all m her power to dissuade the boy 
from executing his resolution ; but in vain. He told her, if she would 
not give him a horse, he would follow Boniface on foot wherever he 
went. Finally she yielded to his washes, and gave him a horse and 
servants, that he might be able to follow the missionary in his jour- 
neys. 1 From this time forward he was the companion of Boniface 
amidst every difficulty, and went -with him also on his last journey to 
Friesland.2 And now since bishop Eoban had suffered martyrdom 
with his teacher, and the bishopric of Utrecht was for the present 
unoccupied, Gregory took upon himself the whole care of the mission 
in Friesland, which charge was also conferred on him by pope Stephen 
II. and by king Pipui. He did not assume, it is true, the episcopal 
dignity, but remained a priest ; whether he was deterred by his mod- 
esty from as j tiring after a higher rank, or whether the business con- 
nected with the episcopal office did not agree with what he felt to be 
his peculiar calling, or whether it was that special reasons, in the 
circumstances of the times, prevented the re-occupancy of the bishop- 
ric. But as abbot of a monastery at Utrecht, to which boys of Eng- 
hsh, Frnnkish, Bavarian, Suevian, Frieslandish, and Saxon extraction 
were sent to be educated, he had an ample field of actirity. He 
himself labored in instructmg the Christian and pagan population ; 
and he foimded a missionary school, from which missionaries went 
forth into various fields. To supply the want of a bishop, he got 
episcopal ordhiation conferred in liis native land on Alubert, an Eng- 
Ush clergjTuan, who had jomod him in his work. He lived to the age of 
more than seventy years ; and labored as a faithful teacher, to the end. 
Three years before his death, in the year 781, he was attacked on 
his left side by a stroke of palsy. Yet he did not cease laboring for 
the instruction and spiritual culture of his people, until his disease 
became so severe, tliat he had to be borne on the arms of his scholars 
wherever his presence was needed. In his last hours, his disciples 
gathered round his bed, to hear from his hps the word of exliortation, 
and to be edified by the example of his faith. " He will not die 
to-day," said they to each other ; — but summoiung liis last powers, 
he turned to them and said : " To-day I shall have my release." He 

' Liudger, the disciple and biop:raphcr mus, unus atqiie idem spiritus Dei, qui 

of Gre<rory, who had without doubt re- omnia operatur in omnibus dividcns singu- 

ceived this story from ids own mouth, says lis prout vult. 

respecting it: Idem spiritus vidctur mihi -If Boniface had not before pointed 

in hoc tunc oi)crari puero, (jui apostolos out to Gregory, as having himself come 

Christi et dispcnsatores mystcriorum Dei from the neighboring district, this field of 

.\d ilhid inflammavit, ut ad unam vocem labor among the Frieslanders, for whose 

Domini relictis retibus et patre sequeren- welfare he ever continued to manifest a 

tur redemtorem. Hoc fecit artifcx sum- special solicitude. 



74 ABBOT STURM. HERSFELD. FULDA. 

died, after having prajed and received the hoi}" supper, with his eyes 
fixed on the altar. 

A second among the disciples of Boniface, to whom the German 
church and the early culture of the nation were greatly indebted, 
was the abbot SturmA He was decended from a noble and devotedly 
Christian ftimily in Bavaria. While Boniface was engaged in organiz- 
ing the Bavarian church, Sturm, yet a boy, was committed to him by 
his parents, to be regularly trained for the spiritual office. The former 
placed him in the monastery of Fritzlar, one of his earliest founda- 
tions, over which presided the abbot Wigbert, a companion in mission- 
ary labors. To the direction of this person he entrusted the boy's 
education. This being completed, he was consecrated as priest, and 
assisted Boniface as a fellow-laborer in the missionary work. After 
having labored three years under Boniface's direction, he was seized 
\nth a desire of following the example of others who had retired into 
the wilderness, and trained themselves, by every sort of self-denial, in 
the contest with savage nature, to the austere hfe of the monk. Boni- 
face yielded to the wishes of his disciple. He hoped to make use of 
him as an instrument for converting the vast wilderness, which then, 
under the name of Buchwald (Buchonia), covered a large part of 
Hessia, into a cultivated country. He gave to Sturm two companions, 
to go with him on his journey, and dismissed them with his blessing, 
to find a dwelling-place in the wilderness. After having for three 
days traversed the forest, riding on asses, they finally came to a spot 
w^hich seemed to them susceptible of cultivation, Herold's field (Hers- 
feld). Here they built huts, which they covered with bark ; and here 
they spent some time in devotional exercises. Thus, in the year 736, 
was laid the foundation of the monastery of Hersfeld. After this, 
Stunn returned again to his beloved master, for the purpose of making 
report to one so exact and prudent in the examination and calcula- 
tion of the minutest details, concerning the situation of the place, the 
(juality of the soil, and the sprmgs of water. He was satisfied with 
all but one tiling ; the place seemed to him too much exposed to the 
ravages of the Saxons. Long and vainly did they seek for a place of 
settlement such as Boniface would approve. But the latter stimu- 
lated his disciple to new activity, exhorting him to patience, and con- 
fidently assuring him tliat God would not fail to show him the place 
pr^'pared for his servants in the wilderness. For many days he 
roamed the forest, in all directions, entirely alone, singing jtsalms as 
he went, to strengthen his faith and cheer his heart, fearless of the 
numerous wild beasts ])rowling in the wilderness. He took repose 
only at night, constructing a rude hedge of hewn branches around his 
ass, to protect him from beasts of prey ; and then, after calling u|)on 
the Lord, and signing the cross on his forehead, laying himself down 
composedly to sleep. 

Thus he discovered at last a spot for a settlement, against which 
Boniface had nothing to object ; and here, in 744, was founded the 

' Sturmi, or Stirme. 



DEATH OF ABBOT STURM. OBSTACLES TO THE PLANTING 76 

monastery of Falda. This was Boniface's favorite foundation. 
Through his uifluence the monastery obtained great privileges from the 
pope. It was to be independent of all spiritual jurisdiction of the 
bishop, and subject to no one, but the pope.' He directed, that his 
body should be deposited there, which contributed in no small degree 
to give consideration to the monastery. He sent the abbot Sturm to 
Italy, for the purpose of studying there the patterns of the old con- 
ventual institutions, particularly of the original convent of the Bene- 
dictines at Monte Cassino, bidding him to avail himself of all the in- 
fonnation he could gather for the benefit of his monastery. After his 
return, Sturm directed, through a long series of years, the energies of four 
thousand monks, by whose unsparing labors the wilderness was gradu- 
ally reclaimed and brought into a state of cultivation. His activity 
at a later period was interrupted by the devastating inroads of the 
Saxons. By their threats, he was often compelled, when a very old 
man, to seek safety in flight. After a flight of tliis sort, to which he 
had been forced when sick, having returned back to his convent,2 when 
security was restored, he felt the approach of death. He now caused 
all the bells to be rung, so as to brmg together the monks, that his 
near death might be announced to them, and they might be invited to 
pray for him. A portion of the monks ha\'ing assembled around his bed, 
he begged them to forgive him, if through the sinfulness cleaving to 
all alike, he had wronged any one of their number, adding that, from 
his whole heart, he forgave all men all the injuries he had received, 
and pardoned even his constant enemy, the archbishop Lull. On the 
day of his death, the 17th of December, 779, one of his monks told 
him he was now certainly gomg to the Lord, and expressed the hope 
that when he was with the Lord, he would remember his disciples and 
pray for them. He looked upon them and said, " So order your con- 
duct, that I may have courage to pray for you, and I mil do what you 
require."^ Thus was laid here the foundation of a seminary ot 
Christian education, which in the following centuries proved eminently 
serviceable to the German church. 

The longest continued and the most violent opposition to the estab- 
lishment of the Christian church, was made by the powerful race of 
the Saxons, m Northern Germany. The blame is to be imputed in 
part to the means employed to eftect this object. It required pecuUar 
wisdom, to find a way of introducing Christianity among a people of 
so warhke a character, whose ancient objects of veneration were so 
intimately connected with their whole character and constitution. But 
instead of this, everything on the contrary was done to prejudice the 
minds of the people against the new religion. Along ^vith Christianity, 
the whole structure of the hierarchy, against which in particular the 

^But this exemption contributed, also, to * The emperor had sent him his own 
keep alive the emliittered feelin<4'.s between physician Wintar, but the medicine pre- 
archl)ish()p Lull, IJiMiit'ace's successor, and scribed by the latter made his disease worse, 
the abbot Sturm: and the influence of ' See the account of his life by his scholai 
the former, as well as many other things, and successor, abbot Eiiiil, recently pub- 
occasioned Sturm's temporary disgrace at lished in Pertz's Moiuimentis, T. LI. 
the court of Pepin, and his banishment. 



76 OF THE CHURCH AMONG THE SAXONS. 

free spirit of the Saxons revolted, was at once to be introduced. The 
payment of cliurch tithes, which was to be everywhere enforced, was 
regarded by them as a sign of disgracefiil bondage, and served to ren- 
der still more odious the religion which carried with it such a regula- 
tion. In addition to this, the Christian church and the dommion of 
the Franks were continually i^resented to them as closely connected ; 
and hence the attachment which bound them to their old freedom and 
independence led them to repel both together, — Christianity being 
regarded as a means for subjecting them to the Frankish yoke. The 
army of the emperor Charles was followed by priests and monks, pre- 
pared to baptize the conquered, or those who yielded to force, those 
who were inclined to purchase peace for the moment, by obedience to 
the church ; and to found among them churches and monasteries.^ The 
doctrines of Christianity, which came to them thus accompanied, would 
naturaUy be slow to gain their confidence. Large bodies of them 
often allowed themselves to be baptized in mere pretence, and submit- 
ted to the dominion of the church, resolved already to cast off at the 
first favorable opportunity, all that had been imposed on them. This 
they did, when they revolted again from the Frankish empire. The 
monastery of Fulda, whose abbot Sturm had labored most zealously to 
plant the Christian church among the conquered Saxons, then became 
a signal mark for their vengeance. ^ The pious and far-sighted abbot 
Alcuin best understood Avhat had prevented the estabhshment of the 
Clmstian church among the Saxons ; and he gave the emperor, his bish- 
ops and liigh officers the wisest counsels with regard to the missionary 
work ; of which however they made but little use. Thus to the imperial 
chamberlain and lord of the treasury, Magenfrid.^ he wrote — appeal- 
ing to the words of our Loi-d himself. Matt. 28 : 19, 20 — Three things 
should go together, the preaching of the faith, the bestowment of bap- 
tism, and the exhibition of our Lord's commandments. Without the 
concurrence of these three parts, the hearer could not be led to sal- 
vation. But faith was a voluntary thing and not to be forced. To 
baptism, indeed, one might be forced ; but that was of no avail to faith.* 
The grown up man must say for himself, what he beheved and de- 
sired ; and if he professed the faith in a hypocritical manner, he could 
not truly attain to salvation. Therefore preachers to the heathen are 
bound to mstruct the people in the faith in a friendly and prudent 
way .5 The Lord knew them that were his, and opened the hearts of 

' See the Life of abbot Sturm, 1. c. c. 22. was uliiuid u> >..a-, iiaviti- lieard that the 

where it is said respet'ting the effects of the a])im)aehiiijr Saxoiii intended, in their 

campaigns of the en)i)Cior in the years 772 raiic, to burn down the convitit with all 

and 776 ; Partimbellis, partini suasionihns, that was in it, and murder all monks. 

j)artim etiam muneribus maxima ex parte See the Life of Sturm, § 23. 

^entem illam ad fidem Christi convertit ; '■' Ep. 37. 

and the abbot Alcuin writes in the year « Attrahi]ioterithonio ad lidcm,non cogi. 

790 to a Scottish abbot, ep. III.: Antiqui Cogi poteris ad baptismum, sed non pro- 

Saxoncs ct omnes Frisonum populi in-tiUite ficit iidci. 

Retre Carolo alios pracmiis et alios minis ^ Unde et praedicatores paganorum pop- 

solUcitante ad fidem Christi convcrsi sunt, ulum pacificis verbis et prudentibus fidem 

' When the Saxons had, in 778, begun docere debent. 
a new war, Sturm, together with his' monks. 



ALCUIN'S RESISTANCE TO WRONG MEASURES. 77 

rtuch as he pleased, so that thej ini^lit be able to recognize the truth 
preached to thera.i Eut after they have received the faith and bap 
tism, in proceeding to set before them the precepts of religion, some 
regard should be paid to the needs of the weaker minds ; great de- 
mands ought not to be made upon them at once, but in accordance 
\vith St. Paul's direction, they should be fed at first with milk and not 
with strong meat.2 Thus the apostles. Acts 15, laid none of the bur- 
thens of the law upon the converted gentiles. Paul gloried in sup- 
porting himself by the labor of his o-wn hands, Acts 20: 34. 2 Thess. 
3: 8. 1 Cor. 9: 15, 18. Thus the great apostle, who was specially 
chosen by God to preach the gospel to the heathen, had acted, in order 
effectually to remove every pretext or occasion for accusing the preacher 
of covetousness ; so that none should preach God's word out of the 
love of gain, but each should do so sustained by the love of Christ, as 
our Lord himself commanded his disciples : Freely ye have received, 
freely give. " Let but the same pains be taken — he then Avent on 
to say — to preach the easy yoke and the Hght burden of Christ to 
the obstinate people of the Saxons, as are taken to collect the tithes 
from them, or to punish the least transgression of the laws imposed on 
them, and perhaps they would no longer be found to repel baptism with 
abhorrence. Let the teachei-s of the faith but train themselves after the 
example of the Apostles,^ let them but rely on the gracious providence 
of Him, who says, Carry neither purse nor scrip, etc., and of whom the 
prophet declares, He saveth them that trust in him.'* This I have writ- 
ten to you — says he after these directions — that thy admonitions 
may be of service to those who apply to thee for ad\-ice."5 With pe- 
culiar freedom and sharpness, does Alcuin express his \-iews of the 
measures adopted by the emperor, in a letter addressed to that mon- 
arch himself.^ He calls upon him to conclude, if possible, a truce 
with the abominable people (the Saxons). All threats ought for a 
time to be suspended, that they might not become inveterate in their 
hostile feelings to the Frankish empire, and afraid to enter into any 
compromise whatsoever, "^ but be encouraged with hope till by salutary 

' The Aujrustinian doctrine of predesti- preached, so as not to repel the weak ; but 
nation had, however, this injurious effect, he has in his thoughts the positive laws of 
that whenever such a work turned out a the church, the claims on the people in 
failure, men, instead of seeking for the reference to the hearing of the public bur- 
cause in tiie want of correct teaching, and dens, the payment of tithes. 
in the use of wrong means, sought rather ^ Sint pracdicatores, non praedatores. 
to trace it to the want of all-efficient * History of Susannah v. 60, as reckoned 
grace, and to non-prcdcstination. Thus, to Daniel. 

even Alcuin, in the 28th letter to the cm- ^ In his letter to Arno archbishop of Salz- 

peror — tliough with the intention no doubt burg. Let. 72, Alcuin says : Decimae, ut di- 

of showing, that t!ie whole blame could not citur, Saxonum subvertcrunt (idem. Quid 

he cast on the emperor, says : Ecce quanta injungendum est jugum cervicibus idiota- 

devotione et benignitatc pro dilatatione rum, quod nccjue nos ne(iue fratres nostn 

nominis Christi duritiam infclicis populi ferre potuenint ? Igitur in fide Christi sai- 

Saxonum per veraesaiutis consilium emol- vari animas credentium confidiinus. 
lire laborasti. Sed quia elcctio necdum in " Ep. 80, in the explanation of which 1 

illis divina fuisse videtur, remanent hucas- agree more fully with P^-o!)cin than with 

que multi ex illis cum diabolo damnandi Pagi, tliough I cannot agree entirely with 

in sordibus consuetudinis pessimae. the former. 

* Alcuin by no means intends to say ' Ne obdurati fugiant 
here, that a loose morality should be first 



78 VIOLENT MEASURES TO CONVERT INDIVIDUAL SAXONS. 

counsel thej could be brought back to the Avays of peace. The revolta 
of the exasperated Saxons led to other consecjuences. They fell upon 
the provinces already belonging to the empire of the Franks, and here 
paganism once more revived. He therefore cautioned the emperor 
against allowing himself, by his zeal to win one small state more for 
the Christian church, to fall into the mistake of exposing to hazard a 
larger portion of the church in countries where it had already been 
estabUshed.i He disapproved also of the plan of transporting many 
of the Saxons into the Frankish kingdom, since these very emigrants 
were the better class of Christians, and might have proved, among 
their o-\vn people, an important element towards the conversion of their 
countrymen, now wholly abandoned to paganism.2 

It was not till after a series of wars lasting for thirty years, that the 
emperor Charles succeeded in reducing the Saxons, ever revolting anew 
against the Christian church as well as the Frankish dominion, to en- 
tire subjection ; and by the treaty of peace concluded at Selz, in 804, 
the authority of both these powers was acknowledged by the Saxons, 
and in consideration of their binding themselves to the payment of the 
church tithes, they were for the present i-eleased from all other bur- 
dens. The Christian church having been thus estabhshed among the 
Saxons by force, it followed as a natural consequence that indi\dduals 
also would in many cases be constrained to unite w^th it by force. 
The punishment of death was threatened against such as refused to re- 
ceive baptism, or endeavored to propagate their ancient idolatry by 
stealth. But it was natural also that many who consented to be bap- 
tized, did so only in pretence, and, so far as they could without dan- 
ger, treated the laws of the church with contempt, and continued se- 
cretly to observe the rites of idolatry. To put a stop to this, the se- 
verest laws were enacted. Death was the penalty for setting fire to 
churches, for neglecting to observe the seasons of fast, for eating flesh 
during those seasons, if done through contempt of Christianity ; death 
was the penalty decreed against burning a dead body, according to the 
pagan mode, — against hu/nan sacrifices, — pecuniary mulcts, against 
the practice of other pagan rites.^ In tliis way, the transfer of many 
pagan customs to Christianity was encouraged ; and thus arose various 
superstitions, growing out of the mingling together of Christian and 
pagan elements. More than could possibly be eifected by these forci- 
ble measures in the present generation, was done for the Christian cul- 
ture of the rising generation by the establishment of churches and 
schools. Besides, several indi\dduals now appeared, who did not con- 
fine their efibrts barely to the suppression of idolatry and of pagan 

' Tenendum est, quod habetur, ne prop- * Qui foras recesserunt, optinii fiieiiint 

ter adquisitionem minori.s, quod majus est, Christiani, sicut in jilurimis notum est, e* 

amittatur. Servctur ovile proprium, ne qui remanserunt in patria in faeeibus mali 

lupus i-apax (tbe Saxons) devastet ilhid. tiae permanserunt. 

Ita in alienis (ainong the pagan Saxons) ^ See tiie capitulary for the Saxons A. D 

sudetur, ut in propriis (the races already 789. Mansi Concil. T. XIII. appendix fol 

incorporated with the empire of the Franks 181. 
and the Christian church) damnum non 
oatiatur. 



UUDGER. 79 

cu&toms, and to providing for the erection of churches, and the estab 
lishment of an external fbnn of worship, but also distmguished them 
selves by their zeal as teachers of the faith. Theee were partly such 
as came from the school of the abbot Gregory in Utrecht, and in part, 
such as had been led by the report of the great field of labor and the 
want of laborers among the Saxons, to come over from England. To 
all these, the emperor Charles assigned their several spheres of labor. 
One of the most distinguished among these was Liiidger, a descen- 
dant of Wursmg, that pious man among the rrie8landers,%ho had ac- 
tively assisted the archbishop Wilhbrord. Sprung from a devotedly 
Christian family, he had early received into his heart the seeds of piety, 
and these were nourished and still further developed by the influence 
of the abbot Gregory at Utrecht, mto whose school he entered. To 
indulge the eager thirst for knowledge, which discovered itself in him 
from childhood, the abbot, in process of time, sent liim to England, 
that he might gather up the knowledge to be obtamed in the school of 
the great Alcuin in York. Well instructed, and provided with a store 
of books, he returned back to liis country. After Gregory's death, he 
assisted as a presbyter Gregory's successor Albrich, who had been 
ordained a bishop in Cologne ; labormg with liim especially to accom- 
phsh what still remamed to be done for the conversion of the Fries- 
landers. The district m which Boniface had been martyred, was the 
principal theatre of his acti\dty as a teacher of Christianity. His 
seven years' labor in these parts was, however, interrupted by the re 
volt of the Saxon leader Wittekmd against the Frankish dominion, in 
the year 782 ; when the arms of the pagan Saxons penetrated to this 
spot, and the pagan party in this place once more gained the ascen- 
dancy, the churches were burnt, the clergy driven away, and the idol- 
temples restored. Upon this, he made a journey to Rome and to the 
abbey of Monte Cassmo, for the purpose of studying the great model 
of ancient monasticism in this latter place. On his return, after an 
absence of three 3'ears, he found peace restored in his comitry, Witte- 
,kind hanng finally submitted and in the year 785 received baptism 
at Attigny. The emjjcror Charles assigned him his sphere of labor 
among the Frieslanders in nearly the same circuit which now includes 
the towns of Groningen and Norden. It was he too, who first suc- 
ceeded in destroying paganism and establishing the Christian church 
on the island of Helgoland (Fosite's-land) where Willibrord had made 
the attempt in vain. He baptized the prince's son, Landrich ; gave 
him a clerical education and consecrated him to the office of presbyter. 
This person labored for many years as a teacher of the Frieslanders. 
Liudger founded a monastery at Werden, then on the boundary be- 
tween Friesland and Saxony, on a piece of land belonging to his fam- 
ily. After the Saxons were completely subjugated, the emperor sent 
him into the district of Miinster, and a place called Mimigerneford, 
was the principal seat of his labors, where afterwards a bishopric was 
founded, which from the canonical establishment (monasterium) found- 
ed by him, received the name of Miinster. With untiring zeal, he 
went from place to place, instructing the rude Saxons ; and every 

^ See above, p. 45. 



80 WILLEHAD. ' ■•• 

where founding cluirclies, over which he placed, as pastors, priests who 
had been trained under his o-\vn direction. After having for a long 
time administered the episcopal functions, -without the name of bishop, 
he was finally compelled to assume the episcopal dignity bj Hildebold 
archbishop of Cologne. His zeal for the spread of Christianity, led 
him to visit the wild Normans, who were then a terror to the 
Christian nations; and became still more so in the following times, — 
where he could reckon upon no human assistance. But the emperor 
Charles absolutely refused to permit it. From such a man, nothing 
else could be expected, than that he would seek chiefly to work on the 
hearts of men by the power of divine truth, as indeed he had been 
trained to do, by the example and the instructions of men who looked 
upon teaching as their proper calhng — Gregory and Alcuin. Even 
in the sickness, which befel him shortly before his death in 809, he 
did not alloAV liimself to be prevented by bodily weakness, from dis- 
charging the spiritual duties of his office. On Sunday preceding the 
night of his death,^ he preached twice before tAvo different congregar 
tions of his diocese, in the morning in the church at Cosfeld, in the af- 
ternoon at the third hour, in the church at Billerbeck where he ex- 
pended his last energies in performing mass.^ 

Another of these individuals was Willehad, who came from North- 
umberland. He also labored at first, and with happy results, in the 
district of Docum, where Boniface had poured out his blood as a mar- 
tj^r. Many were baptised by bun ; many of the first men of the na- 
tion entrusted to him their cliildren for education. But having come 
into the territory of the present Groningen, Avhere idolatry was at that 
time still predominant, his preaching so excited the rage of the pagan 
populace, that they would have killed him ; when it was proposed by 
some of the more moderate class, that they should first determine, by 
lot, the judgment of the gods concerning him ; and it was so ordered 
in the proA-idence of God, that the lot having fallen for the preserver 
tion of his hfe, he Avas permitted to go aAvay unharmed. He noAV be- 
took himself to the district of Drenthe, His preaclimg had already 
met with great acceptance, Avhen some of his disciples, urged on by an 
inconsiderate zeal, proceeded to destroy the idol temples before the 
minds of the multitude were sufficiently prepared for such a step. The 
pagans, excited to fury, threw themselves upon the missionaries. Wil- 
lehad Avas loaded with stripes. One of the pagans dealt him a cut 
Avith his sword, intending to kill him, but the blow struck a thong by 
Avhich the capsule containing the rehcs he carried about Avith liim ac- 
cording to the custom of those times, w^as suspended from his neck, 
and so he escaped. Tliis, according to the prevaihng mode of thinking, 
was regarded as a proof of the protecting power of rehcs ; and even 
the pagans were led thereby to desist from their attack on Willehad, 
who as they believed, Avas protected by a higher poAver. The emperor 
Charles, Avho possessed the faculty of draAving around him the able 
men from all quarters, having by this time heard of Willehad's un- 

' He Aied on the 26th of March, 809. successor Alfrid, and published in the sec 

* The history of liis life by his second ond volume of Pcrtz's Monumenta. 



HIS FIELD OF LABOR AMONG FRIESLANDERS AND SAXON a. 81 

daunted zeal as a preacher, and being just at that moment, after the 
conquest of the Saxons m 779, in want of men like him to establish 
the Christian church among that people, sent for liim ; and having 
made him acquamted with his views, assigned him his post in the prov- 
ince of Wigmodia, where afterwards arose the diocese of Bremen. 
He was, for the present, to preside as priest over this diocese, which 
included within it a part of Saxony and of Friesland, and to perform 
every duty of the pastoral office in it, until the Saxons were brought 
into'^a condition to be satisfied with the organization of bishoprics. 
He accomplished more, by liis zeal in preaching the gospel, than could 
be effected by the forcible measures of the emperor ; and by his labors 
during two years, he succeeded m bringing over many of the Friesland- 
ers and Saxons to the faith. He founded communities and churches, 
and placed other priests over them for their guidance. Yet his circle 
of labors also, promising so many happy results, was broken in upon 
bytherevoltof Wittekindin782, the effects of which extended to this 
si)ot. As he felt no fanatical longing after the death of a martyr, and 
Avished not to expose himself to the fury of the pagan army, which 
threatened death to all Christian clergymen, but in accordance with 
our Savour's direction, Matth. 10 : 23,*^ considered it his duty to flee 
from persecution and to preserve his life in order to preach the gospel, 
he availed himself of the opportunity he had to effect his escape by 
flight. Many of the clergy, however, appointed by him, died as mar- 
tyrs. Finding no opportunity, during these times of war, of preach- 
ing the gospel, he availed himself of tliis interval of leisure to make a 
journey to Rome, at the same time that Liud^er also visited Italy. 
Returning from thence, he found a quiet retreat in the convent founded 
by Willibrord at Afternach (Epternach,) and this became the rallying 
place of liis scattered disciples. There he spent two years, partly in 
exercises of devotion, partly occupied with reading the holy scriptures 
and partly with writing.' But as he ever felt a longing to be actively 
engaged in promotmg the salvation of others, it was with great dehght, 
thatafterthesubjugationof Wittekind in 785, he found himself enabled 
to resume the former field of labor assigned him by the emperor Charles, 
to whom he had devoted liis services in buildmg up the church among 
the Saxons. Circumstances now for the first time made it possible to 
carry out the design of here founding an episcopal diocese. In 787, 
the emperor Charles drew up the records defining the limits of the dio- 
cese of Bremen, and Willehad was ordained bishop of Bremen.^ On 
Sunday, the first of November, in 789, he consecrated the episcopal 
head-ciiurch in Bremen, St. Peters, which he had caused to be built in a 
magnificent style. But it was only for two years he was permitted to 

' In this place, lio wrote out a copy of the sccum manere vix compulsa sineret. epis- 

epistles of St. Paul, which was preserved copali auctoritate minime vegl patichatur. 

a.s a precious memorial hy liis successors, Hac itaqiie de causa, scptera annis priu.s 

the hisliops of Bremen. " in cadcm presbyter est demoratus parochia. 

^ Anschar savs, in his account of his vocatur tamen e])iscopus. ct secundum 

life. c. 9 : ■' Quod tamen oh id tamdiu pro- ((uod poterat cuncta potestate praesidentis 

lonfratuin fMcrat, <inia fi'cns, credulitati di- ordinans. 
vinae resisteiis, qmini presbyteros aliquoties 

VOL. III. 6 



82 HIS DEATH. 

jkdmiiiister tlie episcopal office. On one of his tours of visitation, 
which the wants of his large diocese, consisting of new^ converts, or 
those who had received baptism only m pretence, caused him frequently 
to make, he arrived, in 789, at Blexem' on the Weser, not far from 
Wegesack, where he was attacked with a violent fever. One of the 
young men, his disciples, who were assembled round his bed, anxiously 
sohcitous for his life, said to him " Avhat are the new communities, and 
the young clergy, whose head you are, to do without you ? They can- 
not spare you ; — tboy would be hke sheep without a shepherd, m the 
midst of wolves. Said Willehad to this : let me no longer be kept 
away from the presence of my Lord ! I desire to live no longer ; I 
fear not to die. I would only pray my Lord, whom I have ever loved 
-with my whole heart, that he would, according to his grace, give me 
such a reward of my labor as he may please. But the sheep, whom 
he has committed to me, I commend to his own protection, for even I 
myself, if I have been able to do anything good, have done it in his 
strength. So neither to you will his grace be Avanting, of whose mercy 
the whole earth is full."* Thus he died on the eighth of November 
789.2 

The victory of the emperor Charles over the Avares (also called 
the Huns) then dwelling in Hungary, led to attempts to found the 
Christian church among them. Tudmi, one of their princes, came m the 
year 7 96, ^ with a numerous suite, on a visit to the emperor ; and, with 
his companions, received baptism. The emperor resolved to estabhsh 
among them a mission, and entrusted the direction of it to Arno arch- 
bishop of Salzburg. When the subject of plantmg_ the Christian 
church among the Avares was agitated, the abliot Alcuin gave the em- 
peror excellent advice as to the way in which he might prosecute this 
work with happier results than had been experienced among the Sax- 
ons.'* He should seek out for the people to whom the Christian faith 
was as yet altogether new, pious preachers, of exemplary hves ; such 
as were well instructed in the Christian system of doctrines and mor- 
als. He then subjoined exhortations similar to those, which we have 
already quoted on a former page.^ The emperor should . liimself con- 
sider, whether the apostles, mstructed and sent forth to preach by 
Christ had anywhere demanded tithes, or given directions for any such 
thmg. , Next, he exhorted him to see to it, that everything was done 
m the right order, and that conviction of the truths of faith went before 
baptism ; since the washing of the body without any knowledge of the 
faith, in a soul gifted with reason, could be of no use.e No one, said 
he, should receive baptism, till he has become firmly grounded in his 
persuasion of the prmcipal doctrines of Christianity."' And then by a 

1 At that time Pleccateshem. nus Christus in evantrelio respondet inter 

2 His life by Anschar, archbishop of rog:antibus sc. quare discipiili ejusnonjcju 
Ilamburs and "Bremen, lately published in narent : nemo niittit vinuni novum in utres 
I'ertz monumenta T. II. " veteres. 

3 See Einhardi annales, at this year. * Ne nihil prosit sacn ablatio bapfismi in 
■• Ep. 28. corpore, si in anima ratione utenti catholi- 
^ He fitly applies here the example of caeasjnitiofideinonpraecesserit. 

Christ, Matth. 9:17: Unde et ipse Domi- ' He mentions the several parts of reli- 



ALCUIX TO ARXO. 83 

faithftJ perfomiaiice of the duty of preaching, the precepts of the 
gospel should at the proper time be often inculcated on each, until he 
attained to the ripeness of manhood, and became a worthy dwelUng for 
the Holy Spirit. His friend, archbishop Arno, having requested Al- 
cuin to give him some directions as to the right mode of dispensing re- 
ligious instruction among the pagans, he at first sent him this letter 
mtended for the em})eror.' Then he wrote liim another special let- 
ter on the subject,^ in which he again strongly insisted on the point, 
thijt every thing depended on the preaching of the faith and the con- 
\aotion of the hearers : without this, baptism could be of no avail.^ 
For how could a man be forced to beheve, what he did not believe ? 
Man, gifted with reason, must be instructed, must be drawn onward 
by word upon word, that he may come to the knowledge of the truths 
of faith. And especially was it necessary to implore for him the grace 
of the Almighty ; since the tongue of the teacher taught in vain, un- 
less divine grace penetrated the heart of the hearer.* And here, he 
insisted -with great earnestness upon the necessity of proceeding grad- 
ually and by successive steps, in pressing the requisitions of the gospel 
on such as had attained to the fliith, and of not attempting to extort 
every tiling at once .5 A person long established in the faith was more 
ready and better fitted for every good work, than the mere novice. 
Peter when full of the Holy Ghost, bore testimony to the faith before 
the emperor Nero in one way ; he answered the maid in the house of 
Caiaphas in quite another. And the example of gentleness exhibited 
by our Saviour, when he afterwards reminded him of his fall, should 
teach the good shepherd how he, too, ought to conduct himself towards 
the fallen.* In another letter, he says, to the same prelate, " be a 
teacher of the faith, not a tythe-gatherer."' — It is true, this work 
among the Avares seems to have been interrupted by a new war, in 
the year 798, mth. tliis people ; but it was in all probabiUty prosecuted 

gious instruction in the following order ; coeptum est et perficcre quod factum non 

Frius instrucndus est homo dc animae im- est. 

mortalitatc ct de vita fntnra et de retribu- * Ep. 31. 

tione bonorum malorumque et de acterni- ^ Idcirco misera Saxonum gens toties 
tate utriuscjuc sortis. Postca jjro quibus baptism! perdidit sacramentum, quia nuni- 
pcooatis et scclcril)us poenas cum diabolo quam fidei fundamentum habnit in cordc. 
jnitiatur actcmas et pro quibus bonis vel ■* Quia otiosa est lingua docentis, si gra- 
benc factis gloria cum Christo fruatursem- tia divina cor auditoris non imbuit. Quod 
piterna. Dcinde fides sanctae trinitatis dil- enim visibiliter sacerdos per baptisnium 
igentissime docenda est, et adventus pro opcratum in corpore per aquam. hoc spirit- 
salute humani generis lilii Dei Domini nos- us sanctus invisibiliter operatur in anima 
tri Jesu Christi in hunc mundum cxponcn- per fidcm. 

dus. Et de mysterio passionis illius et vc- * Matth. 9 : 17. Qui sunt utres veteres, 

ritate rcsurrectionis et gloria adsccnsionis nisi ([ui in gentilitatis erroribus obdurave- 

In coelos, et futuro eius adventu ad indican- ruTit ? Quibus si in initio fidei novae prae- 

das omnes gcntes et de resurrectione cor- dicationis praecepta tradideris, rumpuntur 

porum et de actcrnitate poenarum et prae- et ad veteres consuetudines perfidiae re- 

."niorum. volvuntur. 

' Ep. 30 ; and probably he was thinking ^ (Juatenus bonus pastor intelligcret, non 

of the guilty failure of the missionary ef- semper delinquentes dura invectione casti 

forts among the Saxons, when he complain- garc, sed saepe piae consolationis admoni- 

cd : Vac mundo a scandalis ! Quid enim . tione corrigcre. 

auri insana cupido non subvertit boni ! ^ Ep. 72. Esto praedicator pietatis, non 

Tamen potens est Deus recuperare quod decimarum exactor. 



B4 CHURCH REPRESSED BY THE PERSIANS. 

again after their total su1>jugation. Alcuin complained, tliat the same 
zeal was not shown in building up the Christian church among the 
Avares, as was manifested for the same cause among the ever-resisting 
Saxons ; and he traced it to the negligence with which the work was 
prosecuted, that no more was effected.^ 

The dominion of the Franks as well as the Christian church still 
met wdth determined resistance from the numerous Slavonian tril)es 
dwelling on the northern and eastern borders of Germany. It is said 
to have been the intention of the emperor Charles to fomid a metro[> 
olis of the north in Hamburg, with a view to the conversion of these 
tribes, and to the diffusion of Christianity throughout the entire north : 
but he failed to execute this plan, which was reserved for his suc- 
cessor. 

II. In Asia and Africa. 

Whilst a stock of nations altogether new and mde was thus gained 
over to Christianity, and the germ of a new spiritual creation, pro- 
ceeding out of Christianity planted in the midst of them, new dangers 
were threatening destruction, or a continual encroachment on its limits, 
to the Christian church in the countries which formed its original 
seat. When the Persian king, Chosru-Par\iz, in the beguming of the 
seventh century, deprived the Roman empire of several provinces, in 
the year 614 conquered Palestine, and in the years 615, 616, Eg_ypt, 
many Christians w^ere killed, many carried off as slaves, or forced to 
imite with the Nestoriau church, and many churches and monasteries 
destroyed.2 This, however, was but a transient evil ; since, in the 
years 622-628, the East Roman emperor Herachus subdued the Pei-- 
sian empire, and hberated the conquered provmces. But soon after- 
wards there rose up against the Christian church in those countries a 
hostile pow^er, with wliich that church had to sustaui a much longer 
and more difficult contest. 

A Christianity which w^as already begimiing to die out in meagre 
forms of doctrine, ceremonial rites, and superstition, bowed before the 
might of a new rehgion, striding onward with the vigor of youth, and 
powerfully worldng on the imagination ; a religion Avhich, moreover, 
called to its aid many physical auxilaries, — the new rehgion founded 
by Mohammed in Arabia. In the year 610, Mohammed appear«d as 
a prophet among the Arabian tribes, where, in the midst of prevailing 
idolatry, particularly Sabaism, and of various superstitions comiected 
w^ith charms and amulets, the remembrance was still preserved of an 
original, simple, monotheistic religion ; while by the numerous Jews 
scattered among these tribes, in part also by Christians, who possessed 

' Ep. 92. Hunnorum vero, sicut dixisti, apud homines habere potuimus, ut vide- 
perditio, nostra est negligentia, laborantium batur. 

in maledicta generatione Saxonum Deoque * Sec Thcophanes Chronograph, f. 199 
despccta usque hue et eos negligentcs, quos etc. Makriz. historia Coptorum Christi- 
majore mercede apud Deum et gloria anor. pag. 79. llenautlot historia p&tn- 

archar. Alexandrinor. pag. 154 



MOHAMMED. 



CHARACTER OF HIS RELIGION. 85 



however but a very imperfect knowledge of their faith, the recollec- 
tion of this primeval religion was freshly revived. Under such influ- 
ences, it was quite possible, that in a man possessed of the lively 
temper and fiery imagination of jNIohammed, the awakened conscious- 
ness of God would lead to a reaction against the idolatry in wliich he 
had been nurtured and by which he was surrounded — a reaction, 
however, which would be disturbed by the sensuous element so predo- 
minant in the national character of his people. Mohammed felt him- 
self inspired with a certain zeal for the lienor of the one only God, 
whom he had been taught by those traditions of a primitive religion, 
as well as by wliat he liad learned from Judaism and Christianity, to 
recognize and adore. The sense of God's exaltation above all created 
tilings, of the infinite distance between the Creator and his works ; 
the sense of utter dependence on the Almighty and Incomprehensible 
— this one element of the knowledge of God — constituted the pre- 
dominant ground-tone of his religious character ; Avliilst the other ele- 
ment which belongs to the complete unfolding of the consciousness of 
God, the sense of relationship and communion with God, was in his 
ease wholly suppressed. Hence his one-sided mode of apprehending 
the di\dne attributes, in wliich the idea of Almighty power predomi- 
nated, while that of holy love was overlooked. Hence almighty 
power, apprehended in tliis religion as unlimited arbitrary will ; or if 
some occasional presentiment of the love and mercy of God gleamed 
out in the rehgious consciousness, yet it did not harmonize with the 
prevaiUng tone of the religion, but necessarily borrowed from the 
latter a certain tmcture oH paiiicidarism. Hence the predominant 
fatalism, and the total denial of moral liberty. And as it is the 
ethical shaping assumed by the idea of God which determines the 
whole moral spirit of a rehgion, hence notwithstanding the sublime 
maxims of morality — in contradiction, however, with the general 
character of the religion — that are to be found here and there scatr 
tered among the teachings of Mohammed, yet the whole system, 
because lacking in the main foundation of a right etliical apprehension 
of the idea of God, is radically defective. The God who was wor- 
shipped as an almighty and arbitrary Will, could be honored by entire 
submission to his will, servile obedience, the performance of various 
insulated outward ceremonies, which he had seen fit to prescribe as 
marks of reverence to him, and by works of charity ; but also and 
especially, by the extermination of his enemies, the idolaters ; by the 
subjugation of infidels; by the repetition of prayers; by festivals, 
lustrations, and pilgrimages. Answering to that narrow apprehension 
of the idea of God, was the lack also, in the moral province, of that 
principle which, wherever it exists, pervades and ennobles _ every 
other human quaUty, a holy love. As the ethical element retii-es to 
such a distance m the teachings of Mohammed, so on this very account 
the sense of the need of a redemption finds no place in the system. 
The tradition respecting an original state of the first man, and of liis 
eating the forbidden fruit, occurs, it is true, in the Koran, as derived 
not so much from the Old and New Testaments as from apo- 



66 ITS CONTRARIETY TO PAGANISM AND TO CHRISTIANITY. 

cryphal writings of Jews or Judaizing Christians ; ^ but only as an 
isolated story — the form in which it would be hkely to captivate the 
poetical fancy of Mohammed and his people — without reference to a 
wreat ethical truth, without connecting itself with the whole religion, 
so that Mohammedanism would lack nothing of its proper essence, were 
this story entirely expunged from its records. It belongs to the anta- 
f^onism between Mohammedanism and Christianity, that the former 
utterly excludes the need of a redeemer and of a redemption. 

It was by no means the intention of Mohammed, at the outset, to 
found a new reUgion for the entire human race ; but he behoved him- 
self called, as a national prophet of the Arabians, to proclaim to his 
people, in their own language, and in a form suited to then* wants, the 
same Theism of the primitive rehgion, which he recognized as a doc- 
trine communicated by divine instruction, in Judaism and Chris- 
tianity .^ He required at first to be acknowledged only as a prophet 
sent to teach the Arabians, and declared hostility against none but 
idolaters. But when the success wliich crowded liis first undertak- 
ino'S, and the enthusiasm of his followers, stimulated his imagination 
and liis vanity to a bolder flight, and when, moreover, he became 
excited by the opposition he met with from Jews and Christians, he 
came forward with still greater pretensions, not only against idolaters, 
but also against Jews and Christians themselves. He declared him- 
self a messenger, divinely sent for the restoration of jjure Theism, by 
whom it was to be freed from the foreign elements which had become 
incorporated with it even in Judaism and Christianity. He expressed, 
it is true, no hostihty to the earher revelations by Moses, the prophets, 
and Jesus ; but ascribed to these the same authority as he claimed for 
that communicated by himself; but he attacked the pretended cor- 
ruptions wliich had entered mto those revelations. Now it was mi- 
questionably true, that Christianity, in the formi in which it was 
presented to him, might furnish abundant occasion for such a charge, 
respecting the corruption of its original truth ; as for example, when 
he rebuked the idolatrous worship of jNIary and of the monks (the 
saints) ; and the view taken by the church of the doctrine of the 
Trinity might, to one who looked at it from an outward position, from 
the position of an abstract Monotheism, and not as a form of express- 
ing what was contained in the Christian consciousness, easily appear 

' The story about Adam's exalted dig- older oriental one, from which Gnosticism 

nity, and the homage done to him by the itself was derived. 

an"-els, which Satan, who envied him, re- ^ See the Koran, Sura 14, f. 375 ed. Jla- 

fused to pay, belongs among the Gnostic racci, — the words ascribed to the Almighty, 

elements that are to be found in the Ko- non misimus uUum legatum nisi cum liii- 

ran. See my Genctische Entwickelung gua gentis suae. How the different reli- 

dcr Gnostischen Systcme, p. 12.5, 265. gions were distributed by the Almiglity to 

HistoryoFtlieChiuvii, Vol.11, p. 716. Gei- ditferent nations, through his revelations 

ger — "in his instructive essay : Was hat in Judaism and Christianity,— Sura V. f 

Mahomed aus dem Judenthum aufgenora- 226. How the revelations by Mohammed 

men? Bonn 1833, p 100 — is right in not were designed for those who could not 

tracing this notion to the Judaism of the read the Old Testament and the gospels. 

Old Testament, but wrong in deriving it on account of their ignorance of the Ian 

from Christianity. More probably the guage in which they were written,— Sura 

source of it is a Gnostic tradition, or a still VI. f. 262. 



MOHAMMEDANISxM COMPARED WITH JUDAISM. 87 

as a tritlieistical doctrine. Still, liowev^er, the chief reason which 
led Mohammed to declare hostihty against Christianity certainly did 
not consist in these corrnptions of the gospel doctrine, Avhich he found 
intermingled mth it, so much as it did in the relation of his own 
fundamental position in religion to the original and peculiar essence 
of Christianity itself — that fundamental j^osition of an abstract Mo- 
notheism, placing an infinite chasm, never to be filled up, between 
God and his creatures, from which position a mediatorial action of 
God, for the purpose of bringing human nature into fellowship with 
himself, must appear as derogatory from the dignity of an infinitely 
exalted Being, and an approximation to idolatry. It w'as not merely 
a certain speculative mode of apprehending the doctrine of the Trinity, 
which gave offence to Mohammed as savormg of Tritheism ; but it 
was the essential element of Christianity itself, here lying at the 
bott(3m and constituting the ground of antagonism both to a stiff and 
one-sided Monotheism on the one hand, that placed God absolutely 
out of man, and man absolutely out of God, and to the deification of 
nature that degrades and divides the consciousness of God in poly- 
theism on the other, — it was this that must remain incomprehensible 
to Mohammed. And hence, too, the doctrine of Cln-ist's divinity,i 
and in a word everything else in Christianity over and above the 
general ground-work of Theism — everything by which Chiistianity was 
essentially distinguished from the Jewish stage of rehgion, could not 
appear otherwise to Mohammed than as a corruption of primitive 
Christianity, as he would have it to have been. The gospel history 
he quotes only in the fabulous form in which it appears in the older 
apocryphal gospels. But even if he had had the opportunity of acquaint- 
ing himself Avith the genuine history of Christ, still liis imagination, 
an'd his poetical temperament, would have been more strongly at- 
tracted by those fantastic pictures in the apocryphal writings ; and 
the image of Christ which these set forth, harmonized more completely 
with hi" whole religious turn of mind, than the one presented in the 
genuine gospels. 

It is evident from these remarks, that Mohammedanism corresponds 
in the nearest degree with Judaism ; — but a Judaism which, sundered 
from its connection with the theocratic development, robbed of its pre- 
vailing character, the predominating idea of God's holiness, — of its 
prophetic element and its pecuUar luminous point, the animating idea 
of the Messiah, was degraded from the historical, to the mythical, 
form, and accommodated to the national character of the Arabians. And 
here we may notice an important law, relating to the progressive de- 
velopment of the kingdom of God in humanity. Just as, within the 
church itself, a Judaism ennobled by Christianity and permeated by 
its spirit, or a Christianity in Jewish form (the Catholicism of the mid- 

' la the filial judgment, God, according to witness, that he had never taught so : Non 
to the Koran, shall sav to Jesus: Jesu, dJxi cis, nisi quod i)raocepisti milu : colite 
fill Mariae, tune dixisti hominibus : acci- Deum doiuinum meuir el domiiium res- 
pite me et mativin meani in lUios Dcos trum, Sura V. f. 206. 
praeter Deum < And Jesus shall call God 



88 SPREAD OF MOHAMMEDANISM. 

tile ages) formed for the converted barbarous nations a medium of 
transition to the appropriation of a Christianity expressing in essence 
and form its true character ; so wiiliout the pale of the church, a Juda- 
ism degraded to the level of natural religion in Mohammedanism, 
formed a theistic medium of transition from idolatry, at its very lowest 
stages, to the only genuine theism of Christianity fully developed and 
pervading the entire life. 

In respect to the relation of Christianity to Mohammedanism, as it 
was understood by Christian teachers among the Mohammedans in the 
eighth century, we find that their apologetic writings — so far as we 
can form a judgment of them from the fragments still preserved in the 
works of John of Damascus and his scholar Theodore Abukara, both 
belonging to the eighth century,' — relate particularly to the doctrines 
of free-will and of the divinity of Christ. In seeking to defend the 
doctrine of free self-determination and moral responsibleness against 
the Mohammedan principle whereby good and evil were derived alike 
from the divine causahty, and the distinction between a permission and 
an actual efficiency on the part of God 2 was denied, men fell, as usual, 
when combating one extreme, into directly the opposite, namely, into 
an anthropopathical mode of apprehending the relation of God to his 
creatures, that led to Pelagianism, without being aware of the conse- 
quences flowing from tliis view of the matter. God, having once com- 
pleted the work of creation, exerted no further creative power, but 
left the universe to go on and shape itself according to the laws 
therein estabhshed, — everything, by virtue of the creative word 
which God spake in the beginning, unfolding itself spontaneously out 
of the seminal principles clothed by God with their several specific 
powersJ^ 

The schisms subsisting among the oriental Christians, the dissatisfac- 
tion of the oppressed schismatic party (in Egypt and Syria) with the 
Byzantine government and the reigning church, would naturally tend 
to promote the triumphant advance of the Mohammedan Saracens ; and 
these were inclined, from motives of policy, to manifest special favor to 
the hitherto persecuted parties, such as were the Monophysite party, 
BO numerous in Egypt and Syria, and the Nestorians.^ Wherever 

' The dialogue between the Christian ^pw/zevof, avaiSXaaruvu, km yiverai. ru 

and the Turk, by John of Damascus T. I. Ttpwrw ■rrpoaruyfiari tov T^eoii vivaKovovaa, 

in his works ed. le Quien f. 46(3. Gnlhind. ore rd iiaTaj3l7]\yev ^xei h iavru aTrepfiari- 

bibl. patrura T. XIII. f. 272 ; and the epu- ki/v 6vva/[itv ■ ovx on de vvv na^' iKiiarriv 

7;;(Teif Kal uTvoKpiasLf; between the Muofiapog iijj.ipav 6 ■6-sdc TrXar-ei Kat epya^erai ■ ineidh 

and the XpiarLavog of Theodore Abukara ev rn npuTij ijfiepa, ru iruvra TTe~oii]Kt. 

in Bihliotheca patrum Parisiens. Tom. XI. Theodor Abukara. I. c. f 432. 
f. 431. It is difficult to decide which was * Tlie major ])art of the population in 

the original form of this dialogue and which Egypt, the Copts, were inclined to M'ono- 

of tlie two was its author. physitism ; and these assisted the conquer- 

- The Mohammedan, disputing with the ors in driving out the descendants of the 

Christian kut' avf^pwiruv^ on the rpiestion Greeks, who, as followers of the dc -trincs 

was it God's \\ ill, or not, that Christ should that prevailed in tlie empire, were called 

be crucified ? Melchites. All the churciies were now 

3 '\6ov eyu avre^ovaiog uv tv re Kalolc, transferred to the former, and the Coptic 

tv T£ KUKolg, onov fdv aTzeipo, kuv eic i6cav patriarchate was founded. See tlie accounts 

yvvacKa, kuv elg uWoTpiav, ry i6ia k^ovalq, of Macrizi, which especially deserve to be 



NESTORIANS IN ASIA. EAST INDIA AND CHINA. 89 

the Saracens, in the course of the seventh and eighth centuries, ob- 
tained the ascendancy in Asia (Syria and the countries adjacent) and 
in North-Africa, they forbore indeed to persecute the old Christian 
inhabitants on account of their faith, if they paid the tribute imposed 
on them ; yet there was no lack of extortions, oppressions and insults, 
and the fanatical temper of the rulers might easily be excited to deeds 
of violence. > Moreover, they who in ignorance were depending on a 
dead faith, might be led by various inducements to abandon their 
creed for a rehgion which was spreading with the fresh vigor of youth, 
which flattered the inclinations of the natural man, and which was 
favored by the ruling powers. 

The Nestorian communities, established in Eastern Asia, which 
we^e favored by the Persians, and afterwards, for the same reason, by 
their Mohammedan rulers, were best quahfied for laboring to promote 
the extension of Christianity in this quarter of the world ; and in fact 
we observed, in the preceding period, that from Persia, Christian col- 
onies had gone to different parts of India. Timotheus, the Patriarch 
of the Nestorians in Syria, who filled this post from 778 to 820,^ took 
a special mterest in the establishment of missions. He sent monks 
from the monastery of Beth-abe in Mesopotamia, as missionaries among 
the tribes dweUing in the districts of the Caspian sea, and beyond 
them to India and even to Chma. Among these Avere two active men, 
Cardag and Jabdallaha, whom he ordained bishops.3 Jabdallaha drew 
up for the patriarch a report of the happy results of the mission ; and 
the patriarch clothed them with full powers to ordain, where it should 
be found necessary, several of the monks as bishops. He expressly 
directed, that for the present, in order to conform to the rule requiring 
three bishops to assist at the ordination of another, a book of the gos- 
pels should take the place of the third. A certain David is named as 
the bishop ordamed for China.* According to an inscription, pub- 
Ushed by the Jesuits, and purporting to belong to the year 782,5 in the 
Chinese-Syrian tongue, Olopuen, a Nestorian priest, visited tliis empire, 
in the year 635, from the eastern provinces bordering on the west of 
China, and labored successfully as a missionary ; and it is said that Chris- 
tianity, amid many persecutions at first, but favored at length by the em- 
perors, was still more widely diffused. But even if this inscription 
cannot be considered as genuine,^ it still remains certain, from the 

i=tndied on the subject of Ejiypt. Historia of an Arabian of the ninth century, in Re- 

Coptorum Christianorum, ed.'Wctzer, 1828. naudot's Ancienncs Kclations des Indes et 

p. 89. Rcnaudot Historia Patriarch- do la Chine, p. 68. Comp. Ritter's Asia, 

arum Alexandrinorum. P. II. Vol. I. p. 286. 

' Particulars in Macrizi, Renaudot, and * Printed with others in Mosheim Hist. 

Theo]ilianes. Ecclos. Tartarorum. Appendix N. III. 

' See Assemani bibliotheca oriental. T. ^ The controversy about the genuineness 

III. P. I. (. 1.58, and onward. of this inscription is still undecided; and 

^ L. c. f 16-3. in the present condition of our knowledge 

■' Ibn-Walial), an Arabian who travelled of Chinese literature, so it must remain, 

to China in the ninth century, found at the A very important authority in this dcpart- 

emperor's court an image of Christ and im- ment of learning, though perhaps not j.cr- 

agcs of the apostles, and he heard the em- fectly free from all bias on the point in 

peror say, that Christ discharged the office question, has already declared in favor of 

»f a teacher thirty months. See Travels its genuineness. See Abel Rcmusat Mo- 



90 



NUBIA AND ABYSSINIA. 



notices above stated, that in tliis period, attempts were made by the 
Nestorians to pave the way for the entrance of Christianity into East- 
ern Asia, and even into China. 

Under the emperor Justinian, Christianity had found entrance from 
Egypt mto Nubia.^ In Nubia a Christian empire Avas founded, as in 
Abyssinia, and the churches of the two kingdoms recognized the Coptic 
patriarch in Egypt as their head, and had then* bishops ordained by 
him. 2 



langes Asiatiques, T. I. p. 36. Professor 
Neumann, from whom we may expect a 
more full investigation of this subject, takes 
the other side. 

1 See the explanation of an Inscription 
proceeding from a Christian prince of 
Nubia ; and remarks on the introduction 
of ChristiiiniU' into Nubia, in Letronne 
mate'riaux pour I'hist. du Christianisme 
en E<>\-])te, en Nubie et en Abyssinie. 
Paris! "lS.'52. 

■•^ See l^cnaudot Hist. Patriarch. Alex. 



p. 178 and in other places. A fact worthy 
of notice is the connection of the Christians 
of India with the Cojitic patriarchs. See 
Renaudot, p. 188. Makrizi, p. 93. It 
were singular, indeed, that these Christians 
should have preferred resorting to Egj^pt 
rather than to their mother church in Per- 
sia ; and hence we might be led to conjec- 
ture that some Ethiopian tribe was really 
meant ; but in this connection such a sup- 
position has also its difiiculties. 



SECTION SECOND. 

HISTORY OF THE CHURCH CONSTITUTION. 

I. Relation of the Chukch to the State. 

It i=? true, that along with Christianitj, the entire church fabric, 
mth all its regulations, as it had thus far shaped itself, passed over to 
the newly converted nations. The whole appeared to them as one 
divine foundation ; and at the stage of culture in which Christianity 
found them, they were but Uttle capable of distinguishing and separa- 
ting the divine from the human, the inward from the outward, the im- 
changeable from the changeable. But as a matter of course, the 
church fabric which had shaped itself under entirely different circum- 
stances, must, in accommodating itself to these altogether new rela 
tions, undergo various changes. Fii*st, as regards the relation of the 
church to the state, it was, for the advancement of the church, and 
the attainment of its ends, in promoting the culture of the nations, a 
matter of great importance, that it should be preserved independent in 
its course of development, and protected against the desti-uctive influ- 
ences of a barbarous secular power. The encroachments of the arbitrary 
wiU of barbarous princes would be no less dangerous here, than the en- 
croacnments of the arbitrary will of the corrupt Byzantine court at 
the stage of over-civilization. The Frankish princes were often as 
slow as the Byzantuie emperors to acknowledge the fact, that withm 
their own states, there was a province to which their sovereign power 
did not extend, an authority wholly independent of their own.i But 

' The Frankish monarch Chilpcric, in three persons in the Trinity, in which he 
the sixtli century, who took it into his hciid maintained, that it was beneath the dignity 
to add several letters to the Latin alphabet, of God to be called a person, like a mortal 
and to direct, that the boys in the schools man. He seems to have framed for hira- 
of his empire siiould all be taught to read self a Samosatenean or Sabellian doctrine 
and write accordingly, and that all the old of the Trinity. He apjjcals to the Old Tes- 
books should be rubbed over with pum- tament as making mention of but one Goii, 
ice-stone, and re-copied according to this who appeared to the i)ropliets and patri- 
alphabet, would certainly be very likely to archs, and who revealed the law. This 
act over a^ain the part of a Justinian in his tract he had read in his presence to Greg- 
conduct towards the church; and what ory bishop of Tours, and tiien said to him: 
would have followed, had not a monarch " It is my will that you, and the other 
of tliis character been obliged to yield to teachers of the churches, should believe 
the superior power of an independent thus." He supposed he understood thi^ 
church 1 He comjiosed, in the year 580, a doctrine better than the fathers of the 
jraall tract, combating the distinction of church, whose authority was quoted against 



92 OPPOSITION TO SOVEREIGN POWEK. 

on the other hand, they were checked by the faith m a visible theoc 
racy, represented by the church ; which principle, closely connected, 
especially in the Western church, with the idea of the sacerdotal dig- 
nity, had long since been fully established, and was transmitted to 
these nations at the same time with Christianity. This principle was 
also better suited to their stage of culture, than the faith in an invis- 
ible church and its power working outwardly from within. The mitu- 
tored mind, when struck with religious impressions, was inclined to 
see, to reverence and to fear God himself in the visible church, in the 
persons of the priests. This point of view, in which the church pre- 
sented itself, would be favored by its whole relation to these races ; 
for it appeared, in fact, as the one perfect organism of human society, 
and as the fomitain-head of all culture for the untutored nations. It 
alone could, by the reverence which it inspired for a divine power, 
present a counterpoise to barbarous force and arbitrary will. But 
whilst on the. one hand, the impression of reverence towards the 
church, as God's representative, was capable of exerting a mighty 
influence on the minds of rulers ; so too, on the other hand, there was 
tremendous force in the consciousness of absolute authority, and in 
the violence of suddenly-excited passions, which in rude men was the 
less likely to be controlled. Many conflictmg elements must therefore 
necessarily arise under these circumstances ; and the theocratical 
church system, which alone, under such a state of things, could main- 
tain the independence of the chui'ch, even in respect to its own inter- 
nal development, had no other way to shape itself out but in conflict 
with a secular power wliich often resisted it. 

The princes of the Frankish emj)ire in particular, acquired the 
greatest influence over the church in a quarter where it would be pre- 
cisely the most mjurious to her interests, and most directly calculated 
to render her wholly dependent on the secular power, viz. m the nom- 
ination of bishops, who, according to the existing church polity, had 
the entire governance of the church in their hands ; so that, if by the 
manner in which they obtained their places, they became subservient 
to the princes, the mischievous consequences of this their serviUty 
would aflect the whole administration of church affairs. In the old 
Roman empire, the influence of the emperors had only extended, and 
that too chiefly in the East, to the filling up of the vacant bishoprics 
in the most important cities. But to the princes of whom we now 
speak, it appeared a strange matter, that such considerable posts 
Avithin the circle of their own empire, and with which, sometimes, so 
large revenues and important political privileges were comiected, 
should be conferred without consultation with them ; and the clergy 
themselves, who sought to obtain bishoprics through the influence of 
the princes, contributed to increase this influence of the 1 itter, and to 
confirm them m the belief that they were entitled to it. Thus in the 
Frankish empire, under the successors of Clo\'is, the ancient regulation 

him. Yet the decided manner in wliicli lie church traditions, induced him to desisi 
was opposed by Gregory and other bish- from hi.sjjurpose. See Grcgor. Turonen! 
)ps, who rested on the"^ authority of the Hist. Francor. 1. V. c. 4.5. 



ARBITRARY PROCEEDINGS. 






respecting ecclesiastical elections went entirely into disuse, or where 
it was preserved, the Frankish princes did not consider themselves 
hound by it, if they wished to supply vacancies in some other way. 
rhe old church laws \vith regard to the interstitia, the stages through 
which candidates must rise to the higher spiritual offices, and against 
the immediate elevation of a layman from secular employments to 
such offices, — these laws, which had maintained their force in the 
Western church still more than in the East, even though reenacted 
there by synods,^ were yet in practice no longer regarded.' The 
princes bestowed the bishoprics arbitrarily on their favorites, or sold 
them to the highest bidders, or to those, who, without so open a resort 
to simony, made them tempting presents.^ Hence, natm*ally, it often 
happened, that unworthy persons were nominated to the bishoprics, 
while worthy ones were deposed.3 The only good result was, that 
still in many cases, the character w^hich an individual had acquired by 
his past life, the reputation in which he stood as a saint, had more 
influence with the princes, than the presents and the intrigues of the 
bad. 

It is true, laws were, from tiie first, passed against these encroach- 
ments on the ecclesiastical elections ; 4 but those in power did not 
allow themselves to be bound by them. The third council of Paris, 
in 557, endeavored once more to suppress these abuses ; directing in 



* See the thii-d Council of Orleans, A. D. 
538, c. VI. 

^ Gregory of Tours states, in his life of 
Gallus, bishop of Arverna (Clermont), 
vitae patrum c. VI. f 1171, ed. Ruinart, 
that the clergy of Clermont came with 
mnnij presents, before Thcodoric, one of tlie 
sons and successors of Clovis, hoping to 
persuade him to confirm tiie choice made 
by themselves. And Gregory observes, 
with regard to this incident: jam tunc 
germcn illud inicjuum coeperat fructiti- 
care, ut sacerdotium aut venderetur a regi- 
bus aut compararetur a clericis. The 
king, however, did not allow himself in 
this case to be influenced by the presents, 
but bestowed tlic bislio])ric on Gallus, a 
deacon, highly respected and venerated on 
account of his previous life, and he caused 
a feast to be made in the city, at the jjub- 
lic expense, in honor of the new bishop, 
that all might take joy in his appointment. 
And so common was the practice of simo- 
ny, either of the grosser or of the more 
refined sort, that Gallus was in the habit 
of jocosely remarking, he had paid for his 
bisiiopric, but one trias (the tliird part of 
an as), his Iwnni' main to the cook who 
waited at the tabic. So, too, (in 1. IV. c. 
35, hist. Francor.) it is mentioned as the 
common means of obtaining a bishopric : 
Off'erre multa, plurima promittcre. 

•' So it happened after the death of the 
Gallus abovementioncd. A certain arch- 
deacon Cratiiius. an intemperate, avari- 



cious man, obtained the oflBce by help of 
the princes, while Crato, a presbyter, who 
though excessively given to spiritual pride, 
had been tried in every stage of the cleri- 
cal office, and had distinguished hhnself 
by the faithful discharge of its duties, and 
a kindly regard for the welfiire of the 
poor, and who had, moreover, the voice of 
the church, the clergy and the bishops in 
his favor, was set aside. He afterwards 
distinguished himself again by remaining 
in the city, when deserted by the bishop, 
and many of the other clergy, on account 
of a fatal sickness (the lues inguinaria), 
which raged in France about the middle 
of the sixth century. Here he attended 'o 
the burial of the dead, held masses ft ■ 
eacli and all, till at lengtli falling himsel 
a sacrifice to the plague, he died in thi 
discharge of his duty. See Gregor. hist. 1 

IV. c. XI. etc. 

'' Thus, for example, Concil. Arvernensc, 
A. D. 535, c. II. In order to the regu- 
larity of a choice, was required electio 
clcricorum vel civium ct consensus mctro- 
politani, and of the candidate it is said: 
non jKitrocinia potentum adhibeat, non 
calliditate subdola ad conscribendum de- 
cretum alios hortetur ])raemiis, alios ti 
more eomj)ellat; and Concil. Aurelianense 

V. 549 c. 10, ut nulli episeopatum prac- 
miis aut comparatione lieeat adipisci, scd 
cum voluntate /•cc/Zs juxtaelcctionem cleri ac 
plebis. 



94 ARBITRARY MODES OF NOMINATING TO BISHOPRICS. 

their eiglith canon, that the election of bishops should proceed fi-oa 
the communities and the clergy, with the concurrence of the provin- 
cial bishops and of the metropolitan ; that whoever came to such 
office in a way not agreeing with these conditions, by a command of 
the king, should not be recognized as their colleague by the bishops 
of the province.' Conformably with this decree, a synod at Xaintes 
(Santones), convened in 564, under Leontius, archbishop of Bor- 
deaux (Burdelaga), as metropolitan, pronounced sentence of depo- 
sition on Emeritus, the bishop of the former place, because he had 
obtained his office by a command of the deceased king Clotaire, with- 
out a regular church election; and they had the courage to elect 
another in his i)lace. But Charibert, the then reigning king over this 
portion of the Prankish empire, was highly incensed at this decree, 
which the synod caused to be laid before him by a presbyter, as their 
delegate. " Thinkest thou — said he angrily to the delegate — that 
of Clotaire's sons none has been left beliind, to take care that his 
father's will shall not be defeated ? " He ordered the delegate to be 
conveyed out of the city on a wagon filled with thorns, and con- 
demned him to banishment from the country; — he also fined the 
members of the synod in a sum proportioned to their several ranks, 
and replaced Emeritus in his post.'^ The Roman bishop, Gregory the 
Great, was indefatigable in exhorting the Frankish bishops and princes 
to remove this abuse, Avhose injurious effects on the church he ex- 
plained to them in detail, and strenuously urged them to appoint a 
synod for this purpose.=^ " We are deeply grieved — he writes in one 
of these letters — Avhen we find money having anything to do in the 
disposing of the offices of the church, and that which is holy, becom- 
ino- secular. He who would purchase such places, desires not the 
office, but only the name, of a priest, to gratify his vanity. What is 
the consequence, except that no further regard is paid to life and man- 
ners, he only being considered the worthy candidate who has mo- 
ney to pay ? He who merely, for the sake of the honor, is eager 
after an office meant for use, is but the more unworthy of it, because 
he seeks the honor." The fifth synod of Paris, in 615, actually 
renewed, in their first canon, the ordinance respecting free church 
elections, and king Clotaire II. confirmed this law; yet with such 
provisoes, as left abundant exceptions ; for a power was reserved to 
the princes of examining into the worthiness of those elected, and of 
directing their ordination accordingly. The case was also supposed 
possible, that the monarch might choose a bishop directly from his 
court. 4 And even if this synodal law had been unconditionally con- 

' Nullus civilnis invitis onlinetur episco- libus loci ipsius episcopus recipi nulla- 
pus, nisi quern populi et clericorura electio tenus raereatur, quern indebite ordinutura 



plcnissima quaesierit voluiitate, non prin- agnoscunt. 

cipis impcrio netiue yvv (luamlil.et condi- « See Gregor. 1 uron. Hist. Francor. 1. IV 

tionein contra metropolis voluntatem vel c. 26. 

episcoporum comprovineialium ingcratur. •' See his Letters, lib. XI. ep. 58, and the 

Quodsi per ordinationem regiam honoris following, lib. IX. ep. 106. 

istius culmen pervadere aliquis nimia te- * Si persona condigna fuent, per ordi- 

meritate praesumserit, a comprovincia- nationem princqns ordinetur, vel certe si 



STATE PARTICIPATION IN ECCLESIASTICAL LEGISLATION. 95 

firmed by the king, yet it was still far from being the case, that the 
monarchs would be determined by it in their conduct. Boniface found 
these abuses connected -with the filling up of vacant offices still pre- 
vailmg ; and although he might, hy his great personal influence, do 
something towards counteractmg them, yet the relations could not in 
this way be permanently altered. Among the things done by Charle- 
magne for betteiing the condition of the church, belongs the resto- 
ration of free church elections ; ^ in which, however, the power of 
confirmation remained tacitly reserved to the monarch. Yet the suc- 
ceeding history shows, that between the law and its fulfilment an 
immense interval still remained. In the EngHsh and in the Spanish 
church, the princes exercised, it is true, on the whole, no such direct 
influence on the filluig up of vacant bishoprics, but even in these 
churches their acquiescence was held to be necessary. 

Again, the state, under the new relations, obtained a certain share 
in ecclesiastical legislation. In the old Roman empire, the secular 
power had exercised an influence only on the general chiu'ch assem- 
bhes — the provincial synods were left to themselves. But in the 
new states, men foimd it difficult to enter into the conception of a 
double legislation, and besides, the church required the civil power tc 
carry a part of its own laws into execution ; such, namely, as related 
to the suppression of pagan customs, penance, the observance of Sun 
day, etc. Hence it happened, that the synods, which should have 
guided the chui-ch legislation, were convened after consultation with 
the princes ; ^ that the latter assisted at them, and theii- decrees were 
pubhshed mider the royal authority. Finally the synods became con- 
founded with the general assembhes, at wliich the piinces with theii- 
noble vassals were used to draw up the civil laws, and ecclesiastical 
and civil laws were drawn up at one and the same time. Thus, in 
the Prankish kingdom, till far into the eighth century, the assemblies 
of the bishops, for purely ecclesiastical purposes, becoming continually 
less frequent, at length went into entire desuetude — a result to 
which the internal pohtical contests and disorders, and the indiffer- 
ence of such multitudes of worldly muided bishops, no doubt, greatly 
contributed. iVlready the abbot Columban, in his letter to the bishops 
convened on account of their quarrel with him, complains, that synods 
were no longer held, though he admits, that in the turbulence of those 
times, they could not be convened so frequently as formerly .^ Gre- 

de palatio cligitiir, per meritum personae censem, bishop of Cahors, A. D. 650, ut 

et doctrinue ordinetur. sine nostra scientia synodalc concilium iu 

' The capitulary of the year 803. " Ut regno nostro non agatur. Baluz. Capitu- 

saucta ecclesia suo liberius potiretur ho- lar. T. 1. f. 143. 

nore, adsensum ordini ccclesiastieo prae- ^ In reference to the convocation then 

buimus, ut episcopi per electioncm clcri et held : '" utiuam saepius hoc ageretis, et 

popuU secundum sfcituta canoniim de pro- licet juxta canones semel aut bis in anno 

pria diocesi remota personarum et mune- pro tumultuosis hujus aovi disseiusionibus 

rum acceptione ob vitac meritum et sapi- semper sic servare vos non yacat, quaravis 

entiae donum eligantur, ut cxemplo et rarius potissimum hoc debuit vobis inesse 

verbo sibi subjectis usque quaque prodesse studium, quo ncgligentcs quiciue timorem 

raleant." habcrent et studiosi ad majorem provoca- 

' See the ordinance of tlie Frankish king rentur profectum." 
Sigebert ad Desideriuin episcopum Cadur- 



96 PARTICIPATION OF BISHOPS IN CIVIL LEGISLATION, ETC. 

gory the Great ^ was obliged to apply to the Frankish princes and 
bishops, for the convening of a synod to devise measures for the 
removal of ecclesiastical abuses ; and, as we have already remarked 
on a former page, Boniface found occasion to complain, that no synod 
had been held for so long a time. But even in the synods held by 
him, the most considerable men of the nation took a part, and along 
with the ecclesiastical laws, others also were passed by them, having 
no relation to ecclesiastical aftairs. In like manner, under kmg 
PijDin, and the emperor Charlemagne, it continued to be the pre- 
vaihng custom for ecclesiastical and civil laws to be drawn up at 
the same time, at their great national assembhes ; though it was still 
the fact that, in particular cases, assemblies purely ecclesiastical were 
held, which however were convened by the princes. Now by this 
union the bishops, it is true, who took part m these general legisla- 
tive assembhes, obtained some influence on civil legislation, and on 
the institutions of civil society. But this influence fell to their 
share not merely by accident, and by reason of the circumstances 
above described ; but the whole form under which the Theocratic sys- 
tem Avas contemplated, carried along with it the necessity of their 
having such influence. As, on the one hand, the church needed the 
arm of the civil power to carry a part of their laws into eflect, so 
on the other, the civil power needed that sanction from the church, 
and that commanding authority which the latter had to ofier, in order 
to maintain itself against rude arbitrary will, and to place a check 
on barbarian insolence. The feeling of this want was, no doubt, a 
universal one ; for it proceeded from the chai-acter of the social con- 
dition of the people, and the prevaihng turn of their religious way of 
tlunldng. It was, however, an effect of pecuhar circumstances, that, 
in the Visi- Gothic empire in Spain, this feehng asserted itself 
with pecuhar force ; for the successors of Reckared, the first Catho- 
lic king of Spain, were obhged to resort to the authority of the 
church, as a substitute for the sanction which they wanted, a right to 
the throne by the law of inheritance ; and as a means of securing 
them agamst the spirit of revolt. Many of the Spanish synods in the 
seventh century made a pomt of conceding this to the royal authority. 
Thus, for example, the sixteenth council of Toledo, m G98, declared 
that every one was bound to preserve inviolate the fidehty they had 
vowed, next after God, to the king, as his vice-gerent ; ^ and, appeal- 
'ing to passages from the old Testament, not very apphcable, indeed, 
to a purely gospel economy ,3 they declared kings to be the inviolable 
anointed ones of God. Hence in tliis Spanish church, the regulation 
was also brought about, whereby all checks of the secular power on 
the church were to be avoided, and the latter was only to be secured 
in its efficient influence on the state, wliich needed its sanctifying 

' See the lettci above referred to. ^ According to which, Jesus alone is the 

* Post Deuni regibus, ut,i)ote jure vica- anointed of tlie Lord, or through him al. 

no ab eo praeOlectis, liduni promissam believers alike are become the anointed of 

qucmque inviolabili cordis inteutione scr- the Lord. 

vare. 



EXEMPTION OF THE CHURCH FROM STATE BURDENS. 97 

power ; for the seventeenth council of Toledo decreed, m G94, that in 
the first three days of each such meeting, only spiritual affairs should 
be transacted by the clergy alone, and afterwards civil. To the em- 
peror Charles, who, with his more independent judgment, was more 
inclined to separate ecclesiastical affairs from political, ^ it seemed ex- 
pedient, that the bishops, a1)bots, and comites should divide themselves, 
at these general assemblies, into three several chambers, and each at- 
tend to the affairs belonging to them, — the bishops to the aff^iirs of the 
church ; the abbots, to all that related more particularly to the monas- 
tic life ; and the counts to the pohtical affairs. So it was done at the 
council of Mentz, in 813. The ordinances of every kind, however, 
were publislied under the imperial authority. 

As it regards the exemption of the church from state burdens, the 
older laws respecting this matter also passed over to the new state of 
things ; they had to undergo however, of course, in these new ch'cum- 
stances, many changes in their apphcation. The incompatibility of 
the spiritual office with military service was, indeed, universally ac- 
knowledged in the preceding period ; yet it had been held necessary 
at the same time to adopt certain precautionary measures against the 
reception of such into the spiritual order as were hable to such service,- 
and even at the commencement of this period, the emperor Maurice 
involved himself in a quarrel with the Roman bishop Gregory the great, 
by the enactment of some such restrictive law. But in the new states, 
greater difficulty must be experienced in this quarter, because the obli- 
gation to do military service did not fall on particular classes of the 
citizens alone, but on all free-men. True, men felt how incompatible 
it was with the spiritual calling for the clergy to take any part in war ; 
Ijut it was sought to secure the interests of the state, by a law that no 
person should be allowed to enter into a spiritual or monastic order, 
without permission from the supreme authority .^ The church now saw 
itself reduced to the necessity of selecting members for the spiritual 
order from that class, who were not affected by the obligation to do 

' See the capitulary of the year 811 c. 4. embrace the monastic life should likewise be 

Discutientlum est, in quantum se episcopus forljiddcn ; since in this case no such suspic- 

aut abbas rebus secularibus dcbeat inserere ion could arise. He refers to his own expe- 

vel in quantum Comes vcl alter laicus in rience for examples of honest conversions 

ecclesiastica nc'^'otia His interro^andum of this kind: Ego scio. (juanti his diebus 

est acutissime, quid sit, quod apostolus ait : meis in monastcrio milites conversi mira- 

"nemo militans Deo implicat se negotiis cula feccrunt, signa ct virtutes operati sunt, 

secularibus." 2 Tim. 2, vel ad quos sermo 1. III. cp. 6,5 et 66. 

iste pertineat. See Baluz. Capitular. T. I. •* Concil. Aurclianense I, under king Clo 

f 478. vis, A. 1). .511, c. 4. nt nullus sccularium ad 

* Gregory considered it altogether just clericatus officium pracsumatur, nisi aut 

and proper, that no countenance should be cum regis jussione aut cum judicis volun- 

given to the ])racti(e of passing immediately tate. The capitulary of Chariemagne A. D. 

from civil and military, to spiritual, offices 805, c. 15, Baluz. T. I. f. 427. De liberis 

(which was still customary in the East.) be- hominibus, qui adservitium Dei so tradere 

cause such a transition easily excited the volunt, nt prius hoc non fociant, quam a 

suspicion of worldly motives, quia qui se- nobis licentiam postulent. In the latter 

cularem habitum dcserens, ad ecclesiastiax law, the object is stated ; that it is designed 

officia venire festinat. mutare vult seculum, only against such as were desirous of this 

non relinquere. Hut it seemed to him con- from impure motives, and not devotionid 

'.rary to the interests of piety, that the causa, 
\bandoning of these offices with a view to 
VOL. III. 7 



98 RECEPTION OF BOND-MEN. 

military service, namely the hond-men. Besides, among these there 
was often less rudeness of manners ; and bishops, who were disposed 
to exercise a despotic lordship over their clergy, could more easily se- 
cure their object when they had among this body a number of the 
bond-men w^ho were held as the property of the church. This plan 
was so often^ resorted to, that it became necessary to check the Ande 
extension of the practice by particular ordinances ; yet without for- 
bidding the thing itself. Thus the fourth council of Toledo, in the year 
638, can. 74, decreed, that it was unquestionably allowable, to place 
in the parishes priests and deacons, created from the bond-men of the 
church ; provided only, they were such as recommended themselveg 
by their life and manners, and that they had been first restored to 
freedom. In the rule of Chrodegang, Bishop of Metz, approved and 
published by the council of Aix in 810, we find the following singular 
remark, from which also it is seen, that bond-men were often con- 
secrated to the clerical office, without being enfranchised. ^ " Many 
select their clergy exclusively from the bond-men of the church, and 
they seem to adopt this com'se, because such persons, when injured by 
them, or deprived of the salary due to them, cannot complain, from 
fear of being subjected to corporeal punishment, or of being reduced 
again to servile labor.- Yet it was added, this is not said, because 
we think it wrong that men of reputable life should be taken from the 
class of bond-men, especially since with God there is no respect of 
persons ; but we say it, that for the reason assigned, no prelate may 
take for his clergy persons of the lower class alone, to the exclusion of 
all of higher rank." Thus the bishops were led by their own interest, 
to help in promoting the object which Christianity had aimed at from 
the first, and to restore an excluded class to the enjoyment of their 
common rights as men, although for the most part, it was not, the 
Christian spirit that moved them to this, as it should have done of 
itself. 

And here we may take occasion to glance backward upon what had 
been thus far done by Christianity in this regard. From the beginning 
and onward, Christianity — not indeed by any sudden outward change, 
but by its secret influences on the modes of thinking and feehng — 
had prepared a transfonnation of this relation which is so repugnant to 
the common worth and dignity of man.^ It was the new ideas of the 
image of God in every human creature ; of the redemption destined 
alike for all ; of its higher fellowship of life, the fellowship of God's 
kingdom embracing all without any distinction of earthly relations of 
life, slaves as well as freemen ; it was these ideas by which the pre- 
vailing mode of regarding the relation of this class of men, their rights, 
and the duties owed to them, was changed, and the wav prepared for 
a milder treatment of them. The more respectable church-teachera 

' See can. 119. Denkwdrdifjkciten Bd. II. p. 253 f. and my 

* Timentes scilicet, ne aut seYcrissimis Chrysostom Bd. I. p. 376 f. Compare Dr 
yerberibus afficiantur aut humanac servituti Mohler's essay in the Thcologischen Quar 
ienuo crudeliter addicantur. tal-Schrift, Jahrgang 1834, 1 H. 

* Church History Vol. I. p. 267, — my 



OPIMIONS OF THE CHURCH-TEACHERS. 99 

of the fourth and fifth centuries speak with decision and emphasis on 
this subject. In the manumission of slaves, the church was especially 
called upon to lend her assistance ; and thus it was acknowledged that 
such a proceeding was especially suited to the position of the church. 
Frequently, slaves were set free in order thatrthey might become monks ; 
and this was regarded as a pious work. At an early period too, many, 
especially of the oriental monks, declared themselves opposed to this 
whole relation, as repugnant to the dignity of the image of God hi all 
men. Thus the abbot Isidore of Pelusium m writing to a person of 
rank, with whom he is interceding in behalf of one of his slaves,' said 
he could hardly credit it, that a friend of Christ, who had experienced 
that grace, which bestowed freedom on all, Avould still own slaves. It 
is related of Johannes Eleemosynarius, who from 600 to 616 was pa- 
triarch of Alexandria, that he called together those persons who treat- 
ed their slaves with cruelty, and addressed them as follows : " God has 
not given us servants, that we may beat them, but that they may serve 
us ; but perhaps even not for this purpose, but that they may receive 
out of the abundance which God has bestowed on us the means of sus- 
tenance ; for tell me, what price can man pay to purchase him, who 
was created after the likeness of God, and thus honored by God? 
Hast thou, who art liis master, a single member more to thy body ; or 
hast thou a different soul ? Is he not, in all things, thy equal ? Do 
ye not hear, what the great light of the church, the Apostle Paul 
says ; ' For as many of you as are baptised, they have put on Christ ?' 
Here is neither bond nor free, for ye are all one in Christ. If then, 
before Christ we are all equal, let us also be equal among ourselves. 
For Christ took on him the form of a servant to teach us, that we ought 
not to be proud toward our servants ; since we all have one master, 
even him who dwells in heaven and looks down on the lowly. Pray, 
what is the gold we pay for the right to sulyect to us as our servant 
him who, e({ually with ourselves, has been honored by our Lord, and 
with us redeemed by His blood ? For his sake, heaven, earth and sea 
and all that therein is were created. It is true also, that angels minister 
to him ; on his account Christ washed his disciple's feet. On his ac- 
count, Christ was crucified, and for his sake did he suffer everything 
else. But thou abusest him, who has been thus honored of God, and 
treatest him with as little mercy, as if thou hadst not one and the same 
nature in common with him !" Next, if he learned, that this rebuke 
failed of its intended effect, and that the slave was still treated no bet- 
ter, he purchased him himself and set him at liberty.^ The oriental 
monks were generally agreed in the principle, never to use the service 
of slaves ; partly because they considered it as belonging to their call- 
ing to perform for each other those services, which were usually done 
by slaves ; partly, because they believed themselves bound to respect 
the image of God in all men.^ When, near the close of the eighth 

^ Oil -/d.p olfiaL o'lKeTTjv ex'^'-^ ^^'^ ipcTid- by Leontius — translated by Anastasius in 

ypLOTov elSoTa ti)v x^ptv Tijv nuvrac iXev- the Actis Sanctorum Jaimar. T. II. ^ 61, tbl. 

9epuaaaav. 510. 
* See the life of Johannes Eleemosyn. ^ Theodore, archbishop of Canterbiun- 



100 PLATO. THEODORUS STUDITA. GREGORY THE GREAT. 

sentury, the famous Greek monk Plato, retired from the world, 
he mammiitted his slaves,^ and after that refused to permit anv 
slave to wait on him in the monastery .8 These principles were 
propagated by^his disciple and friend, the famous Theodorus Stu- 
dita, at Constantinople. The latter directs his disciple, the abbot 
Nicolaus,^ not to employ men, created in the image of God, as slaves, 
either in his own service, or in that of the monastery under his 
care, or in the labor of the fields ; for this was permitted to sec- 
ulars alone. In his last will also, he gave directions to the same 
effect.'* The Roman bishop Gregory the great in manumitting two 
slaves introduced the subject in a deed drawn up for this purpose, with 
the following words :•' "As our Saviour, the author of all created beings, 
was wilUng for this reason to take upon him the nature of man, that 
he might free us by his grace from the chains of bondage, in which we 
were enthralled, and restore us to our original freedom ; so a good and 
salutary thing is done, when men whom nature from the beginning cre- 
ated free, and whom the law of nations has subjected to the yoke of ser- 
vitude, are presented again with the freedom in which they were born.'"* 
Among the rude Franks, the slaves had much to suffer from cruel 
masters ; but in the churches, as well as with the priests, they in some 
cases found rehef.''' The asylum of the churches was to serve espe- 
cially for the protection of such slaves as fled from the cruelty of their 
masters. Such an one was restored to his owner only on condition 
the latter promised, on his oath, to spare him from bodily punishment. 
And if the master broke his promise, he was expelled from the com- 
munion of the church.^ Among the works of pious charity were reck- 
oned especially the redemption and manumission of slaves, whereby 
laymen and monks, who stood in high reputation for their pietj^ dis- 
tinguished themselves. But at the present time, the bishops were led, 



(see above) says, in his Capitulis c. 8 Grae- went to the priest, and were married. Their 

corum monachi servos non habent, Ro- master, as soon as lie was informed of this, 

mani habent. hurried to the churcli, and required them 

' See the account of his life, composed to be given up. The priest, reminding him 

by his scholar, the famous Theodorus S^n- of the respect due to the church, refused to 

dita, in his works published by Sirmond, give them up except on condition he pro- 

or in the Actis sanctorimi April. T. I. ap- mised not to dissolve the connection just 

pendix f. 47. ^ 8. formed, and not to inflict upon them any 

^ ^ 23. 1. c. nuc }'d.p av /iovucjttic uXtj^i- personal harm. The cruel and cunning 

vbf, 6 JecTToreiaf ^ofiov dovXoig eTiavarei- master promised equivocally that they 

vouevoc ; should not be separated, and deceived the 

^ L. I. ep. 10. priest. He caused them, both together, to 

■• See opp. Theodori in Sirmond. opp. T. be buried alive. As soon as the priest 

V. f. 66. heard of this, he hastened to the master, 

s L. VI. ep. 12. nor did he leave him till he consented that 

" The same Gregory writes, in reference both should be dug up again ; but the 

to a woman, held as a slave, but who was young man only was saved, the woman 

<liscovered to be freeborn, and restored to was suffocated. 

her rights as such: Quod revelante Deo ^ Concil.Epaonense, A.D. 517, c.39: Ser- 

libarfcUis auclore approbata sit libera I. VII, i-us reatu atrociore culpabilis si ad ecclesi- 

ep. 1 . am confugerit, a corporalibus tantum sup- 

^ Gregory of Tours, in his history (V. pliciis excusetur. Condi. V.Aurelianense, 

1. in.), cites the example of a servant and A.D. 549, c. 22. Of themaster who breaks 

maid belonging to a cruel master, who had his word, sit ab omnium communione sus- 

ivon each other's affections. They finally pensus. 



LANDED ESTATES OF THE CHURCH 101 

6v an oftentimes selfish policy,* sometimes to liberate slaves in order 
to adopt them into the number of their clergy, sometimes to give them 
ordination -without releasing them from their previous obligation. At 
all events, this class of men could not fail thereby to be placed in an 
advantageous light before the eyes of the people. When in the rule 
of Chrodegang, and at the church assembly of Aix, a resolution was 
made against the exclusive adoption of bondmen into the spiritual 
order, an express clause was inserted, as we have already remarked, to 
guard against the mistaken view, that these men were to be considered 
miworthy, on account of their descent, of being received into the spir- 
itual order ; as if the dignity of men and Christians were not to be 
recognized in all alike. 

The possessions and wealth 2 of the church, especially in landed 
estates, increased greatly under the new relations. It was not a pious 
sympathy alone in the cause of the church, but superstition also which 
contributed to this increase. Men believed that by making gifts and 
legacies to the churches they did a work of peculiar merit, wliich 
would atone for their sins ; as is shown by the oftroccurring phrases, 
pro remissione peccatorum, pro redemtione animarum.3 But then 
again these possessions were thus rendered the more insecure,* being 
exposed to the covetous desires and forcible exactions of the nobles 
and princes, against whom the donors sought to protect themselves by 
terrible forms of execration inserted in the deeds of gift, and by sto- 
ries and legends touching the punishment of sacrilege. The landed 
estates of the church in the Frankish empire were for the most part 
liable to be taxed in the same manner as all property belonging to the 
old land proprietors ? perhaps, however, with the exception, from the 
bcnnning, of a smaller portion considered as an hereditary possession 
of the church,*'' — as we find it in fact defined by law, from the time 
of Charlemagne. 

' In the monasteries, also, many slaves tet." But the emi)eror Charles was the 

were received as monks ; — whence the law first who, moved by this requisition, de- 

of the emperor Charles in the capitulary rived from the Old Testament, made the 

of the year 805, c. XI. Bahiz. T. I. f. 423. payment of tythes Icfjally binding. In cn- 

De pro])riis servis vel ancillis non supra actin.<; this law, he still met with much op 

modum in monasteria sumantur, ne dtser- position. We have seen above how Alcuin 

tentur y'\\\AQ. (that there might be no want expressed himself on this subject. See p. 

of persons to cultivate the land). 83. 

*Amon<i^ the new sources of wealth to ' Chilpcric, king of the Franks, often 

the church, belonged also the obligation complained : Ecce pauper remansit fiscus 

imposed on the laity to i>ay tithes. The noster, ecce divitiae nostrae ad ecclesias 

confounding togctlier of tlic'state of things sunt translatae, nulli penitus, nisi soli epis- 

under the Old and under the New Testa- copi regnant, pcriit honor noster et transla- 

ment, had already led the ecclesiastical au- tus est ad episcopos civitatum. Gregcr. 

thority, in occasional instances, to require Turon. 1. VI. c. 46 

of the laity, tiiat they should consecrate, in * To protect the churches and defend 

the name of God, the tenth part of their tliem ag.iinst wrongs, beadles or bailiffs, so 

goods to God and the priests. Thus, for Called, were appointed, (Advocati, Vice 

example, the letter of the bishops of Tours doniini) from the order of laymen (analo- 

in the year 507: " lUud vcro instantissime gous to the dcfensores of the arcient 

commonemur, ut Abrahae documenta se- church) because they were obliged to under- 

quentes decimas ex omni facultiite non pi- take many sorts of business with which ec- 

geat Deo ])ro rcliciuis, quae possidetis, con- clesiastics could not properly meddle, 

servandis oiferrc. ne silii ipsi inopiam gen- * Of the mansus ecclesiae. 
eret, qui parva non tribuit, et plura reten- 



102 ORDINANCE OF CHARLEMAGNE WITH RESPECT TO THE ARMY. 

The church had little reason to expect, that she would be enabled 
to obtain for her property any exemption from the law which required 
all property of Franks to send its contribution to the common fund for 
tho support of the army (Heerbann). True, the bishops and abbots 
were declared free from the obligation of rendering personal service 
in war ; but as we have already remarked in the history of Boniface, 
many Frankish bishops and clergymen still thought proper, in despite 
of their spiritual calling, to engage personally in warlike expeditions, 
and all the labors of Boniface to suppress this abuse of barbarism, had 
failed as yet of having the desired effect. But the sight of a large 
number of clergy wounded and killed in battle, having produced a 
very bad effect on the multitude,' the emperor Charles was solicited 
to take measures for the prevention of this evil for the future. He 
commanded, in a capitulary of the year 801,^ that in future no priest 
should take part in a battle ; but only two or three chosen bishops, 
with a few priests, should attend the army, for the purpose of preach- 
ing, bestowing their blessing, holding mass, hearing confessions, attend- 
ing upon the sick, imparting the extreme unction, and especially of 
seeing that none should leave the world without the communion. 
What hope could there be of victory, where the priests, at one hour, 
presented Christians the body of the Lord, and in the next, with their 
own wicked hands killed the Christians to whom they had presented 
it, or the pagans to whom they should have preached Christ ; espe- 
cially, as Christ called them the salt of the earth. But at the same 
time, however, the emperor commanded, that the bishops who remained 
at home with their churches, should send their people well equipped 
to the army-bann. And so strong was the public opinion that exclu- 
sion from all participation in war was discreditable, that the emperor 
was obliged to affix to this ordinance forbidding the clergy to do personal 
military service, an express defence and justification of their honor .^ 

As already in the Roman empire, Christianity and the church rep- 
resenting it had exerted a special influence on the administration of 
justice, by introducing and diffusing new views respecting the sacred- 
ness of human life,* respecting human law as emanating from the 

' In the petition addressed to the em- audio te in periculo esse statutum, nee offi- 

peror for this purpose, it is said: Novit cii tui implere posse ministerium, sed bel- 

dominus, quando eos in talibus videmus, hitorspiritualisbellatorcogituressccarnalis. 

terror apprehendit nos, et quidam ex nos- Which letter, if the law of the emperor was 

tris timore perterriti, propter hoc fugere immediately carried into execution, must 

Bolent. have been written before its enactment. 

'^ Mansi Concil. T. XIII. f. 1054. '' Christianity exerted a mighty influence 

^ Qtiia audivimus, quosdam nos suspec- on public opinion, also, through the decided 

tos habere, quod honores sacerdotum et res expressions of the church on the subject 

tcclesiarum auferre vel minorare eis volu- of suicide, a crime not litcely to be nnfn;- 

issemus. Alcuin also complains thatbish- quent among barbarous tribes. The second 

ops were obliged to leave the duties of council of Orleans, in 53.3, decreed in its 

their spiritual calling to engage in the for- fifteenth canon, that oblations might he re- 

eign employments of war. Thus to bishop ceived when otfered in behalf of those who 

Leutfrid (cp. 208), who must have ex- had been executed for a crime, hut iwt in he- 

pressed his own views on the subject, he half of those who (perhaps to escape exc- 

writos to declare how very much ojiposed culion) had taken their own lives. Tho 

he was to this practice : Vere fateor, quod synod at Auxcrre (synodus Antisiodorcn- 

tua tribulatio torquet animum meum, dum sis), in 578, decreed, c. 17. that no oblation 



INTERCESSIONS OF THE CLERGY IN BEHALF OF CRIMINALS. 103 

divine law, respecting the administration of justice, for which account 
must be rendered to God, and respecting a charity that ennobles jus- 
tice, a mercy and compassion tempering the severity of law, so the 
same efi'ect would be still more strongly manifested among these 
nations, contrasted with the existing barbarism, which was so destitute 
of all regular legal forms. This effect of Christianity, it may be 
allowed, was not the same as if it had proceeded out of the pure 
essence of the gospel ; but it was modified by the form in which the 
gospel was presented among these nations, a form in which the respec- 
tive points of view of the Old and New Testaments were constantly 
confounded. On the one hand, among nations where hitherto the ma- 
jority of punishments consisted of pecuniary fines, and where, by the 
payment of a sum of money, every crime, even murder, could be ex- 
piated, the idea was first awakened by Christianity of a punitive jus- 
tice and regular forms of law ; and hence by Christianity still greater 
severity might be introduced than had existed before. To the rude 
people, whose feelings had not yet become pervaded and softened by 
Christianity, this increased severity might wear a coloring of cruel 
harshness, of revengeful retaliation. But on the other hand, there 
proceeded from the church ideas of grace and of compassion which 
strove to temper the exercise of rigid justice. Whilst on the one 
hand, Christianity taught men to behold in human life an in^dolable 
sacredness, and hence the murderer must appear but the more worthy 
of punishment, so on the other hand, it taught them also to recognize 
in the transgressor the image of God obscured, the fallen man, who 
could still be ar object of God's redeeming love, to whom therefore a 
space should be granted for repentance and refonnation. For this 
reason, an Alcuin declared himself opposed to the punishment of 
death. ^ It is often mentioned mth praise, as the work of pious monks 
and clergy, that they interceded Avith the judges to obtain a milder 
punisliment for the guilty, — especially that they sought to procure 

should be received from a person who had ' See Alcuin, ep. 176. This letter can 
drowned or strangled himself, or taken his hardly be understood otherwise than as 
own life by throwing himself from a tree, relating to the supposed assassination of 
or by the sword, or in any other way. In pope Leo III, and to the election of a suc- 
the capitulis of Theodore, archbishop of cessor (the reading, in this plate, should 
Canterli.ury, it is laid down (c. 6.3) that doubtless be caput ecdesiarum orbis.) But 
mass was not to be performed for suicides, as Leo was not murdered, but onlv shame- 
but only prayers offered and alms distribu- fully mishandled, and Alcuin (see ep. 92) 
ted. It was only when the act seemed to declared himself opposed to his deposition, 
have proceeded iroin a sudden attack of it is most natural to suppose, that Alcuin 
mental derangcincnt, that some were dis- wrote this letter on receiving the first exag- 
poscd toniake an cxce])tion. — As many gerated report of the })ope's assassination, 
persons, in moments of desperation, when Now with regard to the murderers of the 
condenmed to elmrcli ]n'nancc, had at- pope, Alcuin," after having demanded tliei. 
tempted to d^'stmy rJiein-clves. the six- punishment, ]n-oceeds to sav : Non ego ta- 
tcenth council of Toledo (A. D. 69.3, c. 4), men mortem alicujus suadeo ; dicente Deo 
who defined this as aniinam suam per des- Ezech. .3.3 : '' Nolo mortem pcccatoris, sed 
perationeni diabolo sociare conari, decreed, ut convertatur et vivat," sed ut sapicnti 
that whoever was rescued from such an at- consilio vindicta fiat per alia poenarum 
tempt, should be excluded fur the space of genera vel peVpetuum (perhaps to be su)i 
two months from the fellowsiiip of the j)lied carccrem vel) exilii d; mnatione '.m) 
church. 



104 CHURCH ASYLUMS. LAWS CONCERNING THEM. 

pardon for criminals condemned to death ; nnd in case they failed, still 
attempted to reanimate their bodies when taken do\\Ti from the gal- 
lows. If such pious men sometimes failed of discerning the true 
limits of gentleness ; and if, where the administration of justice 
yielded tr their influence, civil order was hable to suflfer injury ;' yet 
of far greater importance was the antagonism thus cx-eated against 
the rude popular feeling, and the influence which thus went to soften 
the dispositions of men, and make them look upon human life as a 
sacred thing ; while in some cases, perhaps, a convent might be con7 
verted into a house of reformation for such pardoned criminals. 

The right already conferred on churches under the Roman empire, 
of forming an inviolable sanctuary for the unfortunate and the perse- 
cuted, would the more easil_y pass over to the new churches, because 
it undoubtedly found a pomt of attachment in an ancient custom, 
handed down from the pjagan times. Especially important and salu- 
tary must such a privilege have become in these days of rude arbi- 
trary "will and barbarian cruelty. Thus persecuted individuals could 
for the moment evade the ferocity of their persecutors, and slaves the 
anger of their masters ; and, in the meantime, ecclesiastics step in 
as their mediators. It sometimes happened, no doubt, that men in 
power, while under the influence of their passions, paid no regard to 
these sacred asylums ; but if they were afterwards overtaken by mis- 
fortune, as they might sometimes be, as a natural consequence of 
the insolence which had emboldened them to invade the sanctuary, 
the common mind seldom failed to inteq^ret this as a terrible exam- 
ple of warning for others.2 The emperor Charles, in order to pre- 
vent these places of refuge for the persecuted from becoming a means 
of impunity for all transgressors, commanded, by an ordinance of the 
year 779, that to murderers, and others liable to capital punishment, 
no means of subsistence should be allowed in the asylum.^ On the 
other hand, in the laws of the English king Ina, it was laid down, 
that whenever such persons took refuge in a church, their lives should 

' There lived in the sixth centuiT, near Martin of Tonrs. Tliis Chnimnns then 

the town of An<rouleine, a retired monk, caused him to he so narrowly heset on all 

hy name Eparchius, to whom large sums sides as to render it impossible for him to 

of gold and silver were given hy devout get even a draught ,of water, meaning to 

persons, all which he employed in main- force him hy hunger and thirst to leave 

taining the poor and in redeeming captives, the church. When the man was nearly 

The judges were unable to resist the inflii- dead, some one contrived to bring him a 

ence of his kindly nature, and often allow- vessel of water. But the local judge of the 

ed themselves to be persuaded to spare the district hastened to the spot, forced the ves- 

guilty. Once, however, when a robber, sel from his hands, and poured its contents 

who was accused also of several murders, on the ground. A great sensation vas 

was about to be executed, the judge, though produced on the public mind by the 'ir- 

inclined to spare the man's life, in compli- cumstance, that on the same day this judge 

ancc with the intercession of this monk, was attacked by a fever, and died on the 

found himself comjjelled to yield to the in- following night The consequence was, 

dignation of the ])opulace, who cried out, that food in abundance was brought tc 

that if this person were suffered to live, not a the unfortunate man from all quarters, and 

man would be safe in the whole country, so 1k3 was saved. Chramnns himself per 

Gregor. Turon. 1. VL c. 8. ishcd miscrablv at a later period. GregO' 

'^ Thus c. g. a duke had fled for refuge, Turon. 1. IV. c. 19. comp. 1. V. c. 4. 
from tlie ])ersccuti()ns of the Fnmkish ■* See Baluz. Capitular. I. 197 
princ J Chramnus. to the church of St. 



PRISONERS. ORDINANCES CONCERNING THEM IN SPAIN, ETC. 105 

be spared, and they should only be subjected to a legal pecuniary 
fine (composition). 1 It was considered as a duty of the chui'ch to 
take under its protection the afflicted and oppressed, and to mitigate 
the suScrings of prisoners. Thus the fifth council of Orleans, in 
549, decreed in its twentieth canon, that on every Sunday the prisons 
should be visited by the archdeacon or presiding officer of the church, 
in order that the wants of the prisoners might be mercifully provided 
for, according to the divine laws ; and the bishop was to take care, 
that a sufficient supply of food was furnished them by the chui-ch. 
In Spain particularly — where, however, the sense of weakness in 
the state inchned men to lean more habitually on the protectmg arm 
of the church, — every effort was made to increase this department 
of her influence. The fom-th council of Toledo, in 633, decreed in 
its thirty-second canon, that the bishops should not neglect the sacred 
charge, intrusted to them by God, of protecting and defending the 
people. Whenever, therefore, they saw that the judges and magis- 
trates were oppressors of the poor, they should fii'st endeavor to set 
them right by priestly admonitions ; and, if they would not amend, 
by complaining of them to the king. And it had already been or- 
damed before, by a royal law,2 that the judges and tax-gatherers 
should be present at the assembhes of the bishops, that they might 
learn from them how to treat the people with piety and justice. The 
bishops should also keep an eye on the conduct of the judges.3 We 
learn from the picture of a devoted bishop, delineated by Gregory of 
Tours, what was then reckoned as belonging to such a calling. He 
obtams justice for the people and succor for the needy, imparts conso- 
lation to widows, and is the chief protection of mmors.^ Thus, owing 
to the peculiar point of view in which, by virtue of their spiritual 
character, they were regarded on the part of the people and the 
princes, and owing to what they gradually became as a secular order, 
the bishops could exercise a very great and salutary formative mflu- 
ence on every department of civil society ; but this could only be done, 
when they understood their calling ui a truly spiritual sense, and were 
enabled, in this sense, to direct and manage the heterogeneous mass 
of business which had become connected with their office. Yet great 
also was the temptation to which they were exposed, when draAvn into 
the management of affairs so foreign from their holy calhng, of oyer- 
looldng spiritual things in the crowd of secular; nor by so doing, 
could they avoid making themselves dependent on the secular power, 
which they ought rather to have guided by the spirit of Christianity .5 

» See Wilkins Concil. Angl. f. 59. Al- miikc no mention of a law of the emperor 

cuin also thou<;ht it wrong for a person ac- Charlemagne, extending the older judica- 

cused, a fugitivus ad Cliristi Dei nostri et tory power of the l)isliops beyond its h- 

Sanctorum ejus patrocinia de ecclesia ad mits, and when but one party api)lied to 

eadcm reddi vincula. Seeep. 195 to Charles their tribunal, ol)ligiiig the other to follow, 

the Great. willing or not willing ; because more re- 

- See Concil. Tolet. III. of the year 589, cent investigations have thrown doubt on 

.1. 18. the genuineness of this law, which indeed 

^ Sunt enira prospectores episcopi se- does not well accord with the character of 

rundum rcgian? admonitionem qualiter ju- the government of Charlemagne, 

dices cum populis agant. ^ Alcuiu complains of this, ep. 112 

Gretror. Turonens. 1. IV. c. 35. We Pastorcs curae turbant seculares, ciui Deo 



106 INFLUENCE OF THE MONKS. RULE OF CHRODEGANG. 



II. The Internal Organization of the Chltich. 

As it regards the internal constitution of the churches, manj 
changes would unavoidably take place here also, owing to the manner 
in wliich Christianity had been first introduced among the people, and 
to the new social relations. A natural consequence of the former 
was the increasing respect entertained for the monks, i as compared 
with the clergy. For the most part, the monks were, in truth, the 
founders of the new churches, from which proceeded the civihzation 
of the people and the improvement of the soil ; and by the severity 
of their morals, and an activity of zeal which conquered every diffi- 
culty, they but distinguished themselves the more from the barbarized 
clergy ; till the wealth, which the monasteries had acquired by the 
toilsome labors of the monks, brought in its train a deterioration of 
the primitive monastic virtue. Now as the degenerated condition of 
the clergy in the Frankish empire inspired a wish for their reforma- 
tion, so the consideration and respect in wliich the monastic order was 
held, naturally led men to propose the latter as a model for imitation ; 
and in fact many similar attempts had been made, ever since the 
canonical institute of Augustin, to incorporate the clergy into a body 
resembling the monastic societies. The most complete experiment of 
this sort was made after the middle of the eighth century, by Chrode- 
gang of Metz, the founder of the so-called canonical order of the clergy. 
His plan for the union of the clergy into societies was modelled, for 
the most part, after the pattern of the Benedictine rule. The clergy 
scarcely ditiered from the monks, otherwse than by possessing a cer- 
tam property of their own. They lived together in the same house, 
and ate at the same table ; to each was assigned his portion of food 
and drink, according to a fixed rule ; at appointed hours (the horae 
canonicae), they came together for prayer and singing ; at an ap- 
pointed time, assembhes were held of all the members, in which por- 

vacare debuerunt, vagari per terras et mi- ' From the monks, the practice of ton- 
lites Christi seculo militare coguntur et sure passed over to the clergy. In the 
gladium verbi Dei inter oris claustra qua- fourth century, it became customary for 
libet cogente necessitate recondunt. Tlie tlie monks, at their entrance upon the 
same writer complains of the i>ricsts, who monastic life, to get their hair shorn, as a 
aspired only after worldly honors, and token of renunciation of the world ; per- 
neglected the duties of their spiritual of- haps with some allusion to the vow of the 
lice, ej). 37 : Quidam sacerdotcs Christi, Na/.arite. In fact, the monks were usually 
qui habent parochias, et honores seculi et rcgaidcd in the (ircek church as Christian 
gradus ministerii non ( pcrliaps it should Na/.aritcs. In like manner, it was em- 
read una) volant habere. In epistle 114, he ployed in the lifili century to denote con- 
vritcs to Arno, archbishop of Salzburu', serration to the clerical offit-e. for the clergy 
who had complained that he was com- too must separate themselves irom the 
pellcd to neglect the more important duty world. In the case of tlie clergy, the dis- 
of the care of souls, to attend to secidar tinguisliing mark of the tonsure was next, 
business: Si apostolico exemplo vivamus tliat it should be in formam coronae. See 
Et paupercm agamus vitam in tcrrts, sicut Concil. Tolet. IV. 633, c. 41, omiies clerici 
ilH fecerunt, seculi servitium juste ahdica- vel lectores sicut levitae et sacerdotcs de- 
mus. Nunc vero seculi prin(i])es habent tonso superius toto capite inferius solam 
justam,ut videtur,causam,ecclesiam Christi circuli coronam relinquant 
iervitio suo 0])]>rimere. 



CHURCH VISITATIONS. SENDS. 107 

tions of the holy Scriptures), together witli the rule,i Avere publicly 
read ; and then, Avith reference to Avhat had been read, reproofs ad- 
ministered to those who had been delinquent. This rule met with 
general acceptance ; and was, with some alterations, made legal by 
the council of Aix, in 81 G, for the Frankish empire. This change in 
the hfe of the clergy was attended, in the outset, with a beneficial 
influence ; in that it served to counteract, on the one hand, the bar- 
barism of the clerical order, and on the other, their too servile depen- 
dence on the bishops, which had grown in part out of the increased 
authority of the bishoi)S, who, under the new relations, were impor- 
tant even in their i)olitical character, and in part out of the practice 
of takuig bondmen into the spiritual order.^ Thus, too, a more colle- 
giate mode of hving together in common was introduced between the 
bishop and his clergy. 

The wide territory over which the new dioceses often extended, 
and the many remnants of pagan barbarism and of pagan superstition 
which still lingered behind in them, rendered a careful super\ision 
of them, on the part of the bishops, of the utmost importance. For 
this reason, Avhat had been before a customary practice, and what 
conscientious bishops had been used to consider as their special duty, 
was now settled as an ecclesiastical law. Thus the second council of 
Braga, in ISpain,^ in 572, decreed in their first canon, that the bishops 
should visit every place in then* diocese, and first inform themselves 
as to the condition of the clergy ; whether they were well instructed 
in everything pertaining to the chui'ch ritual ; and if they found them 
not so, they should instruct them. The next day they should call 
together the laity, and exliort them against the errors of idolatry, 
and the prevaihng vices to which they were formerly addicted.4 And 
the synod at Cloveshove decreed, in the year 747, canon third, that 
the bishops should annually hold a visitation in their communities, 
call togetlier the men and women of all ranks and degrees in each 
place, preach to them the word of God, and forbid them the pagan 
customs. 

With these visitations of the bishops was connected, in the Frank 
ish churches, a regulation which was designed to faeihtate the execu- 
tion of this moral oversight, namely, the regulation^ of the so-caUed 
Sendsfi The bishops were, once a year, to hold a spuitual com't in 
each place of their diocese. Every member of the community should 
be bomid to give information of every wrong action known to him, 

' Capitula; hence the name Dom-chap- num et diem judirii, in quo unusquisque 

ter; — chapter of the cathedral. secundum sua opera receptunis est. 

' So that they miyht be allowed to in- ^ The emperor Charles commanded, in 

flict bodily punishment on their clergy. a capitulary of the year 801, ut episcopi 

' Concilium Bracarcnse 11. circumeant parochias sii>i commissas et ibi 

* Doceant illos, ut errores fugiant idolo- inciuirendi studium habeant de incestu, de 

ram vcl divcrsa crimina, id e^^i homici- jjarricidiis, fratricidiis, adulteriis, cenodox- 

iium, adultcrium, pcrjurium, falsum tcsti- iis et aliis malis, quae contraria sunt Deo. 
nonium, et rcliqua peccata mortifera, aut * Probably a corruption of the word 

quod nolunt sibi fieri non faciant alteri et synod. Diocesan-synod, — called at a latei 

at crcdant resurreciionem omnium homi- period, in allusion to the court here hei? 

by the bishops, |)lacita episcoporum 



108 SENDS. ABSOLUTE ORDINATION. 

that had been done by another. To seven of the most approved pei • 
sons in each communitj'-, under the name of Deans (Decani), waa 
committed the oversight over the rest. The archdeacons -^vere to go 
several days beforehand, and announce the approaching visit of the 
bishop, so that all the preparations might be made for the court 
which was to be holden. The bishop, on his arrival, should first 
place the deans under oath, that they would not be moved, by any 
consideration whatever, to conceal any action which, to their know- 
ledge, had been done contrary to the divine law. Next, he should 
proceed to question them in details: for example, concerning the 
observance of pagan customs ; whether every father taught his son 
the creed and the Lord's Prayer ; concerning the commission of 
such crimes, in particular, as were formerly prevalent among these 
people, and, owing to the reigning spirit of immorahty, were not 
usually recognized as such. The punishments fixed by law, in part 
corporeal, were inflicted at once ; and to carry this out, the civil 
authorities were bound, in case of necessity, to sustain the bishops 
with the force at their command.' These Sends might, no doubt, be 
attended with many advantages to the people, in that rude condition ; 
but they were also attended with injurious effects. The tribunal of 
the church, which, according to its original destination, should be 
spiritual, and uiflict only spiritual punishments, assumed the form of a 
civil court ; and the church assumed a coercive power foreign to its 
peculiar province and calling ; all which, in fact led afterwards to va- 
rious forms of oppression, and tyranny over the conscience. 

To preserve the ancient union among the dioceses, a powerful coun- 
teraction was needed against the manifold abuses creeping in under 
the new relations, — abuses which threatened the utter dissolution of 
that union. In the ancient church, there existed in fact a law, that 
no clergyman should be ordained at large, or othermse than for a par- 
ticular church.2 The missions first made it a matter of necessiti/ to 
depart from this principle, since it was impossible at once to appoint 
the monks and ecclesiastics who went out as missionaries, to any par- 
ticular dioceses. But that which was necessarily occasioned at first, 
by particular circumstances, continued along afterward, when these 
circumstances had ceased to exist, and became a disorderly practice, 
which was the source of other disorders. Unworthy individuals con- 
trived, sometimes by simony, to get themselves ordained ; and then 
travelled about the country, making traffic of their spiritual functions. 
To counteract this abuse, the ancient laws against indeterminate ordinar 
tions (ordinationes absolutae)^ were revived ; but still with little effect. 
To this was added another abuse. According to the ancient principles 
of the church, monarchs, as well as all others, should pubhcly worship 
God, in the chui-ch where the whole community assembled. But the 
spirit of the Byzantine court first introduced an innovation which was 

' Eegino of PrUm has more exactly lute, :t;f«poro7^en' uTTolvTug. 

iescrihed, in his work Do Disciplina, how ' See the capitularies of the emperor 

these Sends were held. Charles, A. D. 789 and A. D. 794. 

* The law forbidding the ordinare abso- 



COURT AND CITY CLERGY. 109 

Dpposed to the spirit of the ancient church, in allowing the emperor 
and the empress, to have Avithin their palace a chapel of their o\vn, 
and along with it an established court clergy.^ Now whether it was 
the case, that the Frankish sovereigns simply followed this example, or 
were led to adopt the same course by the necessities of their roving 
camp-court, they selected tlieir own clergy to go with them and admin- 
ister the divine service, at whose head stood an arch-chaplain (archi- 
capellanus, primicerius palatii) ; and these, on account of their con- 
tinual and intimate connection with the princes, obtained great influ- 
ence in ecclesiastical aftairs. The exam])le of the sovereign was now 
"followed by the nobles and knights, who built private chapels in their 
castles, and established in them priests of their own, — an arrange- 
ment which began to be attended with many mischievous effects. 
These clergy relying on the protection of the nobles, threatened to make 
themselves independent of the diocesan oversight of the bishops.s An- 
other consequence^of this arrangement was, that the public worship of 
the parish ceased to command the same respect and observance, and 
might even come to that pass, as to be attended by the poor country- 
people alone — the rich and the poor, each had their worship by them- 
selves. Moreover these knights often chose unworthy persons, such 
as the above described itinerant ecclesiastics, who could be hired at a 
bargain to perform the hturgical acts, and who could easily be used as 
tools for any work, or else their own bond-men, whom they employed 
at the same time in the lowest menial services, thus degrading the 
spiritual office and rehgion itself. To counteract these evils, many 
laws were enacted, having it for their object to preserve the parish 
worship in due respect.^ Again, the diocesan power of the bishops 
was liable to be iiijured by the influence, wliich was conceded to the laity 
as founders of churches for themselves and their posterity. The em- 
peror Justinian, by laws of the year 541 and 555, laid the first foun- 
dation for these so-called rights of patronage. He granted to those 
who founded churches with specific endowments for the salaries of the 



' This custom is said to have been intro- without the bishop's permission c. 31. 

duced iih-eaiiy by Constantino the Great, roiif iv EvuTripioig oIkuls ivdov oiKtac rvy- 

Eusebius (do "vita Constanlini 1. IV. e. 17.) ;^;(i^'oll(Ti XetTovpyovvrag f/ (SanTi^ovrac k?.t}- 

strictly iniilerstood says only tliat he con- piiwvc i'lrb yvt'j/j.nc tovto npaTTeiv tov kotu 

verted his palace into a church, beini;' ac- tottov 'cTaaninrov. 

customed to hold in it meclin;,'s for prayer '•'The council of Chalons sur Saone, 
and the readin<( of the bible. I5nt So/.o- concilium Cabilonense, of the year 650, c. 
men (I. 8.) says, that he had caused a chap- 14, cites the complaint of the bishops, quod 
t\ (evKTTipiog oLKix-) io 1)0 fitted u[) in his oratoria per villas potentum jam longo con- 
palace; while in time of war housed to structa tomjiore ct facultates ibidem colla- 
take alon<^ with liim a tiMit ])roparcd ox- tas ipsi, ([uorum villae sunt, cpiscopis con- 
pressly for the i)urposes of worship, for the tradicant et Jam nee i|)sos clericos, qui ad 
performance of which a special class of ipsa oratoria deserviunt, ab archidiaeono 
ecclesiastics wore appointed. It is clear coerceri pcrmittant 

also, that other persons of rank already fol- •' The council of Clermont A. D. 5.33 c. 
lowed the example of the emperor, and 15, and in the capitulary of the year 789 
founded chapels in their houses ; — hence c. 9 decreed, ut in diebus festis vol domi- 
the decree of flie sccoml Trnllan coun- nicis omncs ad ecclosiam voniant et non 
cil, that no cW-gynian should ])orform the invitent presbyteros ad domi 6 suas ad mis- 
rite of baptism, or celebrate the sacrament sas faciendas. 
of the Lord's supper in such a chapel, 



110 ABUSE OF THEM. 

clergj, a right for their posterity to ]iroposc worthy candidates to the 
bishops for these spiritual offices ; so hoAvever, that the determination 
of tlie choice should depend on the bishop's examination. ' As under 
the new relations, many churches were founded by individual land- 
holders on their estates, and endowed by them out of their own re- 
sources, so this relation had to be more clearly defined. On the one 
hand, it was considered just, to give the founders of such churches a 
guarantee, that the church property which they had sequestered for 
this holy pui-pose, should not be dissipated by the negligence or greed- , 
iness of bishops. A right of oversight was therefore conceded to 
them in this res])ect ; and they were also allowed the pri\alege of pro-' 
posing to the bishop suitable men to be placed over such churches 
founded by themselves, as we find it determined by the ninth council 
of Toledo, in 655.2 Moreover their descendants were entitled to the 
same right of oversight ; and in case they found from the bishops and 
Metropohtans no hearing of their complaints concerning the abuse of 
the property bequeathed to the church by their ancestors, they were 
allowed the right of appealing to the king. But on the other hand, it 
must at a very early period have been remarked as an abuse, that 
these patrons made an arbitrary use of the church property, as if it 
were their own ; that they were as ready to practise simony in dispos- 
ing of these parish offices, as the sovereigns in disposing of the bish- 
oprics, and that they considered the clergy as tlieir retainers, and 
strove to vaike them independent of the diocesan power of the bishops. 
Hence, from the middle of the sixth century to the beginning of the 
ninth, many laws were de\dsed by the synods against these abuses.' 
The sixth council of Aries, in 813, complained,^ that unsuitable men 
were often recommended to the priestly vocation by the laity, commonly 
for the purpose of gain. , It was forbidden them for the future, to 
exact presents for their recommendations.^ 

Amidst so many influences, which threatened to dissolve the bond 
of the diocesan constitution, the bishops would naturally look about 
them for some means of securing themselves, and of facilitating the 
supervision of their extensive dioceses. They began dividing them up 
into several districts (capitula ruralia) ; placing over each an arch- 
preshyter, to superintend the other parish clergy and priests. But the 

* The novels of Justinian, Ei rif evutt)- observantes clerici ab archiiliacono civitatis 
oiov oliiov naraGKevaaei. Ka.l (iovXji-&ELrj kv admoniti, fortasse quod ccclcsiac debent, 
1VT(1) K7\.r)pLKoi)(, lipojUdXTiifyBai^ v avrol 7} ol sub specie domini doiiius implcre neplex- 
TovTnv KXTjpoi'Ofioi, gl Tuc (haTTuvnc rnWol erint, corrijiantur secundum ecclesiasticain 
role n'^rjpiiiolQ x"PV7'l'^'>'<"^^' ««' u^iovr ovo- disciplinani. Comp. the third council of 
jiaaovaL, rot)r ovo/naa^cvrac x^'-PoToveia- Toledo 589 can. 19. So Boniface ordered : 
tJat. "nt laici presbyteros non ejiciant de eccle- 

• C. 2 ut quamdiu ecclesiarum fundato- siis nee mittere praesunian't sine consensu 
rss in hac vita superstites cxstiterint. ]n-o episcoporum suoruin. ut omnino non audc- 
eisdem locis curam pennittantur habere ant nuinera exio-cre a presbyterio propter 
sollicitam atcpic rectorcs idoncos iisdem ip- conimendationem ecclesiae cuicjue pre<l)y- 
si offerant episcopis ordinandos. tcro." Bonifac. epistolae ed.Wiii'dtwcin f. 

•'The fourtli council of Orleans 541. c. 140. 

7, ut in oratoriis domini praediorum mini- '' 0. 5. 

mo contra votum episcopi percijrinos clcri- ^ Ut laici omnino a presbyterio non aude- 

cos intromittant. c 2(5 Si quae paroehiae in ant munera exigere jiropter commenda- 

potentum domil)us constitutae sunt, ubi tionem ecclesiae. 



ARCHDEACONS. METROPOLITAN CONSTITUTION. Ill 

case was, that the deacons and particularly the archdeacons, by rea- 
Bon of the close connection in which they stood with the bishops, and 
of their being frequently employed by the latter to transact special 
business as their delegates and pleni])otentiaries, had by degrees ob- 
tained an authority transcending the original intention of their office.' 
Hence it happened, that the bishops of the eighth and ninth centuiies 
would appoint arch-deacons, as their plenipotentiaries, for the superin- 
tendence of the several great divisions of their dioceses ; and to these, 
as such, even the parish clergy who were priests became subordinate.^ 
Hence arose the great power of the archdeacons, designed at first to 
counteract abuses m the administration of the dioceses ; but which 
being al)used began already to introduce the same oppressions and 
thus to become mischievous itself.^ 

As it respects the general fonns of ecclesiastical union, the metro- 
pohtan constitution passed over, it is true, to the new churches ; and 
many laws were enacted by the synods for the purpose of establishing 
it. But as this stood originally in the closest connection with the po- 
htical constitution of the Roman empire, it therefore could not, under 
circumstances so different, where there were no cities exactly corres- 
ponding to the Roman metropolitan towns, be made by the dead letter 
of these laws so vital an institution, as it had been in the ancient 
church. The paramount authority, and the paramount influence of a 
bishop depended far more, under the new relations, on the capacity 
and position of the individual, than on the political standing of the city 
embraced in his bishopric. The Frankish bishops, therefore, had no 
interest in subjecting themselves to a dependence of this sort ; and the 
Frankish love of freedom was averse to it. This disinclination of the 
bishops to the recognition of any such form of dependence in their 
neighborhood, conti-ibuted to make them more ready to acknowledge 
the dependence, less burdensome to themselves, on a more distant head 
of the whole church, as in this they might find a means of protection 
against the detested power of the metropolitans ; and accordingly 
this had an important influence on the shaping of that form of ec- 
clesiastical constitution which became a thing of so great moment to 
the entire system of the church, namely the imjpacy. 

In the gradual unfolding of the theocratical system, everything de 
pended on the complete form of the papacy ; for so long as the bishops 
stood singly opposed to the sovereigns at the same time that they were 



' Against this Concil Toletan. IV. A. D. ter by laymen ; hence the decree of the em- 

633 c. 39. nonnulli diacones in tantam peror Charles, A. D. 805 c. 2. Ne archidi- 

erumpunt supcrbiam, utseprcsbyteris ante- aconi sint hiici. But the same thing was 

ponant, and the council of Mcrida in Spain, decreed also \vith regard to the appoint- 

concilium Eincritense A. D. 666 c. 5, that ment of arch-presbyters by a council of 

the bishop sliould send an arch-presbyter, Rheims 630 c. 19, at in parocliiis nullus lai- 

not a deacon as his plenipotentiary to a corum archi-prcsbyter prncponatur. 

council. - ^ A proof of this is the ordinance of a 

* Thus the arch-deacon appears as a pie- synod held by Boniface in the year 745: 

nipotentiary of the bishop in tlie council praevideant episcopi, ne cupiditas archidia- 

of Chalons, A. D. 650, c. 7. The power conorum suorum culpas nutriat, quia mul- 

of the arch-diaconate, and the revenues of tis modis mentitur iniquitas sibi. Bonifac 

the office ciiused it already to be sought af- epp. f 161. 



112 GREGORY I, THE GREAT. HIS MULTIFARIOUS LABORS. 

dependent on them, the church as a whole could not easily come off 
triumphant out of the contest with the secular poAver. But every- 
thing would have to assume a different shape, when a man, indepen- 
dent of the sovereigns by his position, stood at the head of the entire 
church, — a man who pursued a consistent plan, and knew how to 
avail himself of every circumstance for its execution. Now we saw in 
the preceding period, how the ideal of such a papacy had in fact 
already been formed in the minds of the Roman bishops, and how they 
had already taken advantage of various circumstances for the support 
of then- claims. In an age which had been rent from all historical 
connection with the earlier centuries, many tilings of tliis sort, how- 
ever, mio-ht, when contemplated from a distance, seem invested with 
greater importance than, in themselves considered, they really pos- 
sessed. 

We commence this period with a man who, penetrated with the con- 
viction that to him, as the successor of St. Peter, was -divinely com- 
mitted the oversight of the entire church, and its supreme guidance, 
showed by the vigilant eye which he directed to every part of the 
church, far and near, and by his no less constant activity, what a sin- 
gle individual, in the midst of disorders breaking in on all sides, could 
effect when placed at the head of the whole. This man was Gregory 
the First, called the Great. Taken from his retreat in a monastery i 
consecrated to silent meditation, Gregory was suddenly thrown mto an 
active situation, where he found himself surrounded by business of the 
most comphcated and heterogeneous character. When he would have 
gladly devoted himself with all liis energies to the duties of a spiritual 
shepherd, he found himself compelled, by a regard for the good of his 
communities, for his duties to his church and to the Greek empire, 
w^hose vassal he was, to undertake the management of a multitude of 
affairs, toilsome in themselves, and altogether foreign from liis spirit- 
ual office. While beholding with his own eyes the desolations spread 
far and wide by wasting pestilences, and by the sword of merciless bar- 
barians,2 while prostrated himself, for months, by bodily sufferings on 
the bed of sickness, he must still bear the heavy and manifold burdens 
of his office. 3 He had to watch for the security of the imperial prov- 
inces in Italy, which were continually encroached upon by the Longo- 
bards, and to conduct the negotiations with this people ; and when, to 

' Gregory says of himself: Quasi pros- domina esse videbatur, qualis remanserit, 

pero flatu navigabam, cum tranquillam vi- conspicimus. Immensis doloribus multi- 

tam in monasterio ducerem, seil procellosis pliciter attrita, dcsolatione civium, impres- 

subito motihustempcstasexortain suaper- sione hostium, frequentia ruinarum.. In 

turbatione mc rapuit, lib. IX. ep. 121. Ezechiel, 1. II. H. VI. § 21. The devasta- 

2 He liimsclf gives the following descrip- tion caused by pestilence seemed nothing 

:ion of the state of his times : Destructae compared to that by the sword. He thus 

urbes, evcrsa sunt castra, depopulati agri, drew comfort from death by the pestdence: 

in soiitudinem terra rodacta est, nnllus^ in Quantas detruncationes, quantas crudeli- 

ai,n-is incola, paenc nullus in urbibus habi- tates vidimus, quibus mors sola remedium 

tator romansit et tamen ipsae parvae gen- et erat vita tormentum. cpp. 1. X. ep. 63. 
oris humani reliquiae adhuc quotidie et sine ^ He himself says : Quam grave sit con 

cessatione feriuntur. Alios in captivitatem fusis temporibus locis niajont)ns esse prae 

duel, alios detrancari, alios intcrfici vide- positum, ex nostro prorsus dolore senti 

mus. Ipsa autem, quae aliquando mundi mus epp. 1. X. ep. 37. 



Gregory's deportment towards princes. 113 

preserve the quiet and peace of his own communities, he yielded any- 
thing to ihem^ he exposed himself to be accused by the emperors, of 
having given up too much which was rightly theirs. He spared no 
pains to alleviate the distress of the inhabitants of Italy impoverished 
by the wars, and to relieve the sufferers who, from all the wasted dis- 
tricts, took refuge with him. He kept a vigilant eye on the bishops 
of liis own particular patriarchal diocese, and dealt severely with the 
neghgent, who hoped to take advantage of the general disorder to 
escape mth impunity. He had to maintain a strict watch over the 
admmistration of the property belonging to the Roman church in Af- 
rica, in Gaul, in Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica, and in several provinces of 
the East. To these latter he sent for this purpose defensores chosen from 
among his own clergy ; and by their moans he was moreover enabled 
to contract ecclesiastical and political alliances i in all those countries, 
to inform himself of their ecclesiastical condition, and to bring his 
influence to bear upon it. 

Gregory was governed by the conviction that on him, as the suc- 
cessor of St. Peter, devolved the care of the whole church, and its 
sovereign guidance ; which, therefore, he believed himself authorized 
to extend over the Greek church.^ He held it to be his duty to pre- 
serve inviolate this authority of the Roman church, which seemed to 
him to have been conferred on her for the welfare of the church uni- 
versal. But he himself repelled all those marks of honor, which sub- 
served no higher end, and by which the bishops might be turned aside 
from fulfilUng the duties of their pastoral office. It being a prevailing 
custom in Sicily, for the bishops to observe a festival on the anniver- 
sary of the ordination of the Roman bishop, Gregory put a stop to it, 
as a foohsh, vain and supei-fluous mark of respect.3 If they must 
come together, he said, they ought much rather to choose for this pur- 
pose the festival of St. Peter, that they might thank him, from whom 
they had received the pastoral office.* A bishop of ISIessina having 

' Grea-ory could not, indeed, judge with publicae imperatores distat, quod rcgcs 

impartiality respecting the conduct of mon- gentium domini servonim sunt, impcrato 

archs who ruled over the East- Iloman and res vcro reipublicae, domini liberorum."' 

Prankish cminres, especially when viewed Surely suitable advice to a Byzantine em- 

ai a distance, but was blinded by a regard peror. 

for the interests of the churcli. He was ^ Do Constantinopolitana ecclesia quis 
moreover so far misled as to speak in his earn dubitet, apostolicae sodi esse subjec- 
Ictters, for example, to the emperor Pho- tam? Quod et piissimus imperator et fra- 
cas, and to Brunehild, rather in the Ian- ter nostcr cjusdem civitatis episcopus assi- 
guage of the court and of the politician, due profitentur. 1. IX. ej). 12. Which to 
than in that of simple Christian truthful- be sure was refuted by the quarrel between 
ness. Thus it brought great re] iroach upon Gregory and the patriarch of Constanti- 
him, that he should be so far led astray, a.s nople, hereafter to be mentioned. He al- 
to apjjrove, in a congratulatory letter to the ready lays down the principle in reference 
emperor Pliocas (1. XIII. ep. 31) his aeces- to the transactions of the church assembly 
sion to the throne, which, though it was at Constantinople (1. IX. ep. 68) : Sine 
brought about by crime, he called a glori- apostolicae sedis auctoritate atque consensu 
ous work of God. Yet he gives the em- nullas quaecjue acta fuerint vires habcant. 
peror, on this occasion, excellent advice, ^ Quia stultaetvana supcrfluitas ncn de- 
delivering himself iiere not like a courtier, lectat. 

but as the (Christian bishop : " Reformetur '' Ex cujus largitate pastores sint. As 

jam singulis sub jugo imperii pii lil>ertas the power to bind and to loose committed 

Bua. Hoc nam(iue inter regcs gentium etrei- to St. Peter, was the fountain-head of all 
VOL. III. 8 



114 HIS TREATMENT OF NATALIS OF SALOMA. 

sent him, as an honorable present, a magnificent dress, he caused it to 
1)6 sold, and sent back the avails to the bishop, telhnghim ' it was be- 
hooving to abohsh those customs which tended to oppress the clmrch ; 
that presents never should be sent to a quarter whence they should 
rather be received ; 2 and he forbade them for the future. When the 
same bishop proposed to visit Rome, Gregory begged him to spare him- 
self that trouble, and to pray rather, that the more distantly they were 
separated from each other, the more cordially they might, by the help 
of Christ, be united in the fellowship of a mutual charity. We have 
already said,^ that it was far from his wish to make the Roman church 
the sole model for all liturgical regulations. Accordingly on another 
occasion he avowed the principle, that the good, wherever found, even 
though it might be in churches of infenor name, should be copied and 
retained.4 He reproved his agent and plenipotentiary in Sicily ,5 be- 
cause he encroached on the rights of others in defending those of the 
Roman church ; no man, he said, could be a faithful servant of St. 
Peter, who did not, even in his afifairs, fearlessly maintain the rights 
of truth. 

The wise manner in which Gregory exercised his authority over 
neghgent bishops, uniting gentleness and forbearance with a due de- 
gree, of severity, is illustrated by a remarkable example, in the case 
of Natalis, bishop of Salona in Dalmatia, — a case which shows at 
the same time how much the bishops of this age stood in need of such 
oversight. Bishop Natalis of Salona neglected his spiritual vocation 
as a pastor, spending his time and money in festive entertainments. 
He made presents to his relations of the vessels and hangings of the 
churches ; and being annoyed by the honesty of a certain archdeacon 
Honoratus, who j^rotested against such unlawful proceedings, he re- 
moved him from this office, under the pretext that he intended to pro- 
mote him.6 Gregory commanded the bishop to restore the archdeacon 
to his office ; he pointedly rebuked his unspiritual conduct, and threat- 
ened to subject him to a rigid trial."' But the impudent sophistry with 
which Natalis defended his habits of life, redounded to his greater 
shame. In defence of his banquets, he said that Abraham had been hon- 
ored by entertahiing angels ; that such hospitality was a charitable work ;8 

episcopal power, so all the bishops were in- in causis ejus veritatis cnstodiam etiam 

struments of the apostle Peter — which sine ejus acceptione tenueris. And gave 
idea gradually passed over into the other, him these instructions besides, which no 
according to which all episcopal power, and doubt were seriously meant: Laici nobiles 
the nomination of all bishops, ought to pro humilitate te diligant, non pro super- 
proceed from tlie Roman church. See lib. bia pcrhorrescant. Et tamen quum eos 
I. ep. 36. fortasse contra quoslibet inopes injustitiam 
' L. I. ep. 66. Non delectamur xcniis. aliquam agcre cognoscis, humilitatem pro- 
^ Ne ilkic aliqua cogantur inferre, unde tinus in ercctionem verte, ut eis semper et 
sibi inferenda debent potius expectare. bene agcntihus subditus et male agentibus 

^ L. IX. ep. 12. Ego et minores mcos, advorsarius existas. 

qnos ab illicitis prohibeo, in bono imitari * Whoever was raised from the office of 

paratus sum. Stuhus est enim, qui in co an arch-deacon to the rank of a presbyter, 

ee primum existimat, ut bona, quae viderit, lost by this elevati(jn more than he seemed 

discere contemnat. to gain. See above p. 111. 

* See lib. I. ad Petrum Subdiaconum, ' See Lib. II. ep. 18. 

3p. 36. •** Gregory gave the bishop, who seems to 

* Tunc vere Petri apostoli miles eris, si have used s i.v,i~iic hmguage towards him 



HE RECOGNIZES THE EQUAL DIGNITY OF OTHER BISHOPS. 115 

that Christ had been called a glutton and wme bibber, Matt. 11 ; that 
he who eateth not should not judge him that eateth, Rom. 14.' When 
admouLshcd to study the Holy Scriptui-es, bishop Natalis had excused 
liimself partly on accomit of bodily infirmities which would not allow 
him to read, and partly on the ground of Christ's promise to grant the 
illuimnation of the S})irit, Matt. 10: 19. In reference to the first 
difficulty, Gregory replied, that as the Holy Scriptures were given for 
our comfort, therefore the more we are bowed down by suffermg, the 
more they ought to be read. As to the second, he said it Avould fol- 
low from it, that divdne revelation had been given us to no purpose ; — 
he who is filled by the Spirit, needs not the outward word. But that 
wliich we might confidently rely upon m times of trouble and persecu- 
tion, was one thing ; that which we are bound to do in the peaceful 
times of the church, was quite another.^ 

Though Gregory claimed for the Roman church an authority of su- 
preme jm-isdiction over all the others ; which authority he expressly 
mamtained in its relation to the church of Constantinople ; ^ yet he 
was far from denj-ing, or from wishing to disparage the independent 
episcopal rank of any other. Eulogius, patriarch of Alexandria, who 
as a Greek was not careful to weigh phrases when dealing in the lan- 
guage of comphment, having in a letter to him used the words " as 
you commanded," Gregory begged him always to avoid expressions of 
that sort ; " for — said he — I know who Jam and who you are — in 
dignity and rank you are my brother ; in piety, my father. I did not 
command you, but only endeavored to point out to you what seemed 
to me to be expedient." Again, he had addressed him as Papa uni- 
versahs, — a title which the Greek bishops of the principal cities, ac- 
customed in their fulsome style to take words for less than they meant, 
were often used to apply to each other ; but Gregory, who more 
nicely weighed the import of words, found it offensive. He was 
ashamed of a title which seemed to disparage the dignity of his col- 
leagues.* Away, said he, with expressions which nurture vanity and 
wound love. On the same principle, Gregory found fault -with 
Johannes the faster (vtiazevTfi'i), patriarch of Constantinople, when 
he assumed to liimself the title of ecumenical bishop — which was not 

as a friend of fasting, the suitiil)le reply : clesia invicem sibi earitatis compage con- 
Con vi via, qnac ex intentione inipendendae nexa sunt, nullam de se ullo modo curam 
earitatis fiunt, recte sanctitas vestra in suis gerant. 

epistolis laudat. Sed tamen sciendum est, ^ Aliud est, fratcr canssime, quod angus 

quia tunc ex caritate veraciter prodeunt, tati persequutionis tempore absque dubita- 

quum in eis nulla absentium vitamordetur, tionc contidcre, aliud quod in tranquillitato 

nullus ex irrisione reprchenditur, et nee ecelesiae agere del>emus. Oportet enim 

inanes in eis secularium negotiorum fabu- nos per hunc spiritnm modo le^endo perci- 

lae; sed verba sacrae lectionis audiuntnr, pcrc quae possimus, si contigerit causa in 

quum non plus quam nec-esse est servitur nobis, etiam patiendo demonstrare. 

eorpori, sed sola ejus infirmitas reficitm-, ut ^ So that an a])pcal could also be made 

ad usum exercetidac virtutis habeatur. from the decision of the patriarch of Con- 

Haec itac|uc si vos in vestris conviviis agi- stantinoplo to Kome. Gregor. epp. lib. VI. 

tis, abstinentium fateor magistri cstis. ep. 24. 

' Ou this point, too, Gregory aptly re- ■* Nee honorcm esse deputo, in quo fra- 

marks : Quia nc(pie ego non comedo nequc trcs mcos honorcm suum per;lere cognosco 

ftd hoc a Paulo dictum est, ut membra Mens nanKpie honor est honor universalis 

Clu-isti, quae in ejus corpore id est in ec- ecelesiae. 1. V^III. ep. 30. 



116 HIS CONTROVERSY WITH JOHN THE FARTER. 

ancommon with the bishops of tlie chief cities in the East. But tc 
Gregory there was a dangerous import in this not badlj ir.tended 
epithet of Oriental vanity. True, he was so blinded by his passionate 
zeal for what he supposed to be the injured honor of the Roman 
church, as to make an important matter of a thing which, in this 
connection, was utterly insignificant ; ' and by no exi^lanations of the 
jtatriarch, and of others who wished in some way or other to settle 
the difficulty, would he allow himself to be satisfied ; — ^being deter- 
mined t« look simply at what the word mujlit signify^ not at what it 
ought to signify^ according to the intention of those Avho used it."-^ 
Nor did he strictly conform, in his conduct towards the patriarch 
John, to the rule of Christian integrity, when he rebuked him on 
account of his pretensions in mild, but earnest language, not because 
he was prompted so to do by the temper of Christian love, but sim- 
ply because he wished to spare the feelings of the emperor ; for so 
he wrote to his plenipotentiary in Constantinople .3 Yet the Christian 
spirit of the man expresses itself remarkably in his language, when 
he so earnestly insists, that as this epithet belongs to our Saviour 
alone, the common though invisible head over all, it should be applied 
to no merely human being. " Verily, when Paul heard that some 
said, I am of Paul ; others, I am of ApoUos ; others, I am of Cephas, 
he exclaimed, — with the strongest abhorrence of tliis rending asunder 
of the body of Clu'ist, by which his members were, so to speak, 
attached to other heads, — Was Paul crucified for you, or were ye 
baptized in the name of Paul ? If, then, he could not tolerate that 
the members of the Lord's body should be arranged in parcels, as it 
were, and become attached to other heads than Christ, even though 
these heads Avere apostles, what wilt thou say, who, by assuming the 
title of ' universal,' seekest to subject all Christ's members to thy- 
self ? What wilt thou say to Him, the head of the universal church, 
at the final judgment ? In truth, what is Peter, the first of the 
apostles, other than a member of the holy and universal church ? — 
what are Paul, Andrew, and John, other than heads of single commu- 
nities ? And yet all subsist as members under the one only head."* 

' Tims he could say, as though one haeretici, sed etiam haeresiarchae de Con- 
individual thus made the faith of the en- stantinopolitana sunt egressi. 1. VII. ep. 
tire church dependent on his person: In 27. 

isto scelesto vocabulo consentire, nihil est ^ L. V. ep. 19. It was not his wish to 

aliud quam fidcm perdere. 1. V. ep. 19. ymie, two letters ; he had, therefore, writ- 

■^ The patriarch Anastasius of Antioch ten but one, quae utrumque videtur ha- 
liad, not without reason, admonished him, here admixtuni, id est et rectitudinera et 
that he ought not, try this dispute, to belie amaritudinem. Tua itaque dilectio cam 
his own character, nor to make room in epistolam, quam nunc dircxi, lU'opter vo- 
ids soul for the evil spirit ; that he ought luntatem imperatoris dare studeat. Nam 
not. for so trivial a cause, to disturb the de subseijuenti talis alia transmittetur, de 
unity and i)on<'e of the church. But Gre- qua ejus superbia non laetetur. 
gory, who stuck firmly to that which the ■* Certe Petrus apostolorum primus mem- 
word might signify in'itself, was therefore bnim sanctae et universalis ecclesiae, Pau- 
unwilling to admit this ; and said, on the lus, Audreas, Johannes, ijuid aliud quarc 
other hand: Si banc causam acciuanimiter singularium sunt plebium capita? et ta- 
portamus, universae ecclesiae fidcm cor- men sub uno capite omncs membra 1. V 
inmpimus. Scitis enim, quanti non solum ep. 1 8. 



RELATION OF THE POPES TO THE EAST ROMAN EMPERORS. 117 

Sregorv, however,i was not able to carrv his point, and later Roman 
bishops did not scruple to apply this epithet to themselves. 

As to the relation of tlie popes to the Roman emperors in the 
East, these latter, their ancient masters, would, no doubt, be pecu- 
liarly indulgent to them, as tlieii wealthiest and most powerful vas- 
sals, who had the greatest influence with the people ; particularly 
while the situation of their Western provinces, which were threatened 
more and more by the encroachments of the Longobards, continued 
to be so dubious. For the same reason, they would be inchned to allow 
them many privileges. Yet the Roman bishops ever acknowledged 
their dependence on the Roman empire. From their entrance into 
office until their end, they maintained, by plenipotentiaries chosen 
from among their clergy, a constant connection with the emperors ; ^ 
and at Constantinople, the confirmation of their election made by the 
Roman clergy and the notables of the communities, was applied for, 
before they could be ordained.^ It sometimes happened, as will ap- 
pear in our histoi'y of doctrmes, that individual jtupes were obliged 
to suffer from the Greek emperors very severe ill-usage, from refusing 
to accommodate themselves to their will ; yet, as the power of the 
emperors in Italy was drawing to an end, this dependent relation of 
the popes on the Greek empire also relaxed, and hence so much the 
more was depending on the question, respecting the shape which their 
new relation would take to the states and churches formed out of the 
ruins of the Roman empire. 

The popes stood in the most imfavorable relation, both in an eccle- 
siastical and in a poUtical point of view, to the people who had estab- 
lished themselves nearest to them, viz. the Longobards ; for these were 
hostile to the East Roman empire and devoted to Arianism. This 
last cause of misunderstanding ceased, it is true, when, in 587, qvieen 
Theodolinde came over to the Catholic church ; but the former still 
continued to operate ; though occasional examples may be noticed, in 
the eighth century, of an impression of respect produced even on 
Longobardian princes, by those who claimed to be successors of the 
apostle Peter. The Spanish church had, from the earliest times, 
maintained a close connection mth the Roman. This connection may 
now, indeed, have been interrupted by the Visigothic dominion in 
Spain, in which Arianism predominated ; but the older Spanish com- 
munities kept it up, even under the foreign domination, which in fact 

' That Gregory was led to assume, in ^ Responsales. Apocrisiarii. 
his own letters, the epithet Servus servo- ^ In the Diary of the popes of the eighth 
rum Dei, in opposing the arrogance of the century, — the liber diurnus Romanorum 
patriarch, is not so certain: — nor is it pontilicum, — is to be found the form of 
necessarily implied in the words of Johan- such rn application, addressed to the cm 
nes Diaconus, vita (iregorii 1. II. c. 1. peror, wherein it is said: Lacrimabiliter 
Primus omnium se in principio epistola- cuncti famidi suj)plicamus, ut dominorum 
rum suarum scrvum servorum Dei scribi pietas servorum siiorum ebsccrationes dig- 
satis hiimiliter dcfinivit. For the rest, this nanter cxaudiat et conccssa pietatis suae 
e])ithet well accords with the manner in jussione petentium desulcria ad ertectuin 
which he administered his office. 1. XI. ep. de ordinatione ipsius praecipiat perve 
44. Ego per episcopatus onera servus sum nire. 
nmnium factus. 



118 RELATIONS TO THE SPANISH AND ENGLISH CHURCHES. 

rendered it of so mucli the moi-e importance to them. Accordingly, 
wlien in the year 589, Reckared, king of the Visigoths, embraced 
the church doctrine of the Trmity, the -whole Spanish church now 
entered into the same relation to the Roman, as had been main- 
tained before by the minority ; and the most eminent individual 
among the Spanish bishops, Leander, bishop of Seville, solicited and 
obtained, from pope Gregory the Great, the pall, as the token of his 
primacy. This was the beginning of a long-continued, an active and 
living intercom-se. The indefatigable Gregory the Great took advan- 
tage of this, to establish his authority as supreme judge, in the case 
of two bishops deposed by the arbitrary will of a nobleman. Tliis he 
canied through to a successful issue. True, the Spanish king Witiza 
attempted, in the year 701, to restore the independence of the Spanish 
church ; and, on occasion of an appeal by certain Spanish bishops, 
forbade all such appeals, refusing to allow any legal force to ordi- 
nances made by a Ibreign bishop for the churches belonging to his 
states. Yet as Sjmin was soon afterwards severed from all connection 
with the rest of Christendom by the conquest of the Arabians, this 
act lost by that event all its influence on the further development of 
the chm'ch. 

The Enghsh church, from the very form and manner of its founda- 
tion, would, as we have already remarked, be brought into a peciiliar 
relation of dependence on the church of Rome ; and the same rela- 
tion continued to exist, and to be still further developed. Enghsh 
monks and nmis, bishops, nobles, and princes, often made pilgrimages 
to Rome, for the purpose of \isiting the tomb of St. Peter ; and 
these frequent pilgrimages served to knit closer that origmal connec- 
tion. Although these pilgrimages in the eighth century often exer- 
cised an injurious influence on morals, yet it should not be overlooked, 
that by these travels, and the correspondence which they occasioned 
with countries where, from ancient times, a liigher state of culture 
existed, something was contributed to the work of transplanting that 
cultm-e among a yet uncivilized people ; while a store of bibles, and 
other books, as well as the elements of many of the arts, were thus 
conveyed to England.^ The acts of individual princes, who, under 
the influence of passion, revolted * against the papal authority, could 
eflect no unportant alteration in the hitherto prevaihng rule. 

The relations of the church of Rome to that of the Franks in 
Gaul were not of so favorable a nature ; the latter having, in fact, 
sprung up more independently of Rome, in a country where examples 

' Of the English abbot Benedictus Bis- ut qui literarum lectionc non possent, 

copius, who lived near the close of the opera Domini et salvatoris nostri per i])sa- 

seventh century, Bede says : Toties mare rum contuitum di.scerent imaginum. Sec 

transiit, nunquam vacuus et inutilis rediit ; Bolland. Acta sanctorum. Mens. Januar 

sed nunc iibrorum coi)iam sanctorum, T. I. f. 746. Of the same person Bede 

nunc architectos ecclesiae fabricandae, nunc suys : Oceano transmisso Gallias pctcns 

vitiifactores ad fenestras ejus decorandas caementarios, qui lapideam sibi ecclc-iiam 

ac muniendas, nunc picturas sanctarum juxta Komauorum, qucm semper amabat 

historiarum, quae non ad ornatum solum- morem facerent postulavit, accepit, attuHt 

modo ecclesiae, verum etiani ad instruc- Sec Mabillon. Acta sanct. ord. Be ^dict 

-.ionem proponerentur, advexit, videlicet sacc. II. f. 1004. 



TO THE FllAXKISH CHUKCII. GREGOllY. BONIFACE. PiriN. Il9 

were already, at a much earlier period, to be found^ of a spirit of 
ecclesiastical independence, and among a people who, in general, 
were not inclined to become subject to any foreign yoke, and whose 
sovereigns could not easily accustom themselves to the idea of a 
foreign power interfering in the institutions of their state. Hence 
in the times of the new Franldsh church, as far down as to the 
age of Gregory the Great, but few examples are to be fovmd of papal 
interference.! 

Gregory, who was so active in extending his supervisory care over 
the whole church, contrived to enter into various alliances with the 
princes, nobles, and bishops of the Franks. He took a lively interest 
in the affairs of the Frankish church. He considered it subject to 
his superintendence, and treated it accordingly. But amid the poli- 
tical disorders of the Frankish kingdom in the next succeeding 
times, the comiection ■s\dth Rome became continually more lax. We 
noticed, indeed, in our account of the missions, how many tendencies, 
repugnant to the system of the Roman liierarchy, were threatening 
to make good their entrance into the Frankish kingdom ; till Boniface, 
by his far-reacliing activity, laid the foundation for an entirely new rela- 
tion of the churches under his direction, as papal legate, to the 
))apacy.^ The influence of this change was soon manifested in the 
tact, that Pipin could hope, by securing the pope's approval, to 
sanction his illegal act in seizing the royal dignity ; and this weight 
of influence attributed to the voice of the pope, could not fail to 
react again upon the jwpular opinion entertained of the papacy. 
Yet ' at the bottom of all tliis lay a tacit recognition of the pope's 
authority to decide in the last instance, on matters pertaining to civil 
relations. From king Pipin, pope Stephen II. afterwards obtained 
in his difticulties with the Longobards, then threatening Rome and the 
})Ossessions of the Roman chui'ch, that assistance which he had sought 
in vain from the feeble government of the East Roman emperors. 
When, in the year 755, Pipin recoui^uei-ed from the Longobards the 

' An example, however, which shows to in accordance with liis own inclination ; 
what extent the supreme judicial authority and liy the power of the king, who lent 
of the popes wai^ recognized in the empire himself to the pope, because he was much 
of the i'ranks, is this : Two bishops. Salo- more inclined to serve the humor oi the 
nius of Emhrun (Ebredunensis) and Sa- moment than the real interests of the 
gittarius ot (Jap ( Vapingcnsis), had been church, tliey got possession again of the 
deposed by the second council of Lyons, offices of which they had been justly de- 
an. 5(i7, on account of certain violent pro- prived, and continued also to show them 
ceedings, altogether inconsistent with their selves unworthy of them. Gregor. Turon 
vocation, in which they had indulged, hist. 1. V. c. 21." 

They afterwards appealed, however, to '■' By means of Boniface it was also 
pope John HI., and obtained permission made a custom, that the robe of honor 
from king Guntramm, whose favor they (made of white linen [jjallium], bvsso can- 
enjoyed, to ;)rocee(l for this purpose to dente contextum. Joli. Diacon. vita Gre- 
Koine. The French bishops ]jrol>ably paid gor. IV. 80), conferred at Hrst by the popes 
no attention to this appeal, and therefore on their special representatives"! mong the 
sent no prosecutors to Home. Yet the pope bishops (the apostolicis vicariis). or on the 
allowed himself to be determined Sy the primates, should lie conferred bv >he popes 
false reports of these appellants alone, and on all metropolitans, as a mark of tlieii 
m a letter to the king, demanded that they spiritual rank,— l)v which means also a re- 
should be restored again to their places ; lation of dependen'ce on the Roman chui-eb 
with whirh reciuisition their i)rotector, the was established, 
king, immediatelv complied, sinct; it was 



120 THE POPES DECLARE THEMSELVES HEADS OF THE CHURCH. 

territories they had acquired, he declared that he fought m defence 
of the patrimony of St. Peter, and dechned giving back what he liad 
won to the Greek empire. On the contrary, he ordered the deed of 
gift, whereby the possessions were bestowed on the Roman church, 
to be placed by his chaplain on the tomb of St. Peter. By degrees, 
the connection between the popes and the East Roman empire gi-ew 
contmually more feeble, and m place of this antiquated relation came 
in the new one to the empire of the Franks. 

Tliis new relation Avas more firmly established, when Charlemagne 
destroyed the kingdom of the Longobards in Italy, and founded there, 
in its stead, the dominion of the Franlcs. He often, m company with 
the most emuient of his nobles and bishops, visited Rome ; and on all 
such occasions showed the greatest respect for the memory of St. 
Peter. On one of these occasions, the Christmas of the year 800, 
pope Leo III., amid the joyful shouts of the people, placed on his 
head, in the church of St. Peter, the imperial crown. This act, 
though it may not have proceeded with any chstuict consciousness 
from the theocratical pomt of view in which the popes regarded their 
relation to the new states and churches, and . though it may not have 
been distinctly looked upon in this hght by those present, was easily 
capable, however, of being referred by the later popes to this pomt 
of view, and appealed to, as laying the foundation of a right wliich 
had resulted from that relation, and which had been practically ac- 
loiowledged. 

There was much that still remained vague and imsettled in this new 
relation which had arisen between the popes and the emperor o^ the 
West ; much that could not be clearly and satifactorily decided till a 
later period. The popes, in their letters to the emperor Charles, 
avowed it as a principle which admitted of no question, that they, as 
the successors of St. Peter, were heads of the entire church ; that 
to them belonged spiiitual jurisdiction over all ; and that they them- 
selves could be judged by no man ; that all other spiritual power was 
derived from them ; and in particular, that the several dioceses had 
received from them the deteiiiiination of theii- boundaries.' Already 
the popes began to bring other matters before their theocratical courts 
than those purely spiritual. Pope Stephen II. peremptorily forbade 
king Charles to take a Avife from the miciean nation of tlie Longo- 
bards,^ whom, by a sing-ular confomiding together of things spiritual 
and temporal, he unchristianly denomices, on account of their hostility 
to the Roman states, as outcasts from the divine favor. He wrote to 

' Pope Hadrian I. says : Sedes apostolica ecclesiae cura coiifluit p. 519. Dum unus- 

caput totius mundi et omuium Dei eccle- quisquc episcopus per iustituta sanctorum 

biiu'um. Cod. Carolin. ed. Cenni T. 1. p. canonuni atque praedeeessorum nostroruni 

389. Cujus sollieitudo delegata divinitus pontitieuni privilegiorum et sauctionunj 

cunctis dehetur ecclesiis. — Aqua si quis jura recepcrint p. 510. 

be abscidit, tit Christianac religionis extor- " To be sure, he required also, at the 

ris p. 443. Quae d-e omnibus eeeiesiis las same time — a matter which more properly 

habel judicandi uecjue cuiquam licet do belonged to his tribunal — that the empe- 

ejus judicure judicio, quorum libet senten- ror should not thrust away his lawl'u' wife; 

tiis ligata pontilicum jus habcbit solvendi, yet he would have insisted on the same 

per quos ad unam Petri sedcm universalis thing, independently ot' this latter. 



A.TTEM1T TO SET THE EMPEROR AT VARIANCE WITH THE POPES. 121 

the Frankish princes, that, in general, they were not to presume to 
contract any marriage alliance contrary to the mil of him who repre- 
sented the first of the apostles. To do so, would be showng con- 
tempt, not to himself personally, but to St. Peter, in whose place he 
stood, and concerning whom Christ had said, He that receiveth you. 
receiveth me, and he tliat despiseth you, despiseth me, Matt, x.i 
Nor should a princess of the Franks be allowed to marry any person 
descended from the royal family of the Longobards. And the pope 
threatened, in the most appalling language, the anathema of the 
church, against any who should disregard this papal ordinance ; 
as if it rested wholly with the pope to open or to shut the kingdom of 
heaven.2 

As tills view of the spiritual power belonging to the papacy was 
intimately connected with the whole theocratic idea, which had its 
foundation in the peculiar development of the church in that jjeriod, 
hence it was that even the most distinguished men of the age, such, 
for instance, as Alcuui, were under the influence of the same mode 
of thinking.^ Tliis view of the matter would enter, therefore, no less 
into the mind of the emperor Charles ; but, on the other hand, there 
are indications that other influences Avcre brought to bear on him, 
which aimed to produce a rupture between him and the pope, and to 
work him up to a dispute of the papal authority. There was no lack 
of those, who filled his ears Avith evil reports about the pope and the 
Roman church. * But such isolated instances of reaction against the 
dominant spirit of the church, Avhether proceeding from personal ene- 
mies of the poj»es, or from freer dogmatic tendencies in Ireland or 
Spain, could avail nothing. The emperor, in all ecclesiastical mat- 
ters, sought to act in a common understanding with the Roman 
church. In doubtful cases, he frequently sohcited advice from the 
popes ; yet he by no means allowed himself to be governed alone 
and always by their decision, but acted freely also, according to his 
own independent convictions ; and, m many cases, followed the better 
wisdom of his enUghtened theologians, even though at variance with 

_' Sec 1. c. pag. 285. believing the false charges of those who 

'■^ Sciat se aiictoritate domiui inei St. wished to destroy the friendly relations 

Petri apostolorum j)riiK'ipis anatlieniatis subsisting between then: : nunc vero quae- 

vinculo esse innodatum et a regno Dei runt acniuli nostri qui semper zizania se- 

alieimni atque cum dialiolo et ejus atroeis- minaverunt, aliquam inter partes malitiam 

siinis pompis acteniis incendiis concreman- seminare, pag. 371. Thus, the report had 

dum pag. 288. been spread, (perhaps also a forged letter 

■^ In his cp. 20, to pope Leo III., he calls of the English king to the emperor), that 

him priuecps eeclesiae, unius immaculatae the English king Otia had invited the em- 

folumbae nutritor, and he says, vere dig- peror to depose pope Hadrian, and nomi- 

num esse fateor, omnemilliusgregis multi- nate another pope of Frankish descent, 

tudinem suo pastori licet in diversis terra- 1. c. .50G. He felt constrained to warn him 

rum pascuis commorantem una caritatis of the influence of the heretics, who sought 

tide sul)jectam esse. to draw him off from the doctrines and 

■• Thus, for example, bad reports had ordinances of the Romish church : proca- 

lome to the ears of the emperor resjjecting ccs ae hacreticos liomines, qui tuam sub- 

the incontinence of the lioman clergy, so vertere nituntur orthodo.xam fidem et un- 

that he thought it necessary to represent dique te coarctantes, angustias et varias 

the matter to pope Hadrian. The latter tempestates seminant, pag. 390. 
'■indicated himself, and warned him ajiainst 



122 



LANDED ESTATES OF THE ROMAN CHURCH. 



the then prevailing tendency of the Roman chm-ch and with the judg- 
ment of the pope ; of which we shall see examples under the history 
of doctrines. 

In respect to the landed property of the Roman church, Charles 
added new territories to those already bestowed by his fiither ; and to 
stimulate him to further benefactions, the bequests to the Roman church 
by Constantino the Great were often appealed to, — deeds wliich were 
either forged for this very purpose, or which had been already forged 
at an earlier period for similar puqwses.' Yet the pope was by no 
means sovereign master over this kind of property, but subject to the 
superior lordship of the emperor, who exercised his control here, as 
over the lands of his other vassals, by means of messengers (Missi.) 
"When, in the year 800, pope Leo III was roughly treated by con- 
spirators, who plotted to take his life, and who afterwards sought to 
extenuate their conduct by accusing the pope, the emperor convened at 
Rome a synod, which he attended in person, for the purpose of investi- 
gating the aSair ; but the bishops^ chosen for tliis purpose declared, 
it belonged to the pope to judge them, and not to them to judge the 
Dope. The latter could be judged by no man ; and so also thought 
Alcuin.3 



' Worthy of notice in this respect are 
the words of pope Hadrian I. A. D. 777, to 
the emperor Cliarles : Et sicut temporibus 
St. Silvcstri a piissimo Constantino M. im- 
peratore per ejus largitatem Romanaeccle- 
eia elevata atque exaltata estet potestateni 
in his Hesperiae partibus largiri dignatus 
est caet. ecce novus Christianissimus Con- 
stantinus imperator his temporibus surrex- 
it, per quem omnia Deus sanctae suae cc- 
clesiae apostolorum principis Petri largiri 
dignatus est. Sed et cuncta alia, quae per 
diversos imperatores, Pati-icios etiam et ali- 
os Deum timentes pro eorum animae mer- 
cede et venia delictorum in partibus Tur- 



ciae, Spoleto seu Benevento atque Corsica 
simul et Savinensi (SabinensiJ patrimonio 
Petro apostolo concessa sunt caet. vestris 
temporibus restituantur. He appeals to 
the donationcs in scrinio Latcranensi i"e- 
conditas, which he sent to the emperor as 
evidence of the fact, p. 352. 

^ See Anastas. Life of Leo III, in the 
vitis pontiticum. 

^ See ep. 92 to Arno archbishop of Salz- 
burg. He appeals to the apocryphal frag- 
ments of ecclesiastical law. which were sub- 
sequently adopted into the Pseudo-Isidori- 
an Decretals. 



SECTION THIRD. 

CHRISTIAN LIFE, AND CHRISTIAN WORSHIP. 

Owing to the vast extent of the territory over which Christianity 
spread, among the races which planted themselves on the ruins of the 
Roman empire, it was of course only by slow degrees, that it could so 
operate as to exert its true influence on the minds of men, — only by 
gradual steps that it could penetrate the masses. . In proportion to the 
facility with which the earlier superstition might reappear under a 
Christian dress, finding, as it did, so convenient a foothold in the for- 
eio-n elements which had already attached themselves to the Christian 
faith, as in the doctrines of the magical effects of the sacraments and 
of the worship of saints ; in proportion to the tendency of the earlier 
sinful habits of the nations to lay hold of these superstitions as a prop ; 
in the same proportion was the need of an uninterrupted course of reli- 
gious instruction in order that, upon the basis of the external church, 
an impulse might be given to the further internal development of the 
kingdom of God. This need was strongly afiinned also by the synods 
which were occupied in devising measures for improving the condition 
of the church. The council of Cloveshove, as we have already no- 
ticed,* made it the special duty of bishops, in visiting their churches, 
to preach the word of God to the inhabitants of every place ; which 
at the same time however, implied that these persons otherwise sel- 
dom had opportunity of hearing such preaching.^ In the rule of 
bishop Chrodegang of Metz,^ it was laid down, that the word of sal- 
vation should be preached tvnce a month though it would be still 
better, if it could be heard on all Sundays and feas<>days, and so 
as to be understood by the people. Charlemagne was fully im- 
pressed with the conviction, that the well-being of the church de- 
pended on the right performance of the duty of preaching ; and to 
this he exhorted the clergy on every suitable occasion."* The per- 
sons also, ^\^th whom he was accustomed to consult on ecclesiastical 
affairs, confii-med him in this opinion. Alcuin is especially to be nam- 
ed among those who understood the importance of preaching as a 

' Page 107. studeas in praedic.itione ac doctrina saluta- 

' Utpote eos, qui raro audiunt verbum ri, (iiiatenus per tuum devotissimam soller- 

Dei c. 3. tiam verlnim vitae aeternae crcscat et cur- 

" C. 44. D'Afhcrv spicileg:. I- 574. rat et ninltii)licctur uumenH ]iopuli Chris 

* An exiim])Ie of iiis exhortations to the tiani in hiudcin ct ijloriain salvatoris nostri 

bishops : Ut niagi.s ac inairis in sancta Dei Dei. See Mabillon Analoctor. Tom. I. 

pcclesia studio.se ac vigilanti cura laborare page 22. 



124 ALCUIN ON PREACHING. 

means of promoting the Christian life, and who sought to interest the 
bishops in the performance of this duty, as constituting the most im- 
portant branch of their vocation.^ And in order that thej might be 
quahfied for this, he exhorted them to a diligent study of the bible.* 
In a letter of exhortation addressed to the people of Canterbury ,3 he 
says " Without the Holy Scriptures, it is impossible to come to the 
right knowledge of God ; and if the blmd lead the bhnd, both fall into 
the ditch. On the other hand, the multitude of the wise is the safety 
of the people. Provide yourselves with teachers of the Holy Scrip- 
tures, that there may be no lack among you of the word of God ; that 
you may never fail to have among you such as are able to guide the 
people ; that the fountain of truth among you may not be dried up." 
In a letter to the emperor Charles, he earnestly insists, that not only 
bishops, but priests and deacons should preach ; and if it were actually 
the case that the bishops hindered them from so doing, — if the priests 
and deacons did not use this as a mere pretext to exculpate themselves, 
he calls upon the emperor to provide some remedy for the evil.'* To 
show the propriety of this, he refers to Revelation 22 : IT. " Who- 
ever thirsts, let him come : and whosoever will, let him take of the 
water of life freely," where he supposes it therefore to be implied, that 
the water of life should be offered to all by the clergy, preaching the 
word. He also quotes the Apostle Paul, who says (1 Cor. 14 : 30,) 
that all should prophesy, that is teach, in their turn; and 1. Tim. 5 : 
17. "Let them only inform themselves — says he — of the many and 
wonderful preachers, from different classes of the clergy, that have 
appeared in the history of the world ; and let them but cease consid- 
ering that as belonging only to a few, which, to the great advantage 
of souls, may be common to a great many. Why are homihess publicly 
read m the churches by clergymen of all grades ? It w-ere strange 
if aU w^ere allowed to read these, but might not explain them to the com- 
mon understanding. What would this signify, but that the hearers 
must remain without fruit ?s " We may here observe, how important it 
seemed to this great man, that Christian knowledge should be diffused 
among the laity, and that they should participate understandingly in 
the pubhc worship of God. He was firmly persuaded, also, that the 
promotion of God's kingdom was a concern which by no means belonged 

' E. g. ep. 193, his letter of congrat- « Ep. IX, to an English archbishop: Lec- 

ulation to Theodulf archbishop of Orleans, tio scripturae saepius tuis repcriatur in ma- 

when the latter had received the pallium nibns, ut ex ilia te saturare et alios pascere 

from Rome : Sicut regium diadema fulgor valeas. 

gemmariim ornat, ita fiducia praedicationis ' Ep. 59. _ , 

pallii ornare debet honorem. In hoc enim " See ep. 124 audio per ecclesias Chn-^ti 

honorem suum habet, si portitor veritatis quandam consuetudinem non satis Inudaln- 

I)raedicator exislit. Memor esto, sacerdo- lem, ([nam vestra auctoritas facile enienda- 

tulis dignitatis linguani coelestis esse clavem re potest, si tamen vera est opinio et non 

Imperii' et clarissimam castrorum Christi magis fiilsa exousatio, ut quod fircere non 

tubam ; quapropter ne sileas. ne taceas, ne volunt preshyteri, snis injiciant episcopis. 

formides loqui, habens ubique operis tui * Tlie liomilies of the chui-ch-fathers, a^ 

itinerisque Christum socium et adjutorcm. ranged with reference to Sundays and 

Messis quidem muha est, operarii autcm feast-days, see below, 

pauci, eo instantiorcs qui sunt, esse neces " Et inq)leatur Virgilianum illud : Pat 

Be est sine mente sonos. 



SYNODAL ORDINANCES ON PREACHING. 125 

exclusively to the clergy, but one which ought to be shared by all 
Christians. Far was he from wisliing to confine the study of the divine 
word to ecclesiastics as their exclusive province ; on the contrary, he 
expresses gratification whenever, he finds the laity also engaged in such 
studies. He wished the emperor Charles might have many such diU- 
gent searchers of the scriptures among his ministers of state. ^ 

Wliile the emperor, following the advice of such men, earnestly re- 
commended to the bishoi)s2 the duty of providing for the rehgious in- 
struction of the people, the synods held under his reign made the same 
tiling an object of special attention. The council of Mentz, in 813 
(can. 25,) decreed, that, in case the bishop were absent, or sick, or 
otherwise hindered, still there should not fail to be some one present, 
on Sundays and feast-days, who could preach the word of God so as 
to be understood by the people ;•"' and in the same year the sixth coun- 
cil of Aries directed, that the priests should preach not only in all the 
cities, but also m all country parishes. 4 Among those who labored 
earnestly in the work of rehgious instruction, Theodulf, archbishop 
of Orleans, particularly distinguished himself. His instructions to his 
parochial })riests (Capitulare ad parochiae suae sacerdotes) furnish a 
living testimony to the zeal and wisdom with which he administered 
his pastoral office.^ He admonishes his clergy, in these mstructions, to 
be always prepared for the instruction of their flocks. Whoever un- 
derstood the Holy Scriptures, should exj^lain them ; whoever did not, 
should hold forth to the flock what he knew best, that they should 
eschew evil and do good. No one could excuse himself on the gromid 
that he wanted a tongue to edify others. The moment they saw one 
in a wrong way, they should do their utmost to reclaim him. And 
when they met their bishop at a synod, each should report what suc- 
cess had attended liis labors ; and they would find him ready to lend 
them a cheerful assistance, according to his abiUty, wherever they 
needed it. 

It is plain from these sHght requisitions, wliich were all that Theo- 
dulf found it in his power to demand of his clergy, how exceedingly 
deficient the majority of ecclesiastics were in that culture, and knowl- 
edge of the scriptures which were needed for the successful discharge 



'In his ep. 124 to the emperor Charle- cere, non laicorum. Tamen iste laicus 

ma^iie, in alhision to Matth. 25: 21, nee quisquis fuit, sapiens est corde, et si mani- 

enim hoc solis saccrdotibus vel clcricis au- bus miles, quaies vestram auctoritatem 

dicndum ibi arbitreris, sed etiam bonis lai- plurimos liabere decet. 

cis et bene in ojierc Dei hiborantibus diccn- '^ Ghccrbald bishop of Liege says him- 

dum esse crcdas ct maxime his, qui in sub- self of the emperor in his pastoral letter to 

limioribus positi sunt dignitatil)iis, quorum his flock : Excitat pigritiam nostram, ut 

convcrsatio bona et vitae sanctitas et ad- non dormiamus et praedicationis officium 

monitoriaacternaesalutis verba suis subject- unusquiscjue eonsideret. Mansi Concii. T. 

is pracdicatiopotcrit esse. And in the same XIII. f. 1084. 

letter, referring to a layman, who had pro- ^ Qui verlmm Dei praedicet, juxta quod 

posed to him a query respecting the inter- intelligere vnlgus possit. 

pretiUion of a passage of scripture : vere ■• C. 10. ut non solum in civitatibus, sed 

et vaUle gratum hal)co, laicos (|uandoque etiam in omnibus parochiis presbyteri ad 

ad evnngelicas clHoniisse quacstioncs, dum populum vcrbum faciant. 

quendam audivi virum i)rudentem aliqnan- * C. 28. Harduin. Concii. T. III. f. 918 
4o dicere, clericorum esse evangelium dLs- 



126 WANT OP AN ABLE CLERGY. 

of the duties of their calling ; and this is confirmed, a\ nen we com' 
pare them with other requisitions laid down by the synod? ; as for ex- 
ample, when it is supposed as a possible case, that the priests, m public 
worship, might do no more than mechai^cally repeat the liturgical forms 
in Latin, without understanding them. In reference to this, the synod 
at Cloveshove directed, in their tenth canon, that the priests should 
be able to translate and expound, in the language of the country, the 
creed, the Lord's prayer, and the liturgical forms used at the celebra- 
tion of mass and in baptism : they should thus endeavor to understand 
the spiritual sense of the offices they performed, so as not to be dumb 
and ignorant instruments.' 

There could be no improvement, therefore, in the rehgious instruc- 
tion of the people, until more care was bestowed on the education of 
the clergy. And this was to be aimed at in the schools established by 
the bishops and parochial clergy, as well as in the monasteries. Hence 
the estabhshment of schools was another object which commanded 
great attention in the times of Charlemagne. Thus, the second coun- 
cil of Chalons in 813, decreed in their third canon, that the bishops 
should found schools for giving instruction in the other sciences and 
also in the expounding of Scripture, and where persons might be so 
educated, that our Saviour could truly say of them, " ye are the salt 
of the earth. "2 But, for the present there was a great Avant of eccle- 
siastics capable of directing the religious instruction of the communi- 
ties, according to the ordinances of those synods. To supply the 
wants of such as were unable to compose sermons of their own, collec- 
tions of discourses, by the older church-teachers, had been formed al- 
ready at an earlier period, which were to be publicly read in the 
churches during the time of divine service. But as these collections 
(Homiharia) had suffered various corruptions through the ignorance 
of these centuries, the emperor Charles ordered an improved collec- 
tion to be prepared by one of his clergy, Paul Warnefrid, or Paulus 
Diaconus, from the abbey of Monte Cassino. This work, he published 
himself for the use of the churches, Avith a preface, in which he ad- 
monished the clergy, by his own example, to a dihgent study of the 
sacred Scriptm-es ; stating that he had endeavored by his own labors on 
the text, to provide himself A\ith a correct copy of the Bible. ^ Now as 
in this Homiliarium, the sermons were arranged in the order of Sundays 
and feast-days, and as that arrangement of bibhcal texts was laid at 
the foundation, which had been gradually formed in the church of 
Rome, since the time of Gregory the Great, it thus came about, that 
the textual arrangement of this church was more widely diffiised, and 

' Ne vcl in ipsis interpessionihus, quibns haercsiljus, verum ctiam antichristi inonitis 

pro populi dclictis Doum exorare poscun- et ipsi anticliristo rcsistatur. 
tiir vcl ministerii sui officiis inveniantur * Ad pernoscenda ctiam sacrorum libro- 

quasi muti et iRnavi, si iionintcllisimt ncc rum studia nostro ctiam quos possumus in- 

verliorum suonim sensiiin ncc sacvamcnta ; vitainus exemplo. Inter quae jampridcm 

qull)us per cos alii ad acternam protic-iuiit univcrsos veteris ac novi testamcnti libro3 

salutera lihrariorum imperitia depravatos Deo nos 

' Et qui condimentum plcbibus esse val- in omnibus adjuvante cxamussim correxi- 

cant et quorum doctj-ina non solum diversis mus. See Mabillon Analectorum T. I 

pap. 26 



LATIN, THE LITURGICAL LANGUAGE. CHURCH PSALMODY. 12T 

greater uniformity in this respect secured. For the rest, with regard 
to tills collection, which reheved the clergy from the necessity of ex- 
ertion, and furnished them with an encouragement to indolence, it was 
no doubt calculated upon, that the sermons, when read to the congre- 
gations, would be translated into the vernacular tongue ; a thing 
which was expressly directed by several -councils of this period.^ 

We see from what -has thus far been said, that in the Carolingian 
age, there was certainly no ■wish to banish from public Avorship in the 
Frankish church the use of the popular tongue ; but rather a desire 
to encoux'agc it. But by the force of custom the Latin had already 
been a long time established as the predominant liturgical language. 
In the countries belonging to the Roman empire, the Roman was, 
indeed, the language generally current and understood ; and hence 
there could be no necessity of translating the church hymns and the 
Uturgical forms into the old popular tongues, the use of which had 
been long suppressed or restricted by the language of Rome. But 
now, wherever races of German origin had settled in Roman prov- 
inces, the seats of Roman culture, there the Roman language still held 
its ground, as the language of refinement and of courts, and also as 
the liturgical language ; and it was only by slow degrees that a par- 
ticular dialect sprang out of the mixture of the Roman language with 
the new popular tongue. The missionaries that went from the church 
of Rome followed also the ancient custom, and could not prevail on 
themselves to make use of the barbarous tongues of the people to whom 
they brought Christianity, for the purpose of translating into them the 
di\ane word and the liturgical formulas : until, by degrees, from the prac- 
tice of the church it grew to be a principle in theory, that the Roman 
language should be considered preeminently the language of the church. 
The striving after conformity with the church of Rome naturally pro- 
moted an attachment to the liturgy as expressed in the Roman lan- 
guage and form ; wliile the latter again would react upon the former. 
King Pipin no doubt found a Latin church psalmody already existing in 
the Frankish church, which had been transmitted doAATiward from the 
ancient Gallic church. But as this differed originally from the Roman 
church psalmody, especially since Gregory the Great had done so 
much to imi)rove the music of the church, and as it had moreover been 
corrupted by the barbarism of the intervening time, Pipin endeavored 
to restore it after the model of the church music at Rome ; wishing 
here as elsewhere to make Frankish barbarism give way to superior 
refinement, and to bring the Frankish church into agreement with the 
Roman,2 after the example of Boniface ; wherein he was zealously 

' As for example, by the second council quo facilius cuncti possint intelligere, quae 

of Rhciins, in the year 813, in the 15th dieuntur. 

canon, ut cpiscopi sermoncs ct homilias St. - In the capitulary of the emperor Charles 

Patrum, ])rout omncs intelligere possint, of the year 789, which was issued at Aix 

secundum proprictatcm linguae praedicare la Chapellc, it is said of Pipin (c. 78) : Gal- 

studeant, and l)y the third council of Tours, licanuni cantum tulit ob unanimitatem 

in the same year, c. 17, ut casdcm homilias af)Ostolicae scdis et ecclesiae pacificam con- 

quisque apcrte transfcrre studeat in rusti- cordiam ; and in the prciace to the horn- 

<am Romanam linguani aut Theotiscam, ilies : totas Galliarum ecclesias suo studic 

Roraanac traditionis cantibns decoravit. 



128 



SCHOOLS FOR SINGERS. ORGANS. 



sustained by that warm friend of decency and order in church regular 
tions, Chrodegang, bishop of Metz.' Roman psalmod}', however, was 
30on altered again by the peculiarity of the French pronunciation ; 
while, at the same time, it Avas found impossible to suppress entirely 
the old Gallic form of church music by the new regulations of Pipin ; 
and hence the emperor Charles, when attending the high festivals at 
Eome, could not but notice the great difference between the Franco- 
Gallic and the Gregorian church music of Rome. Hence he was led 
to desire that the Franlcish psalmody might be altered and improved 
wholly after the pattern of the Roman.2 His friend pope Hadrian, to 
enable him to accomplish what he desired, gave him, as assistants in 
remodelling the Frankish church music, the two most skilful singers 
in his o^ni church, Theodore and Benedict ; and presented him Anth 
a number of Roman chants (Antiphonarii) .^ By means of two musi- 
cal schools, one established at Soissons, the other at Metz, the last of 
which was the most distinguished, the entire music of the French 
church was remodelled after the Roman form.4 

Thus it is true, that under the reign of Charlemagne the use of the 
Latin language in the worship of the Frankish church, although not first 
mtroduced, was yet, by a closer connection with the church of Rome, more 
firml}^ established ; but at the same time, the notion was expressly con- 
tradicted, that certain languages only could be employed for religious 
purposes. " Let no man believe, that God may be prayed to only in three 
languages ; for in every language God may be adored, and man will be 
heard, if he prays aright."^ Now as it is true, that if the missiona- 



' Paul Wamefrid, or Paul tlie Deacon, 
says, in the !j:estis episcoporum Mettcnsium, 
respecting 'lishop Chrodegang : Ipsum cle- 
rum abundanter lege divina Eomanaque 
iniliutum ca-itilena jnorem atque ordiuem 
Eomanae ecolesiae scrvare praeccpit, quod 
usque ad id tempus in Mettensi ecclesia 
factum minium fuit. Monumenta German- 
lae historiea ed. Pertz, T. II. f. 268. 

"^ Thus, in the annales Einhardi, in an 
appendix, at the year 786, it is related, that 
on the Easter festival in Eome a contest 
arose between the Eoman church-singers 
and the Franks brought along with him by 
the emperor, the former calling the latter 
rusticos et indoctos velut bruta animalia. 
The emperor decided the quan-el by saying 
that men ought to go back to the fountain- 
liead, rather than to follow the brooks that 
flow fron". it. Eevertimini vos ad fontcm 
S. Grcgorii, quia manifesto corrupistis can- 
tilenam ecclesiastieam. The anecdotes told 
after his own style by the monk of St. Gall, 
are less deserving of credit. 

^ In the passage referred to it is said : 
Correcti sunt ergo antiijhonarii Francorum, 
quos unusquisquc pro arbitrio suo vitiave- 
rat, addens vel minucns et omnes Franciac 
cantores didicerunt notam Eomanam. quam 
nunc vocant notam Franciscam ; cxcepto 
quod trcmulas vel vinnulas (h. c. lenes et 
tnolles) sive collisibiles et secabiles voces 



in cantu non poterant perfecte exprimere. 
Franci, naturali voce barlinrica frangentes 
in gutture voces potius quam exprimentes. 

'' From the French I'hurch proceeded the 
use of the organ, the first musical instru- 
ment employed in the church. A present 
of the Emperor Constantine Copronymus 
to King Pipin gave occasion to its use, An- 
nal. Einhard. a. 757, hence the Greek name 
organum. But what is said in these An- 
nals (1. c. at the year 786) seems to presup- 
pose, that the art of playing on the organ, 
and of using it in divine service, was first 
brought to perfection in the church of 
Eome: Similiter erudienint Eomani can- 
tores supradicti, see above, cantores Fran- 
corum in arte organandi. And if it seems 
to be inconsistent with this, that a century 
later, pope John VIII. obtained from the 
church at Freysingen, a good organ, and a 
skilful organist (Vid. Baluz. Miscellan. T. 
V.) we must suppose that afterwards the 
Frankish cliurch excelled the Eoman in 
this art. This may be explained as owing 
to the declension of the church of Eome 
in the next following times. 

'" In the capitulary issued at Frankfort 
on the Maine, of the year 796, c. 50 : Ut 
nullus crcdat, quod nonnisi in tribus iin- 
guis Deus orandus sit, quia in omni lingua 
beus adoratur, et homo exauditur, si jnsta 
petierit. 



CONSULTING THE BIBLE FOR ORACLES. 129 

ries of this time, following the example of Ulphilas, had gi -en the people 
the Bible in their own language, and introduced it into the public wor- 
ship, much would have been done to promote the worship of God in 
spirit and in truth ; so on the other hand, the employment of a lan- 
guage which was not generally understood, actually served to promote 
a worship consisting in mechanical forms or in vague and undefined 
fcielings, and to open an easier way for the entrance of superstition. 

Special care was necessary not only to counteract the various super 
stitions of paganism, wdiich still kept their hold on the rude multitude, 
— such as resorting to amulets for the cure of diseases, and for the 
prevention of unlucky accidents,' — but also to hinder the old super- 
stition from reappearing under some Christian form, by attaching 
itself to Christian practices not rightly understood. In this way had 
arisen such abuses, for example, as the following. The Scriptures, 
instead of being searched for the purpose of finding the way of ever- 
lasting salvation, were turned over for an oracular response to some 
question of moment relating to the immediate temporal future. He 
who was about to engage in an important or hazardous undertaking, 
would open the Bible, and interpret the first passage that met his eye 
as an oracle addressed to him. Or the same use was made of such 
words of Scripture as one happened to hear read or sung as he en- 
tered a church.2 A very common custom was, to place on the tomb 
of some saint, as that in the famous church of St. Martin of Tours, 
a volume of the gospels or some other book of Scripture, and after 
due preparation by i^rayer and fasting, to turn open a page, when the 
first passage that occurred was considered as a response given by the 
saint (sortcs sanctorum) .3 But although this practice seemed to be 
hallowed by a certain air of Christianit}^, yet the voice of the ecclesi- 
astical synods was opposed to it from the beginning. The first council 
of Orleans decreed,^ in the yeai ^11, that clergymen and monks, 
who consented to be employed as mstruments in obtaining such re- 
sponses,5 as well as those who behoved in them, should be excommuni- 
cated from the church ; and this prohibition was repeated by the coun- 
cil of Auxerre, in 578.6 But a branch of superstition so intimately 
connected with the whole religious mode of thinking, could not be ex- 
tirpated by such single ordinances ; the emperor Charles was obliged 
to issue a new law against it.''' 

' Afjiiinst these, the council of Auxen-e issue of the war; and as at that moment 

(Antissio(lorense) of the year 578, c. 4: the words of Ps. 18:40, 41, were chanted, 

Quac(un(|uc homo faccre vult, omnia in the kin^ reyjarded tliis as an infallible ora- 

njmine Domini facial. In a capitulary of cle, by which he was assured of the victo- 

the emperor Charles of the year 814, c. 10: ry. He in fact obtained the victory, which 

Ut inquirantur sortilcgi et aruspiccs et qui conliimed him in his belief Gregor. Tu- 

incnses et tempora observant et qui omi- ron. Hist. 1. II. c. 37. 

na observant, et ita pliylacteria circa col- •* An example in Gregor. Turon. 1. V. 

iura portant nescimus (juibus verbis scrip- c. 14 

tis, and in the third capitulary of the year •• Aurelianense I. 

789, c. 18: Ne chartas per perticas appen- * C. 30, sortes, quas mentiuntur esse 

dant iiroptcr grandincm. sanctorum. 

" Wlicn Clovis was about to make war * C. 4. 

on the West Goths in Hjiain, he prayed ' In the tliird capitulary of tiie year 789, 

God that he would reveal to him. as he en- c. 4 : Ut nuUusin psallerio vel in evangelic 

tercd the church of St. Martin, u fortunate vel in aliis rebus sortire praesumat. 

VOL. III. y 



130 JUDGMENT OF GOD. A\1TU3 OPPOSLD TO IT. 

Another mode of appealing to the judgment of God, which found 
its way into the administration of justice, was still more intimately 
blended with the manners and opinions of these races. We find it 
a prevailing sentiment among nations of opposite quarters of the 
earth, — nations of German descent, as well as in China, Japan' 
India,2 aj^d among the ancient Greeks,3 — that nature itself, ui con- 
tested questions, was ready to ai)pear as a witness in behalf of justice 
and of innocence. At the bottom of this, lay the behef in a moral 
government of the world, to Avhich nature itself was subservient ; 
and the more unskilled and unpractised the understanding in bringing 
the truth to light by investigation, the more inclined were men to 
summon to their aid an immediate judgment from heaven. Thus it 
came about particularly among these races of German origin, that 
the revelation of guilt or of innocence was expected in contested 
questions, from the issue of a combat, or from the effects of the 
elements of fire and water. In the form under which the theocratical 
principle, which Christianity introduced, was understood by these 
races, this judgment of God might easily find a point of attach- 
ment. Yet Avitus, bishop of Yienne, protested in the strongest 
terms against the practice, when introduced by king Gundobad into 
the Bm-gundian legislation. This monarch contended, that in war 
the judgment of God decided between nations, and gave the victory 
to the party which had the right. Avitus answered him : If sove- 
reigns and their people respected the judgment of God, they would 
tremble first at the words in the G8th Psalm (v. 30), " He scattereth 
the people that dehght in war ; " and they would act according tc 
what is written in Romans 12 : 19, " Vengeance is mine ; I will repay, 
Baith the Lord." Had not divine justice power to decide, Avithout 
resorting to javelins and swords ? Whereas in war the party in the 
wrong had often been known to obtain the victory, by superior force 
or cuiinmg.4 But such isolated voices sounded feebly, in opposition 
to ancient customs and the prevaiUng spirit of the times. The judg- 
ments of God were received into the systems of jurisprudence ; and 
even Charlemagne, who combated superstitious opinions of a kindred 
nature, yielded in this case to the spirit of his age, and gave these 
judgments of God the sanction of liis apprbbation.s 

Men were inclined to seek justification in outward works, — in 
gifts to churches, especially those dedicated to the memory of saints, 
in adorning them with costly ornaments, in the distribution of alms ; 
thus relaxing the strictness of Christianity in requiring an entire 
change of inward disposition. Still, instances were not wanting of a 

» See Kampfer Amoenitates exoticae. Baliiz. Capitulai-. T. I. f. 466. The proof 

* Compare Rosenmillier's altes uud of innocence in case of a murder, m the 
neues Morgenhmd, B. II. p. 226. capitulary of the year 803 : ad noyera yo- 

3 See Sophocles Antigone. meres ignitos judicio Dei examinandua 

* The words of Avitus, in the book of acccdat. I. c. f 389. That a vassal of tlie 
Agobard of Lyons, ad versus legem Gun- bishop submitted to a judgment of God to 
^(^.^^i prove his innocence against the charge ot 

* In a hiw of the year 809 : ut omnes high treason. See in the capituUiry of the 
judicio Dei credant' absque dubitatione. year 794. 1. c. f. 265. 



CHARLEMAGNE ON OUTWAllD WUllKS. PILGRIMAGES. Vdl 

reaction of the Christian spirit against delusions, which served 90 
directly to encourage security in sin. Thus the emperor Charles, in 
a capitidarj of the year 811, addressed to the bishops and abbots,"^ 
says : " In seeking to have fine churches, we should not overlook 
the genuuie ornament of the church, which consists in correctness 
of manners ; for great pains bestowed on the erection of churches 
belongs, in a certam sense, to the times of the Old Testament ; but 
the emendation of manners belongs pccuharly to the New Testament 
and to Christian discipline." ^ Theodulf of Orleans says, in his 
" Instructions to the Parocliial Clergy," "It is our duty, indeed, to 
feed the hmigry, to clothe the naked, to visit the sick and those in 
prison, and to show hospitality to strangers. Matt. 25 ; but of little 
avail towards secui-iug everlasting hfe will all this be to liim who gives 
himself up to gluttony, to pride, and other vices, and who neglects 
other good works. It is needful to remind the people, that true 
charity is seen only in this, that a man loves God more than himself, 
and his neighbor as himself — in this, that he does not conduct 
towards others as he would not wish that others should conduct 
towards himself ; for they who make charity consist in merely bestow- 
ing food, drink, and other outward gifts, are in no shght error ; for 
the apostle says, ' The kingdom of God consists not in meat and 
drink.' All this, too, is then only good when done out of love." 
The second comicil of Chalons, in 818, denomiced^ the false confi- 
dence placed in the opus operatum of pilgrimages to Rome and to 
the church of St. Martin at Tours. " There were ecclesiastics of a 
careless hfe, who imagined themselves cleansed from sin, and qualified 
to perfoi-m the duties of theii- station — laymen, who supposed they 
could sin, or had simied, with impunity, because they undertook such 
pilgrimages ; nobles, who, under the same pretext, practised extortion 
on theu' subjects ; poor men, who did it to secure a better chance 
of begging ; as for example, those that roamed the comitry, falsely 
pretending that they were about to set out on a pilgrimage, or who 
were so foolish as to believe that by the mere sight of a holy place 
they should be cleansed from their suis, not tliinking of those words 
of St. Jerome, that it was no praise to have seen Jerusalem, but 
to have led a good Hfe there." Those pilgrimages alone were here 
accounted commendable, which had origuiated in motives of sincere 
piety, and aimed at the emendation of the whole hfe .4 Thus Alcuin 
wrote to a nun whose conscience troubled her, because she had been 
unable to perform the pilgrimage on which she had started : " This 
was no gi-eat harm ; for God had chosen some better tiling for her ; 

' Mansi. T. XIII. f. 1073. ■• Qui vero peccata .sua sacerdotibus, in 
^ Quaravis lionum sit, ut ecclesiae pul- quorum sunt parochiis, confessi sunt, ct ab 
chra sint acditiiia, pracfercndus tanien est his iiyendae poeiiitciitiae consilium acce- 
aedificiis bonoiuni niorum ornatus et cul- perunt, si orationilms insi.^tcndo, elcemo- 
men, quia, in quantum nobis vidotur, struc- synas larjj,icndo, vitam cmcndando, mores 
tio basilicarum vctcris Icj^is quandam tra- tomponendo apostolorum limina vcl quo- 
hit consuetudinum, niorum autem emcnda- iiimlibet sanctoru n inviserc desideranU 
tio propric ad novum tcstamentum et Jiorum est devoti: modis omnibus collau- 
Christianam perlinet disciplinam. danda. 
^ C. 45 



132 WORSHIP OF SAINTS. 

she had now only to expend in supporting the poor, what she had 
appropriated to so long a journey." • Theodulf of Orleans Avrote 
against this over-valuation of pilgrimages to Rome in one of his minor 
poems, where he says : It is only by a pious hfe a man can find 
his way to heaven, no matter whether he hves at Rome or else- 
where.^ 

The exaggerated veneration paid to saints and to the Virgin Mary, 
concerning the origin of which we spoke in the preceding period, 
presented, by the deifjdng of human beings in their individual capa- 
city, the readiest channel for the admission of those elements of 
pagan ideas, which had not been vanquished by Christianity. Al- 
though the veneration "of saints was determined and limited in the 
church system of doctrine, by its connection with the whole Christian 
consciousness of God and Christian worship of God, — for it was onlj' 
the grace of God, exhibited in the saints as his instruments, which 
was to be adored, and only the mediating sympathy of the just made 
perfect which was to be sought after in them ; — yet in common life, 
the saints -who were peculiarly venerated became a sort of guardian 
deities, to whom men were wont to resort in all times of danger and 
sickness, and in all weighty midertakings ; and the reference of the 
whole self-conscious man to God revealed in Christ, the sense of fel- 
lowship with God obtained by Christ for every behever, was thereby 
greatly hindered. Furthermore, as the feehng of the need of re- 
demption, in its religious and moral significance, ceased to form the 
ground-tone of the inward hfe, the great object of prayer, with invo- 
cation of the saints, was rather to seek dehverance from physical 
evils, than salvation from sin and from moral wretchedness. The 
pagan element discovered itself ui both ways ; in the deification of 
human attributes, and in the sensuous direction given to the rehgious 
need. Bishop Gregory of Tours thanks God for the gift of such a 
physician as Martin, in expressions sometimes like those of a Christian 
who thanks God for a Saviour, sometimes like those of a pagan speak- 
mo- of Esculapius.^ He affirms that the bare touch of his tomb stoj> 
ped hemorrhages, gave the cripple strength to stand erect, restored 
sio'ht to the blind, and even banished away sorrow from the heart. 
In all bodily complaints of his own he repaired tliither, and applied 
the suifering part to St. Martin's tomb, or to the hangings by which 
it was inclosed. To be sure he requires, as the necessary concHtion 
of obtaining relief, the true devotion of a penitent spii"it ; ♦ and no 
doubt, the impression made on the feeUngs by the spot, with wliich 

I See ep. 147. tias agimus omnipotenti Deo, qui nobis 

Non tantum isse juvat Romara, bene talem medicum trilmere dignatus est, qui 

vivcre (luuntum infinnitates, nostras purgaret, vulnera dilu- 

Vel Komac vol ubi vita agitur hominis, eret ac salubria medieamenta conferret. 

Non via credo pedum; scd morum ducit * Si ad ejus heatum tumulum huniilietur 

ad Itftra animus et oratio sublimetur, si detiuant la- 

Quis quid ubique gerit, spectat ab arce crimac et compunctio v^ra succcdat, si ab 

Dcus. imo corde emittantur suspiria, invenit plo- 

' Gregory, in the beginning of the third ratus hvetiliam, culpa vcniani, dolor pecto- 

t)ook on the miracles of St Martin : gra- ris pcrvenit ad medelam. 



SAI\T WORSHIP. 13y 

v^ere associated in the minds of the men of this age, bj all thev had 
been told from childliood, so many sacred recollections, might some- 
times 251'oduce a salutary tlmll of emotion ; and hence, perhaps, it 
may be explained how criminals might here be brought to confess 
.heir guilt, or how the suddenly awakened anguish of remorse might 
reveal itself to them in menacing visions, or a powerful shock of the 
nervous system predispose them to sudden attacks of illness. Yet 
we also meet with cases, where St. Martin is invoked precisely after 
the maimer of a pagan deity ; as, when he is addressed in the follow- 
ing style : " If thou dost not perform what I request of thee, we will 
here burn for thee no more lamps, nor pay thee any honors at all ; " ^ 
and the objects taken off from the places about the holy tomb, were 
applied to the same uses as any amulet of pagan superstition."^ Such 
being the tendency of the popular mind ,3 it would now follow, as a 
very natural consequence, that deception in the use of pretended 
reUcs would be common,^ or that those least entitled to the name 
would be honored, after their death, as saints. To put a stop to 
such abuses, the Emperor Charles, in a capitulary issued at Frank- 
fort on the Maine,^ in 794, directed, that no new saints should be wor- 
Bliipped, and no chapels erected to their memory on the pubhc high- 
ways ; but those only should be worshipped in the church, who had 
been raised to this honor by virtue of their sufferings or the worthi- 
ness of their lives. 

The number of festivals, additional to the high festivals of the an- 
cient church, had increased, up to the end of this period, in the West- 
ern church, (as we find from a list drawn up by a council at Mentz 
in Slo^) to the following extent. First, there were two festivals of 
Mary. As Christmas was naturally followed by the celebration of 
many other festivals relating to the infancy of Christ, so there arose, 
in the Greek church, the festival of Christ's presentation in the temple, 
Luke 2: 25 ; referring to the recognition of the child Jesus as the Mes- 

' See Gregor. Turon. de miraculis Mar- monk of St. Gall. One who had failed of 

tini, 1. III. c. 8. gaining the favor of his bishop and feudal 

^ Gregory of Tours having observed lord, finally resorted with success to the 

that one of his vineyards was ruined every following expedient. Having entrapped a 

year by hail-storms, fastened a i>iecc of fox without injuring the animal, he brought 

wax, taken from the vicinity of the toml), it as a present to bishop Kecho. As ^he 

on one of the t;dlest trees, and from that bishop was wondering how he managed to 

time the place was spared, de rniracidis catcli the fox with so little harm "to the 

Martini 1. I. c. 34. Oil was used as an creature, the man said : When the fox was 

amulet, to cure a disease among cattle, de in full chase. I cried out to it, In the name 

miraculis Martini 1. III. c. 18. of my lord' Kecho, stop and keep still! 

' A monk, who had already in his life- So the fox stood immovable till 1 seized 

time acquired the character of a miracle- him. The bisliop was well pleased to find 

worker, rctiuested that he might not bo that his sanctity had so plainly revealed 

buried in his cloister, foreseeing that after itself, and the m'an had won his favor for- 

his death multitudes of the people would ever. Kven if the story were not true, it 

be continually Hocking to his grave, in may none the less be considered as a cba- 

order^ to be cured of their diseases. Grc- racteristic satire, taken from the life of the 

gor. Turon. vitae jiarrum c. I. Vain- times. Monaclii Sangallensis gesta Caroli 

minded bl-ihops now asiiirod to the honor M. I. I. c. 20. 

of having it said, that miracles were * See Gregor. Turon. hist. 1. IX c 6 

wrought in their name. A characteristic * C. 40. 

anecdote on this point is related by the * C. 35. 



134 FESTIVALS. 

siah, by Simeon and Anna — lience called in the Greek church the 
ioQTtj vnuvzijg (zov kvqiov). But in the Western church, the -worsliip 
of Mary caused it to be changed into a festival of Mary ; under which 
name tliis feast is noticed by the council of ]\Ientz — as the festum pu- 
rificationis Mariae, The habit of comparing Mary -with Christ led men 
gi-adually to believe, that something of a miraculous nature must have 
been connected both with the begmning and the end of her eartlily 
life ; and the silence of the gospels on the subject of her death left here 
ample room for legendary tradition.^ Tiiis led to the festival of the 
assumption (assumtio Mariae). Next followed, as octave to Hie festi- 
val of Christmas, the festival of Chrisfs circumcision, which Avas set 
over against the pagan celebration of New year's day. Furthermore, 
there was the feast of St. 3Iiehael, the occasion of which was as follows. 
The Apocalypse had set to work the imaginations of men to invent fic- 
tions about the archangel ]\Iichael ; and many were the stories about 
visions in Avhich he was described as having appeared. With the story 
of such an appearance was finally connected in the Roman church the 
feast of St. Michael, dedicatio sancti Michaelis, as it was called by the 
council of Mentz, in reference to the dedication of a church in Rome, 
where an appearance of this sort was said to have occurred. The idea 
of this feast is, the communion of believers on earth with the higher 
world of perfected sjjirits — the memory of the church triumphant. 
Furthermore , there was the simultaneous festival, which originated in 
the fifth century, in honor of the martyrdom of St. Peter and of St. 
Paul, Dies natahs apostolorum Petri et Pauli. The nativity of John 
the Baptist, the only one which, besides the nativity of Christ, was 
celebrated m the church, and that on account of its connection \a\h. 
the latter. Next are particularly mentioned, the natales of Andrew, 
of Remigius (of Rheims) and of Martin ; and for each several diocese 
the particular festivals of the saints, which were buried in them ; and 
festivals commemorating the dedication of particular churches. In 
this age, arose also another festival, not named by this council, which 
afterwards obtained general validity. In the Greek church, was first 
introduced a feast in memory of all the saints which, inasmuch as the 
whole number of saints represents the collective sum of the efiects of 
the Holy Spirit, was properly obsei'ved as an octave to the festival of 
Pentecost. But in the Western church, the founding of the same fes- 
tival grew out of a particular occasion. Boniface IV, who became 
pope in the year 610, having at his own request been presented, by 
the Greek emperor Phocas, with the Pantheon in Rome, following oat 
the pagan idea, converted this temple into a church dedicated to Mary 
and all the saints, wiiich now suggested the idea of founding a festival 
of this import. Alcuin particularly designates this festival, as the feast 
of the glorification of human nature by Christ, in the consciousness that 
men were now endowed with so much power as instruments of the Holy 

' The Icp:ends finally reduced to form in her bed, and watclied with her. Then ay- 

firegory of Tours de gloriu m:irtyrum I. I. peiirod Christ witli his angels, and com" iit- 

e. 4. When Mary was near the point of ted her soul to tlic archangel Gabriel: )uf 

deatli, all the apostles assembled around her body was taken away in a cloud 



IDEA OF SACRIFICE CONNECTED WITH THE LORD'S SUPPER. 135 

Spirit, — the feast of spiritual communion witli the perfected members 
of the cliurch.' 

We observed, in the preceding period, how the idea of the Lord's 
supper as a sacrifice, which had proceeded from a purely Christian 
element, became gradually transformed from the symbolical into a 
magical import. In this respect, Gregory the Great appears espe- 
cially to represent the Christian spirit of the age, ever inchning more 
and more to the magical. The idea, that the holy supper should rep- 
resent, in a lively form, to the behe^^ng heart, the redemptive suffer- 
in'^s of Christ, whei'eby mankmd became reconciled to God — and the 
commmiion between Heaven and earth was restored, — this idea took, 
for him, the meaning : that whenever the priest presents this offering, 
heaven opens at his voice ; the choirs of angels appear ; the high and 
the low, the earthly and the heavenly unite ; the visible and the invisi- 
ble become one.^ Who may not recognize here a heart deeply pene- 
trated with the consciousness of what had been done by the redemp 
tion ; though the truth at bottom, from being connected with the false 
view of the priesthood, and the false notion, grounded therein, of the 
sacrificial act of the priest, from being transferred to this isolated, out- 
ward act, received an erroneous appUcation ? Now Gregory, by look 
ing at the sacrifice of the supper in this connection, could say : What 
must be the efficacy of this sacrifice, which continually imitates and 
repeats for us the redemptive passion of Christ ?3 But still Gregory 
did not ap})rehend this idea of a sacrifice in a barely outward manner, 
but in connection with the Avhole bent and tendency of the inward life, 
as did Augustin ; for he reckoned, as belonging to the Uvhig appro- 
priation of this sacrifice, the spiritual offering of one's self, the surren- 
dry of the whole hfe to the Redeemer, in an absolute self-renuncia- 
tion.'* But although he could apprehend, after this manner, the doc- 
trine of the holy supper in its true religious and moral significance, as 
denoting the living appropriation of fellowship with the Redeemer, yet 
as a consequence resulting from that magical element, he connected 
with this the idea of an objective, magical efficacy of that sacrifice, 
capable of operating both on the hving and on the dead.^ 

As to its effect on departed souls, this was connected with that other 
notion, which also had come down from the previous period,^ of a pur- 

' Alcuin (c]). 76) to Arno, archbishop of tus iterum in hoc my.stei-io sacnie obhitio- 

Salzhurg: (luotiiam si Elias unus ex illis iiis immohilur. 

in veteri tcstameiito oratione sua duin vo- ■* Scd necesse est, ut cum hace agimus 
luit claudere cochiin potiiit praevaricatori- nosiiiutij)sos Deo in cordis coutritione mac- 
bus et aporire conversis, (piatito magis om- temus, (juia qui passioiiis dominicae mvs- 
nos sancti in novo testamcnto, ubi eis spc- teria cciei)ramus, debemus imitari quod 
cialiter et patenter elavcs regni coelcstis ajiimus. Tunc ergo vere pro nobis hostia 
cominissae sunt et claudere eoelum pos- erit Deo, cum nos ipsos hostiam fecerimus. 
funt incredulis et aperirc crcdentibus, si in- * The presentation .if this otfcring caused 
tima dilectione honoriticantur, a Hdelibus the chains to be reniCved from a distant 
ft honorilicaiitur gloriticatione eis condig- captive, in whose behalf his faithful wife 
na. had olfered it. In the same way. a sea- 
^ See Gregor. Dial. 1. IV. c. 58. man, tossed about liy a storm in a small 
•* Quae illam nobis mortem per myste- boat at sea was sup|)orted by bread from 
rium reparat, ])ro absolutione nostra pas- lu'avtn, and saved from foundering. Dial, 
sionem unigeniti semper imitatur. Chris- 1- IV- c. 57. 

« Sec Vol. II. 



136 MASSES FOR THE DEAD. MISSAE PRIVATAE. 

gatorial fire destined for those Christians who, though on the whole in 
a state of saving faith (that is, of faith working by love), were still 
burdened with many clogs of sin, for which they must suffer, and from 
which they must be purified, and who had died in thio state. Now the 
sacrifice offered for such, since the efficacy of Christ's passion was 
thereby appropriated to them, was to serve as a means of delivering 
them sooner from those purifying fires, and of enabhng them to get to 
heaven. The stories which Gregory cites in his Dialogues in confirma- 
tion of these ideas, were peculiarly adapted, if we consider the prevail- 
ing bent of the age, to obtain currency for his views in the minds of 
men, whose religious feehngs partook so strongly of the sensuous ele- 
ment, and who were governed more by an excited imagination, than 
by the prudent dictates of the understanding. While then, in con- 
nection Mith the predominant Old Testament mode of considering the 
priesthood, this view of the Lord's Supper became the prevaihng one, 
the dangerous error now arose among the people, of laying the great- 
est stress on the sacrificial act of the priest in behalf of the Hving and 
the dead. The priest was solicited with valuable presents, to say 
masses for the repose of departed souls ; while the laity were more 
seldom disposed to participate in the communion. The tiling was carried 
to such an extreme, that priests presented the offermg of the mass alone 
and by themselves, without any participation of the congregation (the 
so-called missae privatae). Efforts were made in the Caroliiigian pe- 
riod to remove this abuse also, which was so dii-ectly opposed to the 
desigTi of the institution of the Lord's Supper ; and many voices of the 
church alleged against it the ancient liturgical forms of celebrating the 
eucharist. Thus the council of Mentz, in 813, saj^s, how can the 
priest pronounce the words : Sursum corda, or dominus vobiscum 
(Raise your hearts — The Lord be with you), where none are pre- 
sent ?i Theodulf of Orleans brings up the same subject in his In- 
structions to the parochial clergy ;^ and objects to private masses, that 
our Lord said, Where two or three are assembled in my name, I will 
be m the midst of them. Hence too, it was found necessary to exhort 
the laity to a more frequent pjirticipation in the communion. This was 
done by the synod at Cloveshove, and by Theodulf of Orleans, who 
insists however upon the necessity of due preparation in order to par- 
ticipate worthily in the holy ordinance.^ 

The ancient rules of church penance were transmitted also to this 
period. Yet some regard was paid, in the administration of church 
discipline, to the new relations wliich had sprung up among a barbfv 
reus people. Thus to those, y^ha personally confessed their sins to the 
priest,4 it was granted as a favor, that they should not be subjected to 

* C. 23. tutibus exornet, eleemosynis et oratioiiibus 

* C. 7. It could not be celebrated sine insistat. 

salutatione sacerdotis, responsione nihilo- ■* The distinction of pcccata occulta. .Tom 

minus ])lebis. jjeccatis publicis, which latter came to the 

^ C. 44. admoncndus est populus, ut ne- knowledge of the bishops by other wit- 

qua(iuani indilTcronter accedat, nee ah hoc ncsses, and were publicly punished accord- 

niniium al)stincaf, sed cum omni diligentia ing to their decisions at public tribunals 

eligat teinpus, quando alitiuamdiu ab oi)erc (see what has been said above concerning 

conjugali abstincat ct vitiis se purgct, vir- the Sends^. 



CHURCH DISCIPLINE. LIBELLI POENITENTIALES. 187 

any public church penance, but only to penitential exercises Avhich 
were to be performed in private. There was a deviation from the an 
cient laws of the church also in this, that to those who confessed their 
sins and declared their readiness to engage in the penitential exercises 
Imposed on them, the priest might grant absolution at once, although 
they could not as yet be allowed to partake of the communion.' And 
since in general, there were now many things in the laws relating to 
church penance which could not be adapted to the new relations, or, 
amidst such relations, could not be applied Avithout encountering a 
violent opposition ; this circumstance led to changes which, often- 
times, were undertaken to be carried through in so arbitrary a man- 
ner, as threatened to enfeeble the severity of church discipline, so 
wholesome for those rude times, and to encourage security in crimes. 
\Mienever a real interest was felt to improve the condition of the 
church, as was the case in the Carolingian period, men endeavored to 
banish the hbelli poenitentiales (penitential certificates), which sprang 
into use in so abusive a manner ; and to restore again the severity of 
the ecclesiastical laws.^ The directions for administering church pen- 
ance, drawn up ])y Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury, by Egbert of 
York in the eighth century, and by Halitgar, bishop of Cambray, at 
the openmg of the ninth century, were designed for the purpose of 
rendering the ancient laws of the church, relating to penance, applica- 
ble to the new relations and manners. Now these races of people 
were much accustomed to pecuniary mulcts, which had been adopted 
also into the systems of jurisprudence ; so that by paying a certain 
specified fine, those who had been guilty of theft or of murder, could 
purchase exemption from the punishment due to those crimes ; and by 
a composition, could come to an understanding with those whom they 
had injured, or with the relations of those whom they had murdered. 
The regulations of church penance were now accommodated to these 
customs,^ and a composition of tliis sort was received among the num- 

' Among the ordinances of Boniface, — turv, perhaps Maximus of Turin, felt con- 
where also it is spoken of as a com- strained to speak earnestly against the 
pliance introduced hy the circumstances abuse of indulgences practised hy Ariau 
of the times. Et quia varia necessitate ecclesiastics among the barliarian tribes, 
pracpedimur, canonum statuta de conci- and which had sprung out of accommoda- 
liandis pocTiitcntil)Us pleniter oljscrvare, tion to these prevailing customs. See the 
propterca omnino non dimittatur (it should passage already referred to in connection 
not he wholly omitted, everything should with another subject: Praepositi eoiiim, 
be done that was possible). Curet uiius- quos jjresljyteros vocant, dicuntur tale ha- 
quisque presbyter statim post acccptam here mandatum, ut si (juis laicorum fossus 
confessionem poenitentium singulos data fuerit crimen admissum, non dicat illi : age 
oratione reconciliari. Wiirdfwein, f 142. pocnitentiani ; defle pcccata ; sed dicat: 

° So the second council of Clialons c. 38. pro hoc criinine da tantum mihi et indul- 

repudiatis pcnitus lihcili.s quos poeniten- getur tibi. Vanus plane et insipiens prcs- 

tiales vocant, (juorum sunt certi errores, byter, qui cum ille praedam accipiat, putat, 

incerti auctores. Qui dum pro peccatis quod jjcccatum Christus indulgeat. Nes- 

gravibus levcs cjuosdam et inusitatos im- cit, quia salvator solet peccata donare et 

ponunt poenitcntiae modos, consuunt pul- pro delicto quaerere p-eiosas lacrirnas, 

villos secundum prophctiium sermonem non pecunias numcroshs Denique Pe- 

Ezech. 13. sub omni cubito inanus ct faci- trus, cum tcr ncgando Dominum dcliquis- 

nnt cervicalia sub capite universac actatis set. vcniam non muncribus meruit, sed la- 

Hd capiendas animus. criniis im|)etravit. Apud hujusmodi prae- 

' Even a church-father of the fifth cen- ccptorcs semper divites innocentus, sempei 



138 COMPOSITIONS. ORIGIN OF INDULGENCES 

ber of ecclesiastical piinishraents ; or those Avho could not undertake 
certain kinds of church penance to which they sliould have been 
subjected according to the old laws of the church, were allowed to 
substitute for these a pecuniary fine proportionately estimated, and 
the money thus contributed was either to be given as alms to the 
poor, or [laid ibr the ransom of captives, or for defrayhig the ex[>enses 
of public worship.^ This was the first, in itself considered, inno- 
cent, occasion of indulgences. They were accordingly nothing else 
at first, than a substitution for the church punishments hitherto cus- 
tomary, of others better suited to the manners of these races. But as 
it generally happened that some fatal misapprehension, whereby the 
barbarous people were made to feel secure in their sins, became easily 
attached not only to this, but to every kind of church penance, wdien 
the ecclesiastical tribimal w^as not duly distinguished from the divine, 
and the church absolution, from the divine forgiveness of sins, and 
when penitence was not contemplated in its connection with the whole 
economy of Christian salvation,^ so it happened here, that the practice 
of granting absolution for money soon gave birth to the fatal error, 
that it was possible in this way to purchase exemption from the pun- 
ishment of sin and to obtain its forgiveness. The false confidence in 
the merit of almsgiving was in fact nothing new. Against this delu- 
sion and the abuse resulting from it, many of the reforming synods of 
this period earnestly contended. Thus the synod at Cloveshove, so 
often mentioned before, declared in the year 747, can. 26, that alms 
were, by no means, to be given under the impression of being able there- 
b_y to indulge more freely in certain sins, of however trifling a natm-e. 
Nor should alms be given except out of property that had been lawful- 
ly acquired. When, on the contrary, alms were given out of property 
unlawfully obtained, the divine justice was thereby rather offended than 
appeased. Neither might any give alms to the hungry for the purpose 
of surrendering himself to gluttony and dnmkenness ; lest perchance, 
in maldng the dinne justice venal, he might draw down on himself the 
heavier condemnation. They who so acted or judged, seemed to give 
their property to God ; but beyond a doubt they much rather by their 
vices gave themselves to the devil.'^ This synod denounced also the 
dangerous, arbitrary, and novel custom, by which men imagined (an er- 
ror occasioned no doubt by the above-mentioned introduction of compo- 
sitions into the practice of the church), that by the gi^'ing of alms, they 
were released from all the other more difficult kinds of church penance 
— when, on the contrary, the ordinary church penance ought only to 
be strengthened thereby.** So too the second council of Chalons, A. D. 

pauperes cnminosi. s. MaI)illon Museum sanctum altare, she pro pauperihus Chns 

Italicum T. I. P. II. p. 28. tiani.s crotiandum. 

' Halitgar. liber poeiiitentialis, tliat who- ^ See respectino' the fjerm of these errors 

ever could not submit to the prescribed the section rclatinu- to cliurch-life. Vol. I 

fasts, should pay a sum of money, propor- p. 219, and Vol. II. ]). 2'.)2. 

ionate to his means, for the determinate •* Hoc enim modo facicntes sive acsti- 

period of fa.stini^ remitted to liim. Sed mantes sua Deo dare ^identur, seipsos 

unusquistjue attcndat, cui dare debet, sive diabolo per flauitia dare non dnbitantur. 

uro redcmptione captivorum, sive super ' Postremo sicuti nova adinventio nunc 



ON OTHER WORKS CONSIDERED MERITORIOUS. 139 

B13,' declared against sucli as expected to purchase immunity from 
punishment by the giving of alms .2 A false confidence of the same 
kind was placed also in the mechanical repetition of forms of prayer, 
of psalms, and even upon those so-called good works, wliich men pro- 
cured others to do for them. The council of Cloveshove declared on 
the contrary ,3 that the singing of psalms was ^^^thout meaning, except 
as an expression of the feelings of the heart.-* This council was led to 
declare itself so strongly and exphcitly against these erroneous tenden- 
cies, because they had exhibited themselves in the grossest forms. A 
rich man, who applied for absolution on account of a heavy crime, had 
stated in his letter, that he had distributed so many alms, and procured 
such a number of persons to sing psalms and to fast for him, that even 
if he lived a himdred years longer, he would have furnished a suffi- 
cient compensation. If the divine justice could be so propitiated, say 
the council on the other side, Christ would not have said. How hardly 
shall a rich man enter into the kingdom of heaven. 

In the regulations touching conscience, which belong to the 
Carolingian period, allusion is constantly made to the fact, that the 
penance should be measured, not by the length of the time, but by the 
change of disposition.^ Attention was directed also to the difierence 
between the divine forgiveness of sin and priestly absolution. Allud- 
ing to the opinion of those who held that confession of sins before God 
was alone necessary, and maintaining on the contrary, that both 
should be united, this council says : We should confess our sins to 
God, who is the forgiver of all sins according to Psalm 31, and mu- 
tually pray for each other's salvation. By confession before God, we 
obtaui the forgiveness of sins, by confession to the priest we leam from 
him the means, by which sin may be purged away. For God, the au- 
thor and giver of salvation and of health, bestows these blessings, 
sometimes by the invisible agency of his power, sometimes by employ- 
ing the agency of the physician.^ It is here allowed, that the divine 
forgiveness of sins could be bestowed, even without the priestly abso- 
lution ; but that the priest acted only as an instrument of divine grace, 
for the purpose of leading men to the appropriation of the divine pardon.'^ 

plurimis periculosa consuetudo est, non peccata, ea vero, quae sacerdoti fit, docet, 

elcemosyna porrecta ad minuendara vel ad qualiter ipsa purgentur peccata. Deus 

mutandam satisfactionem per jejnniam et namque salutis et sanitatis auctor et largi- 

reliqua expiationis opera, a sacerdote jure tor plerumque banc praebet suae potentiae 

ranonicu iudicta, sed magis ad augmcntan- invisihili adininistrationc, plerumque medi- 

dara emendationem. corum opcratione. 

* C. 36. ' Also Theodulf of Orleans supposes the 

* C. 36. Qui hoc perpetrarunt, videntur forgiveness of sins conditioned solely on 
Deum mercede conducere, ut eis impune the inward confession of sins before God, 
peccare liceat. quia quanto nos memorcs sumus peccato- 

^ C. 37. rum nostrorum, tanto horum Dominus ob- 

* The intima intentio cordis. livisiitur. But he consi-.ers it to be the 
° Thus the second council of Ch.ilons end of auricular confessioa, that penitents 

U3 c. 34: neque cnim pensanda est poeni- by following the counsel of the priest, and 

tentia quantitate temporis, sed ardore men- applying the remedies by him prescribed, 

lis et mortificatione corporis. Cor autem and through the mediation of his prayers, 

contritum et humiliatum Deus non sper- might be cleansed from the stain of sin, 

nit. quia accepto a sacerdotibus salutari con- 

^ Confessio itaque, quae Deo fit, purgat silio, salubenimis poenitentiae observatiO' 



140 NEW AND MORE SEVERE KINDS OF PENANCE. 

So too Halitgar sa_ys : ^ " AVhen a man has committed any sin, 
whereby he is exchided from the body of Christ, a OTeat deal more 
certainly depends on contrition of heart than on the measure of 
time ; but as no one can look into the heart of another, particular 
times have been rightly fixed upon by the heads of the church, in 
order that satisfaction may also be given to the church, in which the 
sins are forgiven.^" It is evident, how much better it Avould have been 
for the religious and moral condition of the communities, if there had 
not been so great a lack of priests capable of administering the sys- 
tem of church penance according to the principles here expressed. 

Besides the changes in the system of penance, which proceeded 
from too lax a tendency, we have still to mention the new and severer 
kinds of penance, which, although more rarely, were imposed in ex- 
traordinary cases, such as murder, — where the delinquent was com- 
pelled to go about with a heavy weight of iron chains and rings, made 
fast to different members of his body ; or, thus loaded, to make a pil- 
grimage to some distant holy place, as the tomb of St. Peter, wdiere, 
according to the nature of his case, he was to obtain absolution.3 
Against the vagrancy of such penitents, more resembhng the spirit of 
oi'iental self-castigation, than the moral culture of a Christian, and im- 
itated no doubt by enthusiasts and deceivers in other cases besides 
those described, the emperor Charles finally passed, in the year 789, 
a special law.'* 

nibus sive mutuis orationibus, peccatonim cidii centum civculis ferreis tarn in collo 

maculas diluimns, c. 30. To be sure, ac- quam in utroque constrictus brachio, quam 

cording to the churchtheory of satisfaction, gravibus quotidie su])pliciis afficeretur, per 

it might be considered necessary, after the sulcos, quos ferrum caniibus ejus inflixerat, 

forgiveness of sin had been obtained, to ob- videntibus fidem fecit. Vita S. Galli, 1. II. 

tain also exemption from its punishment by c. 34. 

means of churcli penances voluntarily un- ■• Nee isti iiudi cum fcrro (sinantur vaga- 

dertaken, so as to avoid the necessity of n), qui dicunt se data sibi poenitentia ire 

being subjected to the fires of purgatory. vagantes. Melius videtur, ut, si aliquid 

' In his preface de poenitentiae utilitate. inconsuetum et capitale crimen conimise- 

■ Ut satistiat etiam ecclesiae, in qua re- rint, in loco permaneant laborentes et scrvi- 

mittantur peccata. entes et poenitentiam agentes secundum 

•^ The description of such an one : Pau- quod sibi canonice impositura sit. lialnz 

]>erculus quidam presbyter jiropter homi capitular. I. 239. 



SECTION FOURTH. 



HISTORY 01 CHRISTIANITY, APPREHENDED AND DEVELOPED AS 
A SYSTEM OF DOCTRINES. 

I. In the Latin Church. 

Gregory the Great, with whom we hegin this period, concludes the 
series of classical church-teachers of the West. By him, that fonn 
of the development of church doctrine which had obtained in the 
Christianized Roman world, was carried over into the succeeding centu- 
ries ; and he represents the very important middle point between the 
Christian creation under the Roman form of culture, now in the process 
of dechne, and the new Christian creation, destined to spring forth out 
of the stock of the German races. Born in Rome, between the years 
540 and 550, of a noble, patrician family, he was educated in a style 
corresponding to his rank, and possessed a good knowledge of Roman 
Hterature. Of the Greek language he always remained ignorant. 
He filled for some time the office of praetor at Rome, till, in his for- 
tieth year, he retired from active duties and embraced the monastic 
Hfe. He founded six monasteries ; and in one of these, which he had 
established in the vicinity of Rome, he entered as a monk himself, and 
was afterwards made its abbot. The Roman bishop, Pelagius II, 
drew him into the active service of the church, making him one of the 
seven deacons m the church of Rome. Availing himself of that know- 
ledge of the world and skill in the management of affairs, which Greg- 
ory had acquired in his former civil capacity, the pope sent him as his 
agent ' to Constantinople. On the death of Pelagius, in 589, Greg- 
ory was cliosen his successor. Although he considered it liis duty, to 
devote himself with vigilant and unsparing activity to the manifold 
external business then connected with his official station,^ — a course 
which appeared to him in the light of a necessary condescension of 
love to the necessities of the weak, after the example of Christ, who 
for the salvation of men took upon him the form of a servant,^ — yet 

' 'XTTOKpiaiapio^, rcsponsalis. civiiim ncgotia sustinere. modo de irruenti- 

* He himself dcscrilics the vast amount bus Barharorum jrhidiis gcmere et com- 

o{ foreign business which foil uj)on his misso p-cgi insidiaiUcs lupos timere, modo 

hands, 1.1 in Ezecliiol. II. XI. § 6. Cojioi renun curain suniore. ne dc^int sulisidio 

namque modo eeclcsiaruni, modo monaste- cis ijisis, quiluis disciplinae rcgula tenetur. 

riorum causas discutere, sacpc sinsrulonim ^ Nee taedere anininm debet, si sensus 

vitas aetusque ]icnsare. modo (juaedam ejus eonlemiihitioni s)]iriialiuni semper in- 



142 GREGORYS ZEAL AS A PREACHER. HIi PASTORAL RULE. 

the immediate, spiritual duties of his vocation ever seemed to him the 
most weighty and interesting. And, in fact, he devoted the ener^es 
of his mind even to the improvement of the ecclesiastical music,^.and 
of the hturgical element in worship generally. He exerted a great 
influence on the peculiar shaping given to the whole mode of worship 
in the following centuries. Yet he by no means neglected the appro- 
priate duties of his office as a preacher ; but rather accounted them 
among the most essential duties of the priestly calling.* He held it 
to be an essential duty of his priestly vocation to admonish and exhort 
the collective body of the flock in pubhc discourses, and the individual 
members of the flock by private conversations. 3 He complained that 
the bishops of his time neglected, by attending so much to outward 
aSairs, the business of preaching, which belonged to their vocation, 
and to their own reproach, called themselves bishops without actually 
performing the duties indicated by this name ; * and he acknowledged 
that in so doing he accused liimself, although he was compelled by the 
exigencies of the times and in spite of his wishes, to become immersed 
in these external things .5 Difficult as it often was for him to compose, 
by reason of his frequent illness, and the multitude of afiairs of all 
kinds which claimed and distracted his thoughts, as he himself com- 
plains,6 yet he was a dihgent preacher, and the majority of his wri- 
tings grew out of sermons which he had delivered. He exerted him- 
self also to stimulate the dihgence of others in sermonizing ; while it 
was ever on his lips, that in order to a successful discharge of the 
preacher's office, life and doctrine must go together. " Words — he 
said — that came from a cold heart, could never hght up m hearers 
the fervor of heavenly desires ; for that which burned not itself could 
kindle nothing else." ' In order to lead the clergy of his times to a 
sense of the dignity of their office, he drew up for their use a " Pas- 
toral Rule," (regula pastoralis), in which a great deal was brought 
together that lies scattered in diSbrent parts of his writings. In this 
work, he endeavored to show in what temper of mind and in what way 

tentus, aliqixando dispcnsandis rebus mini- cordibus quaerere. L. I. Horn. XVII. in 

mis quasi minoratus infiectitur, quando Evangelia, ^ 9. 

lllud verbum, per quod constant omnia ere- * Ad exteriora negotia delapsi sumus, 

ata, ut prodesset hominibus, assumta hu- ministerium praedicationis relinquimus et 

manitate voluit paulo minus ab angelis mi- ad poenam nostram, ut video, episcopi vo- 

norari, 1. 19. in Job. § 4.5. camur, 1. c. § 14. 

' As late as the beginning of the ninth = Me quoque pariter accuse, quamvis 

century, the chair was still pointed out on Barbarici tomporis necessitate compulsus 

which Gregory was wont to sit when he led valde in his jaceo invitus. 

the church psalmody of the boys received * Quum itaque ad tot et tanta cogitanda 

into the schola cantorum. Joh. Diaconi scissa ac dilaniata mens ducitur, quando 

vita, 1. II. c. 1. ad semetipsam redeat, ut totam se in prae- 

* Praeconis officium suscipit, quisquis ad dicatione colligat ? In Ezechiel. 1. I. H. 

sacerdotiam accedit. Sacerdos vero si prae- XI. fj 6. 

aicationis est nescius, quam clamoris vo- ' Ad supernum desiderium inflammaro 

cem daturus est praeco mutus ? 1. I. ep. auditores suos nequeunt verba, quae frigido 

25. corde proferuntur, neque enim res, quae in 

' Et qui una eademque exhortationis se ipsa non arserit, aliud accendit. Mora- 
voce non sufficit simul cunctos admonere, lia, L. 1. VIII. in Cap. VIII. Job. ^72. 
debet singulos, in quantum valet, instruere. So also 1. I. in Ezechiel. H. XI. § 7. The 
privatis locutionibus acdificare, cxhorta- preacher, he said, could inspire in the hearts 
tione simplici fructum in filionim suorum of his hearers a love of their heavenly home 



HIS VIEWS ON PREDESTINATION. 143 

the spiritual shepherd should come tx) his ofEce ; how he should live in 
it ; how he should vary his mode of address according to different cir- 
cumstances, and according to the different character of his hearers, 
and how he should guard against self-exaltation in perceivmg the happy 
results of his official labors. This work had an important influence 
during the next succeeding centuries, in exciting a better spirit among 
the clergy, and in leading to efforts for improving the condition of the 
church. The reforming sjTiods under Charlemagne made it their 
text-book in devising measures for the impro\'ement of the sjiiritual 
order. I Very soon after its appearance, the question was- proposed to 
the author by a bishop. What was to be done, in case that such men 
as, in this work, were required to fill the offices of the church, could 
nowhere be found : ^ whether perhaps it was not enough to know Jesus 
Christ and him crucified (scire Jesum Christum et hunc crucifixum), 
— where it is quite evident, that he who proposed the question, Avas 
hardly aware, how much is implied in realhj knoiwng and understaiid- 
inji this, according to the sense of St. Paul. With regard to the pe- 
culiar theological character, the doctrinal and ethical bent of Gregory, 
upon all this, the study of Augustin, for whom he had a peculiar ven- 
eration,3 had exercised the greatest influence. By him, the Augustin- 
iau doctrines in their milder form, and directed rather to the interests 
(»f practical Christianity than to those of speculation, were handed 
over to the succeeding centuries. The practical interest was with him 
everywhere predominant ; it led him to adopt the Augustinian scheme 
of doctrine only on the side on Avhich it seemed to him peculiai-1 v 
necessary to receive it in order to the cultivation of a Christian habit 
of feeling, so as to beget true humility and self-renunciation, without 
loading to the investigation of speculative questions ; as, in fact, he 
was wont to trace heretical tendencies to the circumstance that men 
had not searched the Scrijiturcs to find that for which they were given 
to mankind, and which belonged to the discipline necessary for salva- 
tion, but prying after what Avas hidden and incomprehensible, neg- 
lected to apply what was revealed to immediate profit.'' Men boldly 
speculated on the essence of tlie divine nature, Avhile they remained 
ignorant of their own Avretched selves.^ 



only quum liiif^ua ejus ex vita arserit. ^ A pracfoct of Africa having solicited a 

Nam lucenia. quae in semetipsa non avdet, copy of his IMoralia for his own instruction, 

earn rem, cui suppoiiitur, non accendit. Gregory wrote to him. 1. 10. ep. .38. Sed 

To this he applies the words of John the si delicioso cupitis pabulo saginari, hcati 

Baptist (John .5: .3.5) : Lucerna ardens et Augustini ])atriotae vestri opuscuhi Icgite 

hucns, ardens videlicet pei coeleste desid- et ad comparationem silip;inis illius nos- 

L-rium, lucens per verhum. trum fuifurcm non quaeratis. 

' See the preface to the council of Mentz, ■* Onmes haeretici, dum in sacro elo(]uio 

81.3, the second council of Rheims in the plus secreta Dei student perscrutari, (piam 

same year; the third council of Tours di- capiunt, fame sua steriles fint. Dum ad 

rccts in its third canon, that no bishop hoc tendunt, quod comprchendcrenequeunt, 

>;hould. if it could jiossihly he avoided, he ea cogno^cere negligunt, ex quihus erudiri 

itrnor.ant of the canons of the councils, and potuerunt. 

of the liher jiastoralis, in quihus se debet * Plerumque audactcr de natura divini- 

•musriuisque quasi in quodam speciilo assi- tatis tractant, cum semettpsos miseri ties- 

'iue considerare. ciant. L. 20 in cap. 30 Job. § 18. 

■^ See Lib. II. ep. .'J4. 



144 HIS VIEWS ON PREDESTINATION. 

Knowledge in God, Gregory contemplated as a causative, creative 
and eternal knowledge ; whereby the doctrine that predestination is 
conditioned on a foreknowledge of given events, seems by him to be 
excluded. It is only by a necessary anthropopathism, that it is pos- 
sible to speak of a divine foreknowledge ; since the relations of time 
do not admit of being applied to God, and we can attribute to him 
properly only an eternal knowledge. i Yet in the application of this 
maxim, he was prevented, by his practical spirit, from extending it to 
such length, as to make the causality of evil revert back on God ; 
though he nowhere enters into any close investigation of this relation. 
Where it is said that God creates good and evil, Isaiah 45 : 7, the 
latter he says refers only to the evil which God ordains for good. 
The creative agency of God cannot be referred^ to evil, as being in 
itself a negative thing.s Thus, too, he explains the expression, God 
hardens mens' hearts, as meaning simply that he does not, when they 
have involved themselves in guilt, bestow on them the grace whereby 
their hearts might be softened.^ By reason of th£ prevailing notion 
respecting infant b-aptism, concerning the origin of wliich we have 
spoken already in the preceding period, the question must have oc- 
curred to him, why should one cHld, if it dies after receiving baptism be 
saved, and another if it dies before receiving the same, be lost ? which 
he answers, rejecting all otber modes of explanation, simply by referring 
to the incomprehensibleness of the divine judgments, which men ought 
humbly to adore.5 In another place,^ where he dwells in like manner, 
on the incomprehensible character of God's providential deaUngs, he 
makes the following practical application of this truth : " Let man, then, 
come to the consciousness of his ignorance, that he may fear.'^ Let him 
fear, that he may humble himself; let him humble himself, that he may 
place no confidence in himself. Let him place no confidence in him- 
self, that he may learn to seek help of his Creator, and when he has 
come to know, that in self-confidence nothing is to be found but death, 
he may by appropriating the help of his Creator, attain to life."^ 
With Gregory, the important point touching the relation of free-will to 
grace is this — that every motion to good, proceeds from divine grace ; 
but that the free-will cooperates, while grace works within it in a man- 
ner conformed to its nature, following the call of grace Avith free self- 
determination ; all which too may be very easily reconciled with Au- 
crustin's doctrine of the gratia indeclinabilis ; — and in this sense alone 

' Scimus, quia Deo futurum nihil est, ^ L. III. in cap. 2 Job. § 1.5. 

ante cujus oculos praeterita nulla sunt, ■* See L. 31 in cap. .39 Job. § 26, and in 

praesentia non transeuut, futura non veni- Ezechicl. L. I. H. XI. § 2.5. 

unt, quia omiie quod nobis fuit et erit, in * Quanto obscuritate nequeunt coi.spici, 

ejus conspectu praesto est. et oinne quod tanto debent humilitate venerari 1. 27 in. 

praesens est, scire potest potius quain prac- cap. 36. Job. § 7. 

scire, quia ([uae nobis futura sunt videt, * See 29 in cap. 38 Job. ^77. 

quae t.anien ipsi semper praesto sunt, prae- "^ In reference to the question respecting 

scius dicitur, (piaravis nequaquam futurum himself, whether he belonsrcd to the num- 

praevideat, quod praesens videt, nam et ber of the clecl, a point about which nc 

quaeque sunt, non in aeternitate ejus ideo person could be certain, 

videntur, quia sunt, sed ideo sunt, quia vi- ■* Et qui in se fidcns mortuus est, auctoris 

flentur. L. 20 in cap. 30 Job. § 63. sui adjutorium appetens vivat. 

* Quae nulla sua natura subsistunt. 



RELATION OF GRACE TO FREE-WILL. 145 

Joes he ascribe any merit to free-will.' By this connection of ideas, 
Gregory can reconcile witli the assertion of a free-will, the assertion 
also of a grace attracting and transforming man's corrupt will with a 
power which is essentially irresistible. " U what a consummate artist 
is that Spirit, says he. Without the tardy process of learning, the 
man is impelled onward to all that this Spirit wdlls. No sooner does 
he touch the soul than he teaches, and his touch is itself a teaching ; 
for at one and the same time he enhghtens and converts the human 
heart. It suddenly turns stranger to what it was, and becomes what 
it was not."2 He considers goodness the work of God, and man's 
work, at the same time ; in as much as it is to be traced to the caus- 
aUty of divine grace, while the fi-ec-will, as an instrument of the agen- 
cv of grace, freely surrenders itself, that is, without being conscious 
of any constraining necessity. Hence we can speak of a reward — 
although indeed without this determinate agency of grace, which God 
bestows on none but the elect, this ac* of the free-will would not 
have been e^ierted. And had Gregory been disposed to follow this 
train of ideas still further, he must have come to the result, that this 
was a necessary agency of grace, though exerted in the form of the 
subject's own self determination. 3 Now as Gregory made the salvar 
tion of the individual depend on the question, whether or no he be- 
longed to the number of the elect, and yet according to his opinion 
no man could penetrate into this hidden counsel of the di^dne mind 
without a special revelation, it followed, that no man, in the present 
life, can have any certainty with regard to his salvation ; and this un- 
certainty appeared to him a most salutary thing for man, serving to 
keep him ever humble, and in a watchful care over himself. On one 
occasion, a lady in waiting, of the emperor's household (cubicularia) 
at Constantinople, by name Gregoria, wrote to him, that she could 
have no peace, till Gregory could assure her, it was revealed to him 
from God, that her sins were forgiven. To this he replied,^ that she 
had rerpiired of him a thing which was at once difficuK; and unprofita- 
ble — difficult, because he was unworthy of such a revelation ; un- 
profitable because it was not till the last day of her life, when no more 
time was left to weep over her sins, she ought have the assurance that 
they were forgiven. Till then, distrustful of herself, trembling for 
herself, she should always fear on account of her sins, and seek to 

' Quiii praevenicnte divina grsitia in ope- lumtpic tctigisse docuisse est, nam hnnian- 

ratione bona, nostrum liberum arbitrium um aniinum subito at illustrat immutat, 

scquitur, nosmctipsos liherare dicimur, qui abncgat hoc repente quod erat, exhibet re- 

liberanti nos Domino consentimus. He pente quod non erat. 

explains the pln-aseology of St. Paul 1 Cor. •* Bonum, (juod agimus. et Dei est et 

15: 10 as follows: (Juia enim praevenien- nostrum, Dei per praevenientcm oratiam, 

teni Dei gratiam per liheium arbitrium fu- nostrum per obsequentem liberam volunta- 

erat subse(|uutiis, a])te suhjungit: mecum, tern. Quia non immcrito gratias agimus, 

ut et divino muneri non esset ingratus, et seimus, (piod ejus munerc pi-aevenimur, et 

tamen a merito liberi arbitrii non remane- rursum, quia non immerito retributionem 

ret extraneus. L. 24 in cap. 3.3 Job. § 24. quaerimus, scimus, (juod obsequcnte libero 

■■' Gregor. 1. II. Iloin. in I'^vanuel. 30, v^ 8. arbitrio bona elegimus, quae ageremus L 

qualis est artifex iste spiiitusl Nulla ad 33 in cap. 41 Job. § 40. 

discendum mora agitiir in omne quod volu- '' L. VII. ep. 25. 
crit. Mox ut tetigerit montem docet so- 
VOL. III. 10 



146 UNCERTAINTY ABOUT SALVATION. 

cleanse herself from them by daily tears. This was the state of 
mind which Paul found himself to be in, 1 Cor. 9: 27, notwithstanding 
he could boast of such high revelations. This mode of viewing the 
matter, which in the following centuries continued to be entertained in 
the Western church, gave occasion, it is trae, to a tormenting species 
of asceticism, to dark and melancholy views of hfe, and to various 
kinds of holiness by works or superstitious observances, which were 
started into existence by the oppressive feeling of this uncertainty ; 
but Gregory still directed the anxious soul to trust in the objective 
promise of divine grace in Clirist. Thus, for instance, he concludes 
one of his sennons :^ " relying on the compassion of our Creator, 
mindful of his justice, be concerned for your sins ; recollecting his 
grace, despair not ; the God-man gives man trust in God." 

If we remark in the doctrinal system of Augustin two elements ; 
the purely Christian, which proceeded from a profound apprehension 
of the ideas of ^^ grace' ^ and»of ^^pistijication" as essentially spiritual 
ideas ; and the sensual Catholic, which he had received from the 
church tradition, and wliich had become mixed up with the former in 
his inward hfe, so too we meet with the same elements in Gregory ; 
and they were transmitted by him down to the succeeding centuries. 
From the latter, proceeded the development of Catholicism in the mid- 
dle ages, in its sensual Jewish form ; from the former, the seeds of a 
vital and inward Christianity, which is to be found also under the en- 
velope of Catholicism, and which, sometimes, even excited and pro- 
duced a reaction against the sensual Catholic principle. The antago- 
nism between these two elements discovered itself in him in various 
ways. 

Though, on the one hand, he was easily inclined to believe the 
stories about miracles wrought in his own time, and especially to as- 
cribe such miraculous operations to the sacraments ; and though, by 
collections of this sort in his Dialogues,^ he nourished the passion for 
miracles in the times which succeeded him ; yet on the other, his in- 
tuitive perception coming from the depths of the Christian conscious- 
ness of the essence of Christianity, and of the new creation ground- 
ed in the redemption, together with the inward miracle of the com- 
munication of a divine life ,3 led him to appreciate more correctly the 
external miracle, as an isolated and temporal thing, compared to the 
one and universal fact wliich was thereby to be introduced and mark- 
ed, and to form a counter-influence to the fleshly passion for miracles. 
He considered external miracles as having been once necessary, in or- 
der to pave the way for the introduction among men of the new crea- 
tion, to elevate the mind from the visible to the invisible, from the mir- 

* In Evangelia 1. 11. H. 34. effusion of the Holy Ghost to the incar- 

* In which, by the way, several reraarl<a- nation of the Son of God, he says : In ilia 
ble phenomena are related, belonging to Deus in se perraanens suscepit horainem, 
the higher province of psychology, where in ista vero homines venientem desuper 
the energy of a divine life, breaking through susceperunt Deum, in ilia Deus naturaliter 
mere earthly limits, may perhaps have been foetus est homo, in ista homines ficti sunt 
revealed. per adoptionem Dii. In Evangelia lib. II. 

* Thus, concerning the relation of the Horn. 30. ^ 9. 



HIS VIEWS OF MIRACLES. 147 

Bcle without, to the far greater miracle within. They who had some 
thing new to announce, must procure credence for themselves by these 
new facts, accompan^dng the new annunciation.^ "^VTierever that 
highest of all miracles and end of them all, the divine life, has once 
entered humanity, it no longer needs the external sign. Paul on an 
island full of unbehevers, healed the sick by his prayers ; but to his 
sick companion Timothy, he only recommended the natural remedies, 
1 Tim. 6: 23, for the former needed first to be made susceptible for 
the inward power of the divine life ; but the sick friend who Avas al- 
ready sound and healthy within,^ had no need of the outward miracle. 3 
The true miracle ever continues to operate in the church ; since the 
church daily accomplishes, after a spiritual manner, such works as the 
apostles accomplished after a sensible manner — a thought which he 
finely carries out -svith reference to the gift of tongues, the gift of 
healing, etc., spiritually interpreted — and he then goes on to say, — 
these wonders are the greater, because they are of a spiritual kind 
— the greater, because by their means not the bodies, but the souls 
of men are revived. Such wonders — he adds in the sermon from 
which these remarks are taken'' — you may work, if you will, by the 
power of God. Those physical miracles are sometimes evidences of 
holiness, but they do not constitute it ; but these spiritual miracles 
which are wrought in the soul, are not evidence of the virtue of the 
Ufe, but they constitute that virtue. Tlie former, even the wicked 
may have, Matth. 7: 22 ; the latter, none but the good enjoy. Lar 
bor not then after miracles which one may have in common with the 
reprobate, but after the miracles of love and piety, which are the more 
sure, in proportion, as they are the more hidden. After citing the 
words of Christ above referred to, Gregory says in another place :* 
"It is plain from this, that humility, love, should be honored in men, 
not the power of working of miracles. The proof of hohness is 
not the working of miracles, but the loving all as we do ourselves."' 
The gift of brotherly love, he means, is the only token of dis- 
cipleship, as described by Christ himself He finely unfolds the 
idea of a moral power proceeding from faith, which would get the 
victory even over the power of Anti-Christ, accompanied though it 
might be, with seeming miracles.'' 

Though Gregory spoke highly of the operations of divine grace in 
the miraculous cures efiected at the tombs of saints, yet he denounced 
that direction of prayer at these holy places which sought help chiefly 
in matters relating to the body. "Behold — says he in a sermon 

' Ut nova fecerent, qui nova praedica- ® He adds : de Deo vera, de proximo 

rent. Ad hoc qiiippc visibilia miracula co- vero meliora quam de semetipso sentire. 
rnscant, ut corda videntiuin ad fidom invis- '' Ante enim a fidclibus miraculoram 

ibilium pcrtrahant, ut per hoc, quod minim divitiae suhtrahuntur et tunc contra cos an- 

foris agitur, hoc quod intus est, longe mi- tiquts ille liostis per apcrta prodi<ria osten- 

rahilius esse sentiatur. In Evang. 1. I. H. ditur ut quo ipse per signa extollitur, eo 

I *■ h 3- a fidclibus sine signis robustiuslaudabilius- 

* Qui salubriter intus vivebat. que vincatur. Quomm nimirum virtus 
' Compare also 1. 27 in cap. 37 Job. § 36. omnibus siiznis fit potior, quum omne,quod 

»d. Bcncdictin. T. I. f. 8G9. ab illo tcnibilitcr fieri conspicit. per intcr- 

* L. II. in Evangel. H. 29. § 3. nae constantiae calcem premit. L. 34. ic 

* L. 20 in cap. 20 Job. cap. VII. § 17. Job. c. III. ^ 7. 



148 ON PRAYERS. TREATMENT OF ETHICS. 

preached at the festival of a martyr,^ — how many have come up to 
the feast, bowing the knee, beating your hearts, uttering Avords of prayer 
and confession of sins, moistening your cheeks with tears. But pon- 
der, I beseech you, the character of your prayers, consider whether 
you pray in tlie name of Jesus, that is, whether you pray for the joys 
of eternal bliss ; for you seek not Jesus in the dweUing of Jesus, if, 
in the temple of eternity, you pray in an impatient manner for tem- 
poral things. Behold, one seeks in his prayer a wife ; another longs 
for an estate ; another for clothing ; another for the means of su]> 
sistence. And very true, even for these things, if they be lacking, 
men must ask the Almighty God. But in so doing, we should ever 
be mindful of that which we have learned from the precept of our 
Saviour, ' Seek first the kingdom of God and his righteousness, and 
all these things shall be added unto you.' It is no error, then, to 
pray to Christ even for these things, if we do not seek them too earnestly. 
But he who seeks by prayer the death of an enemy, he Avho perse- 
cutes with prayer one whom he cannot persecute with the sword, 
mcurs the guilt of a murderer ; — he fights, while he prays, against 
the will of his Creator ; — his very prayer is sin." 

From what has now been said concerning the doctrinal principles 
of Gregory, we may infer the intimate connection in which, m his 
case as in that of Augustin, the etliical element w^ould stand to the 
doctruial, and the peculiar direction his mind would take in the dis- 
cussion of ethical"^ questions. It was the peculiar direction adopted 
and carried out by Augustm, in opposition to that Pelagianism which 
severed Christian morality from its intimate connection with the doc- 
trines of faith. It was the tendency which seeks to refer everything 
back to the central point of the Christian life, the divine principle of 
a life growing out of faith, the essential temper of love ; — and the 
opposition, thence resulting, to the isolated and outward mode of esti- 
mating morality by the standard of quantity. "It is from the root 
of holiness within — says Gregory — that the single branches of 
holy conduct must proceed, if that conduct is expected to pass as an 
acceptable offering, an oblatio verae rectitudinis, before God ; ^ and 
the essence of this inward holiness consists in love, which sponta- 
neously gives bu-th to all that is good. As many branches spring 
from a single tree and a single root, so many virtues spring from love, 
which is one. The branch of good works is without verdure, except 
it abide in connection with the root of love. Hence the precepts of 
om- Lord are many, while yet there is but one ; — many, as it respects 
the manifoldness of the works, — one, in the root, which is love."^ 
He therefore recognizes the necessary inward connection subsisting 
between all the virtues, particularly of the so-called cardmal vii-tues ; 
since one cannot subsist in absolute separation from the rest.' He 

' In Evangelia 1. II. Horn. 27. ^ Lib. XIX. in Job. c. 2.3. § 38. 

* A subject on which he had particularly ■* Lib. II. in P^vanyelia H. 27. § I. 
iniployed his thoughts, especially in his * Una virtus sine aliis aut omnino nulla 

Moralia, in his practical allegorizing in- est aut imperfecta, lib. XXII. JVIoral. c. I 

erpretation of Job, which grew out of L. II. in Ezechiel H. 10. (^ 18. 
loniilies ©n this book. 



THE CARDINAL VIRTUES. OPUS OPERATUM. 149 

3nters into the folio-wing exposition, among others, to illistrate the 
necessary connection subsisting between the cardinal virtues. Pru- 
dence, which has respect to the knowledge of Avhat is to be done, 
can avail nothing without fortitude, which supplies the power for the 
actual performance of that which is known to be right. Such know- 
ledge would be a punishment rather than a virtue. He, then, Avho 
by^>r»c?t;??(?e knoAvs what he has to do, and by fortitude actually does 
it, is just indeed ; but the zeal of justice ceases to be a right zeal, 
unless it is accompanied with modet-ationA On tliis principle, he 
combatted several individual fonns of that fundamental error in 
morals, of estimating Avorks of piety in a separate and outward man- 
ner, o/'^ra operata ; as, for instance, very frequently in the case of 
almsgiA'ing, in the case of the monastic hfe, Avhich, in other respects, 
was so highly valued by him. " It is often observed — says he — 
that individuals, under the urgent feeling of a momentary contiition, 
become monks ; — but in changing the outward gai'b, they are not 
fomid to be changed also m inward disposition.^ Such persons might 
be addressed in the language of Paul to those who observed the 
externals of the law : That with Christ, neither circumcision availeth 
anythmg nor uncircumeision, but a new creature. To desjiise the 
present Avorld ; to ' cease loving the transient and perishable ; to be 
thoroughly humble before God and toAvards our neighbors ; to bear 
Avith patience the msults to Avhich we may be exposed, and ,vith 
patience to banish every feeling of revenge from the heart ; not to 
covet the goods of others, and to communicate of our substance to the 
needy ; to love our friends in God, and for the sake of God to love 
even our enemies ; to be grieved AA^hen our neighbors suffer, and not 
to rejoice over the death of an enemy — this is the new creation.* 
So he often speaks slightingly of those ascetic austerities, AAiiich had 
not grown out of true love and self-renimciation, and Avhich served as 
a foothold for pride and vanity ; ^ and of that mock humihty Avhich, 
beneath an appearance of outAvard sell-debasement, concealed the 
greater pride, making use of the one to nourish the other ; ^ and of 
the humihty that consisted in the opus operatum of confessing one's 
sinfulness or particular sins, and betraying, at the same time, the 
insmcerity of tliis confession, by the manner in A\'hich reproofs AA'ere 
received from another.® Moreover, Gregory transmitted the funda- 



' In Ezekicl lib. I. Hoin. III. § 8. dejcctos se exhibendo contemnunt ; sed 

' Ad vocem praedicationis quasi ex con- tanien ajjud se iiitrorsus quasi ex ipso 

versione compunctos haliitum, uon ani- mcrito ostensae vilitatis intumescunt et 

mum inutas.sc, ita ut rcligiosam vcstem tanto manis in cordc elati sunt, quauto 

eumorcnt, sed ante acta vitia non calcarcnt amplius in specie elationem premunt. 1. 

ct de solo exterius habitu, (lucm sumse- XXVII. !Moral. ■^ 78. 
rant sanctitatis liduciam habere. '^ Saepe contingit, ut passim se homines 

' In Ezcchicl 1. I. H. 10. ^ 9. iniquos esse fateantur; sed quum peccata 

* See, e. g- 1- H- in Evangelia liom. 32. sua veraciter aliis arguentibus audiunt, de- 
Fortasse lalmriosum non est homini relin- fenduD"; so sumniopere, atque innocentes 
qucre sua, sed valde hiboriosum est, re- vidcri conantur. Iste de conf'essione pec- 
Unqucre seinctipsuin. cati ornaii voluit, non humiliaii, per accu- 

* Sunt nonniilli, qui viles vidcri ab ho- sationem suani huniilis appctiit videri, not 
minibus appctunt atque omne, quod sunt, esse. I. XXIV. Moral. ^ 22. 



150 RELATION OF RATIO AND FIDES. 

mental principle of the Augustinian ethics,'- by expounding, m th« 
same strict sense, the obhgation to truthfulness, and by utteriy con- 
demning every species of falsehood.^ 

Gregory by no means inculcated a blind faith, excluding all ra- 
tional investigation ; but on this point also followed the principle of 
Augustin on the relation of reason to faith, though by virtue of his 
peculiar bent of mind he ventured less deeply into doctriaal specula- 
tions. " The church — says he — requires faith only on rational 
grounds of conviction ; and even when she presents matters which 
could not be comprehended by reason, she rationally advises that 
human reason should not be too earnest to fathom what is incompre- 
hensible." 3 The mfluence of Gregory in hastening the dechne of the 
study of ancient literatui-e, has often been greatly exaggerated. In 
this respect, he simply followed out the views which had always pre- 
dominated in the Western church. We remarked on a former page, 
how much he insisted on study as a duty of the clergy ; but we must 
allow, he required such studies of them as were suited to their call- 
ing — spiritual studies ; "* and he severely reproved a certain bishop, 
Desiderius of Vienne,^ because, whUe a bishop, he gave instruction in 
grammar, and explained the ancient poets.^ We ought to be exactly 
informed respecting the motives which influenced the bishop, and of 
the manner in which he contrived to unite these labors with the 
duties of his vocation, which, no doubt, under the existing circum- 
stances in France, demanded great attention, to be able to judge 
how far Gregory was right in passing on him so severe a censure. 
At all events, we cannot possibly infer, from the fact that he consi- 
dered this employment unbeseeming a bishop, that he considered the 
study of ancient hterature generally an unsuitable employment for a 
Christian. But when he says, that it is unbecoming even in a pious 
layman, to recite poems that have anything to do with the pagan 
doctrine of the gods, it would seem to follow from this, that he consi- 
dered it unbecoming a pious Christian to teach the ancient Hterature. 
Yet in the vehemence of his feelings towards a bishop who thus em- 
ployed his time, he may perhaps have expressed himself more strongly 
than he would otherwise have done.7 

' See Vol. II. p. 779. ■* The studies of the clergy extended 

^ He would not approve of telling a more rarely, however, to the older Greek 

falsehood, even to save life, ut nee vita fathers; partly on account of their igno- 

cujuslibet per fallaciam defendatur, ne ranee of the language, partly because tiie 

suae animae noceant, dum praestare vitam doctrinal opinions of those fatliers were 

carni nituntui* alienae, quanquam hoc ip- less agreeable to the prevailing bent of 

sum peccati genus facillime credimus re- mind in many respects. Thus we may cx- 

laxari. Moral. 1. XVIII. § 5. So also ]il:iin how it should happen, that in the 

against falsehood springing from a mis- Konian libraries not a single book of the 

taken notion of humility, qui necessitate writings of Ircnaeus was to be found, 

cogente vera de se bona loquitur, tanto 1. XI. ej). 56.' 

magis humilitati jungitur, quanto et veri- * L. XI. ep. 54. 

tati sociatur. Moral. XXVL § 5. * Quia in uno se ore cum Jovis laudibus 

' Ecclesia recta, quae errantibus dicit, Christi laudes non capiunt et quam grava 

non quasi ex auctoritate praecipit, sed ex nefandumque sit episcopis canere, quod 

ratione persuadet. He makes the church nee laico religioso conveniat, ipse consi- 

say : ea, quae assero, ncquacjuam mihi ex dera. 

auctoritate credita, sed an vera sint, ex ra- '' If the commentary on the books of 

tione peusate. Moral. 1. VIII. § 3. Kings, which is ascribed to Gregory, might 



DECLINE OF ANCIENT LEARNING. 151 

The death of Gregory the Great, in G04, was followed by the 
political movements and revolutions among the nations of the West. 
amid which, the culture transmitted from ancient times was more and 
more exposed to utter extinction. Although in Rome and Italy • 
libraries were kept up, from whose stores the new churches in Eng- 
land and Germany were afterwards made fruitful, yet the degree of 
scientific interest was still insufficient in those countries, to make any 
use of them amid the storms and convulsions by which Italy espe- 
cially was agitated in the next succeeding centuries. The great 
interval, in theological cultivation and evangelical knowledge, between 
Gregory'" the Great and the popes of the eighth century, is strikingly 
apparent. During this wild torrent of destruction, Providence was 
preparing a few places of security in isolated districts, where the 
remains of the older culture were preserved, as materials to be 
used and appropriated, in the new Christian creation among the 
nations. 

In Spain, at the close of the sixth century and the opening of the 
seventh, labored Isidorus, bishop of Hispalis or Seville, who em- 
braced Avithin his knowledge all that in his own age was to be 
obtained from scientific culture. As a theological writer, he exerted 
some influence by a liturgical work on the duties of ecclesiastics (De 
officiis ecclesiasticis libri duo) ; and by another, which contains, in 
three books, a collection of thoughts arranged in the order of the 
more important subjects, relating to the doctrines of Christian faith 
and practice (sententiarum libri tres). In this he follows, sometimes 
word for word, Augustin and Gregory the Great ; and thereby con- 
tributed to spread and propagate their principles in the following cen- 
turies ; as, for example, the doctrines concerning grace and predesti- 
nation,^ — Augustin's stricter principles on the subject of trnthful- 

be taken us evidoncc of liis mode of think- to have been used by Gregory himself, yet 
ing, it would \w clear from this, that he it is plain from his writings, that while he 
was much ratlier a defender of the study considered it unhecoming in a Christian to 
of ancient literature, in the same sense as employ his thoughts a long time on many 
Augustin was. He held the study of the of the works of antiquity, he certainly 
liberal arts (artes lilierales) to be neces- niust have supposed an acquaintance vnth 
sary, in order to learn how to understand ancient literature necessary, as a general 
rightly the sacred Scriptures. He looks thing, in order to theological culture, — at 
upon it as a device of the evil spirit, to least if he was consistent with himself, 
dissuade Christians from these studies, ut The story about the burning up of the 
et secularia nesciant et ad sublimitatem Bibliotheca Palatina, by Gregory's com- 
spiritalium non pei-tingant. Moses, in or- mand, cannot be considered as sufficiently 
der to lie prepared for the riglit setting attested — the sole foundation for it are 
forth of divine things, was tirst instricted the traditions of the twelfth century. John 
in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, of Salisliury II. 2G. Policratic. 
Isaiah was more elo([uent than all the other ' Where the famous Cassiodore, after re- 
prophets, because he was not, like Jeremiah, tiring from ])ublic life to a cloister, ool- 
an armentarius, but nobiliter instructus. lected together rich treasures of literature ; 
So too St. Paul was i)rccminent among the and. by his institutio divinaruni litcrarum, 
apostles ])er doctrinam, quia futurus in inspired the monks w'th a love of study, 
coelestibus terrena jnuus studiosiis didicit. and stimulated them "o the copying of 
1. V. in I Heg. IV. § 30. At ail events, books. 

from whomsoever this work may have pro- '^ The form of ex)jiession deserves no 

reeded, it was a remarkable reaction against tice. 1. II. e. 6. Geinimi est praede.ttinatic 

the tendency to despise ancient literature, siveelectorum ad requiem sive reproboruir 

But although this language is too strong ud mortem. 



152 ISIDORE. THEOLOGICAl LEARNING IN IRELAND. 

ness.* Ill his Chronicle of the Grotis, also, he disapproves the violeni 
measures resorted to for the conversion of the Jews in Spain, and 
follows the principles of Gregory. 2 The seeds of scientific and theo- 
logical culture, scattered b}'^ Isidorus, long continued to operate in 
Spain, even after the conquest of this country hy the Saracens in 
the eighth century ; and the separation of Spain from its connection 
with the rest of the Christian world, may have been the very reason 
why many things were more freely developed there now, than at an 
earlier period, the clergy being no longer so cramped and restricted 
by the sj^stem of the Romish church. Hence the signs of the reac 
tion of a freer spirit against the traditional, Roman tendency (see 
below.) 

We said on a former page, that the monasteries of Ireland became 
asylums and centres for collecting the elements of theological and 
learned culture. Far renomied were the masters from Scotland (ma- 
gistri e Scotia) who travelled not only to England, but to France and 
Germany, and taught various branches of knowledge. From Ireland, 
as we have seen, England was enriched with books and science ; and 
the enthusiasm which was first excited m that country, led Enghsh 
clergymen and monks to procure books from Rome and Gaul.3 

In the seventh century, Theodore archbishop of Canterbury, and 
the abbot Hadrian who had accompanied him from Rome, gained for 
themselves deserved credit by their efforts to further the progress of 
culture in England. They traversed the country in company with 
each other, and made arrangements for the establishment of schools. 
They left behind them many disciples ; and among these, as Bede re- 
ports,^ were men able to speak Latin and Greek as their mother tongue. 
Under these influences, grew up a man, who deserves to be called 
emphatically the teacher of England, the venerable Bede. Born m 
the year 073 in the village of Yarrow in Northumberland, he received 
his education, from the time he was seven years old, in the monastery 
of Wearmouth, and this monastery was also, until his death, the seat 
of his great, though unobtrusive activity as a teacher. By him many 
other church-teachers, who became eminent also as instructors in other 
countries, were educated. Of himself he says,^ that he had bestowed 
every pains upon the study of the Scriptures, and amid the devotional 
exercises and liturgical duties, which devolved on him as a monk and 

^ L. II. c. 30. Hoc quoque mendacii ^ In the account of the life of the ahhot. 

genus perfecti viri summopere fugiunt, nt and afterwards hishop Aldlielm, conii)osed 

nee vita cujuslibet per eorum fallaeiam de- by William of Malmsbury, who wrote, it is 

fendatur, ne suae animae noccant, dum true, in the twelfth century, but made use 

praestare vitam alienae carni nituntur, of earlier sources, it is mentioned, that tlie 

quamquam hoc ipsum i>eccati genus facil- merchant vessels from France often brought 

lime credimus relaxari. with tlio rest of their merchandize, bibles 

^ He says, concerning such measures of and other books. See cap. 3. Acta Sane 

king Sisabut: Aemulationem quidera Dei torum Bolland. mens. Maj. T. VI. f. 82. 
habuit, sed iion secundum scientiam. Po- ■* Hist, cedes. 4. 2. 

testate enini comjiulit. quos provoeare fidei * In tlie rejiort on his life and writings 

-atione oportuit. He then, to be sure, in his history of the English church ; alsc 

■idds : Sed sieut scriptum est Phil. 1, sive Acta S. Maj. T. VI. f 721, and Mabillot 

per occasionem sive per veritatem, Christus Acta S. ord. Benedicti saec. Ill P. I- 
adnunciatur, in hoc gaudeo et gaudcbo. 



BEDE. EGBERT. ALISEIIT. ALCUIN. 



158 



priest, it had been his delight, to be ever learning, teaching or writing.' 
The manner of his death corres}ionded with such a lilt', consecrated 
in noiseless activity to God. In the last foui'teen days of it, he calinlv 
and cheerfully contenij dated his a})proaching departure, surrounded by 
his disciples, thankful for all the good he had received in this life, and 
even for his final sufferings, which he looked upon as a means of sanc- 
tification.2 His last hours were consecrated to the work of his life, the 
instruction of youth, and he died in the midst of his beloved pupils, on 
the 26th of May, A. D. 735.3 

In the spirit of Bede, the same work was carried forward by Eg- 
bert, one of his scholars and particidar friends, who superintended a 
school at York, where instruction was given in all the then existing 
branches of knowledge and where especially the study of the Bible, 
and of the writings of ancient church-teachers that served to exi)ound 
them, Avere diligently pursued ; and even after Egbert became arch- 
bishop of York, he still devoted much time to the direction of tliis 
school, which he placed under the immediate care of his disciple Al- 
bert.^ From this school proceeded Alcuin, the great teacher of his 
times ; born in Y'^ork, the very same year, in Avhich the eminent mas- 
ter, whose place he was to fill in a still wider field of action, the vene- 



' Semper aut discore aut docerc aut scri- 
bere dulce hn1mi. 

' His scliolar Cuthbert says of him : Vere 
fatcor, quia neiniiioin utKiuam oculis meis 
vidi nee aurilnis aiidivi tain diligenter gra- 
tias Deo vivo referrc. 

•' In those last fuurteen days of his siek- 
ness, he was employed in translating the 
fiospel of John into the Anglo-Saxon 
tongue, and in correcting the collection of 
Isidore's Abbreviatures for the ' benefit of 
his scholars; for said he — My scholars 
DUght not to read a false text, and after my 
death Ial)or to no purpose. When his dis- 
ease grew more violent, and it was only 
with difficulty he could breathe, he still con- 
tinued to teach during tlie whole day; and 
(111 the day before his death, he cheerfully 
dictated to his amanuensis, and said some- 
times to his scholars, " make h;iste to 
learn, ^- 1 know not how long I shall still 
remain with you. and whether my Creator 
may not soon t;ike me to himself." Thus 
he employed the last days of liis life in dic- 
tating to his scholars, in correcting what 
they h:\d written, and in answering their 
(|uestions. Having thus occupied himself 
till after the third hour past noon, he lieg- 
ged one of his scholars to summon (piickly 
the ))riests of the convent. " The rich of 
this world, said he, can make presents of 
gold, and silver, and other ])recious things; 
these I have not, lint with much love and 
joy will I give my brethren, wliat (iod has 
?ivcn me." — It was a little i)epper. frank- 
"nccnse. and some articles of church appa- 
rel. — When they arrived, he begged each 
jf them to read the mass diligentlv. and 



pray for him. "It is time, said he, if it so 
please my Maker, that I should return 
back to him, who created me from nothing. 
I have lived long; the time of my dissolu- 
tion approaches ; I long to depart, and to 
be with Christ, for my soul earnestly de- 
sires to see my king Christ, in his beauty." 
These and like things he said, till it was 
evening. Then one of his scholars, whom 
he had given something to write, begging 
him to make haste and finish it, came, and 
told him he had but one sentence to write. 
Write it quickly then, said he Soon after- 
wards, the young man reported : '• The sen- 
tence is now finished." '• Yea, answered 
Bede, thou hast spoken rightly: it is fin- 
ished. Take my head in thy hands, for it 
is a great joy to me, to sit over against the 
consecrated spots, where I have been wont 
to ])ray, in order that I may quietly call 
u)ioi) my Father." Thus supported by his 
scholar, on whose hands he had laid his 
head, he kneeled down on the floor of his 
cell, and sang the words of the doxology: 
'■ ( jloria Patri et Filio ct Spiritui sancto," 
and with the last words of praise to the 
Holy Sjiirit he breathed out his life on 
earth. 

■• His scholar Alcnin, who always clung 
to him with great aflection, said of him ir 
his ])oem on the archbishops andholvmen 
of York : 

Cni Christus amor, potus, cibus, omnia Oiristus, 
Vita, fides, seiisus, .sp«s. lux, via, gloria, virtus 

and 

Inilolis ep,Tejd;ie jiivenea quononiK|iie videbat. 
Ho.s sibi conjuiixit, dotuit iiutiivit amavit 



154 CHARLEMAGNE ENCOURAGES LEARNING. 

table Bede departed from this life. He afterwards became head of the 
school in York which was so flourishing under his direction, and many 
from distant places were here his scholars ; untU the emperor Chai-les 
invited him to join in the great work of educatmg the Franks, and of 
improving the condition of the Frankish church. 

The Frankish church under Charlemagne was the central point, 
which united all the scattered rays of culture from England, Ireland, 
Spain and Italy ; and Charles took advantage of every opportunity to 
stimulate the bishops of his kmgdom to diligence and zeal in promoting 
learned studies, setting them an example by his own personal exertions. 
Having, for example, received letters from the abbots and bishops, in 
which they stated their petitions to him, he was pained to observe the 
extreme deficiency they manifested in an abihty to express their 
thoughts with correctness and propriety. This led him to issue a cir- 
cular letter,' in which he exhorted them to the zealous pursuit of scien- 
tific studies, as a means which would enable them better and more 
easily to understand also the mysteries of Holy writ.s He considered 
it of great importance, that the heads of the churches should cooperate 
for the same object with the learned men, whom he had assembled 
around him.3 And among these, Alcuin was beyond doubt the most 
distinguished. When, in the year 780, the latter was on his return 
from a mission to Rome which had been entrusted to him by the arch- 
bishop of York, and the emperor, who had been acquamted with him 
before, met him at Parma, he pressmgly invited him to remain with 
him, for the purpose of taking the direction of the institutions which he 
was about to estabhsh. Having returned to his native land, and ob- 
tained permission from his king and from his archbishop to comply with 
this request, he fulfilled the wish of the monarch. The latter granted 
him a monastery near the city of Troyes, and the monastery of Fer- 
rieres in the diocese of Sens, that he might direct the studies of the 
monks, and be provided for by the revenues of these establishments. 
But he placed under his particular charge the institution of learning 
which he himself had estabhshed, for youth of the higher ranks, in the 
vicinity of his own palace (the schola Palatina). Here he came into 
immediate contact with the emperor, and the most eminent men in the 
state and church, and was invited to give his advice on all affairs per- 
taining to the church, and to the -education of the people. He in- 
structed the emperor himself, and the latter called him his most be- 
loved teacher in Christ.^ He often proposed to him questions on diffi- 
cult passages of Scripture, on the meaning of liturgical forms, on church 

' Bouquet collectio scriptorum rerum. res ecclesiae, he held to be the worst thins 

Franc. T. V. f. 621. Concilia GtiUiae T. IL that could happen, as he -\\TOte to the monks 

f. 621 of the convent of St. Martin of Tours, by 

* Quum autem in sacris paginis sche- occasion of a quarrel between Alcuin and 

mata, tropi ct caetcra his similia inserta in- Theodulf bishop of Orleans. Among Al- 

veniantur, nuUi dubium est, quod ea unus- cuin's letters ep. 119. 

quisque legcns tanto citius spiritaliter in- * Carissime in Christo praeceptor, he 

telligit, quanto prius in literarum magistc- calls him in a letter from which Alcuin 

no plenius instructus fuerit. quotes a few lines in his answer, ep. 124. 

^ The discordia inter sapientes et docto- 



ALCUIN. 155 

chronology and otliei theological topics, which had been started in the 
conversations at the court oi" the emperor Charles. "\Mien absent from 
his residence the emperor, until his death, kept up a familiar corres- 
pondence -with him, in which Alcuin was accustome\J to express his 
opinions with great freedom.' 

We remarked on a former page, how important it was regarded by 
the emperor, both in relation to his own wants and those of the church, 
that the text of tlie Bible, in the then current Latin translation, which 
through the negligence and igmorance of transcribers had in many 
cases become wholly unintelligible, should be corrected ; and this 
weighty task he imposed on Alcuin.-2 In the beginning of the year 
801, wishing to congratulate the king on his accession to the imperial 
throne, Alcuin sent him as a present, a copy of the entire Bible care- 
fully corrected throughout by his own hand.^ 

Having spent eight years in this circle of labors, Alcuin returned 
once more to his native country, where he resided about two years, 
and then, somewhere near the year 792, came back and resumed his 
former occu|)ation. At the approach of old age, however, he was de- 
sirous of withdrawing from the bustle of court and from the multiplied 
concerns in which he here fornid himself involved, to renounce all em- 
ployments whatsoever except those immediately connected with reh- 
gion, and retiring from the Avorld, to be allowed to prepare in quiet 
for -his departure from the present life, and to be able to subordinate 
evervthing to that."* If the ancient account of Alcuin' s life is to be 
credited,^ it was his wish to find a resting-place for the evening of his 
life in the monastery of Fulda. But when the emperor had concluded 
to release him from immediate service, he still wished to employ his 
abilities though the tranquillity of retu-ement, in the work to which 
they had thus far been consecrated. The abbey of St, Martin at 
Tours having been left vacant in the year 796, he resolved on employ- 
ing Alcuin to restore among the monks of that convent, the discipline 

' A*: anionuincnt of Alcuiii's (ievoiuiind tautuin valet, (|iuuitum tu es. Te ipsam 

Christian temper of niiiul, the eoiisolinff da et habehis illiid. ep. 90. 

words which in the year SOU lie wrote to - As he himself says: Domini regis pr.ie- 

the emperor on the death of his wife, Liod- ceptum in cmendatione veteris noviquc tes- 

garde, may stand here: Doniine Jesu, spes tamenti, sec the letter prelixed to the sixth 

nostra, salus nostra, consolatio nostra, (pii hook of his Coniinentary on the gospel of 

clementissima voee omniluis snb ponderc St. John, T. 1. Vol. 11. f. r)91. ed. Frohen. 

cujuslibet laboris gementilms nnmda.-^i di- ^ AKuin cp. 103. He. had long been 

ceils : vcnite ad me omnes, qui laboralis et thinking wliat to .'^cnd him. Tandem spiritu 

oiierati estis, et ego reiiciam vos. Quid saneto inspirante inveni, (|Uod meo nomine 

hacpromissionc jueundius ; Quid liae s])e eompeteret offerre et quid vestrae pruden 

beatius ? veniat ad cum ouinis aniniamoe- tiae amaliilc esse potuisset. 

rens, omne cor eontrituui, fundens laerimas •» Sec e))ist. 168. Seeuli occupatiomhus 

in eonspectu misericordiae illius. neque ab- depositis soli Deo vaeare desidcro. Dnni 

scondat vnlnera sno meiliro, qui ait : ego oinni liomini neccsse est vigili cura se pnie 

Occi(htm et vivcre faciam, pcreutiam et ego pararc ad oeeursum Domini Dei sui. (juan- 

sanabo Dent. 32, .39. Flagellat miris mo- to magis senioril)us, qui sunt aimis et infir- 

dis, ut erudiat filios, ])ro i|Uorum salute mitatibus eonfracti. 

nnico noi\ jiepereit tilio. He then rejire- * Whieh may i)e found in the first vol- 

§ents the Sun of CJod saying to the soul : time of Frobenius' edition; in the Aetis 

Propter tc deseendi et i)a"tiel)ar, quae legi>ti Sanctorum, at the 19fh of ]\[ay ; Mcn.s. Maj. 

in Uteris mei.s. ut tibi prae]iarcm mansio- T. IV ; and in Mabillon Acta S. 0. B. 
nem in don\o j)atris mei. Kegnuin meum 



156 DOGMATIC OPPOSITIONS OF THIS PERIOD. 

which had begun to decline, arid also to found here a flourishing school 
In this spot, Alcuin continued to labor as a teacher \vith the same ac- 
tivity and zeal as he had shown before, though under different circunv 
stances.^ But -/hen urged by his increasing infirmities, and the pre- 
sentiment of approaching death, to seek a release from all external 
business, he obtained pennission to commit, during the last years of 
his life, the direction of the convent under his care to chosen scholars 
of his own.2 Thus, as he said,^ he could quietly live in the abbey of 
St. Martin, waiting for the summons to depart."* The wish which, in 
the last years of his life, and under the sense of its approaching end, 
he had been used to express, that he might die on the festival of Pen- 
tecost, was fulfilled on the 19th of May, 804. 

There was during this period too httle scientific life in the Western 
church, to give occasion for the starting up of opposite views of doc- 
trines and of controversies arising therefrom. Even in the Carolin- 
gian age, in the epoch formed out of the whole period, in which learn- 
ing flourished most, men were far more busily occupied in firmly estab- 
lishing and practically applying what had been handed do^vn by tradi- 
tion, than in entering into any new investigations of the doctrines of 
faith. Yet naturally it was in this epoch alone that oppositions of doc- 
ti'ine could busy the Western church of this period. But it is singu- 
lar to observe, that it Avas in the Spanish church of all others, — a 
church which, though not oppressed, was yet,under the rule of a foreign 
race that professed the religion of Mohammed, in no verj'- favorable 
situation for progress in science — a revival commenced of the old ofh 
position between the Antiochian and the Alexandrian schools ; — though 
we must admit that in the Spanish church, owing to this very fact of 
its pecuhar situation, such an opposition would have joom for more 
freely unfolding itself, than would have been possible under other cir- 
cumstances. In order to trace with certainty the origin of such a 
dogmatic tendency in the Spanish church of those times, we need 
more distinct information respecting the manner in which the contro- 
versy about to be mentioned began, and of the internal relations of the 
church itself. In this regard, it is an important question, which of 
the two principal persons, whom we see standing up as the defenders 
of the new system, Elipandus, archbishop of Toledo, or FeUx, bishop 
of Urgellis,^ is to be considered as the real author of this revived 
Antiochian tendency. 

' He speaks of this in his thirty-eighth scias, quanta misericordia mecum a Deo 

letter to king Charles. He says here that omnipotenti peracta est, nam rebus omni- 

he instructed some in the exposition of bus, quae habui per loea diversa, adjutores 

Scripture, others in ancient literature, oth- mihi ex meis propriis filiis elegi adnuente 

ers in grammar, others in astronomy, plu- per omnia suggestionibus meis Domino 

rima plurimis factus, ut plurimos lid pro- meo David, as he was in the habit of call- 

.'ectum sanctae ecclesiae et ad decorem im- ing the emperor Charles, 

perialis regni vestri erudiam, ne sit vacua ^ Ep. 17.5. 

Dei in me gratia nee vestrae bonitatis lar- ■* Spectans, quando vox veniat : aperi 

gitio inanis. But he complains of the want pulsanti, scquere jubentem, exaudi judi- 

of books, and begs permission of the em- cantcm. 

peror to send sonic of his scholars to Eng- = La SeudTrgelle, in the dukedom of 

land, to procure hooks IVoin that quarter. Cerdana, in Spain. 

* Ep. 17G to the archlnshop Arno. ut 



CONTROVERSY OF ELIPANDUS WITH MIGETIUS. 



15. 



Elipandus, if wc may judge from tliose writings of his which still 
remain, Avas a violent, excitable man, governed by the impulses of a 
l)Und zeal," who had diligently studied, it is true, the ancient fathers, 
but was Avholly wanting in the spirit of scientific research. We can 
easily believe him on his own testimony, that if once led by some ac- 
cidental cause to make use of a doctrinal phrase, which shoidd after- 
wards be attacked, so as to make him feel personally injured, by those 
whose relative position in the church entitled him, as he supposed, to 
expect from them submission to his archicjiiscopal authority, he would 
only be the more tenacious of the expression which, in this conflict of 
opinions, would gain an importance in his eyes wholly disproportionate 
to its value. Now the term "adoption," which is sometimes found 
employed, even in the older fathers, to denote Christ's assumption of 
human nature into unitj^ with the divine, was often introduced in the 
Gothico-Spanish liturgy ~ then in use ; ^ and to such passages Elipan- 



' So he appears also in the first doctrinal 
controversy in wliicli he ])nl)licly engaged. 
In his disputes with JMIuctiiis, a Spanish 
false teaelier, Eli]iandus iiad occasion, it is 
true, to draw more sharply the line of dis- 
tinction between the Inunanity and deity of 
Christ ; and here no doubt he already made 
use of expressions which might give occa- 
sion to his being charged with Ncstorian- 
isHi ; forexam]>le, in the letter to IMJLietius, 
^ 7 : Persona tilii, quae facta est ex semine 
David secundum carncm et ea, (piac genita 
est a Deo patre. Ir.deed, as a general thing, 
he was extremely awkward and unskilled 
in the use of doctrinal terms. Eut in this 
])olemical writing no other marks of Adop- 
tianism are as yet to he found, lie here 
employs the term assumptio, not adoptio. 
It would throw light on the .■subject, had we 
tlie means of investigating the doctrines 
of this Migetius with a view to determine 
tlie [)rccise rehition of Elipandus to liim 
and to his system ; but we must despair 
of arriving at any satisfactory result in this 
way. unless some new sources of informa- 
tion should still be opened in Spain. As 
the isolated and scattered accounts of Mi- 
getius are of no im]jortance, the only valu- 
able source still continues to be tlie letter 
of Elijiandus to this Migetius, ])ublished by 
Florez in the Espaiiia Sagrada, T. V. Ed. 
II. Madrid, 176.3, p. .524. But Elipandus 
writes here with too much passion, he in- 
dulges too freely in the practice of nuiking 
nis own inferences, lie shows too little ca- 
pacity of entering into anotlier's mode of 
thinking, to make it possible for us to form 
from his contrary statements and positions 
anything like a clear notion of ]\Iigetius's 
loctrines. So far as wc can derive anv 
lints from this letter, indicating the real 
opinions of Migetius, it would seem that 
lie was inclined to Sabellian views. His 
opinion was that the Logos first became 
perxomil with the assumjjtion of Christ's 
V'mianity, that tlic Logos was the power 



constituting the personality in Christ — 
hence he was accused of asserting : quod 
ea sit .secunda in Trinitate persona, quae 
facta est ex semine David secundum car- 
nem et non ea quae genita est a patre — 
but that the Holy Ghost first assumed a 
personality in the apostle Paul, — in him 
appeared the S])irit promised by Christ, 
which was to proceed from the Father and 
from the Son. At any rate, it were greatly 
to be wislied, that we knew what the views 
were, which Migetius entertained with re- 
gard to the relation of St. Paul to the more 
complete develo]jment of Christianity, and 
which, tliougli they may have been misrep- 
resented, were yet the occasion of his being 
accused of holding the opinions just de- 
scribed. In the next place, he was charged 
with maintaining, that priests should be 
l)erfect saints : Cur se pronuntieut pecca- 
tores, si vere sancti sunt ? aut si certe se 
peccatores esse fatcntnr. (juare ad ministe- 
rium acccdere pracsumunt, eo quod ipse 
domiiuis dicat : Estote sancti, quia et ego 
sanetus sum Dominus Deus vester. But 
here also the question comes up, in what 
sense did he say this ? Did he mean per- 
fect freedom from sin ? Next is laid to his 
charge a declaration, which, if he made it, 
would certaiidy go far to show that he was 
wrapped in a strangely fanatical conceit 
of his own holiness. He said, for instance. 
tJiat it was not lawful for him to cat with 
unbelievers (Saracens) or to partake of 
food which had been touched by them. 
Conqiared with him, on this particular side, 
Elipandus appears a.s the representative of 
the true Christian spirit; for the latter ap- 
peals to the words of St. Paul, that to the 
pure all things are [lUre, — to the fact that 
Clirist ate with imblicans and siiniers, and 
to the declaration of St. I'aul that it is jier- 
niitted to accept an invitation to a feasl 
even from an unbeliever. 

'^ The officium Mo/arabicum. 

^ Adoptio = assunitio, avu'Atjrbic 



158 ORIGIN OF THE PECULIAR DOGMATIC TENDENCY OF FELIX. 

dus made some reference.^ We might, therefore, suppose that Eli- 
pandus liad been led by such expressions to speak of an '• adoption *' 
of liumanity by Christ in order to sousliip with God, and to call him, 
with reference to his humanity, the adopted Son of God (fiUus Dei 
adoptivus) ; and that he would zealously defend this doctrinal phrase, 
when it came to be attacked, as if it were a phrase of pecuhar im- 
portance. With Felix of Urgellis, however, the case stood somewhat 
differently. In him we may perceive a radical and thorough doctrinal 
tendency, which is not to be traced to any such outward and accidental 
cause. The more probable view is, then, that the doctrine con- 
cerning Christ's person designated by the name " Adoptianism," pro- 
ceeded originally from Felix, by whom we find it presented in a strictly 
coherent system, rather than from Elipandus, a man hardly calculated 
to be the author and founder of any pecuhar type of doc trine .2 It 
would indeed be a very singular affair for an octogenarian like liim, to 
provoke, at so advanced a period of hfe, a controversy on this point. 
The truth is, too much stress seems to have been laid generally upon 
the individual doctrinal phrases " adoption " and " adopted son," 
which gave its name to this whole type of doctrine ; just as in the 
Nestorian controversies, an undue importance was given to the single 
expression ^eoroxo^'. As we shall see, when we come to examine this 
type of doctrine with reference to its internal coherence as a system, 
it could have subsisted independently of this p^articular expression, 
and of the comparison which it occasioned, of a son according to the 
flesh with a son by adoption. And it is possible, though not suscepti- 
ble of proof, that the liturgy just mentioned may have led the author 
of the scheme to hit upon this particular comparison, while yet we 
should by no means be authorized, on such a ground as tliis, to derive 
from the liturgy this whole peculiar scheme of doctrine, wliich is itself, 
in fact, presupposed thereby. 

In remarking the very strildng agreement between the vnews of 
Felix on this subject, as they were gradually unfolded, and those of 
the Aritiochian Theodore, we might be led to conjecture, that the for- 
mer had received his first impulse in that peculiar direction from study- 
ing the wTitings of this father ; and as there had been considerable 
intercourse in former times between the Spanish and the African 
churches ; as the dispute concerning the three chapters may have led 
to a translation of the writings of Theodore into Latin, for the use of 
the African church teachers, while that controversy was pending ; it is 
quite r"i'^-:ible, that these writings, in such translations, may have been 
circnintcd in Spain. Still, however, we are not warianted bj^ the few 

' The expressions in the Tolctanian lit- low ;is a matter of course that the individ- 

urgy, Adoptivi liominis passio. — adoptio ual who first lironght this suKject into pub- 

carnis, gratia adoptionis. Elipandi epis- lie discussion, was the first to develop this 

tola ad Alcuinum, T. I. P. II. f 872. cd. type of doctrine. And even thouuh Eli- 

Frobcn. pandus might have been the first to use 

^ The conflicting historical testimonies some such expressions as tliose mentioned 

on a matter of this sort, so far out of the in his controversial writings, it would by 

range of common observation, can settle no means prove him to have been the au- 

nothing on this point. It would not fol- tlior of this dogmatic tendency. 



CONFOUNDING THE PREDICATES IN THE NATURES OF CHRIST. 159 

fragments of Felix which remain, to form any certain conclusion with 
regard to the nature of this agi-eement, which, indeed, may have re- 
Bulted, independent of such outward derivation, from a resemblance of 
intellectual character between the two men, and in the circumstances 
of opposition under which thej developed themselves. 

If it be true, that Felix had been employed in defending Chris- 
tLmity against the objections brought against it from the standing- 
point of Mohammedanism, and in proving the divhiity and truth of 
Christianity for the use of Mohammedans,' wliich he might naturally 
be led to do by the vicinity of the latter, and by his own close con- 
nection with the Spanish bishops ; the fii'st impulse to the formation 
of that peculiar type of doctrme might easily be traced to this cir- 
cumstance. In an apologetic efibrt of this kind, it would be unneces- 
sary for him to prove the divine origin of Christianity generally, or 
the divine mission of Jesus ; for these he could assume as ah-eady 
acknowledged in the doctrine of the Koran. But what he had to 
prove, was the doctrine of the incarnation of God, and of the deity 
of Christ, against which and the doctrine of the trinity the fiercest 
attacks of the Mohammedans were directed ; and by his apologetic 
efforts ui this direction, he may have been led to seek after some such 
way of presentmg this doctrine, as to remove, wherever possible, that 
which proved the stone of stumbhng to those of the Mohammedan 
persuasion. Thus we might explain the origin of the Adoptian type of 
doctiine, respecting the internal coherence of which, as a system, we 
shall now proceed to speak. 

Felix, hke Theodore of Mopsuestia, was opposed to the indiscrimi- 
nate interchange of predicates belonging to the two natm-es in Christ. 
When the same predicates were apphed to Christ, in reference to his 
deity and in reference to his humanity, he requh-ed that it should 
always be precisely defined in what different sense it was done ; parti- 
cularly in what different senses Christ is called Son of God, and God, 
according to his deity and according to his humanity. He insisted 
here on the distinction, that when Christ is called by these names in 
reference to his deity, that is designated which has its ground in the 
divine essence ; and when so called in reference to his humanity, that 
is designated which came from an act of free-will, a particular decree 
of God — the antithesis of natura, genere, on the one side, and of 
voluntate, beneplacito, on the other. As in the former reference, 
Chiist is in essence God and Son of God ; so in the second reference, 
he is God and Son of God, inasmuch as he was taken into union with 
him, who is in essence Son of God. Now over against the notions 
essential and natural, stands that also which can be so designated 
only in another sense, by a sort of metonymy (nuncupative). Unless 
it was meant to be said, that Chi-ist derived his humanity from the 
essence of God himself, no other course remained, according to Felix, 
but to make this antithesis. In the same sense, he now introduced 

' The emperor Charles had heard, that dote ; yet this was unknown lo Alcuiu. 
Felix had written a disputatio cum Saccr- See ^Vlcuin, ep. 85. 



160 IDEA OF ADOPTION. HIS APPEAL TO HOLY WRIT. 

the antithesis also between a son by birth and nature (filiis genere et 
natura), and a son bj adoption (adoptione filius). The notion of 
adoption — he supposed — stands for nothing else than precisely that 
filial relation which is grounded, not in natural descent, but in a free 
act of tlie father's wiU. And hence, to those who objected that the 
title of " Son by adoption" is nowhere attributed to our Saviour m 
the Scriptures, he rephed, that still the fundamental idea was in strict 
conformity with Scripture ; smce other determinate conceptions, of 
hke import, were actually to be found in Scripture. i All these deter- 
minate conceptions are closely connected ; and without them the 
conception of Christ's human nature, as one not derived from the 
divine essence, but created by the divine will,^ could in nowise be 
retained. He who denies one of these determinate conceptions, must 
therefore deny also the true hmnanity of Christ.^ But the term 
" adoption " seemed to him peculiarly appropriate, as a designative 
term, for this reason, namely, that it was plain, from a comparison 
with human relations, that one person could not have .two fathers by 
way of natural origin, though he might have one father by natural 
origin, t nd another by adoption ; ^ and in hke manner Christ could, 
in his humanity, be son of David by natural derivation, and by adop- 
tion Son of God. He searched the Scriptures for all those predicates 
which denote a relation of dependence m Christ, for the purpose of 
proving the necessity of that distniction, as one presupposed in the 
Scriptures themselves. When the form of a servant is attributed to 
Christ, the name servant had reference, not merely to the voluntary 
obedience rendered by him as man, but also to the natural relation, 
in which he, as man, as a creature, stood to God ; in antithesis to the 
relation in which he stood to the Father, as Son of God, by his 
nature and essence as the Logos. This opposition he designated by 
the phrase servus conditionalis, servus secundum conditionem.^ No- 
where — he affirmed — is it asserted in the gospel, that the Son of 
God — but always and only, that the son of man was given up for 

' Si adoptionis nomen in Cliristo secun- * Neque cnira fieri potest, ut unus filius 

dum carnein claro apertoque sermone iu natui'aliter duos patres habere possit, uiium 

utroque testamento, ut vos contcnditis, re- tamen per naturam, alium autem per adop- 

perire nequimus, caetera tamen omnia, tionem prorsus potest. 1. III. f. 812. 

quae adoptionis verbo convcniunt, in divi- ° Numquid qui verus est Deus fieri po 

nis libris perspicue atque manifeste multis test, ut conditioue servus Dei sit, sicul 

modis reperiuntur. Nam quid quacso est Christus Dominus in forma servi, qui raul- 

cuilibet lilio adoptio, nisi electio, nisi gra- tis multisque doeumentis, non tantum 

tia, nisi voluntas, nisi adsumptio, nisi sus- propter obedientiam, ut plerique volunt, 

ceptio, nisi placitura sen applicatio 'i Si sed etiam et per naturam servus patris et 

quis vero in Christi humanitate adoptionis filius ancillae, ejus verissime edocetur, 1- 

gratiam negare vult, simul cuncta, quae VI. f. 840. But here his opponents would 

dicta sunt, cum eadem adoptione in eo ne- not admit the distinction between the prop- 

gare studeat. Alcuin. contra Felicem 1. III. ter obedieiiiium et per naturam, since they 

c. 8, T. 1. opp. 816. derived the latter from the former, referred 

^ Humanitas iu qua extrinsecus factus the assumption of human nature by the 

est, non de substantia patris subsistens. Son of God to his self-renunciation, and 

sed ex carne raatris et natus est. 1. VI. applied to this Philipp. 2 : 8, 9. Further- 

B43. more : ilium propter ignobilitatem beatae 

^ Ratioiiis veritate convictus velit nolit virginis, quae se ancillam Dei humili voce 

negaturus est eum vcrum hominem. 1. III. protestatur, servum esse conditionalem. f. 

c. 2, f. 817. 839. Where the manner in which he 



COMPARISON OF THE UNIOX BETWEEN GOD AND CHRIST. 161 

US.' He adduces the fact, that Christ himself, Luke 18 : 19, said of 
his humanity, that it was not good of itself, but God in it, as, every- 
where else, was the original fountain of goodness.- He alleges, 
furthermore, that Peter says of Christ, Acts 10 : 38. God was in 
him; Paul, 2 Cor. 5: 19, God was in Christ — not as though the 
deity of Christ were for this reason to be denied, but only that the 
distinction of the human from the divine nature should be firmly 
held.3 He maintained, that by this mode of designating the purely 
human element in Christ, the Son of God, as Redeemer, is glorified ; 
since he assumed all this only out of compassion for, and lo secure 
the salvation of mankind. In order faithfully and fully to represent 
the doctrine of holy Scripture, we should alike place together that 
which marks his humiliation and his exaltation.* Fehx liimself, how- 
ever, could not enter, with an unprejudiced mind, into the \'iews of 
the New Testament writers. While his opponents were disposed to 
torture and force them wholly into the form of their own theory of 
the mutual interchange of predicates, or, as it was afterwards called, 
the commvuiication of idioms, Fehx, on the other hand, allowed him- 
self to tmst the Scriptural view into accommodation with his theory 
of distinction, Avhich he would everywhere force upon the sacred 
writers ; as, for example, when he says that, in the words of Peter, 
Thou art Christ, the Sou of the hvuig God, — the predicate Christ 
has reference to the humanity in which he was anointed, the predicate 
iSon of the living Crod, to his deity .^ Felix agreed with Theodore, 
also, in comparing the manner in which the humanity of Christ was 
taken into fellowship with the deity, with the maimer in which be- 
hevers attain, through liim, to union with God. — Adoption, the recep- 
tion into union with God, by the grace of God, by virtue of a special 
act of the divine will, according to the divine good pleasure, he 
defined as being, in this case, the same in kind ; without meaning, fcv 

speaks of the virgin Mary may have given strictly speaking, not led to an uv-Liie-&l- 

otfence, in the prevailing tendency of the araai^ tuv ovofiuruv ; but he was so, no 

times. • doubt, by adhering to the prevailing doc- 

' L. c. 834, 835. Here Alcuin could trinal terminology of the church ; and he 

bring against him several passages of the now sought to render this transfer of pre- 

New Testament, John 3: 16. Rom. 8: 32. dicatcs harmless, by adding explanations 

Ephes. 5: 2. Acts 3: 13,14,15. But Fe- according to his own theory of distinc- 

lix was led into his error by following ex- tion. Proceeding in a consistent manner, 

clusivcly, with regard to the name Son of on his own principle, he ought rather to 

God, the usus loquendi of the church, in- have said: the human nature, taken into 

stead of going back to that of the Scrip- union with him who is, in his essence, Son 

tures. of God, and in his essence good, is in its 

* Ipse, qui essentialiter cum patre et essence not good, 

splritu sancto solus est bonus, est Deus, ^ Non quod Christus homo videlicet as- 

ipse in homine licet sit bonus, non tamen sumptus. Dens non sit sed quia non na- 

uaturaliter a semetipso est bonus. 1. V. f. tura, scd gratia atque nuncupatione sit 

S37, Hence, indeed, if we may judge Deus. V. 832. 

from his language, Felix seems to have * Sicut ea, quae de illo celsa atque glo- 

fallen into a self-contradiction. This arose riosa sunt, credimus ct collaudamus, ita 

from his confounding together two ditfc- humilitatem ejus et omnia indigna, quae 

rent points of view, that derived from his propter nos misericorditer suscipere voluit, 

own peculiar notions, and that taken from despicere nullo modo debemus. 1. III. f 

the doctrinal standing ground of the church. 818. 

JJy his own peculiar notions, he was, * L. V. f. 832. 
VOL. III. 11 



162 ADOPTION OF MEN BY GRACE. 

this reason, to suppose that what he considered to be the same in 
kind only ia a relative sense, — especially as opposed to that Avhich is 
grounded in, and derived immediately from, the divuie essence — was 
absolutely identical. On the conti-ary he affirmed, that notwithstand- 
mg this relative sameness m kind, everything was to be conceived, in 
the case of Christ, after a far liigher manner (multo excellentius) ; — 
and he here supposes, no doubt, not a merely gradual, but a specific 
difference ; as may be gathered from the fact, that he by no meana 
represents the human nature of Christ as appearing first in its self- 
subsistence, and then entering into union with the deity ; but on the 
contrary, he started with supposing, that the true and essential Son 
of God assumed humanity into union with himself, from the moment 
of its conception ; that the human natui-e ever imfolded itself in this 
unity, though conformably with its own laws ; that no separate being 
for itself was to be ascribed to it ; but that its existence, from the 
first, developed itself in that union with the divine Logos, into which 
the human nature had been assumed from its creation. He adduces 
the words of Christ himself, John 10 : 35, to prove, that he placed 
himself in a certain respect in one and the same class with those, on 
whom, by virtue of that fellowship with God in which they stood by 
divine grace, the divine name had been conferred. ^ So there existed 
between him and all the elect the truest communion in this respect 
also, that he shared along with them a dinne nature and divine 
names (though these belonged to him in a preeminent sense) ; even 
as he shared with them all other things, predestination, election, 
grace, the form of a servant.^ Accordingly he could now say, the 
same person, who in the unity of the divine essence is the true God, 
becomes, in the form of humanity, by the grace of adoption, which 
was to pass from him to all the elect, partaker of the divine essence, 
and is therefore called God ; or the Son of God became, without 
change of his divine nature, son of man ; masmuch as he vouchsafed 
to unite the man, from his origin, into personal unity with himself, — 
and the son of man is son of God, not in the sense that the hiunan 
natiu-e was changed into the divine, but in the sense that the son of 
man in the Son of God (by virtue of tliis assumption of the former 
into union with the latter) is true Son of God.^ 

But like Theodore, Felix too felt constrained to controvert such 
propositions, stated without restriction or limitation, as that Mary is 

' Qui non natura, ut Deus, sed per Dei Deus, ipse in forma humanitatis cum elec- 

gratiam ab eo, qui verus est Deus, deificaii tis suis per adojitiouis gratiam deificatos 

dii sunt sub illo vocati. fieret et nuncupative Deus, and in the other 

* In hoc quippe ordine Dei filius domi- passage at the beginning of the tifth book 

nus et redemptor noster juxta humanita- which is more strictly allied to the church 

tem, sicut in natura, ita et in nomine, form of doctrine: qui illiim sibi ex utero 

quamvis excellentius cunctis electis, ve- matris scilicet ab ipso conccptu in singula- 

rissime tamen cum illis communicat, sicut ritatc suae personae ita sibi uniyit atque 

et in caeteiis omnibus, id est in praedesti- conseruit, ut Dei lilius esset hominis tilius, 

natione, in electione, gratia, in adsumptione non mutabilitate naturae, sed dignationa. 

nominis servi. IV. 820. similiter et hominis filius esset Dei filius 

' Ut idem, qui essentialiter cum patre et non versatilitate substaatiae, sed in Dei filio 

Bpiritu sancto in unitate Deitatis verus est esset verus filius. 



PROGRESSIVE RELATION OF THE DEITY IN CHRIST. 16o 

the motlier of God.' Felix, again, like Theodore, compared the bap 
tism of Christ with the baptism of believers, and places both in con- 
nection -with the spiritual birth by adoption (spiritalis generatio per 
adoptionem). This certainly he could not so have understood, as if 
baptism were related in altogether the same manner to the adoption 
of Christ, as to the adoption of behcvers ; for in fact he enpposes the 
adoption which relates to the humanity of Christ to have begmi with 
the creation of that humanity. He probably meant, therefore, simply 
to say, that the sign of this adoption began to be revealed in an out- 
ward manner, from Christ's baptism onwards, by the divine powers 
bestowed on him as the Son of God after his humanity. Probably, 
like Theodore, he supposed a revelation of the divine power manifest- 
ing itself in the form of Christ's humanitj^, and following, step by 
step, the course of the development of his human nature ; and hence 
he probably supposed also that the resurrection of Christ was the 
completion of this revelation Avhich began first, in the form of the su- 
pernatural, with the baptism .2 In conformity with tliis theory of the 
revelation of deity under the forms of human nature, Fehx also de- 
fended Agnoetism, and cited in its favor Mark 13 : 32.3 

From this exhi1)ition of the Adoptianist doctrine we may easily 
miderstand how its opponents would see in it, as judged from the 
platfoiTn of the ordinary chm-ch-sj^stem of doctrines a sort of re\^ved 
Nestorianism, a lowering down of the doctrine of Christ's divinity. 
It was, so far as it concerned the dogmatic interest, a similar contest 
to that between the Antiochian and the Alexandrian schools in the 
earher centuries, — on one side, the interest in behalf of the rational, 
on the other, the interest in behalf of the supranatural mode of ap- 
prehending Christianity, — on one side, the interest to give prominence 
to that which in the person of Christ answers to the analogy of hu- 
man nature, on the other, the interest to seize on those points in 
the character of Christ which prove his exaltation above human na 
ture.'* 

Two ecclesiastics in Spain first stood forth openly in opposition to 
this Adoptianistic system, Beatus, a priest in the province of Libana, 
and Etherius, a bishop of Othma. According to the representations 
of the other side, Beatus must have been a man of notoriously bad 
morals; but the credibility of this accusation becomes suspicious, 

' Though he perhaps did not venture to summavit) a mortuis resurgendo. Without 

combat this expression which was now the parenthetic clause, tlie words give no 

generally adopted, yet he called upon the sense, 
otijer party to produce ids authorities for ^ Sec 1. V. f. 835. 

such a position as this : quod ex utero ma- ■• When Felix threw out the question : 

tris verus Dcus sit conceptus et verus sit Quid potuit ex ancilla nasci nisi servus ? 

filius Dei. VII. 857. Akuin replied: Hiijus nativitatis majus 

L. II. c. Felicem f. 809. Acccpit has est sacranicntum (juani omnium creatura- 

peminas generationes, primam videlicet, rum conditio. Concede Dcum aliquid pos- 

quae secundum caniem est, secundam vero se, quod Inimana non valcat infirmitas 

spiritalem, quae i)er adoptionem tit. Idem comprehenderc, nee nostra ratiocinatione 

redemptor noster secundum homincm com- legem jionamus majcstati aeternac, quid 

Vlexas in se contiuct, primam videlicet, possit, dum omnia potest, qui omnipotens 

^uam suscepit ex virgine nasceiido. secun- est. 1. III. c. 3. Alcuin. c. Felic. 
iam vero, quani initiavit in lavacro (et eon- 



164 \t:olence of the cois troversy. 

when we consider the passionate temper of his opponents.' Another 
charge appears more worthy of credence, which represents Beatus as 
bearmg the character of a false prophet (pscudo-propheta). He em- 
ployed himself a good deal on the exposition of the Apocalypse. The 
situation of the Spanish church, under the rule of a Saracenic Moham- 
medan race,2 was well calculated to excite expectations of extraordina- 
ry divme judgments, to direct the imaginations of men towards the fu- 
ture, and to the indulgence of the most extravagant prospects. Accord- 
ingly Beatus seems to have predicted that Christ's coming to judge 
unbelievers was near at hand, and to have gone so far as to fix the 
precise time at which he would appear.^ The controversy in Spain 
was conducted w^ith great acrimony on both sides ; each denouncing 
the other as unworthy the name of Christian. Elipandus pronounced 
his antagonists heretics and servants of Anti-Christ, who ought to be 
exterminated.4 To liim it appeared an unheard of tiling, that a pro- 
vincial priest of Libana should take it upon him to instruct the church 
at Toledo, that time-honored seat of the pure doctrine of tradition.-^ 
He brought up against his antagonists his own authority as the first 
bishop of the Spanish church, and seems moreover to have gained the 
secular power over to his side .6 Not only the theologians and clergy, 
but the churches were divided by these disputed points.'' As neither 
party was able to separate its own pecuUar notions from the essential 
thing of Christian faith in the Redeemer, each side, as Beatus ex- 
pressed it, contended with the other for the one Christ, though their 
common cause against a common enemy, Mohammedanism, should 
have served to call forth, and keep in livelier action, the sense of their 
Christian fellowship in the fundamentals of faith. The controversy 

' Tliis charge might appear more credi- an end on a certain day which he had 

hie, it is trae, from die consideration that fixed; and the people were thus led with 

pjlipand seems to appeal to a fact, viz. that excited expectations to pass the time from 

Beatns was deposed from his spiritual of- the night of Easter Sabbath to the third 

fice for immorality ; as he says in his let- hour of the afternoon of Easter Sunday 

ter to Alcuin: Antiphrasius (that is, the in fosting. 

Kar' nvTl({>pa(nv, such was the epithet com- '' Elipandus writes : Qui non fnerit con- 

monly applied to him by his opponei^ts) fessus Jesum Christum adoptivum human- 

Antiphrasius Beatus, antichristi discipulus, itate et nequaquam adoptivum divinitate 

carnis immunditia foetidus et ab altario et haercticus est et cxterminetur. Seethe 

Dei extraneus : also in the letter of the fragment in the work of Beatus against 

Spanish bishops to the emijeror Charle- Elipandus lil). I. in the Lectioncs antiquae 

magne, he is called camis flagitio sagina- of Canis. ed. Basnage T. II. f 310. 
tus : but it would be necessary to know " Non me interrogant, scd docere qnae- 

morc exactly, how the case really stood runt, quia servi sunt antichristi. 
with this deposition, before we could draw ^ Beatus says, 1. c. fol. 301, Et episcopus 

from it any certain conclusion. metropolitanus et princeps terrae pari cer- 

■^ It is plain from the letter of Elipandus, tamine schismata haereticorum unus verhi 

that the Spanish Christians must have felt gladio, alter virga rcgiminis ulciscens. If 

themselves oppressed. He says near the a Saraccnian prince was here meant, it 

conclusion of his letter to Alcuin (Alcuin. would be a remarkable proof tliat the opm- 

opp. ed. Froben. T. I. P. II. f 870, oppres- ions of Adoptianism were the most ac- 

sione gentis atflicti non possumus tibi re- ceptable to the ]\Iohammcdans. Yet it is 

scribere cuncta, and in his letter to Felix, possible the reference was to a West-Gothic 

I c f 916 quotidiana dispendia, qiiibus monarch, if we can only suppose, that m 

duramus potius quam vivinnis. the then political state of Spain, such a 

3 Thus in the letter of the S))anish bish- monarch was to be found in that country, 
ops (Alcuin. opp. T. II. f .")73,) it is said, ' Duo populi duae ecclpsiae, says Boa- 

ho had predicted the world would come to tus 1. c. 



EXAMINATION OF THE CONTROVERSY IN ROME. 165 

spread bej^ond the boundaries of Spain into the adjacent provinces of 
France. Felix, bishop of Urgellis, being the most distinguished repre- 
sentative and champion of Adoptianism, it followed, as a matter of 
course, that the Frankish empire must be brought to participate in this 
dispute. Both the friends and enemies of Felix agree in representing 
him as a man distinguished for his pietj and Christian zeal. The 
fragments of his writings which we possess evince his superiority not 
only to Ehpandus, but to all his antagonists, in acuteness of intellect. 
Eminent above all other theological writers of this age, for the calm 
and unimpassioned manner in which he stated his opinions, the only 
great defect to be observed in his character as an author, is the fre- 
quent obscurity of his style, which was owmg perhaps in part to the 
particular form of the Latin language, as then cultivated m Spain, • 

The spread of this controversy mto the Franldsh provinces led the 
emperor Charles to cause the matter to be investigated by an assem- 
bly convened at Regensburg, in the year 792, before which Felix him- 
self Avas summoned to appear. His doctrines were here condemned, 
and he himself consented to a recantation. The emperor thereupon 
sent him to Rome ; a procedure which may be easily explained, partly 
from the emperor's undeniable respect for the Romish church, without 
whose aid and counsel he was un\villing to take a step in any affair of 
moment, and partly from his want of confidence in the sincerity of 
Felix. At Rome, it was hardly to be expected that the explanations 
which had been thus far made by FelLx would give complete satisfac- 
tion. He was arrested and confined ; and, wliile in prison, was in- 
duced to prepare a new written recantation. Of course, these recan- 
tations of Fehx chd not proceed from any change that had really taken 
place in his mode of thmkmg, a thing which could not possibly be so 
brought about. On his return home, he repented having denied his 
own convictions of the truth, and betook himself to those parts of 
Spain wliich were under the Saracenic dominion, where he could once 
more express his convictions with freedom. Upon this the Spanish 
bishops issued two letters, addressed to the emperor and to the Frank- 
ish bishops ; the latter a polemical writing, which entered fully into 
the defence of Adoptianism ; and they proposed both a new examina- 
tion, and the restoration of Fehx to his former place. These letters 
the emperor sent to pope Hadrian. But without awaiting his decision, 
the emperor caused the matter to be brought before the council of 
Frankfort on the Main, in the year 794. The decision of this coun- 
cil, as might be expected, went against Adoptianism ; and the empe- 
ror now sent the transactions of the synod, together with a letter cer- 
titying his own approval of them, to Elipandus, and the other Spanish 
bishops. 

W hen the Frankish church first became enlisted in these controver- 
sies, Alcuin was absent in England. But having in the meantime re- 
turned to Frankfort, as he held the first place among the theologians 

' Yet the inoorrectness of the copy of dovm to us, is also to be taken into ac 
the declarations of Felix, which has come count. 



166 ELIPANDUS ON THE CHURCH. 

of the Frankisli church, the emperor Charles was especially anxious to 
employ his influence for the suppression of Adoptianism. At first, 
Alcuin availed liimsclf of the acquaintance which he had formed with 
Fehx at some earher period,^ and wrote him a letter breathing all the 
spirit of Christian love. He begged him not to destroy by this one 
\Nord so much that w^as good and true in his writings, and thus bring 
to nought the eiforts of a life spent from his youth upwards in worka 
of piety. To the party of Felix, he opposed the authority of the en- 
tire church. The controversy — he said — was, m truth, about a sin- 
gle word, a superficial judgment, we must allow, and refuted by the 
conduct of Alcuin himself in laying so much stress upon the difference. 
As he had requested Felix, in this letter, to try to draw off Elipandus 
from his error, so he wrote to the latter a friendly and respectful epis- 
tle, in which he entreated him to use his influence on Fehx for the 
same purpose. Next, he composed a treatise against the doctiine of 
Adoptianism, which he addressed to the clergy and monks in the 
French provinces bordering on Spain,^ and which was designed to for- 
tify them against tlie influence of the erroneous opinions coming from 
.hat quarter. But Felix did not feel liimself touched in the least by 
those passages from the older fathers which Alcuin had quoted against 
him, and in a work from his own pen, defended liimself at length, and 
endeavored to prove the correctness of his doctrines. Alcuin, in liis 
letter, had opposed, to the small party of the Adoptianists, the uniform 
agreement of the whole church, which led Felix to unfold in this work 
his own idea of the church ; and on this point, we may assui'edly dis- 
cover in him a very hberal tendency, widely departing from the system 
of the Komish church. " We believe and confess — said he — a holy 
Catholic church, which diffused through the whole world by the preach- 
ing of the Apostles, is founded on our Lord Christ, as on an im- 
movable rock (therefore not on Peter)^ — but the church may also, 
sometimes, consist of few."* Elipandus, at a subsequent time, an- 
swered Alcuin in a letter filled with violence and bitterness. He up- 
braids Mm on the score of his wealth, stating that he owned twenty 
thousand slaves.^ In opposition to the authority attached to univer- 
sahty, Elipandus said : Where two or three are assembled together in 
the name of Christ, there Christ is, as he promised,* in the midst of 

' vSee his short letter to Felix, express- habet, est qui non habet et habei. As re- 

ing esteem and love for him and asking for gards the second : hominem vero ad mruin 

an interest in his prayers. numqiuim comparavi servitinm, sed magis 

2 In Gothia. devota caritate omnibus Christi Dei mci 

3 In Christo Domino velut solida petra fiimulis servire desiderans. 

fnndatam. ^ I" accordance with this, are also the 

* AJiquando vero ecclesia in exiguis est. declarations of Elipandus. in the above 
See c. Felicem 1. 1. See 791. 92. cited letter to Migetius. In oi)i>osition to 

* As it regards the first, Alcuin, in his the extravagant titles which the latter seems 
etter to the three si.iritual delegates of the to have bestowed on the Roman church, 
emperor, savs on the other hand (opp. T. I. Elipandus says (1. c. p. .5-34) : Hacc oniiiia 
P. II. p. 860). In the holding of worldly amens ille si)iritus te ita intelligerc docuit. 
goods, evcrvthing depends on the temper Nos vero e contrario non de sola Homado- 
of the heart, quo aninio quis halieat sccu- minum Petro dixisse credimus : Tu es Te- 
lum. aliud est habere seculnm. aliud est ha- trus, scilicet firmitas fidei, et super banc pc- 
Dcriaseculo. Est qui habet divitias et non tram aedifieabo ecclesiam meam. .sed de 



SYNOD AT AIX, 799. 167 

them. The broad waj', in Avhich the multitude go, was a wav leading 
to destruction ; but tlie narrow way, which but few travel, was the one 
that led to everlasting life. God had chosen not the rich, but the 
poor.' As the Avork of Felix against Alcuin had, in the meantime, 
been sent to the emperor Charles, the latter called upon Alcuin to re- 
fute it. But Alcuin begged that so important a matter should not be 
devolved on him alone, but that the work of Felix should also be sent 
to the pope, to Paulinus patriarch of Aquileia, to Theodulf bishop of 
Orleans, and to Richbon bishop of Triers. All these should engage in 
the refutation of it. If they agreed in their arguments, this would be 
evidence of the truth. If not, that should stand valid, which most 
fully accorded with the testimonies of Holy Scripture and of the an- 
cient fathers.^ Thus it appears that he, too, was not for allounng the 
pope an absolute poiver of decision in matters of faith. The emperor 
adopted this plan. He caused the work of Alcuin in refutation of Fe- 
lix,3 to be read in his presence, to wliich he listened with such critical 
care as to mark what seemed to him to be capable ( f improvement, and 
to have it in his power to send Alcuin a list of passages which in his 
own view needed correction.4 And inasmuch as Adoptianisra had 
found its way among many of the clergy, monks and laity in the Frank- 
ish provinces bordering on Spain, the emperor considered it necessary 
to send a clerical committee to those parts for the purpose of coimter- 
acting it. For this business, he chose Benedict, abbot of Aniana in 
Languedoc, Leidrad, archbishop of Lyons, and Nefrid, bishop of Nar- 
bon-iie. These prelates succeeded in obtaining a conference with Felix 
liimself in the town of Urgell. They here promised him, that if he 
would come into the Frankish kingdom, they would not proceed against 
him with violence, but that a calm investigation should be made of the 
whole subject in dispute, on rational grounds. Confiding in this prom- 
ise, he appeared before a synod at Aix, in the year 799, m the pres- 
ence qf the emperor himself. The promise was sacredly observed ; 
and here the abbot Alcuin disputed with him for a long time. At 

aniversali ccclcsin catholica. per univcrsam eudum aut suillura sanguinem et suffoca- 

orbem in pace diffusa. He demands of turn rudis est aut ineruditus. But the 

him, how it could be reconciled with the pope pronounced the anathema on thost- 

assertion, tliat the Roman church was the who maintained this, see Espaiia Sagrada 

ecclesia sine macula et ruga, that the Ko- T. V. 1. c. pag. 514. He also declared 

man bishop Liberius had been condemned against tliose who following likewise the 

along with heretics ? It must no doubt principles of Elipandus, Iielievcd there was 

have been the case. too. that Elipandus was nothing defiling in holding intercourse and 

on many points far sujierior to the popes eating with Jews and Saracens. 

of these times in Christian freedom of s]jirit. ' We certainly recognize in such ex- 

In the letter alread3' cited, Elipandus car- prcssions the archbishop of an oppressed 

nesrly contends, that notliing b;ir('ly cxtcr- church. 

nal. nothing that comes from wiiliout can ^ See cj). 69. 

defile the man. But to po]ie llailrian such •' His seven books against Felix, which 

principles ajipcared offensive. In Rome, as tliey contain many fragments from tlie 

lit this jieriod, the apostolical decree, Acts works of Felix himself, are the most im- 

15, the barely temjjorary significance of porwnt source of information on the sub- 

which was recognized in Augustin's tune, ject of his doctrines. 

was held to be of ])erpctnal validity. The ■• Ep. 85 to the emperor. Gratias agi- 

dclegates of the pojie had to dispute with mus, quod libcllum auribus sapientiae ves- 

persons in Spain wlio maintained, in the trae recifari fecistis et (piod notari jussistii 

lense of Elipandus, that, qui non ederit pc- errata illius et remisistis ad corrigendum. 



168 AGNOETISM OF FELIX. 

length, he declared himself to be counnced ; and Alcuin supposed, 
that through divine grace, and by the authorities of the ancient fathera 
arrayed against liira, a true conviction had been wrouglit in his mind.i 
At the same time however he betraj's a shade of suspicion with regard 
to the sincerity of Fehx.2 In his Avork against Ehpandus, he testifies 
his joy, in the spirit of Christian love, over the supposed conversion of 
Felix. The manner in which the truly devout and gentle Alcuin re- 
ceived and conversed with FeHx at Aix, no doubt made a deep im- 
pression on the latter, and he afterwards testifies his love towards him.3 
But although, perhaps, the imposing character of the assembly and the 
exposing of some dangerous consequences to which his expressions 
might lead, produced on him a momentary impression, and forced him 
to yield, yet it is by no means probable in itself, that the man, who in 
theological dialectics excelled his opponents, could have been induced 
by a single disputation, to alter that mode of apprehending doctrines 
which was so deeply rooted in the very constitution of his mind. As 
his sincerity or his firmness was not fully trusted, he was not pei-mitted 
to return to his bishopric, but was placed under the oversight of Leid- 
rad archbishop of Lyons. He drew up liimself a form of recantation 
for the benefit of his former adherents, in which rejecting the phrase, 
" Adoption," he still endeavored to hold clearly apart the predicates 
of the two natures. The delegates already mentioned were afterwards 
sent foi" a second time, in the year 800, to visit those districts ; where 
according to Alcuin's report,^ they labored with success, having induced 
ten thousand persons to recant. Felix lived in Lyons till the year 816 
and it is clear from reliable evidence, that he continued to retain unal- 
tered his type of doctrine concerning the person of Christ, with wliich 
Agnoeti,*m was closely connected. He endeavored to bring those who 
conversed with him to concede, that the knowledge of our Saviour, 
while on earth, so far as it concerned his humanity, was not, judging 
from his own professions with regard to himself, absolutely unhmited. 
Agobard, who succeeded Leidrad as archbishop of Lyons, having heard 
of such remarks by Felix, asked him, if he really thought thus. Felix 
repHed in the afiirmative. But when Agobard placed before him a col- 
lection of the sayings of the older fathers, directly opposed to this view, 
he promised to take all possible pains to arrive at a better knowledge* 
— words however, which still implied, that he was not yet ready to 
adopt a different opinion ; and the probability is, that he merely sought 
to get rid of a dispute. Besides, a card of liis was found, after liis 
death, written over with questions and answers, in which the theory 
of distinction maintained by Adoptianism was clearly asserted.^ 

' Ep. 76. Divina dementia visitante cor ■• Sec ep. 92. 

illius novissime falsa opinione se seductum ^ Promisit se omnis cmendutionis dili- 

confessus est. gentium sibimet adhihituriim. 

"■^ Nos vero cordis illius secreta nescieiites * See the tract comjiosed by Agobard, on 

occuhorum judici causam dimisimus. this account, against tlie doctrines of Felix 

^ Alcuin ep. 92. J\lultum amat me to- — the last in this controversy. 
tumiiue odium, ijuod habnit in me, versum 
2st in caritatis dulccdinem. 



PREDOMINATING DIALECTIC TENDENCY IN THE GREEK CHURCH. 16^ 



II. In THE Greek Church. 

♦ 

In tlie Greek church, the cultivation of letters had been preserve 1 
to a far greater extent than in the Latin ; though all true intellectiuil 
progress had long since been suppressed by a pohtical and spiritual 
despotism. There was the want of a hving, self-mo\dng, creative 
spirit, to animate the inert mass of collected materials. In interpret- 
ing the sacred writings, the chief object was, to bring together the ex- 
positions of the older fathers, and arrange them in the order of the 
several books of the Bible, — out of which collections afterwards arose 
the so-called Catenae (^aeiQal) on the Holy Scriptures. The Monophy- 
site controversies had at length contributed in a special manner to 
awaken the dialectic spirit, which derived fresh nourishment from the 
study of the Aristotelian philosophy, and fresh practice from the pro- 
longed controversies with the Monophysites. The same causes tended 
to promote an abstract, dialectical method of expounding the doctrines 
of faith, which was employed chiefly on the doctrine of the Trinity, 
and the doctrine of the two natures in Christ, less attention being paid 
to the practical element in the system of faith. An undue stress was 
laid on a formal orthodoxy, to the neglect of practical Christianity ; 
and beside the former an external holiness of works, or a piety consist- 
ing in the observance of outward forms, or bound up with, and upheld 
by superstition, could peacefully proceed. This dialectical tendency, 
which seizing upon the results of the doctrinal controversies, elaborated 
and arranged them, produced, in the eighth century, the most im})or- 
tant doctrinal text-book of the Greek church, which was entitled, 
"JLw accurate sariDiiary of the orthodox faith,^^ (^dxQi^t),; exdoaig r^s 
oQ&odo^ov Tiiazewg,^ drawn up near the beginning of that century by 
the monk John of Damascus ; where the expositions of doctrine are 
given for the most part in the expressions of the older fathers, espe- 
cially the three great teachers from Cappadocia. Nevertheless, in the 
Greek church, the original and free development of spiritual life Avas 
too scanty to allow any such important creation to start forth here out 
of the union of the ecclesiastical and dialectical tendencies, as de- 
serves to be compared with the scholastic theology of the Western 
church. 

Monasticism had ever continued in the Greek church to maintain an 
important influence ; an influence, too, which in kind differed entirely 
from that which prevailed in the Western church of this period ; for 
the predominant contemplative tendency had still been preserved in it, 
and hence the Greek monasteries were the favorite seats of a mystical 
theology. At these places, the writings which, as we remarked in the 
history of the i)receding period, were forged under the name of Diony- 
sius the Areopagite, had an unbounded influence. It is remark- 
able, that the spread of these writings was due in the first place to 
Disponents of the dominant church, and that while they were in the 
hands of these men, the church was familiar with the arguments against 



170 DIALECTICO-MYSTICAL TENDENCY. 

their genuineness. The Severians (a party of the Monophysites) at 
a conference with theologians of the Cathohc church held at Con- 
stantinople in 533, adduced among other things, testimonies from these 
writings in favor of their opinions. But their opponents refused to 
admit such testimonies as genuine, alleging that, as these writings 
were wholly unknown to the ancients, as neither Cyrill in the contro- 
versy Avith Nestorius, nor Athanasius in the controversies with Arius, 
had made any use of them, it was sufficiently evident, that they could 
not be so old as was pretended.' A certain presbyter, Theodoi-us, 
composed, in the seventh century, a work in defence of the genuine- 
ness of these Dionysian writings ;2 and from what is known to us re- 
specting the contents of that work, it is clear that the genuineness of 
those writings was impugned on right gTOunds. The arguments against 
them were four, 1. That none of the later church-teachers cited them. 
2. That Eusebius, in his catalogue of the writings of the older fathers, 
makes no mention of them. 3. That they are filled with comments on 
church traditions which had arisen only by degrees, and had been pro- 
gressively shaping themselves into form, during a long period of time, 
in wliich they had received many additions. 4. That in them were 
cited the letters of Ignatius, though he lived after Dionysius. Never- 
theless, the spirit of historical criticism was too little prevalent in this 
period, and the force of that symbolizing, mystical and contemplative 
bent of mind was too potent to allow any chance of victory to argu- 
ments based on grounds of criticism. Now by means of these writings, 
the elements of New-Platonism and, in part, of the older Alexandrian 
theology were transferred into the later Greek church ;' and as, m ear- 
Her times, there had been formed, out of the same elements, a certain 
religious Ideahsm, which spirituahzed rigid Judaism and the sensual 
rites of Pagan rehgions, so the recurrence of a hke phenomenon might 
be expected in the Greek church. 

A theology wliich had sunk into this spmtualizing mode of interpre- 
tation could adopt the whole round of superstitious notions connected 
with the worship of saints and of images ; and by this spiritualization 
place them on a firmer basis ; Avhile the people, who were profoundly 
i'-fuorant of this contemplative theology, would apprehend the whole 
in the grossest material form. By distinguishing two ditferent posi- 
tions, a mode of apprehension by symbols, and another which stripped 
away every tiling symbolical, and soared to the intuition of pure ideas ; 
by distinguishing a humanizing and a c^ehumanizing, a positive and a 
negative mode of apprehension (^a &Eoloyia xazuifaztxri and dnoifa- 
7i%rf) ; 3 a way was contrived for blendmg with that idealism the whole 
svstem of church ordinances and customs. Furthermore, the ex- 
cessive use of these writings led to a fulsome style of language, 
easily inclining to exaggeration, whicli marred the simplicity of the 

' Sec the Ac-ta of the CoUatio Constan- cited wliat Theodore said in refutation of 

.inopolitana of the year 533, Ilarduin. Con- the weighty arcuinents, is to be found m 

2i\, II. 1163. Pliotius Bihliotheca pag. 1. 

^ The notice of its contents, where we ^ As this distinction liad been ah-eadj 

nave onlv to regret that Photius has not usedbyPhilo; sec Vol. I. 



END OF THE CREATION. ITl 

gospel. From the same cause arose also a singular combination of 
dialectical and mystical theology, whereby the dogmatism of the under- 
Btaudhig became permeated by a certain element oi" rehgious intuition 
and of the fervor of the feelings. We may consider as a representative 
of this dialectical, contemplative tendency, the monk Maximus, in the 
seventh century, a man distinguished for acuteness and profundity of 
intellect. He had filled an important station at the imperial court, as 
the emperor's first secretary,' and was in the way of attaining to still 
higher posts, but partly for the purpose of holding fast his convictions 
amid the Monotheletic controversies, he retired to the seclusion of the 
monastic life, and finally became an abbot. It is evident from his 
works, that the writings of Gregory of Nyssa and of the Pseudo- 
Dionysius had exerted a very considerable influence on his mode of 
thinking in theology. The grand features of a coherent system may 
be discovered in them, together with many fruitful and pregnant ideas, 
which, if he had developed himself and acted his part under more 
favorable circumstances, might have been the means of leading him- 
self and others to an original construction of the Christian system of 
faith and morals. He was also distinguished for his zeal in endeavor- 
ing to promote a vital, practical Christianity, flowing out of the dispo- 
sition of the heart,2 in opposition to a dead faith and outward works. 
The solid inward worth and importance of this individual induce us 
to dwell the longer upon his pecuharities, and to give the fuller expo- 
sition of the ideas which lie at the centre of his theology. 

Christianity, as it seemed to him, forms the exact mean betwixt the 
too narrow apprehension of the idea of God in Judaism, and the too 
broad one of the deification of nature in paganism ; and this mean is 
expressed by the doctrine of the Trinity .^ The highest end of the 
whole creation he supposed to be the intimate union into which God 
entered with it through Christ — when, without detriment to his im- 
mutability, he assumed human nature hito personal union for the pur- 
pose of rendering humanity godhke ; God becoming man without 
change of his own essence, and receiving human nature into union 
with himself without its losmg aught that belongs to its peculiar 
essence. It was with a view to secure this pomt, that he attached so 
much importance also to the articles touching the union of the two 
natures in which each retains without change its own pecuhar proper- 
ties.4 The end and purpose of the redemption was not solely to 

^ UpijTog v7roypa<p€V^ rC)v l3a(7cXiKuv VKOfi- emKovpov exf^vcja, t//v rvpavvovaav to rr/<. 

vrjuaruv. einoviig u^cu/xa tCii' (JtaTro^ovrwf ihu'&tGLi' 

* To the authorities of the Greek fathers Exposit. in orat. Dom. I. f. 356. 
against shivery, let us here add thatofMaxi- ^ The antithesis of the diauro?.'^ and the 
inus. He ix'tiiirded shivery as a dissolu- av(TTu?'ri Ti/r ^t^eoTi/roi, on one side, the 
tion, introduced hy sin, of tiie original unity Karaficpi^eiv rf/V /xiav apxv^, on the other, 
of human nature, as a denial of tlie ()rigin;il the. li-ia upxVi hut artvf/'Kai ure'/Jic. See 
dignity of man's nature, created after tlie the ex])ositi()n of the Paternoster. Max- 
image of God. — wliile it was the aim of inii o'^era ed. Conihefis. T. I. f. 355. 
Christianity to restore the original relation. ■• Quaest. in sei-ipturam. p. 45 and p 209 
He says of slavery : r/ rr/g air//^ dtf/.ovoTi Bmv aippanrtog virepd) a'&ng ^ov'/.i], to the 
TTapa yvunr/v (h.ai.pecng (bhceto^, uTiiiov ttoi- fulfilment of which all else is hut prepara- 
ovuevrj Tuv Kara 0vaiv ifidrtuov, voftoi' tory; urpeTrrcjf £viiOfii}/'/vai tij ipvaei tCjv 



172 NATURAL ABILITY AND GRACE. 

cleanse human nature from sin, but to elevate it to a higher stage 
than it could attain by its original powers — to raise it up to an un^ 
changeable, di\dne life.' Hence the history of creation falls into two 
grand divisions, — the preparation for that assumption of human 
nature by the Divine Being, and the deification of human nature pro- 
gressively unfolding itself out of this fact, in all such as become sus- 
ceptible of it by the bent of their will, even to the attainment of per^ 
feet blessedness.^ Accordingly he often speaks of a continual incar- 
nation of the Logos in behevcrs, in so far as the human life is taken 
up into union with Christ, and permeated by the principle of his divine 
life .3 And he considers the soul of the individual, who thus begets a 
divine life out of himself, as a ^eoToxogA As the Logos, being God, 
was the creator of the woman, whom, from love to mankind, he caused 
to become his mother so far as it concerned his bodily generation as a 
man — so the Logos in us, is in the first place the creator of faith, 
and then a son of the faith that is in us, embodying himself, by the 
virtues that spring out of faith, in Christian action.^ Now as human 
nature was so formed by God as to be the organ of a divine fife ex- 
ceeding the limits of the finite creation, as to be capable of receiving 
a higher principle, and of being penneated thereby, though without 
exceeding the limits of the peculiar essence given to it by creation, a 
way was provided in this theory for estabhshing a harmonious con- 
nection between creation and redemption, nature and grace, the natu- 
ral and the supernatural, reason and revelation : and the scattered hints 
pointing at this connection we may consider as the luminous points of his 
system. " The faculty of seeking after the godHke,6 has been implanted 
in human nature by its Creator ; but it is first enabled to arrive at the 
revelation of the godhke by the supervening power of the Holy Spirit. 
But as this original faculty has, in consequence of sin, become sup- 
pressed by the predominance of sense, the grace of the Holy Spirit 
must supervene, for the purpose of restoring this faculty to its pria- 
tine freedom and purity. We cannot properly say, that grace, by 
itself alone, and independent of the natural faculty of knowledge, 
communicates to the righteous the knowledge of mysteries;"^ for in that 
case we must suppose, that the prophets understood nothing at all of 
what was revealed to them by the Holy Spirit. As Httle can we sup- 
pose, that they attained to true knowledge by seeking for it with the 
natural faculty alone ; for thus we should make all supervention of 
the Holy Spirit superfluous. When St. Paul says. The one and the 
self-same Spirit, which worketh in all, divideth to every man severally 
as he will, this is to be imderstood to mean that the Holy Spirit wills 
that which is suited to each individual ; so as to guide the spiritual 

av&punuv Siu T^g /cai?' vnoaraav uXrj-dovc * Expositirc of the Paternoster, p. 354. 
ivuaeug, iavTG) 61 ttjv (piacv avaXXoiurug * Kard r^. -pa^tv raZg aperatg aufiaTOV- 

ivcjaai, ttjv uvdpwKiVjjv. fievoq. 

' Tt? ■&euaEt, ■KleovenTOvaav ttjv irpuTTjv * A.I l^T]Ti]TLK.al koI IpevvTjTiKot tCiv ^eiuv 

hdnlaaiv. Quaest. in script, f. 157. 6vvu/j,£ic. , 

* L. c. p. 45. ' Xwpif Tuv TTjg yvuaeuc Sektikuv Kard 

' 'O ;t;ptc7rdf Siu tuv au^ofiivuv aapKOV/ie- (pvaiv dvva/ieav. 
vog. 



PROGRESSIVE UNFOLDING OF REVELATION. 173 

gtriving of those who are seeking after the godlike to its desired 
end.' Accordingly, the Holy Spirit Avorks not wisdom in the saints, 
without a mind which is susceptible of it ; — it works not knowledge 
without the recipient facidty of reason ; — it works not faith, without 
a rational connction respecting the future and the invisible ; — it 
works not the gift of miraculous healing, without a natural philan- 
thropv; — and, in a word, it produces no charisma whatsoever, without 
the recipient facidty for each. 3 The grace of the Sj^irit destroys not 
in the least the natural faculty, but much rather makes that faculty, 
which has become inapt by minatui-al use, once more efficient, by 
employing it conformably to its nature, when it leads it to the contem- 
plation of the godlike."'' 

So, in like mamier, the union of the divine and human natures in 
Christ corresponds to the nmtual adaptation to each other of the divine 
and the human elements in bchevers. " As the Logos could not have 
wrought the natural works of the body after a manner ^vorthy of God, 
without a body animated by a rational soul, so neither could the Hol^y Spi- 
rit produce the knowledge of the mysteries, without a faculty seeking 
after knowledge in the way of nature." 5 AH Christian contempki- 
tion and action are so brought about in believers, that God works 
within them as his instruments ,« and the man contributes nothing 
thereto but a disposition that Avills what is good.^ In conformity with 
this relation of the natural to the supernatural, of revelation to the 
recipiency of man, which is the condition of it, Maximus supposes a 
progressive development of the divine revelations, according to the 
point attamed by the hidividuals to be educated. Hence in the Old 
Testament, the revelation and agency of God was connected with 
forms of sense, for the purpose of Kjlevatmg man from sensible 
tilings to spiritual.8 As he proceeds upon the idea of a communion 
with the divine source of Ufe imparting itself to man, wliich man is 
enabled to appropriate by means of the organ originally implanted in 
his nature, and now once more unfolded to freedom, so he apprehends 
the idea of faith as the internal fact of this aj)propriation. But it is 
from faith that this divine life must first unfold itself — from faith 
penetrating into the disposition of the man, incorporating itself with 
his actions, ruling him in the form of love ; and together with this 
love, as the union with the godlike, arises the life of contemplation, 
the peculiar element of the Gnostic point of view, and the highest 
thing of all ; but which he considers not as a mere theorizing state 

' Bov?i,ETai TO eKaaru Stj'Kovoti av/i(j>epov (pvaiv irphq rr/v riJv ■Qudv KaravoTjaiv eiaa- 

elf n'kqpo^opiav rfig dna-dovQ tuv knii^rj- yovaa. 

TovvTuv Tu i?eta t^t'fftuf. * Sec Quacst. in script. 59 T. I. p. 199, 

* 'Avei) r;/f Kara vovv Kal ?Myov rwv and what follows. 

Uf/l/wrwr Kal Truai recjg (uh)?iuv nXrjpo- * flaffai- ^i" i/ixlv wf opyuvni^ 6 i^eof etti- 

popiac- Te?^el npa^iv Kal -Beupiav. 

^ Xuplg ri/g iKaarov 6eKTiK7/c tfcuf re ' IV/J/v T//f ^E?Mvaij( tu kqM (ha^iaeuc. 

Kal dwufiEtoQ.. Quacst. in script. .54 p. 152. 

* 'H ;t"P'C oi(5auMf Tz/g ^I'crfwf Karap-yEi ' •> The divine wisdom, in having respect 
li/v dvvafuv, u7.7m /xuX'/mv KarnpjTj'&Eiaav to the ava?ioyia rijv Trpovoovfzevc^v- Quaest 
irdAtv r// xpiicsei rcJv -rrapa (pvaiv Tponuv 31. p. 74 

kvtpybv i-oui tto/.lv Ty XPV'^^'- '''^'^ Kara 



174 FAITH. LOVE. 

of mind, but as the highest transfiguration of Christianity in the 
complete unity of hfe and knowledge. " Faith — says he — is a 
certain relation of the soul to the supernatural — the godlike ; i — 
an immediate union of the spirit with God, so that the being of God 
in m."n is therewith necessarily presupposed. The kingdom of God, 
and faith in God, diSer only in the abstract conception. Faith is the 
kingdom of God, which has not yet come to a determinate shape, — 
the kingdom of God is faith, which lias attained to shape in a way 
answering to the divine lile.2 The faith which is actively employed 
in obeying the divine counnands becomes the kingdom of God, which 
can be known only by those who possess it, and the Idngdom of God 
is nothing other than operative faith." In speakuig against those 
who considered the charismata as isolated gifts, simply communicated 
from without, he says : 3 " He w'ho has genuine faith in Christ, has 
within him all the charismata collectively. But since, by reason of 
our inactivitv', we are far from that active love towards him, which 
unveils to us the divine treasures which we bear within our own souls, 
60 we justly beheve that we are without the divine charismata. If, 
according to St. Paul, Christ dwells in our hearts by faith, and in 
him are hid all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge, then all the 
treasures of Avisdom and knowledge are hidden in our hearts. But 
they reveal themselves to the heart in the same proportion as the 
heart becomes pure through obedience to the divme commands." Of 
love, he says,'* contemplating it .as the perfection of the Christian 
life — "' What kind of good is there, which love possesses not ? Does 
it not possess faith, which bestows on him that has it as firm and 
assured a conviction of the godlike, as the sensuous perception of the 
eye can bestow of visible objects ? Does it not possess a hope, which 
represents to itself the truly good, and grasps it more firmly than the 
hand ever grasps an object wliicli can be felt ? Does it not bestow 
the enjoyment of that which is beUeved and hoped for, when, by 
virtue of the whole bent of the soul, it possesses in itself the future 
as the present? " ^ With regard to the union of the theoretical with 
the practical element, he saj'S, that he who represents to liimself 
knowledge as something embodied in action, and action as something 
instinct with knowledge, has fomid the right way of true, divine 
action. But he who severs the one from the other, either con- 
verts knowledge into an unsubstantial fancy, or action into a hfeless 
Bhadow.e 

In describing how the whole hfe of the Christian should be one 
prayer, Maximus explains himself thus : Constant prayer consists in 

' The TTiCTrtf 6vva/j.i.( axerLK// ri/c; vntp " In a letter, T II. p. 220. 

fvaiv ilfttaov rob niaTevuvrog Trpof tuv ^ Ai eavriji; uf nupuvra tu iDJMvra 

TTKrvEvijuevov ■&edv reXtiai- kvuoEioq Quaest naru diud'tatv exovaa. 

33 in script. T I. 76 and the following. * "H n/v yvwaiv avvKoaTarov KtTToir/Ke 

* L c. 7) l^ev, -niyTi-i- uvtideof; tfsov jSaoL-- <pavTaalav 7/ Tqv irpCt^iv a^ivxov KaTearriaev 

Tina kariv rj 6s ^iaaiAeia, Trlarif liftoeiJwf eldcjlov. Among the .scattered thougliU, 

udoTTe-oiTinivt]. which harmonize wel) with hi.s other wril- 

3 In the thoughts concerning charity, I. ing.s. I. 60f). 
f. 453. 



PRAYER. CAUSES OF TUE MONOTIIELETIC CONTROVERSY. 175 

this, that one has his mind constantly directed to God in true piety and 
sincere aspiration ; that the whole Ufe should be rooted and grounded 
in hope on him ; that in everjtliing one does or suffers, one's whole 
reliance is placed only in Him.^ He nowhere suffers liimself to fall 
into the mistake, mto which the mystics were often misled, that of con- 
founding together eternal life and the present earthly existence. He 
thus contrasts them : One is the relative knowledge of the godhke by 
conceptions, which consists in the striving after that perfect union 
with the object of knowledge, which, in this life, is not yet to be at- 
tained ; the other, the absolute, perfect intuition, in immediate pre- 
sence, where knowledge by conception retires into the back-ground.2 
The fundamental ideas of Maximus seem to lead to the doctrine of a 
final imiversal restoration, which in fact is intimately connected also 
with the system of Gregory of Nyssa, to which he most closely ad- 
heres. Yet he was too much fettered by the church system of doc- 
trme, distinctly to express any theory of this sort.^ 

The first doctrinal controversy, which we have to notice in the 
Greek church of this period, originated partly in causes within and 
partly in causes without the church itself. The internal cause was 
the effort to unfold from the doctrine of the two natures in Christ the 
consequences which it involved. The doctrine of the two natures in 
Christ combined together in personal tmion, while each retained its own 
attributes unaltered, would if consistently carried out lead men also to 
suppose two forms of working corresponding to these two natures ; as, 
in fact, they allowed to subsist along with the two natures the attri- 
butes also, answering to each, which remained unaltered. The exter- 
nal cause of these controversies, was, as had so often been the case, 
the inclination of the Byzantine emperors to intenneddle with eccle- 
siastical proceedings ; and in particular, the effort, so often made 
without success, and from which they still could not desist, to bring 
about a conciliation of the opposite doctrinal views existing in the 



' See his aaKrj-iKOQ I. p. 378. rrj^ KaKiac fivr/fiac • Kal nepucyaGav Toi)c 
^ 'H fj.iv Tuv d-eiuv yvCjOiQ ax^TLKfi, u( Truvrag aluvag kuI fiff evplaKovaav crucnv 
h jMovu) "koycf) Keifievij xal vorifiaai, rj de kv- eig ruv -^ebv iX-^elv rbv hi] hx'^'^'''^- ^epaf. 
piwf uXij-Brig tv fiovrt Ty Trelpg. Kar' hep- But then he adds koI ovtuq r^ kniyvuaei, 
yeiav di^a "koyov Kal vorjfiuTuv blt]v tov ov t^ fie-^e^sL tuv uya-&uv uTroXafielv rag 
yvDO^ivToc Kara X'^pf-v fic-^t^ei izapexofie- dvvu/^ecc Kat eig rd upxalov uTvoKaraa^f/vai. 
vi]v T7/V ala&rjaiv, St.' //g Kara ti)v fisX?iov- Kal deix'^fivai tov 6j]fiLovpybv avalrtov T),g 
aav 'kij^i.v rfiv virip (pvaiv v7ro6ex6/xe&a i?e'- A/naprlag. According to this, then, Gofi 
uaiv unamrug hepyovfievjjv. Quaest. will finally be glorified by the complete ex- 
script, f. 210. tirpation of all evil. Yet how, according 
^ In the collection of Aphorisms derived to his own ideas he could distinguish ilio 
from Maximus, the ^KaTovrilg reTaprrj § 20. knowledge of the highest good in wlii^h all 
T. I. f. 288, the re-union of all rational es- would participate, from the participaiion in 
sences with God is established as the final it, cannot be well seen. In expounding 
end: ivpdg vko6ox>)v tov izdvrug nuaiv h^- Collos. 2: 15 frcm different points of view 
y^'iaofiEvov Kara Tb Trepag ruv aluvuv. In (Quaest. script. 21) he had in his miinl 
his tpuTrjoELg Kal dwoKpiaEig c. 13. I. f. 304, perhaps (see T. I. f 44) a final redemption 
he himself cites Gregory's doctrine con- even of fallen spirits; since he says, that 
ceming the restoration, and with approba- there is also a Xoyog fivariKurepog Kal vil'//- 
tion; but explains it thus: Tag naparpa- /lorepof, but that we are not authorized to 
ireiaag Trig ^vx^g dvva/ueig Ty irapaTaaei rely on the annj^j^jiTOTepa tuv -deluv 6oy/iu 
'■(jy aiuvcjv uTOfiaXElv Tag evTS'&Eiaag dvTy tuv of Scripture. 



176 EMPEROR HERACLIUS. ORIOE.N. 

church, by means of formulas designed to conceal the existing differ- 
ences. It was not merely a religious, but also a political interest by 
which the Greek emperor Heraclius, whose arms were successful in 
recovering the provinces rent from the Greek empire by the Persians, 
was led to desire this. It was to him a matter of great pohtical im- 
portance, to strengthen the power of the Greek empire by reuniting 
the large body, constituting the Monophysite party, with the dominant 
church of the empire. The interviews he had had with Monophysite 
bishops, whom he happened to meet in his campaigns during the war 
against the Persians in 622 and the following years, inspired him with 
the thought, that the formulary of one divinely human mode of work- 
ing and wilhng in Christ, might serve the purpose of bringing about 
the result which had been so long sought in vain, and if not to recon- 
cile, at least to render harmless to the unity of the church, the oppo- 
sition between the Monophysite party, and the Cathohc church which 
held fast to the decisions of the Chalcedonian council. The formu- 
lary, — one mode of Christ's Avilling and working, — seemed the less 
liable to give offence, because in the writings of Dionysius the Areopa- 
gite, which stood m the same high authority with both the parties, an 
EvsQyua &£av8Qixti was set down as the distinguishing predicate of 
Christ. 1 Heraclius by no means designed to make this formulary of 
doctrine a universally dominant one in the church. He was governed 
here far more by political than by doctrinal motives ; and without tak- 
ing any particular interest in the doctrinal disputes, or wishing to have 
any influence in determining the doctrines of the church, his only ob- 
ject was to employ this formulary as a means for promoting imion in 
districts where the Monophysite party was numerous and powerful, as 
was the case in the Alexandrian diocese. The patriarch Sergius, of 
Constantinople, whom the emperor consulted touching the propriety of 
employing this formulary, having found nothing offensive in it, he was 
the more confirmed in his contemplated project.^ Perhaps the use 

' It cannot, indeed, be proved, that the stood in no connection whatever with these 
emperor, when he first hit upon this for- transactions ; and that it was only by occa- 
mulary, had this object in view. It is sion of this elevation that he was led to 
possible, that having heard, perhaps from make such a use of this formulary. Great 
Monophysite bishops, in conversation, some mistakes are often made, by reasoning back 
such expression, and not knowing what to from some result really brought about by 
think of it, he consulted on the subject his a concurrence of circumstances, to the mo- 
patriarch at Constantinople; or that the tives of individuals; still, however, the in- 
Monophysite bishops of the dominant terest shown by the emperor in this formu- 
church, had, in the course of some discus- lary, renders it probable that from the first 
sion, raised it as an objection, that as they it appeared to him an important means to 
supposed two natures'in Christ, they must this end ; and by comparing this case with 
also affirm two modes of willing and work- the like attempts to bring about a union 
ing ; and that the emperor was thus led to with the Monophysites, as for example, the 
ask the opinion of the patriarch whether it added clause to the Trisagion, the con- 
might not be right to suppose one mode of demnation of the three chapters, we shall 
willing and working. It is possible, that find much serving to confirm this view of 
bishop Cyrus also, when he first spoke the matter. 

with the emperor and consulted the patri- ^ That the emperor had for this reason 

arch Sergius about this formulary, had no applied to the patriarch, may be gathered 

thoughts of employing it as a means for from the letter of bishop Cyrus to him soon 

higher objects. It is possible, that his ele- to be mentioned. Harduin. Concil. T, 

vation to Ihe Alexandrian patriarchate, III. 1338. 



SERGIUS, PATRIARCH OF CON.S lANTINOPLE. lit 

which Heraclius was makin;^ of this formulary, would never have en- 
"•endered a controversy, if he had not finally succeeded by it in effectr 
iuf^ his purpose among the Monophysites in the Alexandrian church. 

Among the bishops, with Avhom the emperor had conversed on this 
subject, was Cyrus bisliop of Phasis, in the territory of the Lazians of 
Colchis. As the latter felt some scruples about the employment of 
this fornndary, he applied for advice to the patriarch Sergius of Con- 
stantinople.' Sergius sought in his reply to remove these scruples ;2 
but in so doing he expressed himself very ambiguously, shoAving the 
want of an independent theological judgment of his own. He wrote 
him, that at ecumenical councils, this subject had never come under 
discussion, nor had anything been determined about it. Several em- 
inent fathers had used the phrase one mode of worJcing, but as yet 
he had found no one, who ap{;roved the phrase two modes of working. 
If however any such case could be pointed out, it would be necessary 
to follow that authority, for men were bound not merely to seek to 
agree with the fathers in doctrine, but also to use the same language 
with them, and to be cautious of all innovations.^ To such a pitch 
of extravagance was carried this slavery to the letter, which substi- 
tuted the sayings of individual men in jilace of an independent ex- 
amination of doctrines I-* Nevertheless, Cyrus represented himself as 
satisfied by tliis decision of the patriarch ; and we may conjecture 
that it Avas to his approbation of this formulary, and his declared read- 
iness to fonn a union with the Monophysites, he was indebted for his 
elevation to the patriarchate of Alexandria in the year G30. He ac 
tually succeeded in bringing back thousands of the Monophysites in 
Egypt and the adjacent provinces, who had remained hitherto sepa- 
rated from the dominant church, to reunite with the same, by means 
of a doctrinal compromise established on nine points, which compro- 
mise placed the peculiar articles of Monophysitism beside those of the 
creed of the Chalcedoiiian council ; so that every man could explain 
the one in conformity with the other.5 And in the seventh article of 
this compromise, it was derived as a consequence from the idea of the 
real^ union of the two natures, that the one Christ and Son of God 
works that which is divine and that which is human by one divinely 
human mode of agency.' 

' See 1. c. , ^ Namely, on the one hand, eZc Xpiordc 

* See the tract 1. c. f. 1309. i k ftvo ipvaeuv. on the other, eva Xpiardv e v 
' YldcfayupuvuvKT} fif/ fiovov Kar' evvoiav dval deupelaidat rale (^vaeaiv, arc brought 

Tolq TtJv ayluv irarspuv iTrea&ai doyfiaaiv, together by the expression fiia (piiaic to>j 

(iAAu Kat ralr avralc ske'ivol^ KEXp>/a&ai Tioyov aEaapnufievj) and iiia vnooTaaig avv- 

(jiuvalc Kal fiiihiv rh -apuTvav nai.voT<)/ielv. i'>erof, huat^ (pvaiK^ and huaii Kait' ino- 

* It deserves to be noticed, that Sergius araniv. 

in his reply makes no mention whatever ^ Not merely (pavracriq, ipevdel ««? 6i() 

of his own earlier explanation, to which /ct'votf vov (^iartliia^Laai. 

Cyrus had appealed. It might be inferred ' Tov avrbv iva xpi-orhv koi vlov tvFp- 

from this, though it is not certain, that Ser- yovvra tH &eoTrpem/ Kat av&p6iinva uin 

gius in that explanation liad been moved ^EavfiptKrj ivepyFif^.. See the formula of 

by the wshcs of the cmj)en)r to express union in the 13th action of the 6th ecu 

himself in too derided a manner in favor menical council. Harduin. Ill- 1342 
of that formulary : so that he was now 
willing to ignore it 

VOL. III. 12 



178 SOPHRONIUS. 

But this compromise! met with the same fate with all the earlier at- 
tempts at conciliation;' namely, the imion thus brought about was 
Boon dissolved again ; and new schisms sprung out of it. There 
was then residing at Alexandria an eminent monk of Palestine, by 
name Sophronius,'-* who with logical consistency defended the system 
of the two natures, and was not incUned to sacrifice consistency in 
doctrine to ciiurch policy. To him, the doctrine of one mode of 
working and willing seemed to lead necessarily to Monophysitism ; 
and an accommodation (^olxovo^ia was the Avord) ventured upon at the 
expense of truth, in order to jiromote the peace of the church, was a 
thing he could by no means approve. It was agreed on both sides to 
leave the matter to the patriarch Sergius ; and Sophronius himself 
went to see him. Sergius foresaw the important consequences Avhich 
this opposition, once agitated, might have ; and he sought to suppress 
the controversy in the bud. It is true, he himself perhaps approved 
the phrase one mode of willing and working ; yet he was of the opin- 
ion, that it would be wrong to make a law, and a dogma for the 
church, out of the manner in which only a few approved fathers, in 
a few passages, and but occasionally, had expressed themselves ; and 
it was necessary to avoid this phrase in the public language of the 
church, becavise to many it might give offence and be so misapprehend- 
ed, as if the doctrine — which was by no means implied therein — 
of one nature, might be deduced from it. He was more decided, 
however, with regard to the phrase " two modes of willing and work- 
ing," not merely on account of its possible abuse, but because this 
phrase seemed to him to denote something that was false in itself. 
Men would be led thereby to conceive of two opposite wills of the 
Logos and of the humanity in Christ, to annul the true unity of the 
person of Christ, inasmuch as two v/ills cannot be conceived to exist 
at the same time in one person. It was therefore safest, to use none 
but the doctrinal formulas hitherto employed, as these perfectly an- 
swered the interests of Christian faith. He therefore advised the 
patriarch Cyrus to make no change in the compromise at Alexandria, 
which was so important for the peace of the churches and wliich could 
not be dissolved without prejudice to the same ; but after having 
attained his object, no longer to speak either of " one mode of 
wilhng and working" or of " ^wo," but only to hold fast to this, that 
the self-same Christ, the true God, works that which is divme and that 
which is human, and all the divine and human agency proceeds un- 
divided from the same mcamate Logos, and is to be referred back to 
him. And Sophronius finally promised the patriarch that he would 
refrain from both forms of expression, and fi-om all dispute about 
them.3 Much, we must allow, depends on the form in which Sophroni- 

' Called by the Greeks the Ivwatf trfpo- hie, he is the same with the one to whom 

3a(pf;g, hecause it so quickly came to noth- Johannes Moschus dedicated his history of 

inp. the monks (AeifKJV -rrvev/iaTtKoc) and of 

^ Sophronius was, in his younger years, whose resolutions to quit the life of the 

known ;is a learned man and teacher, un- world, he speaks in this history, c. 110. 

der tlie name of the Sophist. This wiw ^ The source of these accounts is the re- 

before he became a monk, if, as it is proba- lation, faithful lus it seems to the truth, of 



SOPKRONIUS, PATRIARCH OF JERUSALEM. 17b 

js worded this promise, iii judging as to his good faith and sincerity. 
On this point, we can form no opinion ; since we have onlj the report 
of Sergius, Avho was a party in the case. But at all events, Sojthro- 
nius believed himself bound by the promise he had given only so long 
as ho remained in this subonliiiate relation of dependence as a monk. 
From this he was removed, and attained himself to one of the highest 
3tations in the general guidance of the church ; for he was made in 
(Jo4 patriarch of Jerusalem. As Sergius now had reason no doubt 
to dread the zeal of Sophronius, who by this new position, had accpiir- 
ed t^o great an nifluence, he endeavored to procure as a counterpoi.se 
to this, the concurrent decision of the Roman bishop Honorius. lie 
informed the latter* of Avhat had thus far been done, and asked him 
for his own judgment. Honorius, in two letters, declared his entire 
concurrence with the views of Sergius, and wrote also in the same 
terms to Cyrus and Sophronius. He too was afraid of logical determiuar 
tions on such matters. It seemed to him altogether necessarya to 
suppose but one will in Christ, as it was impossible to conceive, in 
him, any strife between the human and the divine will such as by 
reason of sin exists in meu.^ He approved, indeed, of the accommo- 
dation (^oiHovofiia,^ Avhereby the patriarch Cyrus had brought about 
the reunion of the ISlonophysites with the Catholic church. But as 
hitherto no public decision of the church had spoken of " one mode 
of working" or of " two modes of working" of Christ, it seemed to 
him the safest course, that in future such expressions should be avoid- 
ed, jas the one might lead to Nestorianism, the other to Eutychianism. 
He reckoned this whole question among the unj)rofitable subtilties 
which endanger the interests of piety. Men should be content to 
hold fast to this, in accordance with the hitherto established doctrine 
of the church, that the self-same Christ woi'ks that which is divine 
and human in both his natiu-es.^ Those other questions should be left 
to the grammarians in the schools. If the Holy Spirit operates in 
the faithful, as St. Paul says, in manifold waj's, how much more must 
this hold good of the Head himself ! Meantime Sophronius in the 
circular letter, which, according to ancient custom, he issued on en- 
tering upon his office,5 when laying down a full confession of his faith, 
presented at the same time the doctrine of two modes of operation 

the patriarch Sergius to the Roman bisliop will not stand the test of examination, for it 
Honorius, in the twelfth action of the sixth seemed to him. as well as to Sergius, that a 
ecumenical council. Harduin. III. f. 1315. duplicity of will in one and the same suhjec* 
' See the la.st cited letter of Sergius I.e. could not subsist in fact witliout o])position. 
* See 1. c. f i;;i9. 'In the second letter, f 13.54: Unus 
' Nam lex alia in memhris aut voluntas operator Christus in utrisepie naturis, duae 
diversa non fuit vel contraria salvatori, naturae in una persona inconfuse, iniivisc, 
'piia super legem natus est humanac con- inconvcrtiliilitcr propria operantes: — al- 
ditionis. Now to such jjassagcs, the do- though the theory of two modes of work- 
fenders of Honorius on the principles of ing lies at the found.snon of the verv thing 
church orthodoxy might appeal, in order he here asserts, ye he carefully avoided 
to show that he "had not attacked the doc- expressing this. 

h-ine of two natures in Christ, by itself " His ypniiuaTa kv&poviGTiKd in the XL 

•onsidcred, but only the hypothesis of an actio of the VI. ecumenicivl council. Hard 

opposition ])ctwccn the divnie and the hu- UI. 1258, and what follows, 
man will in Christ. This defence, however. 



180 ECTHESIS OF THE FAITU. 

answering to the two natures in Christ as a necessary consequence 
flowing from the doctrine of the two natures. He bj no means re- 
jected the phrase ivsgyeia ^suvSqik^ ; (divinely-human agenc}'^ ;) but 
he maintained that this stood in no sort of contradiction with the de- 
signating of two modes of operation answering to the peculiar natures ; 
but referred to quite another thing, to that which is not predicated of 
one of the natures in particular, but of the action of both in union 
with each other, of the collective activity of the person of Christ. 
True, Palestine, soon after Sophronius had issued this letter, was by 
the conquest of the Saracens, severed from its connection with the 
rest of the Christian world. But the controversy must already have 
spread to a considerable extent ; for the emperor Heraclius considered 
it necessary to resort, for the purpose of suppressing it, to a common 
expedient, which generally served but to aggravate the evil. He 
issued, in 638, a dogmatic edict, under the name of the Ecthesis, with- 
out doubt the work of Sergius,' drawn up according to the piinciples 
which Sergius had hitherto always expressed. The doctrine of one 
person of Christ in two natures was held forth conformably to the doc- 
trine of the church, and that one and the self-same Christ works that 
which is divine and that which is human, was affirmed ; but the phrases 
one energy (sW^yeta) or two energies were to be avoided, the first 
because, though it had been employed by some ofthefathers, it yet cre- 
ated uneasiness in many, who supposed that such an expression carried 
with it the denial of the duality of natures — the second, because it 
had been used by no one of the approved church-teachers, and bec^xuse 
it gave offence to raany.^ There would, moreover, follow from it the 
hypothesis of two contradictory wills in Christ, which Nestorius him- 
self had not ventm-ed to assert. Following the doctrine of the la- 
thers, it was necessary, on the contrary, to affirm one will of Christ ; 
since the humanity with its own rational soul had never determmed 
itself out of its own will in opposition to the will of the Logos united 
with it, but always so, as the Logos willed. ^ 

This edict expressed itself in language too favorable to the doctrine 
of " one mode of willing and working," ever to satisfy the opponents 
of the latter doctrine. Nor were the defenders of Dyotheletism con- 
tented to be merely tolerated ; but the doctrine of two modes of will- 
ing and working, corresponding to the two natures, seemed to them 
closely connected with the true idea of the Redeemer and of the 
redemption ; and it would therefore be considered by them of the 
greatest importance, that the same should be adopted into the church 
system of faith. The majority of the Greek bishops were wont, it is 
true, to be governed by the prevailing tendency o£- the couit. The 
patriarch Sergius could easily convoke at Constantinople an enclemk 
council (avvobog ivStjfiovGa^ which would approve the new religious 

' 'EK-&eaig rr/g irliyTt'uc- «f opfitjg ivavriuc tu vevfiari tov rjvu/ievov 

^ It is easy to sec, that the language is avri/ «ai9' inroaraaiv ■&eoy loynv^ t^v (pvai- 

stronger against the second expression, than ktjv avr/jc Tton'iaaa^ai. Kivriaiv, aW oizort 

against tiie tirst. • kol olav kqc oat/r airdi u -deog loyog Tjjiw 

'* 'ilg kv /xr/devl KaipC) ri/f voepQg ltfvx(^/^e- /lero. Harduin. III. 7^6. 

■>7,': avToi) aapKoc /ce;^;cjp(auet'(jf Kal ii oLKei- 



POINT OF DOGMATIC INTEREST IX MOXOTHELETISM. 181 

edict ; nor would there be much diiTicultj in compelling to acquiescence 
the majority of the other bishops of Asia. But the arm of the 
emperor was less powerful in the provinces of Africa and of Italv ; 
where, besides, a more independent hierarcliical spirit opposed 
itself to the influence of court dogmatism. There was one man in 
particular, who by his acuteness as a dialectician, by his activity, and 
his invincible courage, was singularly fitted to take the lead of the 
party opposed to Monotheletism, and to concentrate all his powers to 
this object. This was the above mentioned Maximus^ Avho had then 
retired to the monastic life. 

As he must be called the most important representative of Dyothe- 
letism, so Theodore, bishop of Pharan, in Arabia, of whom however 
we laiow nothing except from single fragments of his writings, was the 
most important doctrinal representative and spokesman of the opposite 
party. Now as to the dogmatic interest connected with this latter 
tendency, the truth was, it attached itself to the reigning mode of 
thinking and speaking since the last decision of the controversy about 
the two natures of Christ, b}^ virtue of which mode of thinking and 
speaking, the formulary: " One incarnate nature of the Logos," was 
joined with the formulary : " two natures ; " and without infringing 
on the abiding duality of the natures, it was thought possible to refer 
the human nature, as well as the divine, to the one incarnate Logos 
as one personal subject ; and in thus referring it, a special religious 
interest was involved. Accordingly, it was now considered of im- 
portance to say, that it was not, so to speak, the self-subsistent human 
natm-e in Christ that was subject to, and submitted itself to, the sen- 
suous affections, but that everything human in Christ Avas no less a 
free act, than the assumption of human nature itself; all sprung 
from the" one will and the one activity of the Logos ; — all appro- 
priation of purely human attributes and affections was, in fact, nothing 
else than a continued exertion of that one determination of will and act, 
by virtue of which the Logos, from the first, appropriated to himself the 
human nature. All the actions and sufferings of Chi'ist proceed from 
three factors. The efficient cause in them all is the divine will, the di- 
vine agency as the detennining power ; and this operates hij means of 
the rational soul, and through the bodi/ as its instrument.' Whatsoever 
pain or suffering of Christ we may choose to name, it must still be 
considered, and justly, as the one activity of the same Christ.^ God 
is the author of all, the humanity the instrument, which he makes use 
of.3 On the contrary, Maximus affirms : For the complete redem]> 

' Mia ivepyeia.Tov hr/ov, tov vov, tov raenical Council, actio 13. Harduin. Con- 

aicr&TiTtKov OiJfiaTog Kai upyaviKov tu irav- cil. T. III. f. 1343, and 44. 

TO /.r]^'&(iti. riuvra uaa ri/g auTjjpiCidovg * 'O aravpog j) vsKpuaig, oi fiuXuTTEQ 7/ 

oiKovofiiar tire ^tla eIte uvdpuTriva ntpi uteia?/ Kai. Ka'di/'^uaig, tu EfiirTva/iara, 

roil moTZ/poc i//jijv Xpiarov aviaTopr/Tac tu parria/xaTa, ttuvtu ravTa opiifuf uv KOi 

upXOEidug fjLEV be tov 'dsiov tt/v EV(haiv diKaiojg k'atjx^eiti jxia Kai rov avTOv ivog 

Kai Triv ahiav k2.ufijiavE, dtd fiiarjg 6e T7/q 'X.piaTov kvipyeia. 

voEpug Kai ^oyiK^g V'^Af^'f VTiovpyEiro rrapu ' Mia EVEpysia, r/c TExviTr/g koI dr/fiiovp- 

TOV auuaTog. See the fragments of Thee- ydf b iSedf, bpyavov 6e ij uv&punoTrjg. 
dore of Pharan, in the acts of tlic VI. Ixii- 



182 OBJECTIONS OF MAXIMUS. 

tion of human nature, it was requisite that God should appropriate it 
with the identity and totality of all its powers without sin, m order 
to purify human nature from sin, in all its parts, and to interpene- 
trate it with a principle of divine life. Whatsoever was not taken 
up into this union, would therefore remain excluded from redemption. 
In particular, the will peculiar to man's rational nature, as that by 
which sin is brought about, must be assumed into this union, and 
thereby sanctified. i Neither human nature generally, nor the nature 
of any other being whatsoever, can subsist separate from its peculiar 
powers ; nor, accordingly, human nature, without its ivsgyua and 
&thjai(; (powers of working and willing). It is impossible, therefore, 
without recognizing this, to affirm any true incarnation of the Logos ; 
he Avho does not recognize it, must fall into Docetism. He refers to 
aU those passages of the gospel history, Avhich speak of a willing or 
a working of Christ, with respect to anything hmited and sensuous 
— liis Avalking, eating, etc. This does not admit of being trans- 
ferred to the infinite all-present will, and to the infinite all-present 
agency of God. It would be necessary, therefore, to understand all 
this after the manner of Docetism, rmless we attributed to the human 
nature in Christ the dsXijaig and ivsgyeia which are pecuhar to it.^ 
When the divine Logos became man, he appropriated, along mih. the 
human nature, the inclinations and aversions also which belong to that 
nature, the positive and negative impulses which lie within it ; and 
he gave signs of both in his hfe.3 Maximus said, for example, that 
as there is implanted in each creature an impulse for self-preservation, 
and therefore along with this positive principle a negative one,4 the 
natural feeluig Avhich struggles against the extinction of life ; so this 
feehng, inasmuch as it belongs to the essence of human nature, must 
have existed in the case of Christ ; and indeed was manifested by 
him at the approach of death. But the schism existing between this 

' El TTapajSavTec rf/v kvTulrjv did, d^eArj- rov a(^/iaToc idioTjjTac i^ avrov re nat 

crecjf u/.X' ov 6ixa -dEliiGEug napefiyjfj.ev iavrz/g uTTEAavvT/. As this was so in the 

kdeofie-^a ti/c kqt' avrr/v laTpeia^, ri/ irpoa- case of Christ, hence the iinKpaT//aat. tui/ 

Xr/Jpei Tov o/xoiov to uf^ioiov avrov 6f) rov avfifvuv rov mo/xaroc, ojkov, ()o?/( nal 

aapiiu&EVTog -dtov ■^epaKtvovrog. opp. ed. ;5^p(J,«arof ; hence, that Christ uoyKo)c koI 

Combefis. T. II. f. 83. o'iov efrreiv aauiiarug uvev 6LaaTo'A.)/g npo- 

* In truth, there is to be found in Mono- fiMtv ek ixrirpuc Kal fivT^/iarog Kal i?i'pwv 
theletism, as it is expressed by Theodore nat wf err' E6a<l>ovc rfjg ^a?.uaa?jg E77i\EV- 
of Pharan, much that borders on Doce- oev. In one point Maximus did, it is tnie, 
tism. For example, he regards it as the agree with liim ; namely, in iiolding that 
peculiar character of all bodily atiections Christ was not subjected to bodily suffer- 
in the case of Chi'ist, that he, as man, was ings, by any necessity of nature, but that 
not subjected to these affections by any he subjected himself to them by a free act 
natural necessity, but produced them, each of the will, /car' olKovofxiav, for the good 
moment, by the divine will, to which the of mankind. 

corporeal nature must, of necessity, be sub- ^ Tz/f dv&punoTTjroc rr/v opfif/v Kal a<pnp- 

jected ; that, by virtue of its appropriation fx^v i?e/luv (5t' LvEpyEiac eSei^e, 7//1 fi'ev 

by the Logos, the body of Christ had be- 6pfir/v, kv rip toI^ (pvaiKoic Kot udiaij/J/Toii 

come, in a sense, deified and spiritualized, roaovrov xRW^^f^^m-i ^^f fat /ir/ t&eov Toi( 

and C7uld be freed from the limitations unlaroic vofiH^Eadai, -r/v 6e u(pop/i}/v iv rij. 

and defects of a corjjoreal nature, or sub- naipC) tuv Tru-&ov(;, EKovaiuc ~'/v ""poc ^ot 

jected to them, as he pleased ; — hence the ■davarov avaroXriV Troiiiaaadac. Disputat 

miracles. 'H yiip yfiETEpa tpvx>/ ov iVEi^viiE c. Pyrrho. 1. c. f. 165. 
-uGaiiTTi^ dvvdficug Elva'., Iva rdf (puaindc * The ufopfirj, the opposite to the 6piJ^ 



RISING OF THE HTMAX WILL INTO THE DIVINE. 183 

natural impulse and reason — the irrational tendency of it growing 
out of sin, the fear of death in conflict with the call of duty — such 
a tendency could find no place in him.' But with all this, JMaximus 
also derived, from the hypostatic union, a consequence in which he 
agreed with the Monotheletians, in that he represents the Logos to be 
efficient, after a peculiar manner, as the personal subject in all these 
cases, so that the Logos revealed, in the form of the pecuhar human 
" working" and " willing," his own agency for the salvation of man- 
kuid. Hence natural necessity is, in every case, to be excluded ; 
everythmg occurred m a manner entircl}' different from what is other- 
wise usual in human nature ; everything took place in a divine and 
supernatural, and, at the same time, a human and natural way.2 
Accordingly Maximus also admitted an ift'Qysrcc deavdQix^ (a divinely 
human activity) in Jiis oivn sense, as denoting the activity of one 
subject, viz. the Logos become man, in the forms at once of the divine 
and the human nature, by virtue of a 7{)o;To<r dptidoaecag (the inter- 
change of attributes), which apphed to the peculiar properties of each 
nature .3 

The question concerning the relations of the human and the divine 
will to each other in Christ was connected also in a way that deserves 
notice, Avith the question respecting the relation of the human to the 
divine will in the redeemed in their state of perfection. At least, 
many among the Monotheletes supposed the final result of the perfect 
development of the divine life in believers would be in them, as in the 
case of Christ, a total absorption of the human will in God's will ; 
so that in all, there would be a subjective, as well as objective identity 
of will, — Avhich, consistently carried out, would lead to the panthe- 
istic notion of an entire absorption of all individuality of existence in 
the one original spirit. Maximus well understood this, and contend- 
ed earnestly against the notion. He maintained, that regarded on the 
objective side with reference to the object of God's will, which was 
also the same for all — and with reference to the energizing princi- 
ple of divine grace which is the same, there was indeed one will in 
all ; but that notwithstandmg ' this, the subjective difference would 
evBr remain, the difference namely betw^een the will in God, whicii 
works salvation, and the will of those who receive it from him.-* We 
may now see also, how closely connected this doctrine of Maximus 

* 'Earl yup Kal kutcI (piaiv Kai Tcapd. ^ That which, in hitcr times, was called 

ijiiaiv SeiVia ical Karci fvaiv fiev 6ei?ua earl cominunicatio idiomatum. 

dvvajXLc: lidTa uvgtoX//v tov ovtoc uv&ek- *Toiv te au^o/xsvoiv Tzpij^ u,/M/Aqvc Kal-&eov 

TiKrj, ■Kapd <i>vc!Lv Je napuloyog (svaTokrj. tov au^ovToc x-aru rf/v '^eXtjolv yevfjasTai 

- Ou nporjyelrai kv t<;> nvpiu Ka-&unEO cvjijiaaig olov ev nuat. ysviKug kuI rd Ka&' 

iv 7//UV T7/C liE'AfjaEut; ra (pvaiKu, oKk' uanEp iKuoTov ISiKuc :^wp7/c7«vrof tov i^sov tov 

nEwiiaag ^ ('tAr)\iCic kuI 6i\pr/aag ov rpoTvu tu ttuvtu -KAripovvTo^ ru fierpoi rr/g ;j;ap<ro<; 

TG) Kad' i/nu( i-tivaaEV Kal '■'iupijasv, u7Jau Kal kv ■nuai nMipnv(iEvov jieMw 6ikt/p kutu 

Tu inrip i/fidg, EKOvaiuc yup, ovtu kuI 6ei- tt/v uva?iO)iav T7/r ev r.KuaTu moTEOC- T. 

hiiaag uKjij^u^, ov ku)")' i/ndc, u?.'A' inrip II. f. 10, 11. He also points out in his dis- 

'//idf ^(JaAiaae Knl Ka^uAov (jiuvai, irdv putatiou wiih IVrrhus, the amhifruity 

4iV(7iKhv iirl Xpiarbv oweh/ievov exei ru which arises fromi expressing the i^E?.7i(ia 

•car' avTo h')y(j Kal Tbv vnsp (pvaiv Tponov and the SeXtjtov by the same word. II. f. 

■.vo Kal i) (pvaic (kd tov Xoyov moTui)/) Kat 162. 
olKOvofila diu Toil Tpunov. 



184 DTOXnELETISM IN ROME AND AFIUCA. PYllKIIL'S. 

was with the general principle — so important to him — concemino; the 
revelation of the supernatural and divine in the more higlily refined 
form and individuality of the natural ; a view with which the other 
theory stood directly in conflict. As to the appeals made on both 
sides to the declarations of tlie older fathers, the truth was, that un- 
der the influence of their different dogmatical interests each party 
would be so much the more likely to differ from the other in their in- 
terpretations, as the older fathers, who had no such controversy in their 
thoughts, expi-essed themselves very indefinitely on such points.' 

In Constantinople, the imperial edict still continued vahd even after 
the death of Heraclius, in 641 ; but the successors of Honorius bish- 
op of Rome, who died soon after the breaking out of these disputes, 
declared themselves decidedly against Monotheletism, and in favor of 
the doctrine of the two modes of willing and working. This dogmatic 
tendency prevailed also in the African church. Ma^imus repaired 
to these districts ; he increased by his influence the zeal in behalf of 
it ; and used the authority of these churches, especially the Roman, 
to put down Monotheletism. From Africa and Rome, he directed 
letters and tracts to the monks of the East, in which he combated 
that system. In Africa, he was supported by the governor Gregorms, 
who was plotting an insurrection against the imperial government, 
and wanted, perhaps, to avail himself of the excitement growing out 
of these doctrinal disputes, to further his own plans. A great sen- 
sation was created in Africa, by a pubhc transaction in which Maximus 
was the principal actor. The patriarch Pyrrhus, successor to Sergius, 
who up to this time had himself also maintained the validity of the 
Ecthesis, had been driven by the tide of popular feehng excited 
against him, to >*resign his post, in the year 642, and had betaken 
himself to North Africa. A disputation between him and Maximus 
was held in presence of a numerous assemblage and of the governor 
Gregory. Maximus, it is true, displayed great acuteness in the man- 
agement of his cause ; and in this respect he was far superior to his 
opponent. Nevertheless, it was, beyond doubt, an outward interest, 
far more than this intellectual superiority or any force of argument, 
which induced Pyrrhus to own that he was beaten ; — upon which con- 
fession, he was solemnly restored, by the Roman bishop Theodore, to 
the commimion of the church. But he very soon went over again to 
the other party. 

The long continued troubles which arose out of these disputes, 
moved the emperor Constans, in 648, to revoke the Ecthesis, and to pub- 
lish a new religious edict, known under the name of the Type? Al- 



' Tluis in particular they differed about the plainly the author's design to mark that 
right interiiretation and readini;; of the pas- which was nexo in the appearance of the 
sage in the fourth supposed letter ot Diony- God-man ; bnt perhaps all the definitenesa 
Biusto Caius, whereanei'£p7fmT9fai'(Vj««''/is here given to the word &eavdpiKT/v origi- 
ascribed to Christ. According to the con- nated in glosses. At all events, each par- 
text of this passage, the reading /uav, de- ty could at least explain the words in its 
fended by the Monothelitcs, would not be own sense, 
the correct one, but the reading Kaivf/u de- * Tvko( rf/g Triareuq. 
fended by the opposite j)arty; for it is 



TYPE OF THE FAITH. 186 

though this edict was drawn up under the influence of the patriarch 
Paul, and although this prelate, as is plain from his correspondence 
wth the Roman bishops, was devoted to Monothclctism, yet his pecu- 
liar doctrinal views were not thrust so prominently to vicAv, as those 
of Sergius had been in the Ecthesis. He must have known how to 
chstinguish the duty of a church-teacher from that of a civil ruler ; 
or perhaps he considered this dogmatic difference as of too little im- 
portance to be suffered to disturb the peace of the church ; at least, 
he did not wish to use the authority of the emperor to introduce Mono- 
thclctism into the church. The Type was clearly distinguished from 
the Ecthesis in this essential respect, that the doctrinal element therein 
retired further out of view ; and, without taking part in any way, 
either with Monotheletism or against it, the edict was chiefly aimed to 
restrain the violent disputes, and to restore quiet to the church.i 
After having presented the two opposite views, deciding in favor of 
neither, it ordered, that the church should abide by the doctrine as it 
stood before the outbreak of this controversy, and contend no longer 
about these points. No person should stigmatize another as a heretic, 
on account of them. The clergy who acted contrary to tliis should 
be deposed ; the monks banished ; persons in office, whether in the 
civil or in the military service, should forfeit their places ; private in- 
dividuals of rank should be punished by the confiscation of their goods ; 
those of the lower order, after being corporeally punished, should be 
perpetually banished.^ But though the Avell-meant purpose was here 
aimed at, of putting an end, by tliis ordinance, to the passionate dis- 
pute on both sides, yet such an object could not be so attained ; for no 
magisterial word has power to command on matters of religious con- 
victions. Those to whom the subject in dispute seemed so important, 
would only be the more excited to controversy by the very prohibition 
of it, which seemed to them either the fruit of an unchristian indiffer- 
entism, or a sly trick to check for the present the free assertion of the 
truth. To the zealots for the doctrme of the two modes of willing 
and worldng, the Type appeared under the aspect as if Christ was 
thereby made a being without will, or free agency — placed on a level 
with deaf and dumb idols.^ Martin I, the zealous opi)onent of Mono- 
theletism, who even before this, while Apocrisiarius of the Roman 
church at Constantinople, had violently opposed it, became, when 
pope, the most important pillar of this party. From different quarters 
of the East and the West, he received communications from the 



tend 



' The im])erial commissioners, who at- ^ In a query addressed by the ii ank 

ided the trial of Maximus at Constant!- Maxinuis, with other Greek monks, to the 

nople, could no douht rightly say, the em- Lateran couiK-il, the following remarks are 

peror had dropped the Type simply 6lu made respecting lhe Type : dc uvuvevep- 

Tf/v eiprivr/v, ovk £—' uvatptaei Tivdg t€)V yrjTOV navTy Kai uvE-^eAJiTOV, rovTsariv uV' 

imKpiaTov voDV/iivuv, aXX In' dprjvi) ttjv ovv koI uipvxov Kai ukIvijtov avriv rbv tti( 

tsiutTTTjv -Cjv iToiovadw Tijv diuGTaoiv (fxjviJv do^Tjg i?e6v rov Kvpiov r/fiuv'ltioovvXpiaTdv 

oUovofiovvTa. See Acta Maxinii, prefixed kSoyfidriaav rolg riov iSviJv dfixotg rrapa 

to the edition of his works, T. I. § 8. f. n'Ar}aiug slduXoic, and then Ps. 115 is cited, 

86. ToiovTOv yap unav to dvevipyrirov mivTif 

^ See the Acta of the Lateran Council, nal uve-&ilrjTOv. Harduin. Concil. T. III. 

Act. IV. T. III. Harduin. f. 824. f. 724. 



186 THE LATERAN COUNCIL. OLYinilS. 

monks and clergy, complaining that truth was suppressed \)j the edict, 
which, though it appeared undc r the name of the emperor, was sup 
posed to have really proceeded from the patriarch of Cons^ntinople. 
As successor of St. Peter, he believed himself called upon as he waa 
invited by these voices from different quarters, to watch over the pre- 
servation of pure doctrine in the whole church. Without consulting 
the emperor, he convoked a council, in 648, to meet at Rome in the 
Constantinopolitan church, which stood in the vicinity of the foi-mer 
Lateran palace, and was hence called the ecclesia Lateranensis. This 
was a general council, afterwards known under the name of the La- 
teran council. By this assembly, twenty canons were drawn up in 
opposition to Monotheletism. The doctnne of two modes of willing 
and working, combined in union, was established ; and sentence of 
condemnation pronounced on the opposite doctrine and on its advo- 
cates, namely, all the patriarchs of Constantinople since the time of 
Sergius, and on the edicts drawn up imder their influence, the Ecthe- 
sis and the Type. The pope circulated these decisions through the 
Western church, and sought to obtain for them a universal adoption. 
He wrote also, in his own name and in the name of the synod, to the 
emperor Coustans ; sending him its proceedings, and inviting him to 
give his assent to the doctrines therein expressed. 

Meantime Olympius, the new exarch of Ravenna, came to Rome. 
He was directed, in case he found himself strong enough, to publish 
the Type, to force all to subscribe it, and to arrest the pope if he re- 
sisted these measures. But if be found that he Avas not strong enough 
to execute these orders, he was in the first place to bring together a 
sufficient force to execute them with certainty. Now the case may 
have been, that Olympius really did not feel himself strong enough at 
first to proceed openly against the pope, since the latter had great 
influence with the people, and it was feared that he might summon 
them to his support. On this accoimt, he may have deemed it expe- 
dient for the present, to represent himself as more friendly to the pope 
than he really was, that he might prepare a trap for him under the 
cloak of friendsliip. But when shortly afterwards he plotted an insur- 
rection against the emperor, he was led by his own political interests 
to take part with the pope rather than against him, hoping to find some 
support froi> him in the prosecution of his political designs. So the 
proceedings of the Lateran council were suftered to go on without dis- 
curbance.^ 

' As in the trial instituted ajjainst INIar- ttiis connection ot events, however, Anas- 

•.in at Constantinople, the pUin of an insur- tasius, in his life of tliis jiope, is silent ; and 

cction by Olympins is presupposed as an his account- seems to stand in contradiction 

sstablished fact, and Martin moreover does with it. But on this (ground, it would not 

not deny the fact, it cainiot be doubted, be Just to conclude that cverythin-: he re- 

'hat Olympius entertained such dcsii;ns ; latcs is false ; we should rather seek for 

dnd this" explains in the most satisfactory some way of reconcilinjr the two reports, 

manner, why he made no attempt to seize It is very- possible lie may have followed 

the pope. And his conduct towards the some exaggerated story, when he says that 

])ope mav have occasioned, or furnished a Olymjiius designed to have Martin assassi- 

pretext for, the charge that a secret under- iiMtcd at a celebration of the cucharist at 

standini'- existed between ^be two. About \*.-bich he was present. But there may be 



MAKTIJN CONSIDERED AS A STATE CRIMINAL. 187 

When afterwards the exarch Olympius repaired to Sicily for the 
purpose of" engaging in the Avar against the Turks, where he met hia 
death, the emperor, in 053, sent CalUopas to take his place as exarch 
of Italy, who was to enforce obedience to the Type, and transport 
Martin for punishment to Constantinople. The political interest now 
predominated at Constantinople, far beyond the docti'inal. He was to 
be arraigned and punished not as a heretic,^ but as a rebelhous sub- 
ject. What he had undertaken to do in opposition to the imperial 
edict appeared to Byzantine despotism in the light of a o-imen majes- 
tatis. In form, jSIartin's beliavior would certainly Avear that appear 
ance, the TVpe having been published as an imperial edict ; and it was 
moreover alleged on the part of the Byzantine court, that the contents 
of the Type were rather of a political than of a doctrinal nature ; 
that nothing new was established by it in matter of doctrine, but 
merely disputation on certain points forbidden ; that no man's con- 
science could be injured, therefore, by this merely negative injunction. 
If Martin alleged, however, that the edict proceeded not so much 
from the emperor as from the patriarch Paul, this surely could serve 
in no sense to excuse his behavior ; for so might disobedience to any 
law be excused, on the plea that the law did not proceed from the 
ruler, but from the counsellor who advised him wrongly. Neverthe- 
less, Martin, as representing the power and interest of the church — 
though tliis was not recognized on that principle of the Byzantine court 
which subordinated spiritual things to poHtical — could with stiU more 
justice allege on his own side, that the civil power, in attempting to 
define the limits betAveen essentials and non-essentials in doctrine, 
already overstepped its proper limits, and encroached on a foreign pro- 
\ince ; that the church could not be prohibited from presenting and 
defining that which she understood to be essentially connected with 
the full development of Christian doctrine. And inasmuch as he 

some tnith at the hottom of this story, as yet had collected no forces about him, it 

Perhaps Olympius had detenniiicd at the lay within the power of the pope, by a 

outset, and before he conceived the project slight exertion of his influence, to prevent 

of an insurrection, to seize the pope by him, by force of arms, from marchinir into 

some stratagem. This view of the case Rome.' But the fact that Martin did not 

seems to be confirmed by a passage in one resort to the forcible measures which were 

of the pope's letters, by which we may un- at his command, though he might have sus- 

derstand his opinion of 01yni])ius. and how pccted from the first that Olympius came 

far it was frf)m any of his tlioughts to make with hostile intentions, made it perfectly ev- 

common cause with that cons])irator. The ident how f\ir it was from his thoughts to 

letter was written to Theodore, and in it defend himself bv resorting to violence. 
Martin reports wliat word he had sent to ' Once oidy, when at first it was at- 

the exarch Calliopa,s, quod semper per com- tempted at Rome to excuse the violent 

plexionem et fallacem accusationem ince- measures resorted to against Martin (seo 

derent adversnm nosct cum in adventu in- ep. 14 ad Theodorum Harduin T. III. f. 

famis Oiympii vani cujusdam Iiominis cum 67.5), a charge was I)rouglit against him on 

armis me lunic potuisse rci)cllei-e fatercn- the score of doctrine, viz. that he refused 

tur. On account of the word "faterentur" to recognize the virgin Marv as i^eoro/cof; 

here instead of -'dicerent," I can under- which, from the MoTiotholetian point of 

stand this language in no other sense than view, was regarded as bordering on Nesto- 

a-s intended to ])rove the falsehood of the rianism. But suhscfjuently this accusation 

suspicion excited against him, as if it had does not occur again, nor did it ever accord 

[H'cn his puri)ose to defend himself by force, with the jirinciples and motives of those 

rhey themselves, he would say, must con- with whom the Tijpe originated, 
tes.s, that when OUmjiius first arrived, and 



388 POLITICAL CHARGES BROUGHT AGAINST MARTIN. 

went on the principle that on him, as the successor of St. Peter, was 
conferred the supreme direction and guidance of the church, he might 
consider himself hound to defend the full development of Christian 
truth, and the free development of the church, against a political au- 
thority, which as he supposed, though perhaps erroneously, was sub- 
servient to heretical influences. We must allow, however, that Mar- 
tin, on his own hierarchical principle, would have been very willing to 
use the civil power as an instrument for estabhshing that Avhich he him- 
self recognized as the doctrine of orthodoxy, and no doubt would have 
applauded the act, if in submission to the decisions of the Lateran 
council, the same emperor had issued an edict in favor of Dyothele 
tism. 

When Martin had once appeared to the imperial court in the light 
of a state criminal, there would be a strong inclination to believe the 
various political charges which were brought against liim, it being no 
rare thing for extravagant charges of this sort to find credence with 
the suspicious government at Constantinople or to be seized upon as a 
palliation of persecutions. Sometimes he was accused of entering into 
an understanding with the Turks,^ sometimes of conspiring with, and 
lending support to, Olympius. 

On the 15th of June, 653, Calliopas arrived at Rome. He did not 
venture at once to take any open step against the pope, because he 
feared the pope would arm the people for liis defence. Martin, who 
had been ill for several months, was lying on his couch at the altar of 
the Lateran church, with his clergy assembled around him. Calhopas 
arrived in the evening ; he let Sunday pass by, because he feared the 
multitudes then assembled for public worship ; and he sent as an ex- 
cuse to the pope, that owing to the fatigue of his journey, he had not 
been able as yet to [)ay him his respects ; but informed him that he 
would come on tlie next day. Early on Monday morning, the gov- 
ernor still full of distrust, sent some of his followers to the pope to tell 
him he was aware that armed men were collected in the church, and 
that stones had been piled up in heaps for the purpose of defending 
the pope. All this was unnecessary ; the pope ought not to permit it. 
Martin caused these emissaries to be conducted through every part of 
the church, that they might be convinced by their own eyes that this 
suspicion was groundless. Calliopas being now satisfied that he had 
nothing to fear, pushed forAvard with an armed band into the church, 
and published the imperial mandate, that Martin was deposed, because 
he had illegally obtained the bishopric,^ and that he should be convey- 

1 See ep. ad Tlieodorura. He is said to with the Suracens. But Martin denies the 

have maintained a correspondence with the whole, and affirms, that there was not a 

Saracens, and sent them money and a eon- particle of truth in the story, except that 

fession of faith. AVcrc the last statement he had sent money to the Christians living 

true, it would be to his honor ; the just con- amongthe Saracens (probably in Sicily) by 

elusion to be drawn from it was, that he the hands of certain jtersons of their own 

took a special interest i!i the conversion of number, who had come on a visit to Rome. 

the Saracens ; and ellorts for this purpose - Quod irres'ulariter <;t sine lese epi.sco- 

would hiive tended rather to hinder than to patum suliripuisscm, which doubtless refers 

lid any design of forming a political alliance to the fact, that Martin had not applied in 



TRIAL OF MARTIN AT CONSTANTINOPLE. 18P 

td to Constantinople. Several of the clergy invited tlie pope to call 
out an armed force to protect his person, since probably he could reck- 
on if it were but for a moment, on the zeal of the people ; but Martin 
declared, he would rather ten times die than that any man's blood 
should be shed on his account. He surrendered at once to the gov- 
ernor's force, who caused him to be conveyed to his own palace. Cal- 
liopas having at first given liberty to all ecclesiastics who pleased to go 
with the pope, many clergvmen and also laymen who had resolved to 
accompany him, joined him on the next following days. But the gov- 
ernor had probably no other object in view than to deceive, so as to 
prevent an insurrection in the pope's favor. At midnight he suddenly 
caused him to be removed from the palace, and accompanied by only a 
few attendants, to be conveyed to the port. The gates of Rome were 
kept shut till he sailed, lie Avas obliged to make a long and difficult 
voyage. He Avas left lying for a year on the island of Naxos. Dur- 
ing the whole journey, the old, sick man was hardly and shamefully 
treated. He was denied every convenience, and the httle comforts in 
particidar which were necessary for him in his present condition of body. 
When ecclesiastics and laymen, at whatsoever place he came, sent liim 
such articles as might serve for his refreshment, his keepers interfered, 
driving away the bearers of them Avith insults and declaiing that he 
who shoAved any interest in the emperor's enemy, evinced that he was 
an enemy of the emperor himself. i The foAv letters of the pope, writ- 
ten under these sufferings to his friend Theodore, manifest a spirit of 
Christian resignation. He began thus : " Avith the help of your prayers, 
and the prayers of all the faithful who are Avith you, I shall, hving and 
dying, defend the faith on which our salvation reposes ; as Paul teaches, 
for me to live is Christ, and to die is gain." And Avhen, after his de- 
parture from the island of Naxos, he described to his friend the suffer- 
ings he had hitherto endured, he concluded Avith the following words : 
" I trust in the poAver of God, the Omniscient, that when I shall have 
been removed from the present life, all my persecutors Avill be brouo-ht 
to punishment, that so at least they may be led to repentance and to 
turn from their Avickedness." On the 17th of September, 654, he ar- 
rived at tlie port of Constantinople, and Avas left on board the ship in 
his sick-bed until evening, exposed to vaiious annoyances. He Avas 
next conveyed to the prison of the chief watch, Avhere he remained 
confined ninety-three days, no person being alloAved to visit him. Af- 
ter this long delay, he was conveyed, at first on his sick-bed, before 
the tribunal appointed to try him. Though so AveaV that he could not 
Btand Avithout being supported, he was still required to remain standint^ 
Avhile on trial. The president of the court said to him : " Speak, 
wretched man, Avhat Avrong has the emperor done thee ?" Martin 

the usual manner to tlie emperor, and re- ' See Martin's letter to Theodore, and 

:eived from him the confirmation of his the rcjjort of his sufferings dra-\\Ti up by a 

election; whether it was, that he supjiosed friend. Harduin. III. f. 677 and what fol 

the schisms were a sullic'ient reason for lows, 
omitting this lepd formality, or whether 
he had been otiicrwisc ])rcventcd. 



190 MARTIN BANISHED TO CHERSONESUS. 

made no reply, Siiid the president, Art thou silent ? Behold thy ac- 
cusers shall now appear ; and several witnesses were now introduced, 
to prove that he had been concerned in the conspiracy of Olympius. 
As they were about • to be put on their oath, the j^ope begged that it 
might not be done, — no swearing was necessary ; they might do with 
him as they pleased ; what need was there of destroying the souls of 
these people ? When he undertook to give an account of the whole his- 
tory of events in the case of Olympius, and began by saying, " When 
the Type had been drawn up, and was sent by the emperor to 
Rome," — he was immediately interrupted, for fear he might come 
upon doctrines, — a subject which, by special command, was to be 
avoided ; and one of the assembly cried out : " Don't mix in here 
anything about the faith, you are on trial for high-treason. We, too, 
are Christians and orthodox." Martin repUed.: " Would to God 
you were ! But even on this point I shall testify against you, on 
the day of that dreadful judgment." With dignity and spirit, he 
defended himself against many things which individual judges brought 
forward in support of the charges alleged against him. Finally he 
said to them : " I adjure you by our Lord, what you conclude to do 
with me do quickly ; for God knows, death is the greatest boon you 
can bestow on me." The trial having been reported to the emperor, 
Martin, amid much shameful abuse, was stripped of liis priestly robes, 
and conveyed in fetters to another dungeon. It seems it was the 
intention, at first, to condemn him to death, as guilty of high-treason. 
But the patriarch Paul, then sick and nigh his end, on hearing of it, 
testified, notwithstanding he had been greatly injured by the popes, 
his dissatisfaction that a bishop should be so treated ; and the emperor 
promised him, in his last moments, that Martin's hfe should be spared. 
After having been left eighty-five days to pine away in the second 
dungeon, he was told to leave it, and remain for a few days in the 
house, and under the watch of one of the emperor's secretaries, 
for the purpose of being transported next to liis destined place of 
exile, which as yet was not named to him. He embraced those who 
were with him, and, thanking God, cheerfully bid them farewell. 
When they began to weep and com])lain, he begged them not to do 
so, but rather to rejoice with him, and thank God, who had judged 
him worthy to suffer for his sake. The town of Cliersonesus, on the 
peninsula of Crimea, in the midst of barbarians, was selected for his 
place of exile. On the 26th of March, 655, he departed from Con- 
stantinople, and on the 15th of May arrived at Chersonesus. Here, 
in the midst of unfeehng barbarians, he had to suffer the greatest depri- 
vations. He could obtam no bread ; he was also destitute of money to 
purchase it of the foreign vessels which touched at this spot. A ship 
came from Constantinople, and he hoped it brought means for his 
support which might be furnished from Rome. But he was disap- 
pointed ; and, in mentioning tliis to his friend, he adds : "I also 
praised my God for this, smce he orders our sufferings according to 
nis wisdom." Nevertiicless, he wrote, that if the means of suste- 
aauce were not sent liim he could not lou"; survive ; "• For — said he 



ABANDONED BY HIS FRIENDS. 191 

— the spirit is willing, but the flesh is weak, as thou thjaelf art 
aware." He was grieved especially, that up to the month of Sep- 
tember, he had as yet received nothing from Rome — no token of 
33'mpatliy — which, perhaps, might be owing to some fear of exciting 
the emperor's displeasure. " I wondered, and still wonder — he 
wrote in the month of September — at the want of sympathy in my 
friends and kinsmen — that they have so utterly forgotten my misfor- 
tmie, and as I see, do not even Avant to know whether or not I am still 
on the earth." But it seemed to him the strangest of all, that the 
clergy of the Roman church should take no further concern about 
him, though a member of their own body ; that they should not at 
least provide for his bodily wants. " For although St. Peter's church 
possesses no gold, yet, through the mercy of God, it has stores of 
grain and wine, and all things necessary for the support of life." 
"What fear — he writes — has fallen on men, which restrains them 
from fulfilling God's commands — fear, where nothmg is to be feared ? 
Or have I appeared to the whole church so like an enemy ? But 
may God, who will have all men to be saved and to come to the 
knowledge of the truth, by the mediation of St. Peter, estabhsh their 
hearts in the true faith, and preserve them firm and unshaken from 
all influences of heretics, especially their present pastors ; that so, 
having never deviated, even in the smallest particular, from that 
which in the presence of the Lord and his holy angels they have 
published in Avritten decrees, they may together with me receive the 
crown of righteousness from the hand of our Lord and Saviour Jesus 
Chi-ist. For as it regards my feeble body, the Lord himself will 
take care of that, so as it may please him to order all things, whether 
it be under continual suftering, or with some relief. For the Lord is 
nigh, and why should I be troubled ; for I hope in his mercy, that he 
will soon finish my course at the goal he has ordained." His wish was 
fulfilled ; he died on the IGth of September. 

There still remamed the old Maximus — he who was the head of 
the Dyotheletiansin the East, the soul of every movement both in the 
East and in the West against the imperial decrees ; and though at the 
advanced age of sixty-five, still by the influence of his name, and by 
the firmness and stability of his character, Maximus might present a 
powerful resistance to the sovereign will. He was, therefore, seized, 
along with his disciple Anastasius, brought to Constantinople, and 
thrown into prison. The master and disciple, who had lived now for 
more than thirty years constantly together, were purposely separated, 
it was attemi)ted to convict Maximus also on political charges, with- 
out entering at all upon the subject of doctrines. Some of these 
accusations, on being compared with what Maximus said in his de- 
fence, show a remarkable contrast between the Byzantine and the 
Roman principles of church government ; for example ; the disciple 
of Maximus is accused of havhig refused to recognize the emperor as 
also a priest ; and indeed he had attempted to prove, from the usage 
of the church, that the emperor belonged to the laity, a'id possessed 
ao spiritual power. Melchisedec, to whose example thf other party 



192 MAXIMUS ATTEMPTS TO INDUCE HIM TO YIELD. 

appealed, was, he said, at once priest and king, only as a type ot 
Christ.! jl^e proceedings against Maximus, however, were not so 
liarsh in the beginning as they had been against Martin. Respect 
for the old man, who was looked upon as a model of the monastic 
Hfe, and compassion for his old age, operated with many, who A\^shed 
he might be spared ; and if they could only bring him to yield, it 
Avas hoped, in this way, to overcome at once aU resistance to the 
Type, Thi'cats, flatteries, every mode of persuasion were tried. 
Maximus was told, that he was not required to deny his own dog- 
matical convictions ; but only to signify his consent to a compromise 
for the sake of peace. They set before him a new formulary of 
union, which Maximus might, no doubt, have so interpreted, as to 
include within it his own doctrinal views — " that, in relation to the 
difference of the two natures, it was necessary to suppose two agen- 
cies and wills (ivsgyuai and ^slrioug^ ; in relation to their union, 
one." But Maximus persisted in the views, which, to mauitam con- 
sistency in his doctrinal system, he believed himself bound to hold, 
and rejected every ambiguous concealment of the differences — which, 
for the reasons already stated, appeared to liim important. Mean- 
time, Martin had been wholly removed from the pubhc arena, and 
Eugenius, Avho was substituted in his place by the exarch Calliopas,* 
granted to the new patriarch of Constantinople, the lately banished 
Pyrrhus,3 the fellowship of the chui'ch ; the Roman agents (Apoeri- 
siarii) at Constantinople had been prevailed upon to subscribe the 
above-mentioned formulary of union ; and as the authority of the 
Romish church stood liigh with liim, it was now intended to employ it, 
for the purpose of inducing him to yield. But the deepseated con- 
victions of his own mind weighed more with him than the avithority 
of a smgle bishop ; and he declared, that though the Roman bishop 
had fallen from the truth, yet, according to St. Paul, even an angel 
from heaven could preach no other gospel. Every proposition having 
been rejected by him, he was sent in exile to the castle of Bizya, in 
Thrace, where he was kept confined apart from his disciple. But when 
every attempt to produce an effect on liim, by new negotiations, had 
proved unavaihng, the spite against the old man, whose will could not 
be broken, passed all bounds ! In the year 662, he was dragged 
back again to Constantinople, publicly scourged, his tongue cut out, 
and his right hand severed at the wrist ; after which he was banished 
to the country of the Lazians, where he soon died (on the loth of 
August) , in consequence of the injui-ies inflicted on him at so advanced 
a period of hfe. 

Thus the emperor succeeded in enforcing everywhere in the Eastern 
church the adoption of the Type ; and with the adoption of this, the 
bishops of the chief cities in the East (whom the major part of the 
others, without any personal interest ui, or independent examination 



' See acta Maxiini § 30. T. I. opp. pag. ed him, unless lie had pledged himself t« 
30 and the fuUowing. do so betbrchand. 

' As Calliopas would not have appoint- ^ See above, page 184. 



OrPOSlTION BETWEEN THE ROMAN AND 'tIIE GREEK CUURCH. 193 

of, the points in dispute, blindly followed,) united, at the same time, 
the defence of Monotheletism. In the Roman church, on the contra- 
ry, the zeal for the doctrine of Dyotheletism continued to propagate 
itself; and out of all this arose a schism between the two churches, 
although the two next successors of- Martin, — Eugenius and Vitalian 
— from dread of the emperor's power seem not to have taken any 
public stand against the patriarchs at Constantinople. But under pope 
Adeodatus, in 077, the schism took a more decided shape. All con- 
nection between the two patriarchs Avas dissolved ; since the patriarchs 
of Constantinople, now devoted to Monotheletism, were no longer re- 
garded in Rome as members of the Catholic church, and none of their 
letters were received ; and the names of the Roman bishops were no 
longer enrolled in the church records (Diptycha) at Constantinople, 
and no longer mentioned in tha general prayers of the church. The 
patriarchs Theodore of Constantinople and Macarius of Antioch were 
for expunging also the name of Vitalian from the church records. 
They were of the opinion, that the Roman patriarchs could be justly 
recognized as orthodox and as deser\dng to be mentioned, only as far 
down as Honorius ; because since his time, the dogmatic opposition 
had subsisted between the two churches, which needed first to be ad- 
justed. But the then reignmg emperor Constantinus Pogonatus would 
not suifer this. On the contrary, he was troubled by this separation 
of the churches ; and it was liis earnest wish, that the general peace 
of the church should once more be restored. He did not venture, 
being a layman, to pass any judgment himself on this diiFerence ; and 
therefore sought by the mutual counsels of the bishops themselves, un- 
der whom the opposition existed, to bring about a safe decision. For 
tliis reason, in 678, he issued a letter to Domnus bishop of Rome, in- 
viting him to send delegates to Constantinople, for the purpose of 
uniting with the patriarchs and bishops of the East in an investigation 
of this aiSair. The language of the emperor in the letter differs fi'om 
the ordinary language of Byzantine despotism in such transactions, 
inasmuch as it evinces some respect for free doctrinal investigation. 
He declares, appealing to the Most High, that he would allow equal 
freedom to both parties and equal honor to their representatives. ^ 
He should rejoice, if the two parties could come to an agreement. 
But if no union could be eflFected, he would still send back the papal 
delegates with all honor to Rome. Agatho, the successor of Domnus, 
the latter ha\ing died soon after this letter was sent, complied with 
the emperor's invitation ; and in the year ()80 the sixth ecumenical 
council assembled for the examination of this controversy at Constan- 
tinople. This therefore was the third universal council held at Con- 
stantinople, and from the vaulted room in the imperial castle where 
the assembly met,^ it was named the Trullan council, (council in 
TruUo). The emperor himself attended its meetings. It is true, that 

' His words are ouk iirri Trap' ti/iIv erepo- £-iXey6/j.cvnv TpotJ/l/lof. Vita Stephani 
(/efirjaLc olaSTjTroTe, u/l/l' icroTfjTa Tolg un^o- ed. Muratori p. 4&'2 6 Tpov?i,Xog, oivsp rjueic 
tipoiq (^vXa^ofiev. uarov KaT^ovfitv. 

* 'ZcKperbv tov ■deiov iraXariov rd ovrug 

VOL. III. 13 



194 TRULLANUM I. LETTER OF AGATHO TO THE SAME. 

at this council also, there was no full and calm discussion of the dia 
puted points ; but still its proceedings -were conducted in a more digni- 
fied manner and with less disturbance from foreign influences, than had 
been the case in earlier councils. Conformably to the ruling principle 
of doctrinal tradition, the standai'd, at this council, for the determina- 
tion of disputed points, Avas first of all, the declarations of the older 
approved church-teachers, with which each party agreed, as each 
wanted to present only the ancient doctrine of the church. But since 
the older church-teachers, as we have already remarked, had written 
before this opposition had ever come to be discussed, and had often 
expressed themselves very indefinitely, hence their words might often 
be differently understood, being interpreted from different points of 
view ; and one party accused the other of perverting them, or of fojcing 
them out of their right connection and garbUng them. Thus by such 
authorities nothing could be decided ; but the dispute had to fall back 
upon the logical determination of conceptions ; as became evident, for 
example, in the proceedings of the eighth session, in the case of Ma- 
carius patriarch of Antioch. The Roman delegates brought with them 
a letter from their bishop Agatho, wliich contained a full exposition 
and defence of Dyotheletism, with proof passages from the approved 
older fathers, and besides this a brief containing the same in substance, 
issued by this bishop in the name of a numerous synod held at Rome. 
These two documents were publicly read at the fourth session of the 
council. In the seventh session, on the 13th of February, they laid 
before the council a collection of passages from the older fathers (which 
they had also brought with them from Rome) in confirmation of that 
doctrine ; — and now the bishops George of Constantinople and Maca- 
rius of Antioch, together with the other bishops siding with them, were 
asked, whether they agreed with the doctrine presented by the bishop 
of Rome. They requested leave to defer the answer of that question 
luitil the next session, that they might have time to turn to the passa- 
ges cited from the fathers, and examine them in the connection in 
which they stood — and at the following session, on the seventh of 
March, the patriarch George declared, that having made the exami- 
nation, he was convinced ; and accordingly he professed the Dyothe- 
letism set forth in those letters. Nevertheless, as it is certain that in 
those letters, and in the collection of authorities from the fathers 
laid before the council by the Roman delegates, nothing was to be 
found, which he might not have learned from polemical writings al- 
ready existing, we must either suppose, he Iiad adopted his previous 
Monotheletism blindly, following the prevailing tendency, Avithout any 
examination of his own, or that this change which so suddenly took 
place in his views had proceeded or was hypocritically assumed from 
outward considerations rather than resulted from honest con^dction. 
Macarius, however, persisted in his Monotheletism, presenting it in a 
full confession of faith, together with a collection of authorities from 
the fathers in confirmation of his views. In bemg willing to confess 
but one will and one mode of working in Christ, he evinces what was 
In fact hovering before his mind — the truly Christian, though in hia , 



POLYCimONIUS. DYOTHELETISM ESTABLISHED BY A SYMBOL. 195 

case misapprehended, interest to derive all the volitions and acts of 
Christ only from the being of God in him ; just as he would admit in 
Adam before the fall, nothing but the divine will as the determining 
power ; and considered the fleshly volitions {GaQxixa ^eh'jfiaza') and 
human reasonings (av&Qonlvovg XoyiGfiovg') to be a consequence of the 
fall.^ Men agreed in their deeper convictions, though they were 
divided from each other by differences of conception. To what a 
j)itch of extravagance the fanatical zeal for such a conceptual formu- 
lary coidd proceed, is shown by a remarkable incident that occurred 
in the fitleenth session of the council. A monk from Heraclea, in 
Thrace, made his appearance, by name Polychronius. This person 
declared that a troop of persons in white robes had appeared to him, 
and amid them, a person of inefftible majesty, by whom, perhaps, he 
meant Christ himself. The latter said to liim. Whosoever did not 
confess the ^one will {tv ii^tlti^a) and the divinely human agency 
{{^tafdQtxrj ht'Qyeta) was not a Christian. He must go tell the em- 
peror that he should neither make nor adopt a new faith. The man 
offered to prove that this doctrine was true by a miracle, and under- 
took to raise a dead man to life by means of a confession of faith, 
drawn up in accordance Avith it. It was thought necessary to accede 
to his proposal, in order to prevent the people from being led astray 
by his deceptions. The whole synod and the highest officers of state, 
surrounded by a vast multitude of the people, made their appearance 
on the pubhc square. A corpse was brought to the spot on a silver- 
plated bier. Polychronius laid upon it his confession of faith, and 
continued to whisper for an hour or two in the dead man's ear, till 
finally he was obliged to confess that he was unable to awaken him. A 
shout now thundered forth from the people, pronouncing anathema on 
tlie new Simon Magus. But the external fact could not shake the 
deep-seated conviction in the mind of the man, and Polychronius still 
remained as firm in his faith as ever. 

By means of this council, the doctrine of two modes of willing and 
working in Christ now obtained the victory in the Eastern church ; 
'md this doctrine, together with a precautionary clause against the 
isonclusions derived from it by the Monotheletes, was estabhshed in a 
new symbol, " Two wills and two natural modes of working, united 
without schism, and without confusion, as well as without change ; so 
that no conflict ever existed between them, but the human will was m- 
variably subject to the divine and almighty will." The anathema was 
moreover pronounced on those who had hitherto defended Monothele- 
tism, as well as on the patriarchs of Constantinople and on Ronorius, 
whom however, at an earlier period, some had attempted to defend by 
1 strained interpretation of his language.^ 

But since Monotheletism, as appears evident from the above cited 

^ Sec Actio VTII. fol. 1 181. T. Ill i^l^oi Tii TrpnouTva «'f tUc tKlSof/aeic, name- 
See the 18th session, Hiirdnin. IIL ly, tlie patriarchs since Sergius, 6i oIkovo- 
1.198. The patriarch Georgius, and several fdav -tvu; but he was obliged to vield to 
»ishoi)s of his diocese, had petitioned : ha the majority. Act. 16. 1. c. 1386. 
•I Tuv hx^exoaivuv karlv, /i?/ uva-HauaTia- 



196 PHILIPPICUS. JOHN. ANASTASIUS II. 

examples, had, both imong clergy and monks, so many zealous advo- 
cates, the Monothelecian ^arty could not be suppressed at a stroke by 
the anathema pronounced by this council ; but it continued to propa- 
gate itself, and evinced its existence by many indications of a reaction, 
down fi'om the reign of the emperor Justinian II, which began in 
685. 

In opposition to such attempts, the decisions of the sixth ecumenical 
council on the doctrine were confirmed anew by the second Trullau 
council, in the year 691 or 692, which was to serve as a supplement 
to the two preceding general councils, the fifth and the sixth.' 

But in the year. 711, a zealous partizan of the ISIonotheletians, Bar- 
danes, or Philippicus,^ as he was called when emperor, succeeded in 
wresting the throne from Justinian II, who was hated on account of 
his remorseless despotism. Before he entered the imperial palace, he 
commanded that the symbol of the sixth general council of the church, 
Avhich had been placed among the symbols of the other general coun- 
cils, should he removed ; otherwise he w^ould not go in. He caused 
the names of Sergius and of Honorius to be re-inserted in the dipty- 
cha, among the other orthodox patriarchs ; and their images were 
again set up m the pubhc places. He deposed the existing patriarch 
of Constantinople, and nominated in his place John, a deacon, who 
was ready to be used as a willing instrument in furthering the jDrogress 
of Monotheletism. Under the presidency of John, a council was held 
at Constantinople, which overturned the decisions of the sixth general 
council, and drew up a new creed in favor of Monotheletism. The 
few clergy, who refused to accommodate themselves to the emperor's 
will, Avere deposed from their places. In Italy, on the other hand, 
the arm of the new emperor had no power to enforce obedience, and 
his attempts to introduce the new symbol into the Roman church, re- 
sulted in an insurrection of the people against his government. But 
this sovereignty of the Monotheletian ['arty terminated with the short 
two-years reign of Phihppicus, and the new emperor, Anastasius II, 
by whom he was dethroned, annulled all that had been done on this 
subject under the preceding reign. The patriarch John of Constan- 
tinople now altered his conduct at once, and stepped forth as a zealous 
advocate of Dyotheletism — whether in his doctrinal bent he belonged 
more to one party than to the other, and now or before this acted the 

' Hence its name avvodoi; nsv^tK-rj, con- ^ According to the report of the deacon 
cilium quiiiisextura. As both the other and archivar (Xa/)ro0{)?.a^) of the Constan- 
councils busied themselves only with doc- tinopolitan church, — which is an important 
trinal matters, and had drawn up no canons source of information respecting these 
in relation to church life and church disci- events, published by Combefis, and was ap- 
pline. so this council was designed to sup- pended by its author to his copy of the acts 
ply the dcficiencv; and it published 102 of the sixth general synod (see Ilarduin. 
canons relating to matters of this sort. Concil. III. f. 1835) — this Philippicus had 
Several of theVn arc important, from the received his religious education from the 
fact that thev served to establish in a more abbot Stephanus, who, being a disciple of 
decided form the opposition between the the ])atriarch ISIacarius of Antioch, de- 
Greek and the Latin churches, and so to fended Monotheletism at the sixth general 
prepare the way for the schism between the council, 
two churches. Of this we shall speak again 
jn another connection. 



MARONITES. 197 

hjpoci'ite, he seems, at all events, to have been one of those clergj of 
the court, men without character, and ready for anj falsehood, who 
never scrupled to sacrifice every higher interest to worldly motives. 
He issued a letter addressed to the Roman bishop Constantino, in 
which, by flattering expressions of respect, he sought to gain his sup- 
port, in tact addressing him — a thing which the patriarchs of Con- 
stantinople were not easily induced to do — as the head of the church, 
and begging him to forget the past and to recognize in him a Clu'istian 
brother. He expressed liimself, in this document,' as if he were a sin- 
cere follower of Dyotheletism. He pretended, that he had been forced 
to take the patriarchate in order to avwd a greater evil, and to pre- 
vent the late monarch from making a layman patriarch, ^vhom he might 
use as a still more effectual instrument for establishing the supremacy 
of Monothcletism. He endeavored to justify his whole course of pro- 
cedm-e under the late reign, as a necessary accommodation to circum- 
stances (^oixovo^ia) designed to protect pure doctrine from more vio- 
lent attacks. " The pope himself — he thought — must be well aware 
from his own experience, that in such matters force could not be di- 
rectly resisted, but resort must be had to art and cunning.^ Even the 
])rophet Nathan used a certain dissimulation, for the jiurpose of re- 
proving the sins of adultery and murder in king David." ^ 

John of Damascus embodied the results of these controversies, with 
a logical exposition of them, in his abovementioned work on the system 
of faith. He also wrote a particular treatise on the same subject, and 
thus transmitted the polemical arguments against IMonotheletism to the 
later Greek church. 

Like Nestorianism and Monoj^hysitism, the Monotheletic system, 
banished from the Roman church, could propagate itself only among an 
msignificant race of people independent of that church, the inhabitants 
of Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon, among Avhom this doctrine had prol)a- 
bly been made dominant by a certain abbot Marun (Ma^ajy). After 
this abbot the whole tribe was named, because the abbots of this ]VLi- 
ronite convent stood in the highest consideration with them, and 
directed their government, as well as all their undertakings. Pro- 
tected b}' their mountainous district, the Maronites contrived to mako 
and keep themselves independent of the Greek empire, and afterward.s 
of the Saracens. 

We shall now proceed to consider a series of controversies, which did 
not relate, like those just mentioned, to the determination of individual 
doctrinal conceptions, but to the essential character of Christian wor- 
ship — the controversies about image-ivorship. These disputes, from 
their very nature, would necessarily excite a far more general sympa- 
thy, than those before mentioned ; for the object to which they referred, 
did not immediately occupy the attention of theologians alone, so 
that it was only by the excitement and odium produced by theologians 

' The same document, first publishod by Tcphg ti)v rf/g k^ovaiaQ at dyKr,\) h> rolq rot- 

Coml)efis, is to be found in Hiirduiu. 111. oinou; avEV -rivoq TkxvrjQ «ai ■nepivoiat: kq. 

. 1 838. ^ ■&k<STT]Kev Ebjiafie^ 

'i2f oh Xlav uvri-vTzu)^ Kal (jKAijpMQ t^tiv ^ 'E/.ty^of ovk cnrepiKuXvmcc. 



198 GREGORY THE GREAT, ON IMAGES. 

and tlicn operating on the multitude that the participation of the laity in 
them could be brought about ; but as this subject could be understood 
bj the laity as well as by the theologians, it would obtain the sympa- 
thy of the laity as readily as that of the clergy. The question, whether 
Christian worship necessarily rejected all sensible representations of 
religious ol)jects, or whether such representations are indispensable to 
Christian feehng — this question would necessarily be answered differ- 
ently by different persons, according to each one's peculiar devotional 
bent. One of the most zealous advocates of image-worship of whom we 
shall speak hereafter, Theodorus Studita, makes the difference between 
these controversies and the preceding ones, as well as the disputes about 
the two natures or wills of Christ, to consist in this ; — that the latter 
related solely to notional distmctions, but the subject of the former was 
sometliing sensible, outward, and lying before the eyes of all.i And 
as the devotion of the midtitude had a sensual tendency, so the subject 
of this controversy would necessarily interest them and occupy their 
thoughts more than any other. Furthermore, this opposition related 
not barely to isolated, dialectic and notional distinctions, but opinions 
belonging to the universal tendencies of the religious spirit here met in 
conflict ; and the victory of the one or the other of these must decide, 
by the consequences resulting therefrom, on the whole future develop- 
ment of the church and of its doctrines. 

In order to explain the origin of these controversies, we must cast 
a glance back upon the previous history of the mode of thinldng and 
acting in reference to this matter. 

As we have shown in the preceding volumes, 2 the opposition to the 
aesthetic religion of paganism, under wliich Christianity appeared, had 
also brought about an uncompromising opposition to all union of art 
with rehgion. But by degrees this opposition wore away ; and art, 
particularly painting, had been used for the glorification of religion, 
conformably to the spirit of Christianity, which spurns notliing belong- 
ing to our pure humanity, since it was destined to appropriate, inter- 
penetrate, and ennoble the whole of it. Although, then, the rude 
multitude, even in the Western church, soon allowed themselves to be 
misled into the error of making their worship too sensual, and of trans- 
ferring the homage, due to the object represented in the symbol, to that 
symbol itself ; and although this aberration of Christian feeling was oc- 
casioned by the culpable neglect of conveying Christian instruction to 
the people ; yet by the church-teachers, the distinction between the 
right use of images to express and to excite Christian feehngs and to 
Instruct the unlettered multitude on the one side, and the superstitious 
worship of images on the other, was ever held fast ; and as the former 
was recommended, so the latter was combated with earnestness, 
wherever it appeared. This tendency we still observe in ^ the Roman 

' Ov6e yap -nepC tuv kv XpiaTCu <pvacuv r) ■&a?>.iioi)g to ufi(pia[37jTO>'fin'ov rjTOi absfiov- 

■Bi^rjfiuTuv Kcl baa npbg rovToig a/j.(j>iai3T)- fievov. Theodori epistolac 1. II. ep. 21. in 

rov/xeva, uv i) dia/iuprTjOLg Kard. tu vor/fiara Sirniond. opp. T. V. i'. ;33I. 

ovaa, oMiv ala-diiTug napeixe t^v uirodeL- - Vol. I. p. 291, 292. Vol. II. p. 319, 

jiv • vvv de ai)v toI( vorj/xaai kul Kar' u(fh 323, 329. 



GREGORY ON IMAGE- WORSHIP. lOV 

bishop, with whom we commenced the present period. A hermit hav- 
in<; sent to Gregory the Great for an image of Christ, and other reli 
gious symbols, the latter sent him a picture of Christ and the virgin 
Marj, and pictures of St. Peter and St. Paul, and explained m the 
letter accompanjhig these presents, his views respectmg the right use 
of images and the way in which they were designed to subserve the in- 
terests of religion.' He expressed himself pleased with the wish avow- 
ed by the recluse ; since it was evident, he sought with his whole heart 
the Being whose image he desired to have always before his eyes, that 
by the sight of that the love to Him might be continually revived in 
his heart. The striving to represent things invisible by means of the 
visible, was grounded in man's nature.^ But, nevertheless, he consid- 
ered it important to add a word of warning against that aberration of 
religious feeUng, which might lead to a superstitious worship of the 
image — a proof, that danger was ah'eady apprehended of such a mis- 
take in men of devotional feelings, but destitute of mental culture. 
"I am well aware — he wrote — that thou desirest not the image of 
our Saviour, that thou mayest worship it as God, but to enkindle m 
thee the love of him, whose image thou wouldst see. Neither do 
we — he added — prostrate ourselves before the image as before a 
deity, but we adore him whom the s>Tiibol represents to our memory as 
born, or suffering, or seated on the throne ; ^ and according to the 
representation, the correspondent feelmgs of joyful elevation, or of 
painful sympathy, are excited in our breasts." 

Especially worthy of notice, on this matter, is the correspondence 
of Gregory with Serenus, bishop of Marseilles (Massilia) . The latter 
having observed, that among the rude Franks of his diocese, the wor- 
sliip of images was rapidly spreading, caused the images to be demol- 
ished, and cast out of the churches. The pope, who heard that there 
were complaints against this pi-ocedure of Serenus, applauded the zeal 
which he manifested against the worship of images,'* but censured his 
rashness in proceeding indiscriminately against all images ; for these 
were introduced into the churches for the sake of those who could not 
instruct themselves by reading the Holy Scriptures, that at least by 

' L. IX. ep. 52. to show, that thi.s act was not performed 

* Sic liomo, qui alium ardenter videre with reference to the imaije, but to that, 

desiderat, aut spou«am atnans videre cona- which the ima<ie represented to the religious 

tur, si contigerit earn ad balneum aut ad feelings. But he could hardly presuppose 

ecclesiam ire, statini per viam incedenti se any such misunderstanding in the case of a 

praeparat, ut de visione ejus hilaris recedat. hermit, nor imagine that he would he likely 

■* Et nos quidein non (juasi ante divinita- to jierform his devotions to the iuiage as 

tem ante ilhun (imaginemf prosternimur ; such, and net refer them to Christ alone, 
scd ilium adoramus, quern per imaginem '' Zelum vos, ne (piid nianu factum ado- 

aut natum aut passumscii in throno seden- rari possit, habuissc laudavimus. As Gre- 

tem recorilamur. From these words it does gory here de<;lared himself so uncondition- 

net, indeed, necessarily apf)ear evident, that ally against the adoratio imaginum, we 

Gregory rejected the custom of kneeling may infer, that he rejected not merely the 

before images (the npoaiivvijctLi;) ] for the idolatry subsisting in that tendency of mind, 

words may be easily uTiderstood as mean- but also every outward symbol of tliis sort, 

ing, that Gregory wished only to guard the custom of prostration and of kneeling, 

against 11 misunderstanding of that snnbol- as usually practised before idols; and in 

ical act which tlien already prevailed and this way we may account for his language 

Uras approved by himself; that he wanted in the last cited letter. 



200 CHAXGE IN THE LATEE POPES. 

the contemplation of images tliey might come to some knoAvledge of 
Bcriptural facts. ^ Serenus was not disposed to fix any such limits to 
his zeal against images ; and whether it was, that his critical judgment 
had become warped by his pious zeal, or that he merely sought some 
pretext under Avhich lie could proceed in his work of destroying images 
without seeming to despise the papal authority, he declared the letter 
of Gregory a forgery, and considered himself bound therefore to pay 
no further attention to its contents. It was a consequence of his well- 
meant, though by no means temperate or wisely directed zeal, that the 
minds of the rude Franks were provoked to hostihty against himself. 
They beheld in him a destroyer of that wliich they held sacred ; and 
the major part of them renounced all fellowship with him. When this 
came to the ears of the pope, he reprimanded Serenus 2 for not distin- 
guishing the right use of images from their abuse, repeating on this 
occasion what he had said in his former letter, and expressing it as his 
opinion, that the first mentioned use of images was important, espe- 
cially for the rude nations recently converted from paganism .^ Had 
he duly considered this, the pope wrote to him, he would have avoided 
the consequ mces which had followed his indiscreet zeal, and more cer- 
tamly secured his object.4 He bade liim take every pains to repair 
the injuries which had been done, and by paternal gentleness to win 
back the ahenated afiections of his people. He gave him the following 
instructions as to his mode of procedure for the future. " He should 
call together the members of the community, and prove to them by 
testimony from Scripture, that men should pay rehgious worship to 
nothing made by human hands ; and having done this, he should ex- 
plain to them in a friendly manner, that his zeal had been directed 
only against a practice which contradicted the end for which images 
had been introduced into the churches, but not against any use of them 
corresponding to that end, not against them as a means of rehgious 
instruction, where he should allow they were good." 

This moderate tendency with regard to the use of images, proceeding 
from a genuinely Christian spirit, did not long maintain itself, however, 
in the Roman church ; for as appears evident from the manner in 
which the popes participated in the contests against images of the East- 
ern church, they had already down to the opening of the eighth cen- 
tury, become zealous defenders of image-worship ; and this would, in- 
deed, be the necessary result of that tendency fully carried out, which 
lay at the foundation of the whole mediaeval Catholicism — a tendency 
which uniformly failed of duly distingaiishing and separating the divine 
thing from the symbol designed to represent it. and was ever inclined 
to transfer to the latter what belonged only to the former. But in the 
Greek church, for reasons which have already been mentioned,^ the 
worship of images had made its appearance at a much earher period, 

' L. IX. ep. 105. bio et ea, quae intendebas, .salubriter obti- 

'^ L. XI. ep. 13. nere et collcctum gregem non dispergere 

' Among whom, however, the abuse scd potius dispersum poteras congregare. 

night most easily creep in. ^ Vol. II. p. .330. 
* Si zelum discretione condiisses, sine du- 



k 



IMAGE-WORSHIP IN THE GREEK CHURCH. 201 

and was closely interwoven not only with ecclesiastical, but also with 
civil and domestic life. Not onl}' the churches and church-books were 
ornamented with pictures of Christ, of the virgin Mary and of saints, 
but these objects were to be seen fronting the palaces of the emperors, 
and on the walls of private houses ; and even household furniture, and 
wearing apparel were ornamented with them. The artists, among 
whom were many monks, emulously labored to produce such images in 
wax' or more costly materials. The worship of images stood closely 
connected with the exaggerated reverence paid to Mary and to the 
saints. What rehcs of saints were in the Western church, such were 
their images in the Greek church. In every case of extremity, men 
prostrated themselves before the pictures of saints, many of which had 
the reputation of performing miraculous cures. The saints themselves 
being represented to the religious consciousness as present in their 
images, these images were introduced as sponsors at baptism, and chil- 
dren were named after them.2 In that uncritical age, many legends, 
received without a question, served to enhance the respect shown for 
these religious objects. Some, which were reported to have been 
made without human hands (^ax^tQanoitfra)^ stood in special veneration, 
and were used as the most eftectual of amulets ; sometimes such as 
were said to have been miraculously produced by Christ himself — 
sometimes others, of whose origin no distinct account could be given.. 
Thus, for example, the city of Edessa, possessed its famous ancih in 
the picture of Cbrist, sent to king Abgar, as it was pretended, by our 
Saviour himself; and in an axeiQonoirizog s'mcbv tijg d^sozoxov (an image 
of the mother of God, made without hands).^ Still another, Christ 
was said to have impressed on the handkerchief of St. Veronica 
(the saint healed of the issue of blood). 

The extravagant lengths to which the superstitious reverence of 
images was carried, might the more contribute to excite a reaction of 
the Christian consciousness agamst it, even among the laity, as Jews 
and Mohammedans accused the Christians on this score of idolatry 
and a trangression of the divine law ; and by such reproaches many 
might be led to reflect on what was really required by the Christian 
faith on this point. To this was added, in the case of the clergy, 
the reading of the Bible and of the older fathers, whereby the unpre- 
judiced would easily be led to see, that the prevaihng unage-worship 
was utterly at variance with the apostolical teaching and the prin- 
ciples of the primitive church ; and if they could not distuiguish the 
different jx)ints of view of the Old and New Testaments, still they 

' The Kiipoxvra. power, although not visibly ri)-esent him- 

'■^ Theodore Studita writes to a captain self, so here: awi/v d /leya/.o/iaorvg irvev- 

of the emperor's guard (Protospatharius), fiUTi t/j cineitf, eUovi to fipefci 6exo/J.evoc 

of whom he had heard, that he wore the 6 uaprvc ^v dtu rr/g o'lKe-ac eiKovog rd /3pe- 

unage of St. Demetrius, as (ii'(i()o,i;oi', at the <pog eigih ^ofxevog tip' 6c -^v ovtu TreTriarev- 

baptism uf his thild; and he com])ares the nag. Lib. 1. ep. 17. 

contideme of faith, in which the man did * The stories al)out these images are to 

this, witli the eontident faith of tlie centu- be found in Theophylaetus iSimocatta, 

tion in ^latth. 8. As Christ wrought the Theophanes, Johannes "Cantacuscnus. 
kiiraele then by his invisibly present divine 



202 LEO THE ISAURIAN. 

might believe themselves bound to apply the Old Testament prohibi' 
tion of images to Christkm worship. But while a reaction agamst 
image-worship Avas thus evoked, still it was difficult to prevent it from 
overstepping, under the impulse of ]»assionate excitement, the bounds of 
moderation. As one extreme easily leads to another, so the super- 
stitious worship of images would easily lead to the extreme of a fana- 
tical hatred of images and of art, and the passionate opposition would 
be the less productive of good fruits, the less able it was to distin- 
guish, in what it imj)ugned, the true from the false, and to spare the 
Christian feeling and interest which lay at the bottom. It was unfor- 
tunate, too, that this reaction did not ])roceed, in the first place, from 
those whose calling it was to work upon men's con\-ictions by teach- 
ing ; but from the possessors of secular power, and that, too, in a 
despotic government, where men were used to think it possible to 
enforce by commands, by threats and violence, that which can never 
proceed but from free conviction, and where they were least capable 
of exercismg that tenderness and indulgence, which is most needed 
in matters touching on the religious interests of mankind. The spiiit 
which men would drive into a way of thinking opposed to that course 
of development that grows out of its own essence, will but struggle 
the more to repel what is forced upon it against nature, and become 
mveterate in its errors ; for even that which is, in itself, true, wiien 
not imparted in that way in which alone truth can be consciously 
seen, but obtruded by a power different from that of the mind itself, 
is converted into a lie ; the subjective consciousness of truth is neces- 
sitated to resist it. So was it especially in the present case, where a 
medley of truth and error on the one side was opposed to a hke med- 
ley on the other. 

The first from whom this war against image-worsliip began, was the 
emperor Leo the Isaurian. At the very openmg of his reign, with 
zeal for the extension of the church and of its doctrines, he also 
discovered the greatest ignorance with regard to the hmits of the 
power conceded to him for tliis purpose. He forced Jews to receive 
baptism, and compelled the Montanists to come over to the dominant 
church. The consequence of which was, that the Jews persevered in 
their faith as before, and made sport of the sacred rites, in which 
they could be forced to join only in an outward manner ; and that 
the Montanists were driven to such a pitch of enthusiasm, as to burn 
themselves up with their churches, tiuch measures led men to anti- 
cipate what they had to expect from the emperor, when he behoved him- 
self called to deliver the church from the idolatry, as it was caUed, 
of image-worship. As tliis idolatry of the church was seized upon as 
a handle for theu' attacks by Jews, Mohammedans, and heretics, so 
Leo's zeal for the extension of the church and of its faith, might 
thus be connected with his iconoclasm. There were some, though 
few" of them ecclesiastics, who, by the study of the Scriptures and of 
the older fathers, had been led to regard the introduction of images 
into the churches, as an unchristian innovation, and in direct contra- 
diction to the law of God. It was, [)robably, such perscns (among 



INTERVIEW BETWEEN LEO AND GERMANUS. 203 

whom we find particularly mentioned a certain Constantino, bishop 
of Nacolia,iu Plirvgia), who persuaded the emperor, or at least con- 
finned him in liis own resolution, to banish images from the churches.' 
The appeal to the command which forbade the use of images in the 
Old Testament, to the fact that they are not mentioned in the New, 
to passages in the old church-teachers, — all this would make an 
impression on the emperor ; while the misfortunes of the empire, 
pressed hard by l)arbarians and unbelievers, might easily be repre- 
Bcnted to him in the liglit of a divine judgment on idol-worshippers. 
He imagined liimself called, as a priest and a monarch, like Hezekiah 
of old, to banish an idolatry which had been spreading for centuries. 
But being aware of the power of the adversary he had to contend 
with, he proceeded cautiously in the outset, gradually preparing his 
way, — exercising a prudence which was imperatively demanded by 
the circumstance just mentioned, rather than one resulting from any 
consciousness of the natural hmits imposed on his authority. No 
doubt, the Greek emperors were wont, in their ecclesiastical projects, 
to apply in the first place to their patriarchs at Constantinople, and 
then to operate through these, as primates of the oriental church, 
upon the remaining multitude ; but Leo could not resort to this expe- 
dient in the present case, for the nonagenarian patriarch Germa- 
nus 2 belonged among the most zealous advocates of hnage-worship, 
and was well versed in all the arguments used in defending it. It is 
true he had consented, at an earlier period, to serve as the wilhng 
instrument of an emperor ;3 but the defence of images touched, with- 
out doubt, his religious sympathies much more readily, than the dis- 
pute concerning a logical determination of conceptions. As Leo, 
then, could not reckon on the consent and support of the patriarch, 
he believed it necessary to observe the more indulgence and caution 
in his first approaches towards the attack on image-worship ; and his 

' In the report of the presbyter John, the example for the emperor, and first 

the plenipotentiary of the oriental patri- commanded images to be banished from 

archs, in the fifth action of the council of the churches of Christians in his domin- 

the image-worshippers (787, llarduin. IV. ions, yet it does not ajjpcar that these 

f. 319), this Constantine is described as measures had any immediate connection 

the head of the party, and the spring of with the commencement of the attack on 

the wliole movement; and it is evident, images by the emperor Leo; thougli the 

from liis transactions with (icrmanus, pa- image-woi-shippers wore inclined to believe 

triarch of Constantinople, that this was otherwise. 

not said witliout reason. Of course, the ^ We learn his peculiar bent of mind 

zealots for image-worship, among whom from his discourses in praise of the virgin 

also belong the Byzantine historians, hail- Mary, and from the pains he took to vin- 

ed with (lelight every occasion which of- dicatc Gregory of Nyssa from the charge 

fercd itself of tracing the scheme to sup- of Origenism. See Vol. II. p. 73S, n. 4. 
press images to the JNIohanimedans and '^ When bishop of Cyzicus, he had ado])ted 

the .lows. Hence their reports (savoring the formulary introduced by Pbilippicus 

strongly of the fabulous) about Jews, who (see above, p. 196), in favor of Monothe- 

were said to have predicted Leo's eleva- letism. It may be, however, before this, 

tiou to the throne of the empire, and that he was already devoted to Monothe- 

about the influence exercised over the em- letism ; for the same bent of mind, which 

peror by iicser, a renegade, whicli tirst made him a warm defender of image- wor- 

detcrniined him to engage in the war ship, might also incline him to favor Mono- 

against images, deserve little confidence, theletism. 
Even were it true, that Ized, a caliph, set 



204 ARGUMENTS OP GERMANUS. 

first ordinance, issued in the tenth year of his reign, in 726, was not 
directed against religious images in themselves, nor against every 
kind of reverence paid to them, but against such signs of an idola- 
trous homage, as the custom of prostration and kneeling down before 
them. But since that which the emperor declared to be idolatrous, 
was by no means acknowledged to be such by the church theologians, 
but was defended as a pure expression of Christian feeling, he could 
not well avoid a collision with them, and with his patriarch in parti- 
cular ; and, being a layman, he would find it no easy matter to 
manage a man so well practised in defending this custom, which 
could be supported by so many nice distinctions. Although the 
fragmentary accounts of the historians, who describe the inter\dew 
between the emperor and the patriarch, are in themselves entitled to 
but little faith — none being present at this interview but the par- 
ties — nevertheless, what they report hai-monizes so well with the 
style in which the emperor delivers himself on this subject, in his 
letters still extant,i that we may form from it some idea of what 
passed betAveen the two. When the emperor appealed to the INIosaic 
law, which forbids the worship of graven images, or of any creature 
whatsoever, the patriarch met him by saying, that much depends on 
the connection in which a tiling is spoken or done. That Mosaic 
law had been given to Jews accustomed to witness the worship of 
idols in Egypt. With Christians, the case stood otherwise. Among 
them, the worship of God in spirit and in truth had been estabfished 
for perpetuity. Nor had Moses forbidden the use of images in reli- 
gion altogether ; as was evident from the example of the cherubim 
placed over the ark, and of other symbols in the temple. And as to 
himself, he said he was far from honoring images in the same sense 
in which we are bound to worship the triune God alone. Nor did 
every sort of prostration imply such worship ; — even in the Old Tes- 
tament this custom occurred as an outward sign of reverence ; and in 
this sense it was observed also towards men, as at the present day 
men were wont, by this sign, to show respect to emperors, to their 
images and edicts, nor did any one see in it the least trace of idola- 
try. Of God's invisible essence it was, indeed, impossible to form 
any likeness or representation ; and hence, at the position of the Old 
Testament, it would necessarily be forbidden to make any image of 
God. But now, God had visibly appeared in human nature, had 
taken the latter into personal union with himself. As surely as we 
beheve in the true humanity of the Sou of God, so surely we must 
form to ourselves some image of the God-man. The representation 
of Christ in such an image, was essentially the same as an oral confes- 
sion of that great mystery of the incarnation of the Sou of God, 
and a practical refutation of Docetism. Nor did men worship that 
image of Christ, which is made of earthly materials, but the worship 
was addressed to that which is represented by the image to the devo- 
tional mind, — the incarnate Son of God."^ But to the mother of 

' In the IV. action of the secoTid coun- * A TrpoaKvvijaic cx£Tikt/. 
?il of Nice. 



OUTBREAK OF THE CONTROVERSY. 205 

God, and to the saints, no devotion of any sort was paid ; not even to 
their persons ; no rehgious homage (Xargeia')^ such as belongs to God 
alone. To the mother of God Avas shown the reverence which wag 
due to her, as the person through whom humanity was made to parti- 
cipate in the highest blessings, and who was exalted above all other 
creatures. And in the saints, men worshipped only what the grace 
of God had wrought in human nature, and paid them in their images 
nothing more than the reverence and love, which were due to such 
distinguished fellow-servants and fellow-soldiers. In the image, we 
do not invoke the saint, but the God of the saint.' It is plain, how 
important to the old patriarch the theory of images, taken in this 
connection of ideas, must have seemed ; since, in his view, it was 
intimately connected with the recognition of the reality of the fact 
of the divine incarnation. Accordingly, he declared that he was 
ready to give up his hfe for the image of that being, whc had given 
up his own life to restore the fallen image of God in human nature. 
The emperor must have perceived, that he could not possibly come 
to any agreement with the patriarch, who had already pushed his 
way so far into this artfully combined system. In the opinion that 
nb sort of idolatrous worship of images was admissible, both were 
agreed ; but the notion itself they explained differently. The empe- 
ror declared he had nothmg to object against images in themselves ; 
but that he only wanted to raise some of them, which were objects 
of pecuHar veneration to the people, to a higher place, beyond con- 
tact of the multitude, wliich exposed them to be dishonored. It was 
manifestly his design to deceive the old patria-rch, and, without his 
participation, to prepare the way, step by step, for the execution of 
ins project. Those bishops Avho had a common understanding with 
the emperor, began, in the meantime, to proceed against the images 
in their dioceses ; and as the people and the major part of the clergy 
were zealously devoted to image-worship, this attempt could not fail 
to be attended with many violent outbreaks, so that the patriarch 
was obliged to complain, that in whole cities, and among large por- 
tions of the people, great disturbances had grown out of these pro- 
ceedings. ^ Complaints against such bishops flowed in upon him from 
many quarters. The most considerable man of that party, Constan- 
tino, bishop of Nacolia in Phrygia, who had fallen into a quarrel with 
his metropolitan, John, bishop of Synnada, came himself to Constan- 
tinople. He assured the patriarch, that it was far from his intention 
to insult Christ and the saints in their images ; that his object was 
directed only against the idolatrous worship of images forbidden by 
the divine law. Now, in the condemnation of such a practice, the 
patriarch agreed with him ; and explained at large, in the way above 

'^ The words of Germanus, in his letter * The words of the patriarch Germanus, 

to Thomas, bishop of Claiidiopolis : npoa- IV. f. 2£9: 7r6?ieig blai. koi tu TrXr/^r] -uv 

iiXiTTuv yap Tig /ler ETTiaTi/fXT/g eIkovi Tcvog ?,auv o'.k h> bXijtf) Trepl tovtov ■&opVfi(,i 

Tuv uyluv, tif rb e'lKog, 6o^a aoi 6 i?£Of, r;;y;^avovfffv. 
'Kiyei, tov uyiov rd uvofia Tvpoari-deig. Har- 
iluin. IV. f. 258. 



206 EFFECTS OF LEO's MEASUEES. 

Btated, how different a tiling the reverence paid to images was from 
adoration. The bishop perceiving, no doubt, that it would here be 
useless to contend, seemed to approve all that was said, and promised 
the patriarch that he would avoid every procedure which might give 
offence, or prove an occasion of disturbance among the people, Ger- 
manus gave him a letter to the metro))olitan John, in which he in- 
formed the latter of the happy result of these negotiations. But the 
bishop Constantine withheld the letter from its destuiation, and proba- 
bly concerned himself no further about the matter as it had then 
been discussed. Similar accounts reached the ear of the pati-iarch 
respecting other adjacent districts, as Paphlagonia, where Thomas, 
bishop of Claudiopohs, labored to suppress the worship of images. 
He sent to the same an elaborate document in defence of images, 
and of the reverence paid them in the Avay that was customary at 
that time. I In this letter he adduced, as an argument in their favor, 
the miracles said to have been wrought by them ; such as the heal- 
ing ot diseases (in proof of which he could appeal to his own per- 
sonal expevience), and the fact that such effects were produced only 
by images of Christ and the saints, and not by any others ; so that 
they could not be attributed to an accidental coincidence. ^ He 
appealed, in particular, to a miracle at Sozopolis, in Pisidia, where 
balsam had distilled from the painted hand of an image of Mary. 
To be sure, this was no longer the fact ; but still there were many 
witnesses of the wonder, and they Avho were disposed to call it in 
question because it no longer took place, might, for the same reason, 
doubt the miracles recorded in the Acts, which were no longer per- 
formed. At that fime, the patriarch still thought the images of the 
apostles and prophets, erected before the imperial palace, might be 
rightly regarded as evidencing the piety of the emperor. 

These first covert attacks on image-worship created nevertheless so 
great a sensation, that the accounts of them penetrating beyond the 
existing boundaries of the Roman empire into Palestine, then under 
the dominion of the Saracens, spread dismay among the zealots for 
the old church doctrines. Living at that time in Damascus was that 
zealous and acute-minded defender of the church doctrine, John,^ • 

* Germanus defends, in this tract, the Calipli with an important civil office. If 

custom also of placinc: lights and burning we may credit the more lately composed 

incense before the imao;es of saints, which and ftilnilous life of John of l)amascus, it 

the opponents of image-worship probably was owing to a peculiar turn of events, 

represented as being a heathen practice, that he was enabled to enjoy the advanta- 

Ke seeks to justify this by the symbolism, ges of a distinguished literary education, 

which had become so customary since Among the many Christians, whom tiie 

the dissemination of the writings falsely Araliians had carried otf as cajjtives, in 

ascribed to Dionysins : avfiiSolnv /xiv nl marauding expeditions, along the sea-coast 

airf&ijTu (pCna rz/f nvXov kuI ■&fiac 0wro(5o- of the West, was a certain Cosmas, a man 

aiac, T/ (Ve tuv dpufidruv avadvfuaoL^ Tiiq of (ireek descent, probal)ly from Calabria. 

uKpai(t>vovc Kal oA,7/c tov dylov Trvsv/xaror John's father obtained for this person his 

irepi.vvoiaf; tk kuI -^TlripunEM^. liberty, took him home, and entrusted him 

2 Which may be easily explained : the with the education of his own son. and also 
contemplation "of other images would not of an a(lo])tc(l one, who afterwards became 
produce the same subjective impressions. famous as a writer of sjiirirual songs (Kocr- 

3 His father Sergius. called by the Sara- iiuc <) ^s'Xudor.) and was made bishep of 
sens Mansur, had been entrusted by the Majuma in Palestine. 



JOHN OF DAMASCUS, A FRIEND TO IMAGES. 207 

whom we have already mentioned. He filled a civil post of consider- 
able importance, under the Caliphs who ruled in these districts ; but 
some years after, retired as a monk to the Saba convent near Jerusa- 
lem. This person supposed that, in the attack upon images, he saw 
a tendency of spirit dangerous to the essence of Christianity, and felt 
constrained to address a discourse in defence of image-worship,^ and 
against the arguments of its antagonists, to the patriarchs and the 
communities in Constanthiople, wliile still a hope might be indulged, 
that the emperor, by perceiving its inconsistency, might be induced to 
change his policy, in which hope, the defenders of images refrained as 
yet from every thing which could offend the emperor, although John 
himself had no occasion to fear him. He merely hinted that earthly 
rulers were themselves subject to a higher Potentate, and that the 
laws should govern princes. He saw in that dread of idolatry, wliich 
had led to the attacking of images, a decline from the Christian ful- 
ness of age and perfection, a falling back into the nonage of the 
Jewish position. To those, who were ever repeating that command 
of the Old Testament, which forbids representations of God, Exod. 20, 
he applied the words of Paul : The letter killeth, the spirit maketb 
alive. "Christians — said he — who have arnved at the full age in 
religion are endowed with a faculty of distinguishing that w^hich can 
be symbolized, and that which transcends the power of symbolization. 
On the standing-ground of the Old Testament, God, as incorporeal and 
formless, could not, indeed, be represented under any image whatso- 
ever. But now, after God has appeared in the flesh, and walked with 
men on the earth, I represent him, according to his visible appear- 
ance, in an image. I adore not the earthly material, but its Creator, 
who for my sake vouchsafed to dwell in an earthly tabernacle, and 
who, by the earthly material, wrought out my salvation. I never will 
cease honoring the earthly material by means of which my salvation 
has been effected. Joshua commanded the Jews, to take twelve stones 
from the river Jordan, Joshua 4, and he gave as a reason : When 
your children ask their fathers in time to come, saying what mean ye 

1 NotliinjT is to be found inconsistent respondent with the spirit of Christianity 

witli this in the fact that John (who was in and conformable to reason ; bat these sto- 

the hal>it, as appears above, of associating ries he regarded as alike repugnant to 

image-worship, according to his own un- Christian truth and to reason. He ascril)es 

derstanding of it. with the essential pecu- the spread of the latter superstition among 

liarities of the Christian faith, and who the people to the fact that they were kept 

moreover shows himself in his defence of in such total ignorance of the Scriptures, 

it, to have been a man of sound judgment He insists that laymen of all classes, even 

and reflection) that this John combated soldiers and peasants, ought to read the 

the popular tales concerning dragons and sacred word, fiiyiara yap fS'/M-rofie-da e/c 

fairies {rrTpvyyni, yElov(hc) as appears tov fii/ avayivCiOKELv rug lepag dlii?Mvc Kai 

from some fragments of his on this sub- hpevv(iv avruc Kard, rbv tov Kvpiov Xoyov. 

jeet, published by Le Quien. Tom. I. opp. 'AXX' b fiev aTpariurric T^eyet, on arparcC)- 

f. 471. We see no good reason why a ttj^ el/xt Kat oh ;^;p£iai' q-gj uvayvuacui-, a 

defender of image-worship might not at 6e yeupyh^ t//v yeo)pyiKi)v Trpodani^f-at. 

the same time set himself to oppose that This biblical tendency might seem rather 

species of superstition. His conduct, in to collide with the traditional one of a 

both cases alike, jjroceeded from religious zealous image-worshipper : but neither are 

motives. Image-worship, by virtue of the these contrarieties of such a nature that 

connection of ideas unfolded in the text, they might not exist together in the same 

appears to him a practice altogether cor- individual. 



208 HIS DISTINCTION OF CHRISTIAN FROM JEWISH CUSTOMS. 

by these stones ? Then ye shall answer them, that the waters of Jor- 
dan were cut off before the ark of the covenant of the Lord, and the 
ark and the whole people passed through. Why may not we, then, 
form a picture of the suffermgs, by which the salvation of the world 
was procured, and of the miracles of Christ ; so that wdicn my son 
asks me, what is this ? I may tell him, God became man, and by 
him, not Israel alone passed over Jordan, but all human nature was 
led back to the original bhss, — by him, that nature has been raised 
from the low places of the earth above all principahties and powers 
and to the throne of the Father himself. — But if men are willing to 
tolerate images of Christ and of IMary, but not of any others, then it 
is not images they contend against, but the worship of the saints. You 
tolerate images of Christ because he is glorified ; but not images of 
saints, because you do not acknowledge that they are glorified. You 
do not acknowledge the dignity imparted to human nature by the 
Son of God, who has indeed glorified them, and exalted them to fel- 
lowship with God. Were images, representing the forms of animals 
and plants, employed to adorn the temple ? and is it not now a far 
more glorious thing to have all the walls of God's house decorated 
with tlie images of those, who were themselves living temples of God, 
full of the Holy Ghost? Why should not the saints, who have 
shared in the sufferings of Christ, share also, as his friends, even here 
upon earth, in his glory ? He calls them no longer his servants, but 
his friends." On the Christian festival w^hich celebrated the memory 
of the saints, John of Damascus noticed a fundamental mark of 
distinction between the Christian and the Jewish customs. " In the 
times of the ancient covenant, no temple was ever named after a 
man. The death of the righteous was lamented, not celebrated. 
The touch of a dead body was defiling. But now it is otherwise, since 
human nature by the appearance of the Son of God in it, and by his 
sufferings for it, has been delivered from the dominion of sin and 
death, and exalted to worship with God and to be partakers of the 
divine hfe. Either then you must go farther, and annul the jubilees 
. of the saints which are celebrated in contrariety to the ancient law ; 
or tolerate also the images, which, as you say, are contrary to the 
ancient law." In general, he discovers m the enemies of images a 
tendency bordering on Judaism, or indeed, on Manichifiism, which 
threatened to introduce again the antagonism between the di\dne and 
human removed by the redemption, and which ran counter to Christian 
reahsm. If, to the enemies of the images, it appeared a desecration 
of holy things to attempt representing them by earthly materials ; to 
John, on the other hand, the earthly material appeared worthy of all 
honor, inasmuch as through it, as the instrument and medium of the 
divine agency and grace, is wrought the salvation of man. " Is not 
the wood of the cross earthly material ?" He then goes on to mention 
all holy places, and the body and blood of the Lord. " Insult not the 
earthly material — nothing that God has created is, in itself, a thing to 
be despised. To say this is Manichaean — the abuse of sm alone is a 
thins to be contemned." 



SECOND AND THIRD APOLOGIES FOR IMAGE-WORSHIP. 209 

Meantime, while these disputes were producing, in many districts, 
A ferment in the popular mind, the appearance of extraordinary natu- 
ral phenomena, among others, an earthquake, was looked upon by 
the discontented as a token of the divine cUspleasure against the ene- 
mies of images. The inhabitants of the islands called the Cyclades 
rebelled, under a certain Stephanus as their leader. But by means 
of the Greek fire, the emperor succeeded in destroying their fleet ; 
and regarding this victory as a proof that God favored his proceedings 
ao'ainst the idolaters, he was confirmed in liis iconoclasm. In vain he 
endeavored to gain over the old patriarch to his views ; the latter per- 
sisted stoutly in his opposition, and declared, that without a general 
council no change could be attempted in the church. The emperor 
now, without consulting with him, but after having discussed the whole 
matter with his civil counsellors, issued, in the year 7o0, an ordinance, 
whereby all images for religious purposes were forbidden. Germanus, 
resolved not to act in contradiction to his conscience, voluntarily 
resigned liis office, and retired once more to a hfe of soHtude, and his 
secretary,' Anastasius, who was willing to act as the emperor's tool, 
obtained his place. Conformably to the usual policy, the bishops gen- 
erally, wlio declined receiving the imperial edict, were now ejected 
from their jiaces.^ When the report of these measures reached Syria 
and Palestine, John of Damascus composed in defence of images a 
second treatise, in which he more fully unfolded the arguments con- 
tained in the first.^ In this, he spoke still more sharply against the 
emperor. " It does not belong to the monarch — says he — to give 
laws to the church. The apostle Paul does not mention among the 
offices instituted by God, 1 Cor. 12, for advancing the growth of the 
churches, the office of monarch. Not monarchs, but apostles, prophets, 
pastors and teachers, preached the divine word, Emperors had to 
provide for the welfare of the state ; pastors and teachers for the 
growth of the church." "* He speaks of a new gospel of Leo ; but 
though he had nothing to fear from the emperor, still he pronounced 
against him no anathemas ; but applying the Avords of St. Paul, Gal. 
1: 8, he said, " Though an angel, though an emperor, preach to you 
any other gospel than ye have received — shut your ears ; for I still 
forbear to say with the apostle, let him be accursed, because I hope 
for his reformation." In the third discourse, he endeavoi-s to pomt 
out the need of such sensuous representations, grounded in the essence 
of human nature and of the Christian consciousness. "Our Lord pi-o- 
nounces his disciples blessed, because their eyes could see and theii 
ears hear such things. The apostles saw Christ with their bodily eyes, — 
his sufferings and his miraculous works, — and they heard his words. 
We, too, long to see, to hear, and to be pronounced blessed. But as 
now when he is not bodily present, we hear his words by means of 

^ -{lyKtA/lof, a suhordinatc who always vited to do so, SlU to /xr/ ttuvv ciSiayvuxj- 

possessed much influence with the patri- tov toIc JroAAoif tov TrpuTov Aoyov eli>ai. 
a.rch. * 'Baai?J(A)v karlv I'j ■ko'Kltlk.ji ehnpa^ia, // 

" Sec Joh. Dainasc. Orat. II. § 12. 6e eKKXTjaiaariKT) KardcTaaig iroijiivtjv Koi 

'' He himself says, that he had been in- (h6aaicaXu)i>- 
VOL. ITT. 14 



210 CHURCH FELLOWSHIP BROKEN UP BETWEEN THE PARTIES. 

books, and show our reverence for these books,' so bj means of ima- 
ges we behold the semblance of his bodily form, his miracles and his 
sufferings, and we are thereby sanctified, filled with confidence and 
joy. But while we behold the bodily shape, we tliink also as much aa 
is possible on the majcst}^ of his godhead. For since we are of a two- 
fold natm-e, not barely spiritual, but consisting of body and spirit, we 
can only attain to the spiritual by means of the corporeal. In hke 
manner, therefore, as we hear by sensible words with the bodily ears, 
and at the same time think that which is spiritual, so we attain through 
sensuous uituitions to s})iritual ones. So also Christ took upon him 
body and soul, because man consists of both. And thus everything, 
baptism, the Lord's supper, prayer, singing, lights, incense, is twofold, 
at once spiritual and corporeal." If the enemies of images alleged 
that no instance of their employment could be pointed out in the New 
Testament, John of Damascus could reply, that many other thmgs 
also, as the doctrine of the Trinity, of hkeness of essence, of the two 
natures of Christ, had been deduced from the Scriptures, not being 
contained in them in so many words ; and he could appeal to tradition 
as a source of religious knowledo-e, from which even the enemies of 
images derived many doctrines, which could not be proved from Scrip- 
ture. 

In these discourses, then, John of Damascus pronounces, as yet, 
no anathema on the emperor ; the hope being still entertained that 
there would be a change in his conduct, at present so hostile to the 
reigning spirit of the church. But when he now began to execute 
with energy the edict against images, the anathema was pronounced, 
in all those churches which the arm of Byzantine power could not 
reach, on the enemies of the images ; — they renounced all fellowship 
with the latter, and constituted from this time forward the chief sup- 
port and dependence of the persecuted and banished image-worship- 
pers. 

To these churches in wliich the emperor's power could safely be 
defied, belonged not solely those of the East where Mohammedan 
princes ruled ; the Roman church, also, found itself placed in the 
same relation, for while the popes did indeed recognize the East-Ro- 
man emperors as their masters, and their own political interests would 
lead them to prefer annexation to a power at a distance rather than 
to the Longobards near by, still, under the existing poHtical relations, 
they might safely bid defiance to the em[)cror's threats. In a time, 
when Boniface was laboring with such mighty effect, as an instrument 
for the triumph of papacy ; when so many rude populations acknow- 
ledged, along with Christianity, the papal authority, — it was m such 
a time, that pope Gregory 11,^ fully conscious of his rising influence 
among the nations of the West, rephed to the emperor's threatenmg 

' UpocKwovfiev, TifiuvTsc Tuc pip'kovr, resenting the body and blood of our Lord 

rft' C>v uKovofiEv tC)v Xoyuv ai'Tov. The the homage of proi^tration (TrpyCTctJvj/fftf) — • 

image worsliijipers frequently argued, that why then might it not be paid also to th« 

it was customary to pay to the gospels images ? 

(when they were publicly read in the ^ In or after the year 730. 
churches) and to the cross, the symbol rep- 



LETTER OF GKEGORY TO THE EMPEROR. 2H 

.ang ;:i^e in a tone so sarcastic, that unless we transport om-selvea 
back, and enter into the very spirit of the period, it might seem 
incredible to us, that a pope should have so expressed himself in ad- 
dressing an emperor. "But once try the experiment — he writes to 
him — go into the schools where the cliildren are learning to read and 
ivrlte, and tell them you are the persecutor of the images ; they would 
mstautly throw their tablets at your head, and the ignorant woiild 
teach you perforce what you would not learn from the wise." The 
empeior had said in his letter to the pope, " As Uzziah,' after a pe- 
rioi of eight hundred years, banished the brazen serpents out of the 
temple, so I after eight hundred years have banished the idolatrous 
images from the church." ^ ^he pope replied, himself also confounding 
Uzziah with Hezekiah, whether by his OAvn fault, or because the em- 
peror had done the same — " Yes indeed, Uzziah was your brother, 
and dealt with the priests of his time after the same tyrannical man 
ner, as you deal with them, now." He assured him, it had been his 
intention to exercise the power he had received from St. Peter, and 
pronounce on him the sentence of condemnation, if the emperor had 
not already virtually pronounced the curse on himself. " Better were 
it — says he — if one alternative were necessary, that the emperor 
should be called a heretic, than a persecutor and destroyer of the im- 
ages ; for they that teach errors in doctrine, may still find some ex- 
cuse for themselves in the obscurity of the subjects ; but you have 
openly persecuted objects which are as manifest as the light, and 
robbed the chm-ch of God of its ornamental attire." He defended 
the worsliippers of images against the reproach of idolatry, which the 
emperor had cast upon them. Far was it from any thought of theirs, 
to place their trust in images. " If it is an image of our Lord — he 
"writes — then we say, Lord Jesus Christ, Son of God, help us and 
deliver us. If it is an image of his holy Mother, we say : Holy 
Mother of God, entreat thy Son for us, our true God, that he may 
deliver our souls. If it is an image of a martyr, e. g. St. Stephen, 

' That is, Hezekiah ; — either the emperor of the apostles. But to utter a falsehood 

may have been first to confound Uzziah with on this point, the enemy of images cer- 

Hezekiah, or perhaps this error proceeded tainly had no conceivable motive ; on the 

solely from the pope. contrary, it must have seemed important to 

^ These words, like many other singular him to show, that image worship was a 

things in this letter.which fully corresponds, thing of very recent date : and we know 

we must allow, with the character of the that the iconoclasts did in fact so affirm, 

times and of the pope, might lead us to and indeed, they could bring many proofs 

suspect its genuineness, or at least its gen- in sui)port of this assertion from the older 

uineness as a whole, unless we suppose an cluirch fathers. Leo therefore could never 

error has slipped in with regard to the num- have so expressed liimself. But of the au- 

ber of years, which in fact does not corre- tlior of this letter, it is very possible to sup- 

spond to the period intervening between pose that he perverted the emperor's lan- 

tlio erection of the l)razen serpent and the guage. Perhaps the emperor may have 

times either of Uzziah or Hezekiah ; lor how said, in his letter, against those who dc- 

conld Leo wisli to say, that he had ban- fended images on the authority of tradition : 

ished images from the churches after a pe- that even though images had been in the 

riod of eight hundred years? However churches for eight hundred years, he was still 

badly lie may have reckoned, or extrava- right in banishing them from tlie churches 

gantly he may have expressed himself, still as an ajipurtcnance of idolatry, as Heze- 

it would follow, that the superstition of im- kiah had done in the case of the brazen 

age worship had begun even in tlie times serpent. 



212 EXECUTION OF THE EDICT. 

we say Holy Stephen, thou who hast shed thy blood for the sake of 
Christ, thou who, as the first Martyr, hast confidence, pray for us." 
He gives the emperor to understand, that he had no reason to fear 
liis fleet ; for he needed but to remove twenty-four stadia from Rome 
in order to be safe, and to give himself no further concern about the 
emj)eror's power. 

The emperor, in a letter to the pope, having said in justification of 
his conduct, that he was both king and priest at the same time, 
Gregory, in a second letter, replied : This epithet, liis predecessors 
Constantino, and Justinian might with more propriety have adopted, 
since they had upheld the priests in defending the true faith. Next, 
he pointed out to him the great difterence between royalty and priest- 
hood. "• If a man commits an oifence against the emperor, his goods 
are confiscated, he is condemned to death, or banished far from his 
friends. The priests proceed in a very different way from this. When 
a man confesses liis sins to them, they banish him to a place where 
he must do church penance ; they compel him to fast, to watch and 
pray ; and having made him suffer in right earnest, they give him the 
body and blood of our Lord, and bring him back to the Lord pure 
and guiltless." The emperor again, had said in his letter, that in 
the six general Councils, images are not mentioned. To this Gregory 
replied : Neither is anything said about bread and Avater, eating and 
not eating ; these things being always connected with human hfe. 
So images have ever been handed down by tradition ; the bishops 
themselves brought their images Avith them to the councils ; for no 
good man ever undertook a journey without one. " Men — he writes 
— expended their estates to have the sacred stories represented in 
paintings. Husbands and wives took their children by the hand, 
others led the youth, and strangers from pagan nations to these paint- 
ings, where they could point out to them the sacred stories with the 
finger, and so edify them, as to lift their hearts and minds to God. 
But you hinder the poor people from doing all this, and teach them 
on the contmry to find their amusements in harp-playing and flute- 
playing, in cai-ousals and buffoonery." 

The emperor, it is true, strove earnestly to carry his edict against 
images into full effect ; but owing to the vast number and wide diffu- 
sion of these objects, and the manner in which image-worship was in- 
terwoven, not merely with church but with domestic life, this would 
prove to be no easy task, even for Byzantine despotism, with all its 
disregard for the rights of individuals. The attem})t would naturally 
be made first to remove the images from all pubhc places and from 
the churches. And here they would of course make the first onset 
upon those images which stood in highest consideration with the })eo- 
ple, those about which various wonderful stories were related, and the 
very sight of which served to nourish and promote the reverence of 
images. But the removal of such monuments would be likely to ex- 
cite violent commotions among the people, who saw they were going to 
be deprived of the objects of their devotion. For instance over the 



DISTURBANCES CONNECTED THEREWITH. 



212 



bronze portal of the imperial palace,^ stood a magnificent image of 
Christ,* which was regarded with universal reverence. A soldier of 
the emperor's guard placed up a ladder for the purpose of taking 
down the image and burning it ; when a collection of Avomen gathered 
romid, and begged that the image might be spared to them. But 
instead of attending to their requests and representations, the soldier 
struck his axe into the f^xce of the image, thus wounding to the quick 
the pious sensibilities of the women, who looked upon the act as an in- 
sult done to the Saviour. Maddened with indignation, thej drew the 
ladder from under the soldier's feet, who coming to the ground, fell a 
victim to their fanatical rage. The emperor now despatched more 
soldiers to the spot, who quelled the tumult by force, and carried off 
the image.3 In place of this image of Christ, he ordered a cross to 
be set up in the same niche, with a remarkable inscription which was 
composed by one Stephen, a member of this faction, and serves to 
show the fanatical hatred of images and of art which characterized 
the whole party. " The emperor could not suffer a dumb and lifeless 
figure, of eai'thly materials, smeared over with paint, to stand as a 
representation of Christ. He has therefore erected here the sign of 
the cross, a glory to the gate of believing princes. "^ This inscription 
involves, to be sure, — as did all the proceedings of the iconoclasts — 
an inconsistency and a self-contradiction.^ The sailie principle, by 
which the earthly material was deemed unworthy of being employed 
to represent sacred things, might also be applied to the cross ; and 
the same principle, by which the ceremony of prostration before images 
was declared an act of idolatry, should have led them also to reject 



' Which was kno\vn, therefore, under the 
name of the ayla xa^xr/. 

^ This image of Clirist was known un- 
der the name of ^yP'o'^C '> uvTiipuv/jrrjg = 
eyyvoc, the surety. This epithet might 
lead us to conclude, that it had derived its 
origin from some special event. Accord- 
ing to an old legend it was the following : 
Theodore, a wealthy merchant and ship- 
o\vner of Constantinople, had lost all his 
property at sea. After struggling in vain 
to amass capital enough for new commer- 
cial speculations, he betook himself to a 
rich Jew, named Abraham. The latter 
after much entreaty agreed to lend liim a 
considerable sum, provided he could furnish 
him with sufficient security. But Theo- 
dore, not being able to find any, had re- 
course at last to an image of Christ, before 
which he was accustomed to pay his devo- 
tions. This image he boldly oftcrcd as his 
suretv, and the Jew moved by <om])assion 
for Theodore, as well as stroni^ly imjjress- 
cd by the confidence of his faith .agreed to 
accept it. After the loss of two more ves- 
sels at sea, Theodore at last prospered in 
his trade, liecame rich again, and was en- 
abled to pay back Abraham the whole he 
had borrowed. This with various accom- 
panying marvels, made such an impression 



on the latter, that he had himself and his 
family baptized, and afterwards became a 
presbyter. Theodore turned monk, as he 
had resolved to do after he met with his 
first loss at sea. These incidents which 
are said to have happened under the em- 
peror Hcraclius, are related in a panegyric 
on the image in question, which Combefis 
has published in his hist. Monothelet. or 
Auct. bibl. patr. Paris. T. II. 1648. 

' See the storj^ in the Life of the image 
worshipper Stephen, in the Analecta Grae- 
ca pul)lished by the Maurinian Benedic- 
tines (T. I. p. 415); and the more recent 
one in the above cited tract of Gregory II, 
who had heard it told by Western pilgrims 
of various countries returning from Con 
stantinople, who had been eve-witnesses oi 
the facts. See Harduin. Concil. IV. f. 1 1 
* 'Xduvov £if5of, Kat nvoi/c i^ypfievov, 
XfiiaTOv ypufea^ai /ir/ (pepuv 6 deaTvorriz 
"YXri yejipa. Taif ypa<!>alc T^arovfievij, 
Afuv (tvv v'iw rw vku) Kuvaravrlvii} 
^rmipoi) \-apuTTei ~bv Tpiao7,3iov tvttov, 
Kai'XfjiJ-a Triaruv h> 7rv?Mi( uvaKTopuv . 
See Banduri I. f. 11.5, and Theod. Studit 
opp. ed. Sirmond. f 136. 

* This is made prominent by Theodore 
Studita in his Antirrheticus against the epi- 
grams of the iconoclasts. 



214 CONSTANTINE COPRONYMUS. 

the similar reverence showa to the symbol of the cross, against \Yhicb, 
however, nothing Avas directly said. The sign of the cross ought to 
have been abolished, so as not to afford a foothold for such supersti- 
tious customs. But in favor of the cross it might be said, that it was 
not, like the images, a work of art ; and the iconoclasts generally had 
not come to any clear and distinct consciousness of the principle which 
actuated them. As this could be developed only in conflict with a 
different direction of feeling, given them by education and tradition, 
many inward contradictions would still present themselves in their sen- 
tunents and conduct. 

Through a period of twelve yeai-s, the emperor Leo labored in vain 
to subdue a tendency of the religious spirit which was so deeply root- 
ed ; and after the death of Leo, a reaction, probablj^ from the same 
cause, arose, which resulted in important political consequences. His 
son, Constantino Copronymus, as zealous an iconoclast as his father, 
having succeeded him in the government in 741, advantage was taken 
of the hostihty of the people to tlie iconoclasts, by Artabasdus, the bro- 
ther-in-law of Copronymus, who obtained possession of the throne, and 
restored the worship of images. Constantme however succeeded in 
wresting the kingdom again out of his hands, and in 744 became 
once more master of the empire. He resolved utterly to exterminate 
the images and finish the work begun by his father. But the sad ex- 
periences of the early part of his reign had taught him the necessity 
of proceeding with slow and cautious steps, if he did not mean to ruin 
the whole project ; and besides, on his reaccession to the throne, other 
unfavorable circumstances occurred which coimselled him to prudence. 
An earthquake, a desolating pestilence took place, — calamities which 
agitated the popular mind, and which might easily be turned to ad- 
vantage by the image- worshippers, who had the people on their side. 
Moreover, the disturbances, wliich followed his first attempts against 
the images, taught liim afresh the necessity of more thorough mea- 
sures, to change the tone of popular feeling ; and after mature delib- 
eration with his counsellors, he concluded that the surest means for 
effecting his object would be to convoke a general council, which might 
take its place by the side of the older general councils, and lend a 
sacred authority forever to the principles of the iconoclasts. In the 
year 754, such a council was appointed, to assemble at Constantinople. 
It was composed of three hundred and thirty-eight bishops. Among 
these there were probably but few (and at the head of them stood 
Theodosius, bishop of Ephesus) , who, from well-grounded conviction, were 
zealous and decided iconoclasts. The rest were partly such as had 
been determined in their course by the influence of these first, and 
hence might afterwards easily be turned back again by influence of an- 
other sort ; and partly such as had ever been wont to attach themselves 
to the court-party. To the fanatical zeal of image-worship, this council 
opposed a no less fanatical hatred of images and of art. The disposi- 
tion of the image-worshippers to brand their opponents as heretics, not 
on the ground of the doctrines they avowed, but on the ground of 
their own inferences from those doctrines, was met by another, equallj 



REASONS ASSIGNED BY THE COUNCIL. • 215 

oa4, on the opposite side. With great injustice the council declap 
ed the image-worshipj^ers to be men who had sunk back again into the 
idohitry which Christianity had banished. The devil had covertly 
reintroduced idolatry under the outward form of Christianity ; had 
induced his servants to worship a creature designated by the name 
of Christ, as God ; and yet the friends of images had taken special 
pains to guard by careful distinctions against such accusations. In 
the next place, it was asserted, in the spirit of the Byzantine court 
which was ever confomiding spiritual things with political, that as Christ 
once sent forth liis Apostles, armed with the power of the Holy 
Ghost, to destroy all idolatry ; so at the present time, he had in- 
spired the emperor to come forth in emulation of the apostles, for the 
advancement and instruction of the church,' to destroy the works of 
the devil. While the image-worshippers accused their opponents of de- 
nying the reality of Christ's incarnation, in refusing to acknowledge 
the images of Christ ; so this council descended to accusations of a simi- 
lar character against the image-worshippers. If they believed they 
could make an image of Christ, then inasmuch as the divine essence 
was incapable of being represented under the Umited forms of sense, 
they must believe, that by the union of deity and humanity a change 
took place of both divine and human attributes, and that a tertiiim 
quid had resulted from this union, capable of being represented by 
art ; and thus they fell into Eutychianism, — or they must believe 
that the humanity had a self-subsistent existence of its ow^n, and in 
this respect was capable of being represented ; and thus they fell into 
Nestorianism. " What a grievous mistake of the wretched painter 
— exclaims the synod — to think of representing with his profane 
hand that which is believed with the heart, and of which confession 
is made by the mouth ! Th(;re is but one true image or symbol, even 
that which Christ himself made of his incarnation, when just before 
his passion, he appointed bread and wine to be the symbol of his 
body and blood. Here, consecration by the priest was the intermedi- 
ate instrument by which the earthly material of bread was raised to 
that higher dignity. This true smbol, instituted by Christ himself, 
answered to the natural body of Christ ; since, like the latter, it served 
as a bearer of the divine essence. (Thus it appears, that the bread 
and wine, interpenetrated by virtue of the consecration with the di- 
vine life flowing from Christ, became a channel for the communication 
of this life, and for the sanctification of those who partook of it.) 
On the contrary, the images, so-called, derived their origin neither 
from any tradition from Christ, from the apostles or from the fathers, 
nor were they consecrated by holy pi'ayer, so as to be transferred 
from a profane to a holy use ; but such an image still continued 
to be profane, continued to be what the painter made it, since notb 
ing had invested it with a higher dignity." 

But in the next place, uside from these reasons, which were urged 
exclusively against images of Christ, the images of saints and of the 

' ripof KaTapTiafjibv yuibv Kol didaaKaXlai; so say the bishops of the emperor ! 



216 . TESTIMONIES AGAINST IMAGES. 

virgin Mary were especially rejected, as having gro-sra out of paganism 
and as being altogether alien from Christianity. For as paganism was 
wanting in the hope of a resurrection, it had hit upon the fancy worthy 
3f itself, of attempting by a mockery of this sort to represent the absent 
as present.! Far should it be fi'om the Christian church to follow this 
invention of men who were under the guidance and actuation of evil 
spirits.^ Whoever undertook to represent the saints, dwelhng with 
God in eternity, by that dead and accursed art, foohshly invented by 
pagans, was guilty of blaspheming them. The art of the painter ia 
here described as an altogether pagan device ; and hence Christians 
must be forbidden to borrow, from what was so foreign from their 
faith, any testimony in favor of that faith ; just as Christ hunself re- 
fused the testimony of demons, commanding them to be silent. The 
worship of God in spirit and in truth is set over against the use of 
images ; as also what St. Paul says, 2 Cor. 5: 16, " Though we have 
known Christ after the flesh, yet now henceforth know we him no 
more," and what he says touching the opposition between faith and 
open vision, 1 Cor. xiii. Furthermore, extracts from the older fathers, 
expressing opposition to images, were read before the synod ; nor wo\ild 
genuine testimonies of this sort be wanting in Christian antiquity. At 
the same time, a great deal which is conceived wholly in the spirit and 
tone of the iconoclasts of this age, may have been either interpolated 
by them, or else falsified so as to answer their jrarpose. Such decep- 
tion to promote the honor of God and advance the truth, would on their 
principles be considered perfectly allowable.3 Accordingly, it was now 
settled, that every image of Avhatsoever material, produced by the 
wretched art of painting, should be banished from the Christian church.* 
No person henceforth should be allowed to follow so godless an art. 
Whoever for the future should presume to manufacture such an image, 
to Avorship it, to place it up, or conceal it, in a church or a private 
dwelhng, should, if an ecclesiastic, be deposed ; if a monk or layman, 
be expelled from the communion of the church and otherwise punished, 
accordmg to the imperial laws. 

The synod must no doubt have learned, that the zeal against the 
idolatrous worship of images had misled many to destroy such vessels 

' 'EA7ra5a yiip uvaaruaeug fiij tx^v (6 Nic. act. V. Harduin. IV. f. 300. So it was 

illTivLaiMoc) uiiov eavTov naiyvLov cvvea- said, also, that an interpolated letter of Ni- 

KOTTTiaev, ha tu /zt) TTupovTa ug nupovra 6ca lus was read before the council. A bishop 

r?/c x^i:vTig napaari/ay. says: ;/ ETnarolri avjii v uvoyvwa^naa, 

- AaifiovLucpopuv uvdpuv evprifia. Tvpur/v <paAaev&elaa u7rcj7,eGe Kal tTrXuvij- 

3 Many bishops, who had attended this asv r/fidg. act. IV. f. 187. Really the de- 

rouncil, and who referred back to it at the ception, as described at this council, mus^t 

second council of Nice, here declared, that have been gross enou-h , nor is it very dif- 

they had been deceived at the former, by ficult to belieye of such men, as these bish- 

passaoes from the older cliurch fathers, torn ops, that they might be guilty of a false- 

from their connection and falsely quoted, hood to justify their own conduct. 

It was puri^oselv contrived, they "said, that " 'A7ro/JA??rdv Elvai Kal ulloTpiav km i(i- 

the works of the" fathers thcmseives should 6e/Myfiev7]v iK rr/c ruv xp^^Tiavuy iKKArj- 

not be placed before them, but only isolated oiag Trdaav eUova e/c navToiag vTivc Kal 

extracts. The declaration of two of those xp"f^o-'^oypyiK?jg tuv ^uypdipuv kuk Texvtaf 

bishops : eKsl /3i/?A0f ova e<j>uvtj, u'/.?.u 6lu 7re7T0L7jfj.evT/v. 
i^Evdo-JZLTTaKLuv k^T/nuTuv Tifiug. Coucil. 



CONFESSION OF FAITII. 217 

and furniture of the churches as happened to be ornamented with fig- 
ures of religious objects, and for the same reason to attack the churches 
themselves ; or even that covetousness had done the same thing under 
similar pretexts. The s^aiod itself confesses, that such disorders had 
occurred J And it may therefore be believed — though coming as it 
does from the mouth of a zealous defender of image-worsliip it is the 
less deserving of credence,^ — that a certain bishop was accused before 
this ecclesiastical assembly of having trodden under foot a sacramental 
cup, because it was ornamented with figures of Christ and the virgin 
Mary. And it may undoubtedly be true, as the story relates, that the 
passionate proceeding of this bishop was pardoned on the score of his 
zeal for the honor of God ; while lus accusers were excommunicated 
from the church a,s defenders of idols .3 Such incidents would only 
contribute to place the iconoclasts in a still more hateful light before 
the people. It would therefore naturally be considered by the synod 
a matter of great importance to guard against such proceedings for the 
future. For this reason the council ordained, that no person should 
be allowed, without special permission from the patriarch or the em- 
peror, to make any alteration in church vessels, church hangings, etc. 
on the ground of their being ornamented with figures. 

Following the example of the older general councils, this council 
closed its proceedings Avith a more detailed confession of faith, contain 
ing a development of the orthodox doctrines hitherto received, with the 
correspondmg formulas of condemnation ; the doctrine concerning 
Christ's person being so constructed as that tho polemics against images 
of Christ might be immediately derived therefrom. Its import was as 
follows : Christ, in his glorified humanity, though not uncorporeal, was 
yet exalted above the Umits and defects of a sensuous nature ; too ex- 
alted therefore to be figured by human art, in an earthly material, af- 
ter the analogy of any other human body .4 We here discern the point 
of opposition between the views entertained by image-worshippers and 
by iconoclasts. The former considered the figures of Christ important 
as a practical confession of Christ's true humanity, and of the revelar 
tion of the divine hfe in the true human form — and the contrary 
seemed to them a denial of the incarnation of the Logos or of his true 
human nature. But the iconoclasts looked upon figures of Christ, 
wrought by the hand of man, as a degradation of the glorified Christ, 
a denial of his super-earthly exaltation. On this principle and from 
this point of view, the anathema was pronounced on those, who sought 
to express by sensible colors the divine form of the Logos in his incai 
nation, who did not, from the whole heart, with a spiritual eye, wor- 
ship him who outshining the splendor of the sun, sits on the throne of 
majesty at God's right hand. The anathema was also pronounced on 

' Concil. Nic. II. act. VI. f. 422. /cai?wf ' 'EKdiKTiral elSMuv. 
ToiavTU vno rivuv iiTUKTug (pepof^ivuv npo- * Ovkktl /j.ev adpKa, ovk uffufiarov de, ol( 

yiyovev. avrdg olds ?L6yoig •^eoeiiharfpov au/iuTOC, 

* The story is in the Life of St. Stephen, Iva koI 6(/)i>{/ vtto tCiv eKKcvrriauvTuv km 

tn the Analecta Graeca publislied by the iieivri i*i(V e^u TvaxvTTjToc. Concil. Nic. II 

Maurinians (T. I. p. 480) act. VI. Harduin. IV. f. 42-3. 



218 CHAKGES BROUGHT AGAINST THE ICONOCLASTS. 

all who delineated in colors dumb and lifeless images of the saints 
which could serve no profitable end ; instead of striving rather to pro- 
duce living pictures of them by imitating the virtues exhibited in the 
story of their lives. It is, at the same time, to be observed, that the 
council thought fit to pronounce the anathema also on those, who re- 
fused to acknowledge the virgin Mury as the mother of God, exalted 
above the whole visible and invisible creation, and to seek her interces- 
sion with sincere faith ; as also upon those who refused to acknowledge 
the dignity of the saints, and implore their intercession. From this 
fact alone we might conclude that the party of the iconoclasts must 
have had some special reason, in the circumstances of the times, for 
introducing such articles into their creed ; and we might be led to 
conjecture that they had been accused by their antagonists of denying 
the homage due to Mary and the saints. But actual proofs are also 
to be found, that such charges against the iconoclasts were circulated 
among the image-worsliippers. Of the emperor Constantino, for exam- 
ple, it is related, that to bring the worship of Mary into discredit, he 
once held out a purse of money, and asked how much is it worth ? 
Being answered, that it must be of great value, he poured out the con- 
tents and holding it up again, repeated the question. The answer was 
now the reverse, and he said : Just so is it with the worth of Mary be- 
fore and after the birth of Jesus ; she now possesses nothing to distin- 
guish her above other women.i He is said to have rejected the prac- 
tice of invoking the intercession of Mary and the saints. ^ ^ He is also 
said to have disapproved the practice of calling a man a saint ; and to 
have treated the relics of saints with contempt. It is reported of the 
iconoclasts generally, that avoiding the phrase in common use : " We 
are going to this or that saint," viz. his church, they preferred to say : 
" We are going to Theodore, or to this or that Martyr or Apostle. "3 
Such reports cannot, indeed, be received with much confidence ; for 
the image-worshippers were very ready to set any story afloat wliich 
might serve to fix on their opponents the stigma of heresy ;^ but at 

' See, besides the Byzantine historians, T. I. f. 613) who probably wrote in Con- 

the Life of St. Nicetas, in the appendix to stantine's own time, says of liim, that he 

the first volume of the month of April, in fought against the worship of Mary, of the 

the Actis Sanctorum of the Bollandists, martyrs and the saints, and affirmed the 

1 28. martyrs had benefited none by their sufter- 

2 Constantine at least gave occasion for ings 'but themselves. This author indeed 

the remark, that he was not accustomed to considered it necessary to defend against 

begin or conclude his addresses in the usual hi.s remarks, the honor and dignity of the 

manner, with an invocation to jMarv and saints. c i • . 

thesaints,— and this made the cliarge ap- ' See the Life of St. Stephen m the 

pear credible. Tlie monk Tlieosterictos, a Analecta, pag. 481. Ovxi ii^ Travruvuyicov, 

scholar of Nicetas, says in his account of ^iKaiuv, anoaroAuv kol ftaprvpuv to uyiov 

ids life, that he had read thirteen addresses Vfieig ktETroifiaare Kal i6oyp.a-iaa-e leyov 

of tlie emperor, in which this introduction rrf : nov nopevg ; f/f -oik um--o?.ovg. 

i)r this conclusion was wanting. See this Uo^ev tikblc ; kk tCjv reaoapuKovTa /xapTv- 

Life in the Actis Sanct. Montli Ainil, Vol. I. puv. Rov 6e aal eic ; tk 'ov fxaprvpa Bed- 

ai)pendix, f 28. § 29. avrd^ h/u uviyvuv dcjpnv. 

TpcanalchKa Xoyideia, uTvep KapiSwnev tclIq * One of these, indeed, involves a contra" 

"ivalv i:i3do/iu6aic, TTprajidav fifj fxwra. diction, viz. when it is said (in Nicetas' ac 

Even the 'author of the violent tirades count of his life), that Constantine was wiU- 

against tliis emperor and against the icono- ing to call Mary the '&eoT6Kog, but not the 

blasts (in the opp. Johannis Damascene. Holy. 



EXECUTION OF THE DECREES OF THE COUNCIL. 219 

least, the spirit wliich gave birth to this controversy against images, 
the deeper principle at the bottom of the Avhole movement, would, in 
its negative tendency, lead on to further results. 

At this council, Constantino, a monk, and bishop of Syleum in 
Phrygia, was consecrated patriarch of Constantinople ; an elevation 
for which he was no doubt indebted to the zeal he had manifested 
against image-worship. The emperor himself presented him to the 
people, and, at the same time, published the decrees of the council 
pronouncing the anathema against all worshippers of images. He was 
now determined to enforce universal obedience to the decisions of the 
council. In every place, images were not only to be taken down, and 
every one who concealed them at home or distributed them about 
secretly, brought to punishment, as a transgressor of the imperial laws ; 
but all figures of religious objects were to be removed from the eccle- 
siastical books,^ and walls of churches embellished with pictures were 
to be washed over with paint. Governors of provinces and other offi- 
cial dignitaries courted the emperor's favor b}'' exhibiting their zeal 
against images. Thus many a series of paintings, decorating the 
walls of churches, and representing the story of Christ, from his birth 
to his ascension and the effusion of the Holy Spirit, were destroyed. 
As a substitute for these, it Avas deemed better to paint the church 
walls with fruit-trees, animals, and the sports of the chase.^ Neverthe- 
less, vast numbers, especially of the female sex, could not be deprived 
of these treasures ; but secretly transmitted them as precious legacies 
and indispensable helps to devotion in their families ; and to objects 
thus secretly preserved, and preserved only at the greatest hazard, 
the attachment became so much the stronger.^ 

The decrees of this self-styled general council were subscribed, it is 
true, by the majority of the bishops ; but in return, a more violent re- 
sistance was experienced by the emperor from a class of men who 
possessed great power through their influence on the populace, namely, 
the monks ; many of whom were reverenced as saints. At the head 

'Leo, bishop of Phocica (^uKia), re- prison on account of his zeal for the images 
marked at the second council of Nice, that at Constantinople, the wife of the keeper, 
in the city where he resided, above three who honored him as a martyr, came to him 
hundred hooks had been burned on account secretly, and be(^,<;ed to be allowed the priv- 
of im:i{;es Demetrius, a deacon at Con- ilege of waiting upon him and of furnishing 
stantinople, declared, that when the over- him with food. The monk would not con- 
sight of the furniture of the church was sent, supposing that she belonged to the 
<'onimittcd to him, (as GKEvoipvAa^) he party of the iconoclasts. But the woman 
found, from the church inventory, that two declared she was ready to convince him of 
books with silvered images were missing ; the contrary to his own eyes, if he would 
and on in(|uiry he ascertained that they had but conceal it from her husl)and and the 
been l)ui'ncil by the iconoclasts. A:t. Con- oflier keepers. She then brought from her 
cil Nic. II. Act. V. llarduin. IV. f 310. chamber a casket locked, in which wa.s 

'' Sec the Life of Stei)hen. 1. c. p. 446. The concealed an image of the virgin Mary 

author of this biography says of the altera- holding the child Jesus, and images of Pe- 

tion made by the em])eror in a church of ter and of Paul ; prostrating herself before 

the virgin Mary at Constantinople, which these, and performing her devotions, she 

contained that series of pictures : 'Otoi/m- then gave them up to Ste])hen, that he 

<pv2,aKtoi> /<a! opi'soaKo-elov ri/v tnK/.rjaiav miglit pray before them, and in so doing 

inoiiiatv. 1. c. 454. remember her. Sec the above mentioned 

' When the monk Stejjhen. of whom we I/ife, p. 50.'5. The same thini: might be dnn» 

shall say more hereafter, was thrown in by many pious and devout women. 



220 STEPHEN AT THE HEAD OF THE RECUSANT MONKS. 

0^ these stood monk Stephanas, who dwelt in the famous grotto of 
Auxeutius, on a lofty mountain near the Bithynian sea-shore. Other 
monks flocked to him in great numbers, whom he inflamed with his 
own zeal, or, if they felt themselves unequal to the trial, advised to 
take refuge in those districts of the East and West, where they would 
escape the reach of the emperor's arm. Constantino endeavored, at 
first, by marks of favor and distinction, to induce Stephanus to sub- 
scribe the decrees of the council ; thinking it important to secure the 
authority of a person so generally respected, on accoixnt of the in- 
fluence it would have on other monks, and on the people at large. 
With this design he despatched to him a person of high rank, with a 
present of dried figs, dates, and other fruits, on which the monks were 
used to subsist ; but Stephanus declared, he could not be bought to 
deny his faith ; that he was ready to die for the image of Christ ; 
that he never would accept of a present from heretics.^ It was of no 
avail to banish the monks, or to imprison them ; they -would not give 
up ; they unanimously persisted in their opposition to the iconoclasts, 
and industriously cii'culated the stories of wonderful cures wrought by 
images. It was necessary to compel them to obedience by violence ; 
and the most cruel tortures were employed. Such as refused to sub- 
scribe the decrees of the synod were pubhcly scourged without mercy ; 
were deprived of their noses, ears, or hands, or had their eyes bored 
out. Three hundred and forty-two monks, collected from difierent 
districts and thrown together in one prison in Constantinople, were tor- 
tured in this manner. 2 It is true, the' insulting language in which the 
monks spoke of the emperor, as a renegade from the faith, afibrded at 
least some pretext for punishing them, not on the score of their reli- 
gious opinions, but as guilty of disloyalty, as in the instance of the 
venerated monk Andrew, surnamed, from the grotto in which he usu- 
ally hved, the Cali/bite, who died under the lash, because he had called 
Constantino a second Julian, or Valens.^ The famous monk Stepha- 
nus, when summoned before the emperor, drawing a piece of coin from 
his cowl, said. What punishment must I sufier, should I trample this 
coin, which bears the emperor's image, under my feet ? Judge from 
it, what punishment he deserves who insults Christ and his mother, in 
their images. So saying, he threw down the money and trod it under 
foot ; upon which the emperor ordered him to be imprisoned for daring 
10 msult the imperial image."* 

No doubt the example of venerated monks, suffering every evil for 
the sake of their opinions, which they maintained with unbending firm- 
ness, must have operated more powerfully on the people, than the in- 
fluence of the multitude of worldly-minded bishops, with whom it was 
but too evident the interests of rehgion went for nothhig, since they 
were only trimming their sails to the court breeze. A contemporary 
writer, who composed a discourse in defence of image-worship, givea 
us a picture of these bishops, which seems to have been drawn from 



^ See the account of the Life of Stephen, ^ See Theophanes Chronograph, f. 28ft 
457. •■• The Life of Stephen, p. 499. 

2 See the Life of Stephen, p. 500. 



constantine's zeal against monachism. 22] 

the life.' In replying to the objection, that images ought not to be 
tolerated, because such idolatrous use was now made of them by the pop- 
ulace, he says : " If such errors prevail among the people, it is the 
fault of the clergy, who exist for nothing else but to instruct the 
i,gnorant how they ought to believe and to perform their devotions. 
But the bishops of these times care for nothing but liorses, flocks of 
sheep, and fields ; how they may get the most for their gi'ain, their 
wine, their oil, wool, and silk. They neglect their people, or do 
more for their bodies than for their souls." Such bishops were 
but poorly calculated to work a change in men's religious convictions. 
But the emperor Constantino might easily be hurried, by the pecu- 
har bent of mind which engaged him in this controversy againsi 
images, to carry his opposition against the prevailing views to an 
extreme. He looked upon the monks as the chief promoters of 
idolatry, of obscuration — for he styled them children of darkness.^ 
He would have been glad to see the whole race of monks extermi- 
nated at a blow .3 But as martyrdom only served to increase the 
veneration for them among the people, he would have been still more 
pleased if by any device, however low, he could make them appear 
ridiculous to the multitude.^ Nothing so excited his indignation, 
as to see men and women of rank embracing the monastic life ; 
and as these, as well as the persons who influenced them, exposed 
themselves to violent persecutions, so nothing gave him greater plear 
sure than to succeed in prevailing upon monks to return to the world. 
Such persons might safely calculate on being raised to some lucrative 
or honorable post, — and to exchange the monkish cowl for secular 
apparel, was to exchange darkness for hght.s The same reUgious 
turn of hfe, which was promoted by the extravagant veneration of 
rehcs, by the stories of miracles they had performed, and by the 
superstition which expected help from them, the same it was that 
inspired also the zeal for image-worsliip. It was, therefore, wholly in 
accordance with the other proceedings, that, inasmuch as the popular 
devotion was strongly directed to the rehcs of St. Euphemia, which 
were shown to the people as having miraculously distilled balsam, 
Constantino should order the casket which contained them to be 
thrown into the sea.e But indeed the popular faith in the pretended 
miracle was too deeply rooted, to be destroyed by such violent mea- 
sm'es. The people were now assured that the emperor had made way 
vrith the reUcs on purpose to destroy such irrefragable miraculous tes- 
timony to the power of the saints and the lawfulness of their worship. 



' Orat. adv. Constantin. Cabalin. in the * As one of them expressed himself, n 

works of John of Damascus, I. f. 022. certain Stephen (not the saint), whom the 

* 'ZKOTiai; i-vd'ofiara, aKOTEv6vTov(;. emperor prevailed ujion to make this 
'He called the monks, people whom chanj,'e, and whom he afterwards appoint- 

nobody ought to remember, tov( u/xvri/xo- ed to a place at his court: arj/icpov, 6ea- 

vevTov(. nora, tov aarav kov (j>upayyog diii aov 

* Thus he compelled certain monks to u(fup-ax,'&ei^ to (pjc h>6e6vfiai. The Life of 
appear in the circus, with a woman in Stephen, p. 486. 

their arms, to excite the ridicule of the * Theophanes, p. 294. 
people. Theojihan. f. 293. 



222 FALL OF THE PATRIARCH CONSTANTINE. 

Afterwards, it was pretended to be revealed in a \ision, that the relica 
had come ashore ou the island of Lemnos. 

As image- worship agreed with the prevailing character of the devo- 
tion of this age, so it was generally the case that the more pious 
class were zealous image-worshippers. Hence the emperor would 
not he disposed to favor such as wei-e given to pietv, according to its 
usual form in this period. Now, although hut little reliance can be 
placed on the reports of men, who were interested in representing 
the emperor, whom they hated, as a heretic, especially when they 
bear such evident marks of exaggeration, yet perhaps there was 
some foundation for the story, that if a man stumbled, or received a 
sudden blow, and, as is usual in such cases, cried out " Help, mother 
of God ;" if a man joined in the observance of vigils at church, or 
frequented the public service on week days, he was punished as the 
emperor's enemy, and reckoned by him among the friends of dark- 
ness.' Opposed as Constantine was to the prevailing sensuous ten- 
dency of the religious spirit, and feehng a repugnance to everything 
that bordered upon idolatry, it was in character with his whole bent 
of mind, that he should find something offensive in the designation of 
Mary as Mother of God. Nevertheless, he was well aware of the 
danger to which he would expose himself, if he should seem to be 
injuring, on this side, the interests of the true faith, and derogating 
from the honor due to the virgin ; and hence he ventured no further 
than slightly to hint his wishes. In a confidential interview with the 
patriarch Constantine, he asked him, perhaps -without any distinct 
knowledge of the Nestorian controversy, what would be the harm of 
calling Mary Mother of Christ, instead of Mother of God ? But 
the patriarch, embracing him, said, " God forbid, sire, that thou 
shouldst harbor such thoughts as these. Dost thou not see how 
Nestorius is condemned by the whole church ?" The emperor fell 
back at once, observing that he had asked the question simply for 
the sake of information, and bidding the patriarch never to mention 
it.2 But the patriarch was not so reserved. From imprudence, or 
motives of personal ill-will, he informed others of Avhat the emperor 
had said ; and this probably was the first cause of the disgrace into 
which he soon fell with that monarch, which was followed by a series 
of humihations and sufferings, terminating only by his death on the 
scafibld. For the rest, we may gather from this incident, with what 
a wary eye the emperor watched the public opinion respecting his 
orthodoxy ; and we may conclude, that even though he was inchned 
to think and speak of the saints and of the virgin Mary as was 
reported of him, yet he would be carefully on his guard against 
allowing such expressions to get wind. Nor would it be wonderful, 
supposing some such remark of the emperor about the virgin Mary 
once got abroad, if, by passing from mouth to mouth, it became consi- 
derably magnified. 

Thus by a course of despotism, consistently carried o.it, during a 

' Thcophancs, p. 296. * Theoph. f. 291 



LEO AND IRENE. 223 

reign of more than thirty years (do\ra to A. D. 775), Ccmstantine 
flattered himself that he had struck the final blow to image--worship. 
Every citizen of Constantinople had been placed under oath never 
again to worship an image.' 

Under this long reign there had risen up, it is true, a new genera- 
tion, of whom a part, at least, had never seen an image, but had 
been nurtured in principles hostile to images. Yet by all his violent 
proceedings, the emperor could not hinder image-worship from being 
secretly propagated in a multitude of families ; and that reUgioua 
bent of mind, which could not be revolutionized at once by outward 
appliances, furnished an ever-present foothold for the return of tliia 
practice ; and nothing was needed but a favorable change ha the 
government, to enable the party (which still had many adherents 
among the people, of all ranks excepting the army, but who were 
only kept back by the persecutions) to come forth, with greater zeal 
than dver, from their concealment. The way was prepared for this, 
under the very eye of the emperor, whose nod was law. His son 
Leo had married an Athenian lady, Irene, — from a family ardently 
devoted to image-worship. Wanting herself the essential temper of 
Christianity, she was the more inclined to set the essence of rehgion 
in externals. Superstition could at once pacify her conscience, and 
afford a prop to her immorahties. Yet Constantine, in giving her as a 
wife to his son, had endeavored to secure himself on this side, b}' 
making Irene swear that she would renounce images.^ No oath, 
however, could bind Irene, hi a case where she beheved the honor of 
God was concerned, and she might regard even perjury as a pardona- 
ble crime, when committed for so holy an end. 

The emperor Leo, who succeeded to the throne in 775, was firmly 
attached, it is true, to the same principles with his father ; but he 
possessed neither the energy, nor the despotic sternness, of the 
latter, being in truth of a milder temperament. The cunning and 
ambitious Irene contrived already to accomphsh much which served 
to prepare the way for a revolution, without attractmg the emperor's 
notice. The monks Avho, under the precedmg reign, were obUged to 
conceal themselves, could again come forth from their hiding-places. 
Those of them who were honored as saints, and who had not been 
seen for a long series of years in Constantinople, where m general 
the monastic hfe had almost wholly disappeared, ventured once more 
to show themselves m pubhc ;^ and, with a proportionate joy and en- 

' Theophanes, f. 292. According to this future page), that the bishops, at least, were 

ftccount, tlie emporur had rei^uired a siiui- everywhert obliged to talie this oath, 
lar oath to be taken also in other parts of '^ According to the report of Cedreniu, 

the empire. In the Life of IStejjhanus (f the emperor Leo afterwards, on discover 

443, 44), the writer seems to speak of ing Irene's true way of thinking an . acting 

Constantinople only. I'erhaps it was mere on this point, reminded her of the ( itii she 

exaggeration, that they were obliged also liad taken. 

to swear that they would have no fellow- •• Probably, to judge from the oiiler of 

sliip with monks, nor even salute them, the events, here belongs what Theodoras 

but call every monk an obscurer. It seems Studita says iu his life of the abbot I'lato, 

as if it might be gathered from the Acts concerning tlie reappearance of the venc- 

of the second council of Nice (see on a rated monks at Constantinople: ufjn ur- 



224 DEATH OF LEO. IRENE EMPRESS-REGENT. 

thusiasm, they were received into the famiUes, where their memory 
had been cherished as of persons to be venerated, or where their 
ancient friends still lived. The more pious gathered romid them, 
and thej began once more to exercise an important influence. This 
influence served, mdeed, to kindle a zeal for the sensuous forms of 
devotion, as well as for image-worship ; but what Avas better, it served 
also to excite a new zeal for active Christianity, to restore its quiet 
practice, which had been disturbed, and to brmg entire families from 
the ways of vice to a Christian life and conversation.' The empress 
so contrived it, also, that many of the monks were promoted to the 
more considerable bishoprics. They were, probably, fast friends to 
image-worship, but doubtless yielded, for the present, in the way of 
accommodation to circumstances (olnovoula)^ so as to have it in their 
power afterwards to do more for the sacred cause. The emperor 
already began to be regarded as a friend of Mary and of the monks ; 
and it was expected — since one was connected with the other — 
that he would come out also as a friend of images ; — but this hope 
was disappointed. The empress Irene had combined with several 
of the chamberlains, and other persons of the court, to bring about 
the restoration of images ; and at court image-worship was already 
practised, without the knowledge of the emperor. But by discover- 
ing two images concealed under the pillow of the empress, he came 
upon the track of the whole design.^ The members of tliis combina- 
tion of image-worshippers were seized, scourged, exposed to pubUc 
disgrace, and imprisoned. But Leo having died early in the year 
780, could take no precautionary measures against the course which 
might be pursued in the future by his surviving partner ; or perhaps 
he had been lulled into security by the false pretensions of the cmining 
Irene. 

Irene having assumed the government, in behalf of her minor son 
Constantino, resolved to do everything in her power for the restora- 
tion of image-worship ; but political considerations induced her to 
proceed with caution, so as not to ruin the whole cause ; for under 
the preceding reigns, not only had the episcopal chairs been filled by 
such alone as adopted the decrees of the iconoclastic council of Con- 
stantinople, many of whom were zealous opponents of unage-worship, 
but what was a greater difficulty — since the majority of the bishops 
of the Greek church were ever wont to follow obsequiously the direc- 
tion of the court — the army was, for the most part, strongly devoted 
to the principles of their successful general, Constantino Copronymus; 
and the empress had to fear, therefore, the resistance of an armed 
force. On this account, it was necessary to j)repare the way by 
cunning, for the execution of her designs. In the same proportion 

KEp TivCiv (puoTi'ipuv kiTL^aLvonh'uv novae- ^ This is mentioned by Cedrenus as oc- 

Tuv Tolg £v uarsi. !See Acta Sauct. Mens, curring in the tifth year of Leo's leign ; 

April T. I. Append, f. 49. § 17. Stephanas relates only tlie punishment of 

'See the abovementioned Life, § 18: those connected with the court, on account 

i<j>' ov l:Tt£di/fii/aev tolq kv uctel, bXovq of their worship of images. 
olnovg iitnv-'Aaatv nai jUTtdToixEii^oev eiq 
\iiov ivupETOv 



FAVORS MONACHISM. 226 

is monachism had been despised under Constantine Copronymus, it 
was now honored. The monks obtained the most important offices of 
tlie church. In dii-ect contrast A\ith the reign cf Constantine — the 
way was now open for all, even those of the highest ranks, to become 
monks ; and such as exchanged the splendor of the world for the 
monastic life, were held in especial esteem. The empress was, doubt- 
less, by natural disposition and independent of all outward auns, by 
virtue of her peculiar religious turn, a warm friend of the monks. 
She placed the greatest reliance on their intercessions and their bless- 
ings ; and the monks confirmed her in these feelings, her zeal for the 
honor of the images leading them to overlook her many vicious quali- 
ties. Yet, at the same time, it Avas certainly her intention to employ 
the monks, as the most zealous and influential agents she could 
choose, for promoting the image-worship ; nor did she calculate 
wrongly. !She would no-\v be anxious, also, to have a patriarch at 
Constantinople who would fall in with her own \dews, and whom she 
could use as an instrument for accomphshing her designs. But she 
was either too timorous or too cunning, to follow the method usually 
pursued, by remonng at once the patriarch Paulus, who had thus far 
attached himself to the party of the iconoclasts, and substituting 
another, of the opposite opinion, in his place ; for by so doing, she 
would give to the still important party of the iconoclasts a head ; 
while the patriarch, substituted in his pface, would appear to many no 
better than an interloper. Circumstances, which she cunningly took 
advantage of, came opportunely to hei" aid, so that she was enabled to 
avoid all these evil consequences. 

Paulus, ^vho was then patriarch of Constantinople, induced by a se- 
vere tit of sickness, retired, in the year 784, from the palace of the 
patriarchate to a monastery. The empress complained of this step, 
and demanded the reasons which had led him to think of renouncing 
the patriarchal dignity. He said he could find no peace for his con- 
science, since he had^denied the truth ; that through the fear of man 
alone he had ceased testitying for the miiversal tradition of the 
church, vaUd, in all times, against the heresy of the iconoclasts ; that 
he had retired to a monastery for the purpose of doing penance ; and 
he urgently entreated the empress to nominate in his place an orthodox 
man, who, it might be hoped, would find means of reconciling the 
church of the imperial city with the other head churches, from which 
it had been severed by the prevailing heretical tendency, and of 
secm-mg the victory once more on the side of truth ; and he recom- 
mended, as his successor, Tarasius the first secretary of state. ' As 
this event gave the first decisive impulse to all that was done from 
that moment for the restoration of image-worship ; as the event was 
appealed to with great earnestness, and as if from a preconcerted un- 
derstanding ; and pains were taken to spread the story far and wide : 

' The accounts in Tlieophancs, Cedrc- and in the imperial Sacra addressed to t le 
iius, in the life of Tarasius by Ignatius c. I. bishops of the second council of Nico 
in tlie Actis banct. published in the Latin Harduin. Coneil. IV. f 3«. 
iranslation Mens. Fcbruar. T. III. f. .^77, 
VOL. iir. 15 



226 POSSIBLE KEASONS FOR HIS ABDICATIOX. 

a suspicion is naturally awakened, that the whole thing had been con 
trived by the empress and her advisers, for the purpose of operating 
on the minds of the multitude, and of preparuig the way for the 
succeeding steps. But however disposed we might be to conjecture 
that the empress had hinted to the patriarch, it would be better for 
him, under the pretence of sickness, to retire to a monastery, and by 
this voluntary abdication, avoid the harder fate of being deposed ; 
such a conjecture is met by the fact, that the death of Paulus, which 
occurred soon afterwards, renders his previous sickness probable. It 
must be taken, then, as the substantial truth, that the patiiarch was 
really mduced by sickness to retire to his monastery ; a step indeed, 
which must appear altogether natural, when viewed in connection with 
the pecuhar turn of Christian life and manners that prevailed in the 
Greek church. We may accordingly look upon the transaction in the 
following hght — tliis vohmtary step of the patriarch Paulus was laid 
hold of by the empress, and the case represented, as if the patriarch had 
retired from compunctions of remorse on accomit of his previous denial 
of the truth. But it may also be supposed that the same reflections, 
which awakened by his sickness led him to retire to the convent, 
might awaken in him remorse for the course he had pursued with re- 
gard to images. This, in a weak man, would be extremely natural ; 
especially if we consider, that lie had been trained up to the worship 
of images, and had yielded in the preceding reign, to the dominant 
tendency, merely through feebleness of character ;' that the new spirit 
of image-worship which, through the influence of the court and of 
the monks, began once more to be powerful, had its effect on his 
mind ; and that to all this was added the impression that his end 
was near. From the feeble character of this individual, we may 
also account for it, that though equal liberty had for several years, 
been gi-anted to both parties, he had nevertheless hesitated to decide 



b'^ 



before in favor of image-worsliip, and to use the authority of his patri- 
archal rank for its restoration. The truth was, perhaps, that he 
stood in too much fear of the still powerful party of the iconoclasts, 
supported as they were by the imperial body-guard. But if he really 
was the the first to recommend the emperor's secretary Tarasius as 
a suitable person to succeed him, he did so, no doubt, in conformity 
with a plan concerted by the court ; — or else this recommendation 
of Tarasius by the expiring patriarch was merely a story, invented 
for the purpose of first drawing the attention of the people to a man 
so far removed by his position from the spiritual order, and of palliat- 
ing the irregularity of his choice. Such irregularity was indeed by 
no°means a singular occurrence in the Byzantine empire, where sud- 
den transfers from high civil posts to the service of the church might 
often be witnessed. But still, in the present case, where a man had 

' This is confirmed by a fact which was forced to accept it against his will. 

Theophancs reports, viz. that in the reign But it may be, that Paul's later conduct 

of the emperor Leo he had struggled first induced him to give this shape to the 

against accepting the patriarchate, because story, in order to palliate liis earlier be- 

of the tendency, then prevailing at Con- havior. 
stantiiiople, to oppose images, and that he 



TARASIUS THE NEW PATRIARCH. 227 

been selected as the fit instrument for achieving a sacred work, it 
would doubtless seem to stand in need of some palliation. ^ It was 
certainly a concerted plan, that Tarasius, when offered the patriarch- 
al dignity, should decline accepting it ; that he should need to be 
urged, and should be called upon to state his objections publicly, be- 
fore the assembled people. He said that, in the first place, he feared 
to pass directly from business altogether secular, with unwashen 
hands, into the sanctuary. But in tjiis, he felt bound to submit to 
the divine call, as made known to him through the will of the queen 
regent. His greatest fear, however, and a difficulty which seemed to 
him insurmountable, was, that he must preside over a church, anath- 
ematized as heretical by all the other head churches of the Avorld. 
He could not undertake to bear the burden of such a condemnation, 
the conse(j[uences of which he proceeded to set forth in such lan- 
guage as was calculated to make a deep impression on the minds of 
his ^udience. For these reasons, then, he declared, that he could 
not,' with a good conscience, accept the office ; unless it were upon 
the condition that all would unite Avith him in a petition to the queen 
regent, that she would take the proper measures for restoring union 
with the other head churches, and for convening, with their concur- 
rence, an ecumenical council, by which the unity of doctrine might 
everywhere be reestablished. His address was received by the mul- 
titude with marks of approbation ; yet many who plainly saw the de- 
sign lying at the bottom of the whole affair, and who no doubt were 
attached to the party of the iconoclasts, declared, that there was no 
need of a new council.^ But Tarasius took up the matter again, re 
marking, that it had been an emperor, Leo, who banished the images 
from the chvirches, and the council of Constantmople had fomid the 
images already banished ; the matter therefore was still sub lite, since 
the ancient tradition had been arbitrarily attacked. And so it was 
settled, that a general council should, with the concurrence of the 
other patriarchal churches, be convened. 

Accordingly a correspondence was once more set on foot, first with 
pope Hadrian I, who was invited to send delegates to a church-assem- 
bly, to meet at Constantinople. Hadrian declared himself satisfied with 
the orthodoxy professed by Tarasius, and with the zeal he manifested 
for the restoration of image-worship ; but it was only out of regard to 
this, and to the present emergency, that he was willing to overlook the 
irregularity in the election of one, who had been elevated with so Uttle 
preparation to the highest spiritual dignity. He sent two delegates to 
Constantinople, who were to act as his representatives at the council. 
It was now desired, that the synod should be held not merely under 
the presidency of the two first patriarchs, but, that nothing might be 

'It is sintriilar, at the same time tliat it subject of a wortliy patriarch, Tarasius 

confii-ms what is said above, that in the was unanimously selected. 

Sucra addressed to the second council of "^ See Vit. Taras. e. Ill, and ;he address 

Nice, this recommendation of Tarasius is of Tarasius, in the acts of .he second 

not mentioned ; but it is simjjly said, that council of Nice, Harduin. IV. f. 26. In 

bj all experienced men in the atiairs of the latter passage, it is said : rtveg (5e d?uyot 

the church who had been consulted on the tuv iKppdvuv uve/iuXXovTo. 



228 OBSTACLES IN THE WAY. 

wanting, which could be reckoned among the marks of an ecumenical 
council, and that it might stand with decided prominence above the 
council of the iconoclasts — it Avas determined that all the five pa- 
triarchs should take a share in the presidency. Yet although it 
happened at the present time, by peculiar 'circumstances, that the or- 
thodox Melchitite, and not the Monophysite party, had succeeded in 
elevating a man of their own number to the patriarchate of Alexan- 
dria,' and that there was therefore no difficulty in the way so far as 
this was concerned, nevertheless a great difficulty still remained, aris- 
ing from the domination of the Saracens in Egypt and Syria, who 
for political reasons, were not accustomed to allow of any negotiations 
betwixt the churches within their dominions, and those of the Roman 
empire. The patriarch Tarasius did indeed, send delegates with let- 
ters, to the three other patriarchs ; but these delegates met on their 
journey a company of monks who informed them, that under existing 
circumstances the object they had in view could not possibly be accom- 
plished. If they were determined to proceed onward, they would 
not only involve themselves in the greatest pei'ils without effecting 
their purpose, but by exciting the suspicions of the Saracens, might 
bring down the heaviest calamities upon the already severely oppress- 
ed Christian communities in these districts.^ Since, then, they found 
it impossible to accomplish the object for which they were sent, they 
were obliged to content themselves with the best substitute for it 
which the circumstances would allow. The monks chose two of their 
own number, John and Thomas, whom they represented as being 
syncelli of the patriarchs, and as possessing an exact knowledge of 
the prevailing doctrines in the orthodox churches of Syria and Egypt ; 
and these — with the little authority they possessed — were made to pre- 
sent themselves before the council as plenipotentiaries and represen- 
tatives of the three patriarchs, so as to give it the false appearance 
of having been held with the concurrence of all the five patriarchs.^ 

' Comp. Walch's Geschichte u. s. w. He states in the next place, certainly with- 

Theil 10, S. 516. out truth, that even the papal delegates 

" See the writino: of these monks, which had come to Constantinople on other bu- 

gives an account of the whole matter, and siness, and not on account of the synod, 

is wrongly cited in Harduin. IV. f. 137, and that they were compelled in spite of 

as a writing of the patriarch. the instructions they had received, to stand 

3 It is remarkable that Theodore Studi- as plenipotentiaries and representatives of 

la, with whom the autliority of this coun- the pope. For this reason, on their return 

oil would stand high, inasmuch as they home, they were deprived by the pope of 

reintroduced imag-e-worship. and who their spiritual offices. He then proceeds 

sometimes speaks of it as an ecumenical to say of the other patriarchs -.oi 6' a}Joi 

council, .still intimates, that it did not strict- in fihv uvaroA/}*;. u?JJ v-o tuv ivrav'&a 

ly deserve the title ecumenical, and lays TrporpaTrevrec Kal i?.x"^evT£g, ovx" vt^o tC>v 

open the whole trick in the case of the so Trarpiapxotv uivoaTalevTe^, on (iTjdi hoij- 

called representatives of the three patri- cav. Pi vrrrtpov, i^iu. to tov e-&vov^ Sioc ^tj- 

archs — the object of wliich he rightly ex- Tiovon (fear of the Saracens j rovro Si f-- 

plains as having been to command that olnvv ol tuTav-&a, Iva rov alpETi^ovra law 

respect from the peoiilo brought ujj in the fiuX^ov Trslaucnv op'&oSo^elv ek tov o'tKov/ie- 

principles of the iconoclasts which would viKr/v i^i/^ev u^poia&r/vai avVodov. He 

be due to the authority of an ecumenical states, that this council is considered in the 

council. He says (1. 1. ep. 38) : ov6h yap Koman church merely as aavvo^oc tokikti. 

01 KEKa&iKOTeq uvTinpoauTzoi (thtir repre- To be sure, the more rigid Theodore had 

■<entatives) tCiv uXkuv ivaTpiapxi^i', tpevdii. reason to be dissatisfied with this chtircb 



> 



OPENING OF THE COUNCIL IN 786 Al CONSTANTINOPLE. 221' 

In the year 786 this church-assemblj was c.pened at Constantinople. 
The plan, however, had not been well concerted. The majority of the 
bishops, having been created partly in the time of Leo, and partly in 
that of his successor Constanthie, still maintained their hostihty to 
images, and among them were many zealous opponents, many from 
famiUcs that had long since banished images from their households, so 
that, from childhood, they had been accustomed to abominate them as 
idols. 1 But still, owing to the servile spirit then reigning m the 
Greek church, they would not have ventured upon so stout a resist- 
ance to the will of the court, unless they had counted upon a powerful 
support from the army, and especially from the imperial body-guard 
who cherished along with the lively remembrance of Constantine Copro- 
nymus, a steady attachment to his principles. These bishops, with 
whom many of the laity^ were associated, 3 held secret meetings pre- 
vious to the opening of the council, for the purpose of devising mear 
sures for frustrating the patriarch's plans, and preventing the meeting 
of a council which they regarded as wholly unnecessary. The pa- 
triarch, who heard of this, reminded them that he was bishop of the 
capital, and that they were guilty of an infraction of the ecclesiastical 
laws, by holding meetings without his consent, and exposed themselves 
to the loss of their offices. They now, indeed, relinquished their meet- 
ings ; but still they endeavored to carry on their operations in secret. 
Meantime, the empress with her body-guard, made her entrance into 
Constantinople — but the latter instead of being men who could be re- 
lied upon to support the measures of the government, were on the con- 
trary leagued mth the bishops of the opposition. On the evening of 
the thirty-first of July, the day before the one appointed for the open- 
ing of the council, an excited company of them assembled in the bap- 
tistery of the church Avhere the comicil was to be held, with noisy 
shouts, one exclaiming this thing another that, but all uniting in the 
cry that there should be no council. The empress did not on this ac- 
count falter in her purpose. On the first of August, the council was 
opened. But when the ecclesiastical law was read, that no general 
council could be held without the assistance of the other patriarchs, (a 
law by which the decrees of the other council of the iconoclasts were 
afterwards declared to be null and void,) a large body of soldiers, per- 
haps at the instigation of the bishops of the opposition, assembled with 
wild and furious shouts before the doors of the church ; when the em- 
press deeming it best to yield to force, in order to conquer by cunning, 

assembly, on account of their lenient treat- party, seems to have held the same prece- 

ment of the bishops who had belonged to dence now. We find named among the 

the party of the iconoclasts, and of those lieads of the conspirators against images, 

convicted of simony; see below. Leo bishop of Iconiiim in Pluygia; Nico- 

' So said several of the bishops at the lans bishop of Hicnipolis in the same ])ro- 

Becond council of Nice, actio I. Hurduin T. vince ; Ilypatios bisho)) of Nice in Bithy- 

IV. f. 60. l:v Tavr/) tij aipecrec i^txdv ysvvij- nia ; Gregory bishop of Pisinus in Galatia ; 

devrff aveTpu<p?jfj.ev Kal Tjv^ir&rjuev Georgius bishop of Pisidia; Leo bishop of 

* 'EriofDov fiFTo. 7>.aiK(')v rivC.yv TroA/liij' the island of Rhodes, and another Leo hish- 

rdv upi^fiov. Harduin. IV. f. 25. op of the island of Car[)athus (Scarpanto^ 

' They were bishops from different conn- See Harduin. 1. c. f 47. 
'ries ; yet Phrygia, the original seat of this 



230 COUNCIL OF NICEA 787. 

Bent one of her officers of the household to inform the assembled 
council, that they must dissolve, and yield to the violence of the mul- 
titude. The will of the Lord would afterwards soon be accomplished.^ 
The empress allowed the multitude, who were joined also by several 
of the bishops, to rave and shout ao;ainst such as presumed to 
attack the authority of the seventh ecumenical council, until noon, 
when hunger caused the people to disperse. Thus the uproar sub- 
sided ; and the cunning Irene, pretending that the soldiers of the guard 
were needed abroad, drew them away from the city ; when they were 
broken up, and a new guard formed in their stead, on whom reliance 
could be placed. All the necessary preparations having been made, 
the "-eneral council was convened one year later, in 787 ; not at Con- 
stantinople, where disturbances from the party of the iconoclasts were 
always to l-e feared, but at Nice, where it might derive additional au- 
thority fi jm the remembrance of the first Nicene council. The num- 
ber of the members composing this council was about three hundred 
and fifty. The empress, in her proclamation for the council, declared, 
it is true, that every one there should express his convictions with free- 
dom ;2 but she had assured herself beforehand, that the bishops hith- 
erto hostile to images would now yield to the prevaiUng spirit. If 
everything had not been already agi'eed upon and settled before the 
dehberations took place, it would have been impossible so quickly to 
despatch the whole business, in six sessions from the twenty-fourth of 
September to the sixth of October ; so that in the seventh and last 
session held at Nice on the thirteenth of October, nothing remained, 
but for tlie decisions to be formally published, and subscribed by alL 
The history of those six sessions, shows too, that further dehberations 
were not needed on the employment and worship of images. 

At this council, many passages from the older church teachers, 
sometimes forged from the earlier, and sometimes genuine from the 
later times, were read and quoted as testimonies in favor of images ; 
miracles said to have been wrought by images were rehearsed from 
the lives of saints ; nor were those wanting who affirmed they had 
witnessed such themselves. A presbyter testified, that on his return 
home from the council of Constantinople in the preceding year, he had 
been visited by a severe fit of sickness, and was cured by a figure of 
Christ.3 Individual bishops, one after another, and then numbers of 
them together, came forward and renounced the errors of the icono- 
clasts, and desired to be reconciled with the Catholic church. Others 
appeared, who pretended now to have thoroughly examined the whole 
subject, and to have arrived at a sure and settled conviction,^ — bish- 

' Harduin. Concil.IV. f. 28. According pc-&fi^Tovc iTviuKonovq. 'Among the fe^>, 

to the declaration of Tarasius himself at who holdly stood by the side of Tarasiiw 

the opening of the second Nicene council was the abovementioncd venerable abbot 

(1. c. f. 34)'there were then but few bishops Plato, whose life was written by Theodore 

decidedly' in ftxvor of image-worship ; he Studita. See Acta Sanct. T. 1. April. Ap- 

says of these events : kKivij-di] ■rro'A.vavdpoc pendix § 24. f. 50. 

bxy^oc -d-vnov Kal inKpiag ye/xcuv, x^H'O'C ^ L c. Harduin. f 38. 

rj/J.iv imfialelv, ef oii ;^;£tpi ■&£ov l()f)va-&v- ^ See Harduin. IV. f. 211. 

uev, exovrec etc avufj-axiav Kai rivag eia- * L. c. f 39. 



SUDDEN CHANGE OF VIEWS IN THE ICONOCLASTS. 231 

Dps who, with a disgusting want of self-respect, bore voluntary testi- 
mony to their own stupidity and ignorance.' Whole todies of them 
exclaimed, we have all sinned, we have all been in error, we all beg 
forgiveness.^ One of those bishops, who now professed to repent of 
their former hostility to images, declared he had become convinced, by 
the declarations of Scripture and of the fathers, that the use of ima- 
ges was in accordance with the apostolic tradition. Tarasius asked 
him, how it could happen that a bishop of eight or ten years' standing, 
as he was, should now, for the first time, be convinced of the truth ; 
to which he had the effrontery to reply, " The evil has existed for so 
long a time, and acquired so great an influence, that perhaps w^e were 
led into the error in consequence of our sins ; 3 but we hope in God to 
be delivered." Several others* excused themselves on the ground that 
they were born, brought up, and educated in that sect ; and it might 
doubtless be true of many, who had formed their opinions when the 
government allowed nothing to be said in favor of images, and who 
had not been able to examine the arguments on both sides, that they 
would now be easily convinced by the arguments of the image-wor- 
shippers. One of the bishops, Gregory of Neo-C«sarea, said, " I am 
anxious to learn how my lord the patriarch and the holy synod shall 
decide" — afterwards he added, "Since this whole assembly speak 
and think alike, I am persuaded they have the truth." ^ A very easy 
matter, to be sure, for men of this stamp, to whom the voice of the 
majority Avas always the same as that of truth, to change their opin- 
ions with each change of the times. Some who, under the reign of 
Constantine Copronymus, had been compelled to swear that they would 
renounce image-worship, now felt, or pretended to feel, scruples of 
conscience about professing other principles. The way was made 
clear for these by a decree of the council, who decided that it was no 
perjury to violate an oath made in contradiction to the divine law .6 
Among the bishops who avowed their repentance, were some that had 
borne a part in the conspiracy of the iconoclasts the year before. 
These now declared: " We sinned before God and the church; — we 
fell through ignorance."' The same Gregory of Neo-Caesarea, whose 
disgraceful confession has just been quoted, was one of the most for- 
ward leaders of the iconoclasts at the council of Constantinople ; but 
the other party exulted to see such members of that council present 
also at this, and compelled to bear witness of their own disgrace, and 
to condemn their own teaching.^ Those bishops who were willing to 
certify their orthodoxy by signing a formal recantation, were not only 
restored to the fellowship of the church, but permitted, though not 
without some demurring, to retain their episcopal stations. That the 

* L. c f. 41. T;7f uKpag fiov duad-iag koI "kel Kal (ppovel, Efia^ov Kal ewXTipoipopti^rjv. 
vu^peia^ Kal i/iiehj/isvr/g Siavoiag earl on i) u.2,i]&Eia avrrj earlv i) vvvt ^rjTovfisvf 
nvTo. Kal Kf/pvffiro/ievrj. f. 77. 

* L. c. f. 62. 6 L. c. f. 208. 

* L. c. f. 48. 7 F 48. 

<L. c. f. 60. ^ «L. c. f. 128. 

* 'HviKa nuaa rj ofxyyvpLC avrr] to iv Aa- 



2o2 PROTESTANT TENDENCY. 

council, in opposition to the practice of the church in similar cases 
should treat with so much indulgence the men who had been at th' 
head of the iconoclasts, and the chief managers of their intrigues 
was a policy which no doubt seemed to be justified b)^ the circum- 
stances of the times. The party of the iconoclasts was still too pow- 
erful to be shghted altogether ; and men were glad to adopt any means 
whatsoever, which served to deprive that party of its heads and prin- 
cipal adherents. But the fierce zealots among the monks were not to 
be satisfied with this policy of the court party.' 

As to the form of the recantation adopted in this case, the follow- 
ing particulars in it deserve to be noticed. The anathema was pro- 
nounced on all such as despised the doctrines of the fathers according 
to the tradition of the Catholic church ; on all who said, that on points 
where no distinct and certain instruction is given by the Old or New 
Testament, we are not bound to follow the doctrines of the fathers, of 
the ecumenical synods, or the tradition of the Catholic church.2 From 
this, it may be conjectured, that many of the iconoclasts, when op- 
posed by the authority of the church tradition, were in the habit of 
replying, that even this, separate from the authority of Scripture, 
could not be considered by them as any decisive authority — a mark 
of the protestant tendency which proceeded from this party .^ At the 
suggestion of one of the Roman delegates, an image was brought into 
the assembly, and kissed by all the members.'* In the seventh ses- 
sion, to determine what constituted images, and what reverence was due 
to them, it was resolved, that not only the sign of the cross, but also im- 
ages drawn with colors, composed of Mosaic work,5 or formed of other 
suitable materials, might be placed in the churches, on sacred vessels 
and vestments, on walls and tables, in houses and in the streets, — 
the images of Christ, of the virgin Mary, of angels, and of all holy 
and devout men. But the great injustice that was done to the 
advocates of the image-worship, by broadly accusing them of idolatry, 
appeai^s from the following express determination of the council : — 
" Bowing to an image, which is simply the token of love and rever- 
ence, ought by no means to be confounded with the adoration which 
is due to God alone." ^ The same was true also of the cross, the 
books of the evangehsts, and other consecrated objects. To this sym- 
bolical expression of the feelings was reckoned likewise the strewing 

^ This appears afterwards in the case of already cited. Thus their dependence on 

Theodoras Studita. The monks made it a the dominant court-party becomes still 

matter of comjilaint against the majority more evident, 
of the bishops in this council, that thev had '^ L. c. f. 42. 

obtained their official stations by simony. ^ See one of the anathemas pronounced 

See the letter of the patriarch Tarasius to in the eighth session, f. 484. Ei r(f ■nuaav 

the abbot John. Harduin.IV.f. 521. Tot'- Txapa&oaLv kKKlrjaianriKiiv, iyypaipou v uy- 

Tuv ovTuc OVTCJV EVEKuAeaav Trj avvn6(f> to pa<pov, u-^erel, uvu'de(ia iaru. 
kMov fiipog tC)v evXaHuv ^ovax<^v, /cat * See Act. V. f. 322. 
?l/ielc 6h TrpoeyivuoKO/UEV rijv eyKAya/.v rav- * 'EIkovcc ^k^ 'i(/T/<pLOog. 
TTiv on oi ■Kleioveg tC)v eKKTKnnuv xPVH-a- ® F. 4.56. ' AaTvaa/xw Kal rijiriTiKTiy npoa 
CIV uvf/aavTO rfjv hpuavvTjv. This agrees * Kvvjiaiv a-rrove/ieiv, ov fiT/vTr/v ko-u iriariv 

with the remarks of an image-worshipiier m^v ulrj-&Lvriv laTpeiav, fj Trpenei fiovy rf 

respecting these bishops, which we have '&eig. (pvaei. 



DECREES OF THE COUNCIL. THEIR PROMULGATION. 233 

of incense and the burning of lights.^ The honor paid to an image 
was to be referred to the object which the image represented. 

The synod having completed its business in seven sessions, the patri- 
arch, with the whole assemblj, was directed to rejjair to Constantino- 
ple. Here, on the twenty-third of October, was held the eighth ses- 
sion, in the imperial palace of Magnaura ; and this was attended by 
the empress hei-self, accompanied by her son Constantino, and sur- 
rounded by an immense multitude of the people, for whom the im- 
pression of this grand assembly was no doubt especially designed. 
The empress commanded that the decrees which had been passed 
should be pubhcly read ; she then asked the bishops whether these 
decrees really expressed their common conviction ; and all having de- 
clared, with repeated exclamations, that they did, she caused the 
decisions to be placed before her and her son Constantino, and both 
subscribed them. When tliis was done, the assembled bishops repeat- 
edly shouted, in the usual form. Long live the orthodox queen-regent. 

Thus, after so long and violent a contest, the w^orship of images 
once more gained the victory in the Greek church. But the means 
to which, as we have seen, it was necessary to resort in order to 
achieve this victory, proves that the image-breakers still formed a 
strong and important party. And, of course, it was impossible that, 
by such means, a tendency of sj^irit which had taken so deep a hold 
of a portion of the people, could be suppressed at once. Reactions 
would ensue from the party oppressed, by means of which, as we 
shall see at the opening of the succeeding period, a new series of 
violent conflicts against image-worship would finally be introduced. 

It only remains for us to cast a glance at the part taken by the 
Western church in these disputes. The negotiations between the 
popes and the iconoclast emperors, show to what extent the worship 
of images had become dominant in the church of Rome ; but it was 
otherwise with the church of the Franks. The only question which 
here suggests itself is, whether in the Frankish church image-worship 
was opposed from the beginning, — smce we find that in the time 
of Gregory the Great, Serenus, bishop of Massilia, was a ^dolent oppo- 
nent of images, — or whether this tendency of the religious spirit 
was first called forth in the Frankish church by the progress of cul 
tm-e in the Carohngian age ? We should be able to come to a more 
certain decision of this point, if any distinct account were still to be 
found of the first proceedings, with regard to images, in the Frank- 
ish church, under the reign of Pepin. By occasion of an embassy, 
sent by the Greek emperor Constantine to king Pepin, the points 
of dispute then generally existing between the Greek and Latin 
churches, and consequently the dispute about images, were discussed 

^ In the letter also addressed by Tara- ror. Hence it is added, in the spirit of Byzan- 

Bius, in the name of the couniil, to the em- tine aduhition, 'Eari yup 7TpoaKvvT/ai(; kqi 

press, the njjoGKvvijaK; naru '/.arjiiiav is dis- r/ Karu rc/xi/v kol ttuS^ov km <p6jiov, wf Tzpoo- 

tinguished from the other kinds of TrpooKv- Kvvovjiev y/xelg ri/v KaAAivLKOv Kal /'/ftspw 

vj/aii — c. g. from tluit kind of obeisance ruTr/v vfj.o)v (SaaiXeiav. Harduin. IV. f 

(vhich it was the custom to pay to the enipe- 476. 



234 CONVENTION AT GENTILIACUM. 

in an assembly of bishops and seculars at Gentiliacum (Gentilly), in 
767 ; but in none of the historical records wliich mention this assem- 
bly, do we find a word respecting the conclusion arrived at on the 
subject of images. It only remains, therefore, to draw from what 
afterwards followed a probable inference, with regard to preceding 
events. As pope Paul the First signified to the king his satisfaction 
with what had been done at this assembly, in which, moreover, papal 
delegates took part,i we might be led to conclude that image-woi-ship 
was here apjDroved. But this conclusion, however, would not be war- 
ranted by the facts ; for it is by no means clear, that the pope's 
ap[)robation had any special reference to the matter in question. 
The business transacted at this assembly related not only to other 
doctrinal matters beside this, but also to a disputed question of a 
jjoUtieo-eedesiastical nature, of great interest to the pope. The 
Greek emperor had endeavored to obtain from the king of the Franks 
the restoration of those possessions in Italy wrested by the latter from 
the Longobards, and presented to the church of Rome or to the 
patrimony of St. Peter's. This Pipin had refused. Now the pope, 
in expressing to the king his satisfaction at this refusal,^ might well 
be induced to pass a milder judgment on the decisions of the synod 
with regard to images ; especially since, at all events, the Frankish 
church would have to agree with the Roman, in opposing the Greek 
destruction of images. It may have been the case, also, that this 
common opposition to the then Greek church, was more sharply ex- 
pressed by the assembly ; while, on the other hand, the pecuhar 
points of opposition to the doctrine of the Romish church were pre- 
sented in a more covert and gentle manner. If the tendency of 
religious spirit, which, on this particular subject, now made its ap- 
pearance in the Carohngian age, had been altogether new in the 
Frankish church, it must have met there with some degree of resist- 
ance ; but of this we find not the least indication. 

We are more exactly informed respecting the part taken b_)- the 
Frankish church in these controversies, under the reign of Charle- 
magne. This emperor himself stood forth as a zealous opponent of 
the second Nicene council, and of the principles expressed by that 
council on the subject of image-worship. The hostile relations which 
now arose between the em})eror Charles and the empress Irene, who 
had retreated from her first advances towards betrothmg her son 
Constantino to the Frankish princess Rothrud, might be supposed to 
have an influence on his manner of expressing himself against that 
council ; and various sarcastic remarks might seem to betray a tem- 
per somewhat ruffled by outward occasions of excitement. But cer- 

' The words of the pope : Agnitis omni- Cod. Carolin. cp. 26. Mansi T. XII. f. 

bus a vobis pro cxaUatioiic saiutac Dei 614), he hoped that he would answer 

ecclesiae et tidei orthodoxae dofeiisione nothing nisi quod ad cxaltationom nia- 

peractis laetati sum us. 8ce Cod. Carolin. tris vestrae Romanae ecclesiae pertinere 

ep. 20. Mansi Concil. T. XII. f. COS. noscatis, and that he would on no aetount 

^ The pope had said to the king, when take back again what he had once given to 

speaking of the answer to be given to the the apostle Peter. T.'.is hope the pope 

Greek messengers by tliis council (see now saw fulfilled. 



LIBBI CAKOLINI. 235 

tainlj the emperor's conduct may be satisfactorily explaineJ from the 
Bpirit of pixrer piety which animated him and his ecclesiastical advi- 
sers, and from the impression which the language of Byzantine super- 
stition and Byzantine exaggeration, so fond of indulging in a fulsome 
verbiage, would make on the simpler feehngs of the pious Frankish 
monarch. Three years after the close of this last Nicene council, 
therefore in 790,- there appeared, under the emperor's name, a refu 
tation of that council f and although there can be no doubt that he 
composed this celebrated work, entitled "The Four Carohne Books" 
(quatuor Hbri Carolini),^ as he intimates himself, not without some 
assistance from his theologians, who perhaps furnished him with the 
matter, and had some share in elaborating it, especially x\lcuin,4 yet 
we may easily beUeve concerning a prince, who exercised so indepen- 
dent a judgment on religious matters, and who even directed the 
attention of Alcuin himself to important corrections, which might be 
made in his writings, that this work, which he published under his own 
name, was not merely read in his presence, and found, or made to coin- 
cide with his own views, but took from him, in a great measure, the 
form in which it finally appeared. He says himself, that zeal for 
God and the truth^ had constrained him not to keep silence, but to ap- 
pear publicly against prevailing errors. 

In this work, while he distinguishes the use from the abuse of images 
in church-life, he combats the fanaticism of the iconoclasts as well as 
the superstition of the image-worshippers, attacking both the assem- 
blies which represented these tendencies and laid claim to the charac- 
ter of ecumenical councils. It was objected to the iconoclasts, that 
they were bent on utterly exterminating those images which had been 
appomted by the ancients for the decoration of the churches, and for 



' As is said in the preface itself (p. 8. ed. from the conspiracy wliicli had hccn form- 

Heumann). ed against him, and of the transfer of the 

* He himself says : Qnod opus aggressi imperial crown to Charlemagne. The 

sumus cum conniventia sacerdotum in most important ohjcction to the supposi- 

regno a Deo nobis concesso catholicis gre- tion that Alcuin assisted in the composi- 

gibus ])raelatorum. tion of this work, is the chronological one, 

■* Which work was first published by J. brought forward, after Frobenius (see T. 

Tillius (Jean du Tillet, afterwards bishop II. opn. Alcuin. f 4.59), by Gieseler, that 

of Mcaux), in the year l.'')49. Alcuin was then absent on a visit to Eng- 

^ That Alcuin, whom the emperor Charles land. But even if this were so, still he 
was in the habit of consulting on all could, while absent, assist the emperor 
contested points of doctrine, and whom he with his pen ; and that he did so, is con- 
employed as an author, must have had firmed by a tradition found in the English 
some share in the work, apjiears evident, annalist, Koger of Ilovcdcn, of the 13th 
particularly, from the striking resemblance century, relating to the year 792, which 
of one passage in the Carolinian books states that Alcuin wrote and transmitted 
(IV. c. 6. pag. 4.56. 457, ed. Heumann) to the king of the Franks a letter against 
with a passage in Alcuin's Commentary on the decrees of the second council of Nice, 
the Gospel according to John (1. II. c. IV. in the name of the English bishops and 
f. 500, ed. Froben), if we consider that he princes. Though this report comes frc3i 
published this commentary not till t^n too late a period to possess the force of a 
years after the ai)pearancc of the Carol i- trustworthy testimony, and also contains 
nian books : since it is clear from the let- an anachronism, yet some ancient tradition 
ter ad soror. et fil. which is prefixed to the may be lying at the foundation of it. 
commentary, that these books appeared ° Zelus Dei et vcritatis stadium, 
complete in the year of pope Leo's escape 



236 LIBRI CAROLINI. 

toemorials of past events ;' tliat thej unwisely placed all iin:i,ii:e.s in one 
and the same category with idols ; and that the members of their coun- 
cil had given to Constantino the honor which is due to Christ alone, in 
saying he had delivered them from idols, yet the council of the icono- 
clasts is treated with more lenity than that of the image-worshippers ; 
and the well meant, though misguided zeal of the former party for the 
cause of God, called forth by the excessive superstition of the latter, 
was acknowledged. In opposition to the harsh expressions which had 
been used against them at the second Nicene council, it is affirmed, 
that they had by no means involved themselves in so great a sin, by 
stripping the churches, through a mistaken zeal, of the images which 
served to embellish them.2 With far greater acrimony, the emperor 
expresses his opposition to the principles of the second Nicene council, 
as Avell as to the arguments by which they were defended ; and here 
the interest for a more spiritual piety manifests itself in a remarkable 
manner. While to images no other end is assigned, than to serve as 
ornaments to the churches, or as means for perpetuating the memory 
of events ; and while the use or the neglect of them for these ends, is -de- 
clared to have no further bearing on the interests of Christian faith f 
every other way of regarding or of using images, is opposed in the 
most decided manner ; and it plainly appears how entirely foreign 
from the author of this work was that enthusiasm for art and for images, 
Avhich we observe among the Greeks. He calls it absurd and foolish* 
to mauitain, as had been done at the second Nicene council, that 
images exhibited visibly to the eye the walk and conversation of the 
saints, when in fact their virtues and merits were seated in the soul, 
and could not be represented in sensible materials and by colors, could 
not be made objects of sensuous perception. Can anything be known 
— he asks — about their wisdom, then' eloquence, their profound know- 
ledge, by the outward sense of sight ? ^ 

It is represented, indeed, in this work as being the true end of 
images to perpetuate the memory of holy deeds ; yet not in any such 
sense, as that they were needed to bring up to remembrance that which 
should be ever present to the religious mind ; but in the sense that, as 
sensible representations of things which, even without such outward 
memorials, were present to the religious consciousness, they served to 
embellish the churches. And accordingly the image-worshippers were 
censured for maintaining that images were 7iecesmry, to perpetuate 
and to call up the memory of holy things. To ascribe to them so much 
importance as this, seemed in direct contradiction to the spiritual na- 
ture of Christianity. They Avho so expressed themselves, confessed to 

' Imagines in ornamentis ecclesiae et mentum sint, an etiam non sint, nullum fi- 

memoria rerum gestarum ah antiquis posi- deicatholicaeafterrcpotcrnntpracjudicium, 

tas c. V. quippe cum ad jieragonda nostrae salutis 

^ See 1. 1, c. 27. 1. IV. c. 4. In abolendis mysteria nullnm penitus officium habere 

a basilicarnm ornamentis imaginibus quo- noscantur 

damraodo fuerunt incauti, had erred from * Quantae sit absurditatis quantueque d©' 

imperitia, not from nequitia. mentiae. 

^ L. II. c. 21. Utruin in basilicis prop- * See 1. I. c. 17. p. 100. 
ter memoriam rerum gestarum et orna- 



LIBRI CAROLINI. 237 

a singular blindness ; thej acknowledged so poor a memory, as that, 
without the help of images, they must be afraid they should be with- 
drawn from the service of God and from the worship of his saints. 
They acknowledged themselves incapable cf so raising the muid's eye 
above sensible things, as to draw from the fountain of eternal light, 
without help from ^le material creation. ^ As the spirit of man is sup- 
posed to stand in such fellowship with him after whose image it wasi 
created, as to be competent to receive into itself, without the media- 
tion of any created thing whatever, the image of the tnith itself which 
is Christ ; so it is the heiglit of madness to affirm, that this spirit needs 
a memento, in order not to forget him. This would be a proof of crimi- 
nal weakness, and not of that freedom, which must be regarded as the 
characteristic mark of the Christian standing-ground.2 The faith of a 
Christian should not cling to sensible things ; it must be looked for only 
in the heart. The meaning of this is, that the faith of Christians has 
respect to that which is in\nsible ; and that it must, with the heart, 
rise to that which is invisible; — in proof of which he quotes Rom. 
8: 24 and 10: 8. The following is one of the prominent ideas con- 
stantly reverted to in tliis work : God, who fills all things, is not to be 
adored or sought after in sensible images, but should be ever present 
to the pure heart.^ " Unhappy memory — it is said in another place 4' 
— which in order to think of that Christ, who should never be absent 
from the good man's heart, needs the presence of an image, and which 
can enjoy the presence of Christ only by seeing liis image painted on a 
wall or on some sensible material ; for such a remembrance nourished 
bv images, comes not from that love of the heart, which inwardly con- 
strains us to think of Christ, but is thrust upon us from without, even 
as we are compelled to present before our souls the very objects we 
hate, as soon as we behold them in a painting. Of such people it is 
verily to be feared, that should they by some sickness lose their eye- 
sight, or by some accident, be deprived of their image, they would ut> 
terly forget that Saviour, whose memory ought ever to be present to 
their minds. We Christians, who with open face beholduig the glory 
of God are changed into the same image, from glory to glory, 2 Cor. 
3: 18, are no longer bound to seek the truth in images and pictures, — 
we who through faith, hope and charity, have attained by his oavu help 
to the truth which is in Christ.^ In opposition to the second Nicene 
council, which had compared the images of Christians with the Cheni- 
bim and the tables of the law in the Old Testament, the different points 
of view of tlie Old and of the New Testament were distinctly set forth. 
" We, who follow not the letter which killeth but the spirit which maketh 
alive, who are not the fleshly but the spiiitual Israel, — we who look 

' Ma<;:na se coccitate obrutos esse faten- creaturae corporcae adjutorio fulciantnr, 

tur, ([ui vim illam aniniae. ([iiac mcmoria 1. II. c. 22. 

nuncupatur, ita se vitiatain lial)ere demon- ^ Cum hoc infinnitatis sit vitium, non 

strant, cui nisi ima<;inum adminieulum suf- lilicrtatis indicium. 

fragetur, ab intcntione scrvitutis Dei ct ' Non est in materialihus imaginibus ado- 

veneratione sanctorum ejus recedcre com- randus vel quaerendus, sed in corie raun 

pellatur : nee sc idoneos arbitrantur, men- dissinio semper habendus, 1, III. c 29. 
tis oeulum supra creaturam corpoream le- •■ L. IV. c. 2. pag. 432. 
vare ad hauriendum aetermim lumen, nisi * L. 1. c. 15. u. 89. 



238 LIBRI CAROLINI. 

not at the things which are seen, but fix our mintls upon those which 
are unseen, rejoice to have received from the Lord mysteries greater 
not only than images, which contain no mysteries at all, hut even 
greater and more sublime than the cherubim and the tables of the law ; 
for the latter were the antitypes of things future ; but we possess truly 
and spiritually what had been prefigured by thos^ symbols."^ The 
image-worshippers, as we have seen, were wont to compare images, in 
reference to the higher things they represented, with the sacred Scrip- 
tures. In opposition to this, the far greater importance of the sacred 
Scriptures, as a means of cultivating and promoting the Christian hfe, 
is most distinctly set forth. Holy Scripture is a treasure richly stored 
with all manner of goods : he who comes to them in a devout temper 
of mind, rejoices to find tliat which he sought in faith.^ By the Ni- 
cene council, as well as by the image-worshippers generally, images 
were compared with the sign of the cross. But even this was attritiu- 
ting too much importance to them. The sign of the cross is here set 
quite above images — not, to be sure, without falling into a like error 
with the image-worshippers; since the outward symbol and the idea 
represented by it are not, as they should have been, kept dis- 
tinctly apart. Under this banner, and not by images — it is said — 
the old enemy was vanquished ; by these weapons, not by shov/y gauds 
of color, the power of the devil was destroyed ; by the former and not 
by the latter, the human race was redeemed ; for on the cross, not on 
images, hung the ransom which was paid for the world. The cross, 
and not a picture, is the sign of our king, to which the war- 
riors of our army constantly look.s The comparing of images at that 
council, with relics of the saints, and the requiring a like reverence to 
be paid to them, is also noticed with disapprobation. Thus, no small 
injury was done to the saints ;4 since raiment which had been worn by 
the saints, and things of the Mke kind, ought to be reverenced, because 
by contact with their persons they had acquired a sacredness which 
begat respect. Images had been sanctified by no such contact ; but 
were made as it happened, sometimes beautifully, sometimes not, ac- 
cording to the skill of the artist, or the tools and materials he employed. 
To show reverence for the bodies of saints, was a great means of pro- 
moting piety. Tliey reigned with Christ in heaven, and their bodies 
were destined to rise again from the dust. To show such reverence 
for images, which had never lived, and could never rise again, but 
must be consumed by fire or by natural decay, was quite another 
thing.^ Considered in this point of view, not only the act of prostra- 
tion (TTQOGnvvtjoiii') ^ defended by the image-worshippers, was condemned 
as a transfer of the adoration belonging to God alone to a created object,^ 

' I. c. 19. p. 107. tatis, si pertinaciter defcnditur. See p. 379, 

* L. II. c. 30. i. e. if a man allows himself to be hurried. 
^ L. II. c. 28. p. 21.5 no matter how, into an ..ot of this sort, it is 
■• L. III. c. 24. either folly, or ignorance. But if, when 

* L. III. c. 24. made aware of the falsehood, he still obs:i 

* Adorationem soli Deo dehitam imagi- nately defends it, this is madness or unbe- 
nibus iini)ertire aut segnitiae est, si utcun- lief, want of the right faith in God. 

que agitur, aut insaniae vel potius intidcli- 



LIBRI CAROLINI. 239 

and as a species of idolatry, but every mode of testifying that rever- 
ence or love to lifeless images which, for the reasons above stated, 
might be sho^vn to the bones of the saints, "svas rejected as unbefitting 
and irrational. It was denounced as a foolish thing to express those 
feehngs for lifeless images, which could properly be referred only to 
U^'ing beings ;^ and the multifarious customs in regard to this matter, 
which had sprung up among the Greeks, were sharply rebuked. " You 
mav painfully study attitudes — it is said to the image-worsliippers — 
while making your supplications with incense before your images : we 
will carefully search after our Lord's commands in the books of the 
divine law. You may keep hghts burning before your pictures ; we 
will be diligent in studying the Holy Scriptures. "2 But here the em- 
peror introduces an objector : " You deride those who burn Hghts and 
strow incense before dumb images, and yet you yourselves burn lights 
and incense in churches, which are but senseless buildings." To this 
he replies : " It is one thing to light up the places consecrated to God's 
worship, and in these places to present to God the incense of prayer 
and sensible incense ; it is quite another, to set hghts before an image 
that has eyes and sees not, to burn incense before an image that has a 
nJp but smells not. It is one thing, solemnly to honor the house of 
God's majesty built by believers, and consecrated by the priests ; and 
quite another irrationally to bestow presents and kisses on images form- 
ed by the hand of some painter ; for churches are the places where be- 
hevers congregate ; where their prayers are heard by a merciful God ; 
where the sacrifice of praise is offered to the Most High, and the sar 
crament of our salvation (mass) is celebrated ; where troops of angels 
assemble when by the hands of priests the community of behevers pre- 
sent their offering ; where the word of God comes to water the thirsty 
heart." The emperor objects to the Greeks, that, as he had been in 
formed by his own embassadors and those of his father, while they be- 
stowed much pains on the fitting up of images, they let their chm-ches 
go to decay ; and to which he contrasts the magnificent endo^vment 
of the churches in the Frankish empire .3 

As the Greeks were inclined to bestow the greatest attention on the 
outward ceremonial of image-worship, even to the neglect of the more 
practical duties of Christianity, we see how just a conception the em- 
peror had formed of the actual condition of the Greek church, when 
we find him reminding them, that while the sacred Scriptures nowhere 
enjoin image-worsliip, they do teach that men should eschew evil and 
follow after that which is good.^ With regard to the nice distinctions 



' Alind est homincm salutationis officio nibus, quippe cum in regno a Deo nobis 

et humanitatis obseciuio adorando salutare, concesso hasilicae ipse ojiitulante, qui eas 

aliud picturam divcrsorum colorum fucis conservare dignatur, alHucnter auro argen- 

conipaginatam sine gressu, sine voce vcl toque, gemmis ac margaritis et caeteris ve- 

caeteris sensibus, nescio quo cultu, adorarc, nustissimis redundent apparatibus. 

1. I. c. 9. * Deum inquirendum docuit (Script S.) 

' L. II. c. 30. p*r Domini timorem, non per imaginum 

^ L. IV. c. 3. Plei-aeque hasilicae in co- adorationem, ct eum, qui vuit vitam et cu 

rum terris non solum luminaribus et thy- pit viderc dies honos, non imagines ado- 

miamatihus, sed etiam ipsis carent tegmi- rare, sed labia a dolo et linguam a malo 



240 LIBRI CAROLINI. 

by which it was sought to justify or palliate the worship of images, 
he says all this might be we'll enough among the learned, but it would 
answer no good purpose with the multitude. Though the educated, 
who reverenced images not for what they are but for what they repre- 
sent, might escape superstition ; yet they must ever prove an occasion 
of stumbling to the rude and uncultivated, who reverenced and wor- 
shipped in them only what they saw. And if our Saviour denounces 
so heavy a curse on him who should offend one of these little ones, 
how much heavier must this curse fall on him, who either forced a 
large portion of the church into image-worship, or threatened those 
with the anathema w^ho rejected it.' 

In refutation of the appeal to miracles said to have been wrought 
by images, the emperor remarks : " It was not clear from unimpeach- 
able testimony^ that such miracles had actually been wrought — per 
haps the wdiole was a mere fiction. Or if such things had actually 
happened, still they might only be works of the evil spirit, who by his 
deceptive arts sought to beguile men into that which is forbidden.s 
Or even if we were bound to recognize in these cases wonderful 
works proceeding from God himself, yet even this would not suffic^o 
set the propriety of image-worship beyond question ; for if Ad 
wrought miracles by means of sensible things to soften the heart^of 
men, yet he did not intend by so doing to convert those sensible things 
into objects of worship — as might be shown by many examples of 
miracles from the Old Testament." ^ Nor would the emperor allow, 
that any weight was to be given to the evidence of a vision of angels 
in a dream, to which one member of the Nicene council had appealed. 
No doubtful matter could be settled by a dream ; for it was impossi- 
ble, by any evidence, for one man to prove to another, that he had ac- 
tually seen w'hat he pretended. Therefore dreams and visions ought 
to be carefuUy sifted. Dreams inspired by the divine Spirit did, 
indeed, occur in the sacred Scriptures ; these, however, were but indi- 
vidual cases. Dreams, again, needed to be distinguished in respect to 
their origin ; in respect to the question, whether they proceeded from 
divine revelation, or from the person's own thoughts, or from tempta- 
tions of the evil spirit; 4 commonly, however, they were deceptive. 
And as it concerned the vision of an angel, it behooved, even where 
such a vision had been vouchsafed, to follow the direction of St. Paul, 
and try the spirits, whether they were from God ; and this was to be- 
known, according to the instruction of our Lord, from their fruits. 
Now as image-worship is an ungodly thing, it could not have been a 
good spirit, from whom the exhortation to such worship proceeded.s 
As we have already said, reference was often made, in defending im- 
age-worship, to the picture of Christ sent to king Abgarus. But 

instituit cohibere. Nee picturam colere ^ III. c. 25. 

ioeuit, sed declinare a malo et faeere boni- * Veniunt nonnunquara ex revelationa 

tutem, I. 2-3. multoties vero aut ex cogitatione aut ex 

' L. ITT. c. 16. ' tentatione aiit ex aliquibus his similibu* 

" Ne forte calliditatis suae astu antiquus III. c. 2.5. 

bostis, dum mira quacdam demon.?trat, * L. III. c. 26. 
ad illieita peragenda IVaudulenter suadeat. 



LIBfel CAROLINI. 241 

neither the truth of this storj, nor even the genuineness of the pre- 
tended correspondence between Christ and king Abgarus, was acknow- 
ledged in the Carolinian books.' 

It is true, the worship of saints was not by anj means placed, in 
these books, in the same category Avith the worship of images, the for- 
mer being acknowledged to be a truly Christian act ; at the same time, 
however, it was circumscribed within the limits which the Christian 
consciousness demands. While, at the second Nicene council, images 
which it was pretended had wrought miraculous cures, were compai-ed 
with the brazen serpent, the advice here given is : " Let those who 
are afflicted with any bodily disease, repair to images and look up to 
them, that so, when they find they are not cured by thus looking, 
they may return and trust the Lord, that through the mediation of the 
saints they will be restored to health by him, who is the Author of all 
health and of all hfe.^ Men ought not to believe that the saints, 
who in their life-time sought not their own glory, but often disdained 
the marks of honor which it was intended to show them, were pleased 
or benefited by such overwrought and foolish testimonies of respect.^ 

Although this book appeared under the name of an emperor, yet ' 
the Byzantine habit of idolizing royalty was castigated in it with great 
severity ; for the vestiges of the old apotheosis were still retained in 
the titles and honors bestowed on the Byzantine emperors. The 
Greek image-worshippers had, in fact, appealed to the custom of pros- 
tration, usually observed before the images of the emperor. By this 
occasion, the emperor Charles was led to express himself strongly 
against such a custom. " What madness — said he — to resort to one 
forbidden thing, for arguments to defend another ! " "* He then goes 
on to represent this custom as having sprung from, and as being a rem- 
nant of, that pagan idolatry, which ought to be utterly abolished by 
Christianity .5 It was the duty of Christian priests to take their stand 
against customs so repugnant to Christianity. So, too, the mentioning 
of the empress and emperor in the acts of the council, under the title 
of divine Q&hoi^ , as well as the citation of the imperial rescripts by the 
name of divalia (^da yQu^nara) was expressly condemned, as savor- 
ing of paganism.^ The low flattery of the bishops who compared the 
emperors, as restorers of the pure Christian doctrines, with the apos- 
tles, is severely reproved ;^ and the occasion is seized for drawing out 
the contrast in, full between the emperors and the apostles.^ As these 
bishops had at the same time, asserted, that the emperors Avere en- 

' See 1. IV. c. 10 ligno, cum talem gentilibus occasionem de- 

* I. 18. Solus Deus adorandu-, martyres mus mortulium reguin imagines adorando 
vero, vcl quiiibet sancti veuerandi potius, ct ab his exempla sumendo. 

quam adorandi. 1. IV. c. 27. " L. I. c. .3. Qui se fidoi et rcligionis 

3 L. III. c. 16. Chri.stianac jactant retinerc fastigiura, qui 

* Nam quis furor est, quacve dementia, ct intra ecclcsiam novas et incptas constitu- 
ut hoc in exemplum adorandarum imagi- tioncs audacter statuerc aftcetant et se Ui- 
num ridiculum adtlucatur, quod impcrato- vos suaque gesta Divalia gentiliter nuncu- 
rum imagines in oivitatibus et plateis ado- pare non formidant. 

rantur et a re illieita res illicita staliiliri pa- ' O adulatio cur tanta pracsumis 1 

rctur? III. 15. "Tama est distantia inter a])ostolos et 

'" Cum apostolicis instniamur documen- imperatores, quanta inter sanctos et pecca- 

tis, nullam nos dare debere occasionem ma- tores. 1. IV. c. 20. 
VOL. TIT. 16 



242 LIBRI CAROLINI. 

lightened by the same Spirit with the apostles, it is observed on this 
point, that the emperors were here in no respect distinguished from 
other Christians ; for that spirit Avas none other than the Holy Spirit ; 
and it was very clear that all true Christians possessed the Holy 
Spirit ; for St, Paul, Rom. 8: 9, says, He that hath not the Spirit of 
Christ is none of his. 

The synod is censured, again, for having allowed themselves to be 
guided and instructed by a woman ; for having suffered a woman to 
take part in their meetings, though in direct contrariety to the natural 
destination of the female sex, and to the law given by the Apostle 
Paul commanding that women should be silent in the church assem- 
blies. The woman was to teach and admonisli only in the family cir- 
cle — to this alone the passage in Titus 2: 3, referred.' 

We remarked in the history of the church-constitution, that the 
emperor Charles ascribed to the popes a primacy over all other 
churches, and a certain right of superintendence over all ecclesiastical 
affairs ; and that in ecclesiastical matters he was always glad to act 
in concert with them. Accordingly we find this way of thinking, and 
this effort plainly manifesting itself in the Carolinian books, though in 
all other respects, the emperor expresses himself with so much free- 
dom, evidently departing, in important points, from the principles of 
the Roman church.2 In this work, he notices the fact, that while in 
the Frankish church the unity of doctrine with that of Rome was al- 
ways preserved, so by occasion of a visit which pope Stephen made 
to the Frankish church, unity was restored also to their church 
Psalmody .3 He then remarks, that by his own efforts, this conformity 
to the psalmody of the church of Rome was still further promoted, 
not only in Frankish churches, but also in Germany, Italy, and among 
some few of the northern tril^es which by his means had been con- 
verted to the Christian faith.^ 

As he remarks here, however, that all should seek help from the 
Romish church next after Christj»\i is evident, that he was accustom- 
ed to refer his Christian convictions in the first instance to Christ ; 
and in regard to what he believed he had found to be Christian truth 
by the illuminating influences of the Spirit of Christ — as for exam- 
ple, in the convictions he entertained on the subject of images, — he 
could not be moved to give up anything to the authoritative word of 
a Roman bishop. Accordingly he presented by the hands of abbot 
Angilbert, his refutation of the second Nicene council to pope Hadri- 

' Aliud est enim matremfaniilias domes- the Eoman, omnes catholicae debent ob 

ticos verbis exemplis erudire, aliud antisti- servare ecclesiae, ut ab ea post Christum 

tibus sive omni ecclesiastico ordiiii vol ad munieiidam tidem adjutorium petant, 

etiam publicaesynodo quacdani inutilia do- quae nou habcns niacuhim nee rugam et 

centem interesse, cum videlicet ista, quae ]>ortentosa haeresium capita calcat et fide- 

domcsticos dchortatur, eorum et suum in Hum mcntcs in lide corroborat. 
commune adipisci cupiat profectum, ilia ^ Ut quae (ecclesiae) unitae erant uniiu 

vero in conventu ventosae tantum laudis sanctae legis sacra lectione, essent etiam 

et solius arrogantiae ambiat appetitum. III. unitae unius modulationis veneranda tradi 

13. tione. 

* He says here, 1. 1, c. VI. p. 51, respect- •* See 1. 1, c. VI. p. 52, 53. 
ing the relation of the other churches to 



REACTION OF THE CUUKCH-SYSTEM. 243 

an.i The latter, judging from the standing-point of the Roman church- 
teachers, of cours(? could not agree with him on this subject ; and hfe 
transmitted to the emperor a formal reply^ which, in point of theologi- 
cal depth, cannot be compared with the " Carolinian books," and as- 
suredly was not calculated to shake so deei>rooted a conviction.3 At 
the assembly held at Frankfort on the Main, in 794, these contested 
points were discussed in the presence of papal legates ; and by the 
second canon of this council the adoration of images (adoratio et ser- 
vitus imaginum) Avas condemned. It was however doing injustice to 
the second Nicene council, to accuse them of maintaining, that the 
same worship ought to be paid to images of the saints as to the holy 
Trinity ;4 a doctrine against w'hich that council had taken special 
pains to guard. Perhaps the bishops purposely avoided entering into 
too nice investigations and determinations with regard to this matter, 
lest a controversy might be provoked between the Frankish church 
and the papal legates who attended the council. 



m. Reaction of the Sects against the Dominant System of 

DOCTIIINES. 

We have yet to speak of a reaction of the Christian consciousness, 
within the church, against this ecclesiastical system wdiich had been 
formed by the combining of Christian with foreign elements — a re- 
action on the part of rising and spreading sects that stood forth in 
opposition to the dominant church — presenting a series of remarkable 
phenomena of the religious spirit, extending through the medineval cen- 
turies, and accompanying the progressive development of the church 
theocratical system. We discern the commencement of this reaction 
in the period where we now are ; having already noticed the germ and 
premonitory symptoms of it in the contests which Boniface had to 
maintain with the opponents of the Romish" hierarchy in Germany. 
But it was from the Greek church especially, that an impiUse pro- 
ceeded which continued to operate with great force in promoting the 
development of this opposition. 

In spite of all persecutions by fire and sword, the remains of those 
sects, which arose in the early period of the Christian church from 
the commingling of Christianity with dualistic doctrines of the ancient 
East, had been still preserved in those districts, where they were na- 
tives, and could be constantly supphed with fresh nourishment from 
Parsism. Their opposition, however, <.o the dominant churcii, would 
necessarily be modified, in many respects, by the changes which had 
taken place in that church itself. Originally this opposition had its 

' It still remains iincortain, whether the iiicreduloriim satisfixctioncm et directionem 

emperor sent his book against the council Francorum, was one which he certainly 

of Nice to the pope before or after the co'ild not effect by such artjjumcnts. 

meeting of the asseml)ly at Frankfort. * Ut cjui imaginibus sanctorum, ita ut d 

* Mansi Concil. T. Xill. f. 759. Trinitati servitium aut adorationem non 

' The object which the pope had in view, impenderet, anathema judicarentuj'- 
AS he avows, in writing this refutation, ad 



244 PAULICIANS. 

ground in an oriental mode of thinking that made Christianity subor- 
dinate to its own ends, and was directed against the peculiar and funda^ 
mental doctrines of the Christian faith. And while it is true that, 
even at present, the sects which had spi-ung up and grown out of this 
beginning, never so far denied their original one-sided tendency, as 
to embrace the Christian truth in its purity and completeness ; still 
the opposition was now directed against oyie of the main elements in 
the corruption of Christianity ; and against many of those doctrines, 
which being grounded in this corruption, were alien from primitive 
Christianity. These sects having, from the first, stood out against 
the union of Christianity Avith Judaism, now Entered into the contest 
against those doctrines and institutions in particular, which had grown 
out of the mixture of Jewish with Christian elements ; and in so far, 
this opposition might serve to prepare the way for the purification of 
the church. 

Thus we meet with a sect in this period, which had sprung up in 
the way above described, and which flourished in the districts reck- 
oned sometimes to Armenia, sometimes to Syria, where such tenden- 
cies had alwaj^s been preserved. The followers of this sect were 
known by the name of Paulicians. It is an hypothesis of both the 
authors to whom we are indebted for the most important information 
we possess respecting this sect,' though neglected by all succeeding 
writers, that this sect was an offshoot of Manichgeism ; and that it 
took its origin from a woman, Callinice by name, who lived in the 
district of Samosata, somewhere about the fourth centui-y, and whose 
two sons, Paul and John, were considered as the founders of the 
sect. From the former of these, it is said, moreover, that the sect 
took its name ; and it was the opinion of one party, that the name 
Paulicians was derived in the first place from a combination of the 
names of both the founders, in the form navXoicodvvai.'^ But we have 
strong reasons for doubting the truth of this whole account.^ In the 
first place, as it regards Manichaeism ; the truth is that in this pe- 
riod, there was a universal inclination to call everything of a dual- 
istic tendency, Manichsean ; while no one seemed correctly to undei^ 
stand the distinctive marks which separated the Gnostic from the 
Manichsean tenets. We find nothing at all however, in the doctrines 
of the Paulicians, which would lead us to presume, that they were 
an ofishoot from Manichteism ;* on the other hand, we find much which 



' Peter of Sicily, sent by the Greek era- agree with the ably discriminating and 

peror Basilius Maccdo to Tephricain, Ar- well-thought essay of Giescler. See the 

menia, to treat for the exchange of prison- Thcologischen Studien nnd I^itiken B. II. 

ers, (see the history of the Paulicians pub- Heft. I. 1829. 

lished by the Jesuit Rader, Ingoldstadt, ■» Nothing is to be observed in their opin- 

1604,) and Photius in his work against the ions or practices akin to Manichaiism or 

Manicha^ans, whit'h in substance differs Parsism except in wliat Johannes Oznien 

liut little from the former, jiublished in tlie sis, of whom we shall say more hereafter, 

Anccdota graeca sacra et profana, ed. J. C. says concerning them, wlien in his tract 

Wolf Hamb. 1722. T. I. ct II. against the Paulicians, p. 87, he ascribes to 

^ See Photius 1. I. c. II. 1. c. them a certain adoration of the sun. This, 

•^ On this point, as in most of what we however, docs not well harmonize with tbo 

lave to say concerning this sect we must other doctrines of the sect. 



DID THEY DERIVE THEIR ORIGIN FROM MANICH/EISM ? 246 

contradicts such a supposition ; as for example, the fact that thej con 
sidered the creation of the world as the creation of a spirit at enmity 
with the perfect God, — of a Demiurge, in a sense of the Anti-Ju- 
daizing Gnostics ; while Mani considered the creation of the world aa 
a purifying process, ordained and instituted by the Supreme Being 
himself. In the organization of the sect, we look in vain for the dis- 
tinction, which belongs to the very essence of Manichreism, of a two- 
fold standing, the esoteric and the exoteric, — that of the " elect" and 
that of the " auditors." Although Photius sometimes hints at a dis- 
tinction of esoteric and exoteric among the Paulicians, yet it is cer- 
tainly one altogether foreign from the spirit and character of this 
sect ; and there was a disposition gratuitously to foist upon them such 
a distinction, partly because contradictions were detected in their 
doctrines, Avliich considered from their own point of view had no ex- 
istence, partly because it was taken for granted, that whatever was 
peculiar to the constitution of the Manichoean sect, would hold good 
also of the Paulicians. On the contrary, we may confidently reckon 
it among the characteristics of the Paulicians, that they knew of no 
higher distinction than to be in the true sense of the word Christians ; 
that they recognized no loftier position than that of a xQiGziavot; or 
XQiaionoXiTti^ ; and hence, too, nothing higher, than the complete and 
pure knowledge of the truths belonging to this position. To separate 
these from all debasing mixtures, and to give them xmiversal spread, 
was their highest aim. The Scriptures were prized by them at a vastly 
higher rate, than they could be according to the principles of Mani- 
chseism ; and it is certain, that when they sought to attach themselves 
so closely to the sacred Scriptures they did so, not in the way of ac- 
commodation to the universal Christian principle, — not barely as a 
means by which to procure the readier access for their tenets to the 
minds of other Christians ; but it is evident, even from the manner in 
which their teachers write to the members of the sect, and from the 
order and denominations of their ecclesiastical officers, that they de- 
signed and strove to derive their doctrines from the New Testament ; 
and particularly from the writings of the Apostle Paul. Far more 
do the Pauhcians, in this respect, as well as in their prevailing prac- 
tical tendency generally, agree with the sect of Marcion.' Now 
since the Marcionite sect, as we learn from what Theodoret saya 
respecting the vast number of Marcionites in his diocese, was widely 
disseminated in those districts, we might consider the Paulicians as 
being an offshoot from this Gnostic party, with which they had the 
closest resemblance. Indeed, Ave know from the reports of Theodo- 
ret and Chrysostom, that these later Marcionites, being drawn for the 
most part from uneducated country-people, were extremely ignorant in 
common matters, and not much better informed with respect to the 
doctrines of their own master. 

• It n:ay also be remarked, that in the named not the Paulicians but the Marcion 

Anathemas published by Jacob ToUius, ites — we have here then the recognition 

(Insignia itinerar. ital. p. 106.) with the of a sect from the Marcionites. 
sects of the Bojromiles and Euchites are 



246 ORIGIN OF THE NAME. 

We miglit be allowed to suppose, then, that an effort at reform, 
siAvakenecI among these degenerate Marcionites by some special cause 
or other, and particularly directed, by the spirit of Marcionitism, to 
the restoration of primitive Christianity as taught in the epistles of 
St. Paul, had preceded the Pauhcian sect. Else we must suppose 
— which would not be an impossible thing — that a reforming effort 
had been awakened, by the study of the New Testament Scriptures, 
among the founders of this sect, lingering remnants of old Gnostic 
parties, and that this effort, uniting Gnostic elements with a practical 
Christian piety, derived from this study of the New Testament, took 
of its own accord a direction similar to ]\Iarcionitism. As to the story 
about Callmice ; while there is no good reason for rejecting, as an 
absolute fiction, the tradition that two men. Paid and John, sons of 
a Callinice, who was a follower of Manichoeism or Gnosticism, labored 
in these districts for the spread of some such opinions ;' yet it cannot 
be regarded as a matter of the least importance, as affecting the ques- 
tion concernmg the Paulicians ; and as to any connection between 
these sons of Callinice and the Paulician sect, we have every reason 
to regard it as no better than a fiction. It is certain that the Pauli- 
cians themselves did not hesitate to condemn the sons of Callhiice, 
and Mani also, with whom they were arbitrarily associated. ^ Nor 
can it justly be affirmed, that this was but a pretence, an accommoda- 
tion, devised for the purpose of concealing their real opinions ; for 
very far were they from allowing themselves to be moved, by worldly 
fears or considerations, to any false pretensions, with regard to the 
persons whom they regarded as the true founders or teachers of their 
sect.3 As it was assuredly notloing but the traditional name Pauli- 
cians, which led men to suppose there must have been some particular 
person by the name of Paul, from whom the sect derived its origin, so 
it happened that there were many who traced the name of the sect 
to a later Paul, an Armenian, who was undoubtedly one of the teach 
ers of the sect,"* though not the individual from whom its name was 
really derived, that name being, in aU probability, of a much earlier 
date. Thus it is manifest, that no one of these explanations of the 
name Paulicians rested on any historical basis, but that all of them 

* Gieseler thinks the whole story ahout closely to that apostle as they did to the 

the sons of Callinice ought to he regarded apostle Paul. 

as a fahle. The Paulicians were constant- ^ See Photins, 1. I. c. 4. p. 13. 1. e. 
ly appealing to St, Paul and St. John, as ' Petrus Siculus affirms, it is true, that 

the two genuine apostles — this constant the Pauliciiins were genuine disciples of 

appeal to St. Paul being, in truth, the oc- Mani, of the sons of Callinice, ei Kal kevo- 

casion of their name, Paulicians. This (puviac rivdc ralg npoiTaic ETii<yvviii{'av alpi- 

pircumstance, as also the reluctance which ae(n, yet he allows that the Paulicians 

men felt to allow the Paulicians the honor themselves leaned solely on the authority 

of being named after two apostles, led to of later teachers, and acknowledged no 

the invention of the story that the sect was others. See p. 40, 

founded by two false teachers, Paul and ^ Photius says (1. I. c. 18,) of this Paul: 

John. This explanation, however, is quite hK tovtov S/j tov liavAov ficplg ovk eWaxh- 

too artificial ; and altliongh the Paulicians rrj r;/f uTroaracriac: Kal tijv iTvcovtfilav 

did attrib te a special authority to the fA/cfiv fiuXkov r/ ek tuv Ti'/r KaAXiviKin 

Gospel ol John, yet it is by no means naiSuv rd fivcapbv ruv Mavixaiuv t-dvoi 

■•lear, thaJ. they attached themselves so vouKovaiv. 



CONSTANTINE (SILVANUS). 247 

grew out of the hypothesis, that the name must necessarily have been 
derived from some false teacher, who established a new and distinct 
epoch. But the form of the word by no means suggests a denvation 
of that sort ; since by every rule of analogy it should have beeii, if so 
derived, nav'.moi or navXiavoi (Paulians). At the same time, it is 
most probable that the form navhxoi hes at the root of the name, and 
that from this, nuvh-Aiavoi was aftenvards derived. And we may per- 
haps rest in the conclusion, that as this sect, like the earlier Marcion- 
ites, opposed St. Paul to 'St. Peter, and, attaching themselves to the 
former, wei-e for restoring the true. Pauline Christianity, they were 
hence called Pauhcians, as in truth we find it intimated by Photius 
himself.' And at some later period, it was attempted to trace the 
origin of the name to some individual who was the founder of the 
Beet. 

Constantine, who taught in the latter half of the seventh century, 
chiefly under the reign of Constantine Pogonatus, might, with far more 
propriety, be considered the original founder of the sect, wliich ap- 
peared in this period under the name Pauhcians. He belonged to 
some Gnostic, probably to a Marcionite sect, wliich had spread from 
Syria and Armenia into these districts, and resided in the village of 
Mananalis, not far from Samosata. It deserves to be noticed, as a 
fact which undoubtedly had some influence on the nature of his attain- 
ments and the character of his Christian hfe, that at a time when he 
had either not read the Scriptures of the New Testament at all, or 
only in scattered fragments, he received a complete copy of them as 
a present from a certain deacon, in gratitude for the hospitable enter- 
tainment he had met with in Constantino's house, when returning 
home from captivity, probably among the Saracens. Constantine now 
earnestly applied himself to the study of these Scriptures, which, and 
more particularly the epistles of St. Paul, made a deep impression on 
his mind, and gave a new direction to his thoughts and to his life. 
Certainly we must ascribe to the hateful spu-it, which gave a false and 
invidious explanation to everything done or said by a heretic, that 
Constantine and his followers were accused of hypocritically pretend- 
ing to derive their religious opinions from the New Testament, in 
order to escape the sword of the executioner, or in order to gain 
access, by means of tliis deception, to the minds of those whom they 
wished to proselytize. On the contrary, we are bomid to presume, 
that the fundamental ideas which he found presented in those Scrip- 
tm-es had a powerful influence on his mind, so that he felt liimself 
constrained to stand forth as a reformer, not only as it related to the 
dominant church, but also to the sect of which he was a member. At 
the same time, however, he was, in spite of himseif, governed by the 
principles of his sect, by dualism, wliich he could not be induced to 
renounce. Studying the Scriptures of the New Testament, with a 
tnind already .preoccupied by these principles, he behoved that he 

' L. II. c. 10, p. 190. From 'he apos- though he is wrong in saying, that thei 
tie Paul oil tptvdeTnjvLiioL ■jTapaypuipovTai ; called themselves by this name 



248 HIS EAKLY HISTORY. 

found the same principles enforced in what he there read, respecting 
the opposition of darlcness to light, flesh to spirit, world to God. It 
was by a Christianity drawn from the writings of St. Paul, and in 
part of k't. John, but apprehended under the forms of the Gnostic du- 
alism, that the Paulicians were, from this time onward, bent on bring- 
ing about a renovation of the church, a restoration of the pure apos- 
tolic doctrines. To designate his profession, as an a[)Ostolic i-eform- 
er, Constantine took the name of Silvanus ; and so it became the cus- 
tom afterwards, for the more distinguished teachers of this sect to call 
themselves by the names of the several companions of St. Paul — a 
custom which may be rightly regarded as marking the distinct aim 
which they had before them. They professed to be sunply the organs 
of the Pauline spirit, hke those who were the companions of St. Paul 
in his laboi'S. Constantine labored twenty-seven years, from about 
657 to 684, with great activity, for the advancement of his sect. It? 
further spread drew upon it a new persecution. In the year 684, or 
one of the other last years of the reign of Constantine Pogonatus, that 
emperor sent Simeon, an officer of his household, into those districts, 
empowering him to punish with death the leader of the sect, and all 
recusants, and to brmg such as were disposed to recant to the bishops, 
for the pui'pose of being more fully instructed by them in pure doc- 
trine. Constantine, if we may credit the account given by opponents, 
was, at the command of Simeon, stoned to death by faithless disciples, 
at the head of whom w-as his own ungrateful adopted son, Justus. i 
But the major part of those who were handed over to the bishops, 
persisted in maintaining their old opinions ; upon which Simeon under- 
took to deal with them, and bring them over to the pure doctrines of 
the church. But as he was a layman, and therefore somewhat at a 
loss for arguments, as well as more unprejudiced, he was struck with 
the remarkable appearance of Christian sincerity in their behavior, 
and more and more attracted by the princi2)les of the Paulician sect. 
With these impressions, he returned to Constantinople. But after 
remaining there three years, under his former relations, tu-ed of the 
constraint of hving in a society, where he was forced every mo- 
ment to conceal or deny his real convictions, he secretly repaired 
to Cibossa, in Armenia, where the remnant of Constantino's followers 
wei'e still to be found. He there became head of the party, and took 
the apostolic name Titus. After laboring three years as presidmg 
officer of the sect, and inducing numbers to join it, he and his fol- 
lowers were accused before the bishop of Colonia, by the same trea- 
cherous Justus who had acted so prominent a part in the stoning to 
death of Constantine, At the suggestion of this bishop, the emperor 
Justinian II. dii-ected, in the year 6U0, a new examination into the 
tenets of the sect, the result of which was that Titus, and many others 
besides, died at the stake. 

One of the individuals who escaped death on this occasion, by the 



' It is reported, tlmt the memory of name given to tlie spot where it oreuried, 
^llonstantuie's death was preserved, by the ^cjpui;. Photius i. 16. 



GEGN^SIUS. 249 

name of Paul, was now placed at. the head of the sect ; and he ap- 
pointed as his successor his oldest son Gegnaesius, whom he named 
Timothy. From this time, the sect was divided into two parties. 
The scliism grew out of the antagonism betwixt a Cathohc and a Pro- 
testant principle. Gegnaesius held that spiritual gifts were communi- 
cated by tradition, and comiected with the regularity of succession. 
On this ground, he founded his claim to be regarded as the principal 
leader of the sect. But his yoimger brother, Theodore, refused to ac- 
knowledge any such principle, maintaining that such outward media- 
tion was unessential, and that he had received the spirit immediately 
from the same divine source with his father.' Under the reign of Leo 
the Isaurian, new complaints were lodged against the Paulicians at 
Constantinople, and the emperor ordered Gegngesius to appear at the 
capital and undergo a trial. The examination was committed to the 
patriarch, before whom Gegnsesius contrived to answer all the ques- 
tions proposed to him respecting his orthodoxy in a satisfactory manner ; 
attachhig, however, quite a different sense from the true one to the 
formularies of church orthodoxy. The patriarch asked him why he had 
left the Cathohc church. Gegngesius replied, that he had never en- 
tertained the remotest wish of forsaking the Catholic church, within 
which alone salvation was to be found. But by the Cathohc church, 
he meant only the Paulician communities, called, as they beheved, to 
restore the church of Christ to its primitive purity. The patriarch 
demanded why he refused to give the mother of God the reverence 
which was her due ? Gegntesius here pronounced the anathema him- 
self on all who refused reverence to the mother of God, to her int*^ 
whom Christ entered, and from whom he came, — the mother of us all. 
But he meant the invisible, heavenly city of God, the celestial Jerusar 
lem, mother of the divine life, for admission of the redeemed into 
which Christ had prepared the way, by first entering it himself as 
their forerunner. He was asked, why he did not pay homage to the 
cross ? Gegnfesius here pronounced the anathema on all who refused 
to venerate the cross ; but by this he understood Christ himself, called 
by that s\Tnbolical name. Furthermore, he was asked why he des- 
pised the body and blood of Christ, and refused to partake of it ? The 
reply to this also was satisfactory ; but by the body and blood of 
Christ, he was accustomed to understand the doctrines of Christ, in 
which he communicated himself. So also he answered the question 
respecting baptism, but by baptism he understood Christ himself, the 
living water, the water of life. This trial having been reported to the 
emperor, Gegnsesius received from his sovereign a letter of protection, 
securing him against all further coniitlaints and persecutions. 

Wo might readily conjecture, that the emperor Leo, that determined 
enemy of images, was disposed to befriend the Paulicians ; and that 
the issue at tliis trial, which was so favorable to their cause, was 
brought about by his influence ; for a certain aflfinity existed between 

' Phot. I. 18. M/) Tvarpod-ev iK tov Xa- rr/c npiJri}^ Supeug kuI ot&£v d 7ror;/p Tavrfft 
J6v^o( divripg 66aEi /nEraaxfii', uA'/,' tvc el'AKvaev. 



250 GEGN.ESIUS. BAANES. 

the spiritual tendeucy of the Paulicians and that of the iconoclasts. 
The Paulicians too were violently opposed to image-worship) : they always 
began by attacking this superstitJon, accusing the dominant church, 
on this ground, of idolatry ; and perhaps — as seems to be indicated 
by an Armenian controversial tract against the Paulicians which has 
recently come to lights — the attack on image-worship was the occa- 
sion by wliich many Avere first led to separate from the dominant church, 
and then, mvited by the spirit of reform which manifested itself in that 
sect, to unite with the Paulicians. It cannot be assumed, however, 
that all iconoclasts would, as a matter of course, be favorably disposed 
to the Paulicians ; for that the fact was not so appears evident from the 
example of the later iconoclast emperors. And it is well known, that 
the iconoclasts were the more eager to show their attachment to the 
church orthodoxy on all points but one, and to remove all suspicion on 
this score, in proportion as the disposition was strong to charge them 
with heresy. From these considerations, it must still remain uncer- 
tain whether the emperor Leo purposely favored the Paulicians. But 
if the report which has come down to us respecting the trial of Geg- 
nsesius agrees with the truth, it can still hardly be supposed, that the 
patriarch would have made it so easy for that heresiarch to deceive 
him, unless he had some good reason for allowing himself to be de- 
ceived. If he had not, he would, without doubt — especially as the 
deceptive arts of the Paulicians were, to some extent, understood — 
have proposed such questions to Gegnoesius, as would have compelled 
him to distinct explanations. 

On the death of this Gegnaesius, after an active service of thirty 
years, he was succeeded by his son Zacharias ; who was opposed, how- 
ever, by another heresiarch, by the name of Joseph, so that a new 
schism arose among the Paulicians. This Joseph was compelled, by 
threatening dangers from the Saracens, to transfer the seat of his 
labors to Antioch in Pisidia ; and the sect now spread beyond the 
boundaries of Armenia into the countries of Asia Minor.^ Joseph 
was succeeded by a certain Baanes, who from the Cynic mode- of life 
Avhich he adopted and encouraged, received the surname of " filthy," 
(o QvnaQk^)^ which brought him and liis party into l)ad repute. But 

' We mean the; jioleniical tract of Jolin tlic words : " ad quos Tanlifianos icoiioma 

of Ozmin, so called from his native city clii quidam ali Alvaiioi-um Catholicis repre 

Ozniin, in the province of Tascir, in (Jreatcr heiisi advcnientes adiiaesenint." might he 

Armenia, where he was l)orn A. D. 668. traced out in the original sources hy those 

Suhseqwent to the vear 718, he hecame Ca- aeiiuainted with Armenian literature, 
tholicos or primate of the Armenian church. '■'Unless tiie account of the Byzantme 

His works were published in 18:H hv the historian. Cedrenns, i>laces at too early a 

Mechitarists of the island of St. Lazari period what hapi)ened not till later, a seat 

near Venice, with Aucher's Latin transla- had already hccii prepared in Ihrace tor 

lion In his discourse against tiie Pauli- this sect, under the emperor Constantine 

cians John savs, whenever thev met with Copronymus ; ior this histr)rian,in the eiev- 

inexperienced imd simple peoi)re. thev first eiith year of the reign oi Constantme, re- 

be<^an with speaking agwnst images. See latcs that the emperor, after having recon- 

p "re lie says (p.' 89). that manv icono- quered tiie Armenian jjrovmce Mehtene, 

clasts, when ejected from the Catholic trans].lantcd many Paulicians to Con^tund- 

churcii, joined the Paulicians. It were to nonle and Thrace. 
■)e wished, tliat the historical allusions of 



SERGIUS. 251 

at this time, near the beginning of the ninth century, the sect, which 
had been so rent by inward divisions and injured by the influence of 
bad teachers, began once more to hft its head under the auspices of a 
new refonner Avho rose up in their own body. 

Sergius came from the village of Ania, not far from the town of 
Tavia,''in Galatia, and was won over to the sect while yet a young 
man.' He was led to join it by a singular incident, worthy of being 
noticed, because it shows how numbers might be induced by the de- 
fective instruction of the clergy, which failed to satisfy their religious 
needs, to join the Paulicians. He once met with a woman belonging 
to this sect, who asked him, in the course of their conversation, 
whether he had ever read the Gospels. Sergius replied in the nega- 
tive, adding that this was a thing which belonged exclusively to the 
clergy — that the mysteries of Holy Scripture were too exalted for 
laymen. Hereupon the woman said, " The Holy Scriptures are in- 
tended for all men, and they are open to all ; for God wills that all 
should come to the knowledge of the truth. But the clergy, who for- 
bade them to be studied by the la'ity, wished to withhold from the lat- 
ter the mysteries of the divine word, lest they should become aware 
of corruptions which the clergy had introduced into them. For the 
same reason, it was only single portions of Scriptures, torn from their 
proper connection, which were publicly read in the churches."' She 
then asked him, whom it was our Lord meant. Matt. 7: 22, where he 
speaks of those, who would plead that they had wrought miracles and 
prophesied in his name, but whom he would nevertheless refuse to ac- 
knowledge as his ; or who were the sons of the kingdom, of whom our 
Lord says, that the_y should be thrust out of it, Matt. 8: 12. They 
are those — said she"^ — whom you call saints, of whom you say that 
they perform miraculous cures,^ expel evil spirits, whom you honor, 
while you neglect to honor the Hving God. These words made a deep 
impression on the mind of Sergius. He diligently studied the writings 
of St. Paul. He obtained from them a better knowledge of what be- 
longs to a vital Christianity, and came to perceive more clearly the 
diflference between the godlike and the ungodlike, the spirit and the 
flesh. On the ground of this antithesis, distmctly expressed as his 
point of departure, he combated the confounding of Christianity 
with the world in the effete churchism of the state reUgion ; but 
at the same time he gi-ounded this practical antagonism on the theo- 
retical one of the Gnostic dualism. 

He set himself up as a teacher, undei- the name of Tychicus ; 
and labored for thirty-four years with great zeal and indefatigable 

' Petrus Siculus, wlio treats (p. 54) of ratlicr to suppose that Sergius then bc- 

Scrjrius, says nothing about liis Iiaving longed to the Catholic church, 
sprung from a family connected with the * The question comes up, how did the 

sect. But Photius (p. 95) says, that his Paulicians understand this? Did they 

father Dryinos was a meml)cr of the sect, mean that the stories about the miracles 

and that Sergius. therefore, had been in- of the saints were fictitious; or that they 

structcd in its doctrines from his childhood, really jicrlbrmed such works, but did so 

Yet his own report of the conference of by the power of the Demiurge whom they 

Sergius with the Paulician woman, contra- served ? 
diets this statement, and would lead us 



252 HIS MODE OF LABORING AND ITS EFFECTS. 

acti^^ty, traversing every part of Asia Minor, for the advancement 
and confirmation of the Pauhcian communities, and for the spread 
of the Pauhcian doctrines ; and it was certainly not without jus- 
tice that, speaking from his own point of view, he could say, in one 
of his epistles to a Paulician community : " I have run from East to 
West, and from North to South,' till my knees were weary, preaching 
the gospel of Christ. "2 He seems to have imitated the example of 
St. Paul, also, in refusing to receive the means of support from 
others, and striving to maintam himself by the labor of his OAvn 
hands. To this end he followed the trade of a carpenter.^ Even 
his opponents would not refuse to Sergius the praise of strict mo- 
rality, and ol those kind and gentle manners which win the heart, 
and by j^-hich he was enabled to concihate even his bitterest enemies.4 
He gained many followers, especially by his peculiar mode of first 
presenting before them simply the doctrines of practical Chiistianity 
— which bv other teachers were made to give way to a mere formal 
orthodoxy — until he had won their confidence; when, having gained 
this advantage, he proceeded gradually to inveigh against the domi- 
nant church.5 Owing to the manner, also, in which Sergius himself 
had been first drawn to this sect, many of the laity would be easily 
attracted to him and to his disciples, especially when they heard them 
repeating the hitherto unknown words of the evangelists and of St. 
Paul, and exposing to view the contradiction between these teachmgs 
and many of the ordinances of the church.^ Even among monks, 
nuns, and ecclesiastics, he found many willing auditors.'' But con- 
scious of laboring as a reformer, he was, no doubt, accustomed, when 
speaking of himself, to adopt a tone which, makmg every allowance 
for the hyperbohcal Itinguage of the East, cannot be pronounced en- 
tirely free from the charge of a self-exaltation, mconsistent with the 
essence of Christian humility. He thus writes to one of the commu- 
nities : " Suffer yourselves to be deceived by no man ; but be assured 
that you have received these doctrines from God ; for we write you 
out of the full conviction of our hearts. For I am the porter, and 
the good shepherd, and the leader of the body of Christ, and the 
light of the house of God. I, too, am with you always, even unto 
the end of the world ;8 for though I may be absent in the body, yet 

' Which words are important, as serv- re kui av?i,ayuyovoa. Phot. 1. I. c. 22. pag. 

ing to fix the geographical point from 120. Of course, all these good traits in a 

which his labors commenced and ex- heretic were hut a hypocrite's mask, worn 

tended. for the purpose of enabling him more 

^ 'Atti^ avaroTiuv Kal fiExpi Sva/iuv Kal easily to carry on his deception. 

{uTTd) pop^uc Kal (fiexpi) votov idpaiivv * Phot. I. p. 108. 

Ki/pi'aacjv to evayyt-XLoa roii XpiGTov rolg '' Peter of Sicily says, p. 6 : ;j;a/le77oi' to 

ifiolQ yovaai fSap)/aa(,. Pet. Sic. p. 60., fii/ auvapTraa-diivai, vtt' avTuv Tovg d,Tz7i.ova- 

where the words are cited more fully and Tspovg, Si.6ti nuvTa to, tov evayyeliov koI 

accurately than in Photius 1. I. p. 112. tov utocftoXov Xoyia dia'AtyovTai. 

^ Phot. 1. I. p. 130. ' So Peter of Sicily reproaches him foi 

* Kai ransivdv ^i?of Kal ^s^iuasug Ka- leading astray many monks, priests, and 
TeaxTiiiaTiaiiivog Tpowog Kal ijfiepoTrjg uv _ Levites. Sec j). 62. 

Toi)g oUeiovg vTTuavtm/vovaa (shou.\d doubt- ^Photius I. 21. p. 115, cites the words 

less read v-iioaaivovaa), /i.ovov, u7Ad Kai only thus far; but the epithet, which Ser- 

rovg Tpaxvrepov diaKei/xevovc vno'Aeaivovaa gius here applies to himself, is somew.rtif 



FALSE ACCUSATIONS OF HIS ADVERSARIES. 253 

I am with you in the spirit ;''i — and to the same community, at 
Colonia in Armenia, he writes : " Even as the primitive communities 
received then- shepherds and teachers, so you also have received the 
illuminating torch, the clear-shining light, the guide-post to salva- 
tion."2 He then quotes in proof Matthew 6: 22, which he probahly 
understood somewhat as follows ; — that by virtue of the soundness 
of the eye within them, of the sense for divine realities awakened 
in then- minds, they had recognized and received him as the true 
Ught. • 

If we placed certain reliance on the reports of opponents, we 
should be compelled to believe that Sergius pushed his self-exaltatioc 
to the extreme of self-deification ; for it is said that he called him- 
self the Paraclete and the Holy Ghost. But accusations of this sort 
camiot be received without suspicion ; for to say nothing of the 
mtrinsic improbability of the thing, it is plain, from those expressions 
of the Pauhcians in wdiich men were disposed to find such predicates 
applied to Sergius, liow^ widely remote from their obvious meaning 
was the w^ay in which they were interpreted. The Paulicians were 
accused of praying in the name of Sergius, as of the Holy Spirit. 
They A^ere accustomed, for example, to seal up and conclude their 
petitions with the phrase, " The intercession of the Holy Spirit will 
be favorable to us. "3 But assuredly in tliis formula, imitated after 
the words in Romans 8: 26, it is not Sergius who is designated by 
the name Holy Spiiit; but either a mediating intercession of the 
Holy Spirit, as nearly related to the supreme God, is pre-supposed ; 
or, according to St. Paul, the inward prayer of beheving aspiration is 
considered as a prayer of the Holy Spirit himself, of the Spirit of 
God dwelling in, and prajing from, the hearts of behevers. If, then, 
there is any ground for the assertion, that Sergius set himself up as 
the Holy Spirit, and the Paraclete,^ it could only amount to this, that 
Sergius represented himself, not as the Holy Spmt, but as the Para- 
clete ; while liis opponents, makmg no distmction between the two, 
misinterpreted the language of Sergius, as if he understood the Para- 
clete to be the same as the Holy Spirit. The truth was, however, 
that he distinguished these two forms of expression ; and, by the 
Paraclete, he understood, hke jNIani, an enUghtened teacher promised 
by Christ, who should separate the doctrines taught by him from all 
foreign mixtures, and open their true sense ; and as such a teacher 
he meant to be regarded hunself. But as Sergius did not think him- 
self to be the first or the only reformer of a corrupted Christianity, 



softened by its connection with what fol //ei?' v/iCiv ei/it liuaa^ tuc r//iepac Iwf r^C 

lows, which is toi be found in Peter of (juvreXeias tov aluvos. Ei jup km T<p au- 

Sicily, p. 64. /J^ari, unti/it, uaau rw nvevfian avv v/ilv 

' M//(5f(f ii/zdf i^a-ar/jay Kara /j.jj6eva elfir Xoittuv x'^'-P^'''^' iiaTa()Ti.^ecr&e Kol o 

Tp6~ov, Tavrag (5e rug inayyeXiac txovrec iS-edf rz/f eipf/vrjc earai /zti?' vfiiJv. 

napu ^eoii T&apaelre, ij/ielc; yap neTreiy/ievoi. * He calls himself Xafiniida (j)aeiv^v, ?i.vx- 

ovreg kv ralg Kapdiaic iip.Cov iypiapafitv vov (paivovra. 

vuiv, dri 6 i^vpupuc Kal 6 noifir/v 6 KuAog ^ 'H ebxv tov iiyiov Trvev/iarog Hhjaa 

tal odriydc tov au/xaTog tov XpioTOv Kal ijnug. Phot. I. 114. 

i '/.vxvog tov oIkov tov i?ioO iy6i ujii Kal * See Phot. 1. 1. p. 111. 



254 DID SEIIGIUS CALL HIMSELF THE PARi CI.F.TE ? 

and therefore could not liave called himself, m this sense, the promised 
Paraclete, by -ohom believei-s were to be first led to tho consciousness 
of divine truth, freed from all elements of error ; we must suppose 
that, wliile he recognized the earlier teachers of the Paulicians in 
their capacity as teachers, he still designated himself as the great 
Teacher whom Christ promised, and by whom a reformation was to be 
effected in the entire church, and that he subordinated them, as his 
fore-runners, to himself. We might trace this in his designating them 
as simply noi}iivag nai didaandXovg (pastors and teachers), while he 
calls himself the resplendent lamp (Xdiinag cfunivti)^ the shinino' 
light (}.vxvog qpa/Vwi') , the light^giving star (^i^^'o^ar/yV acrr/;^).! But 
opposed to this view is the fact, that he represented the apostle Paul 
as the great teacher, by Avhom alone Christianity was to be exhibited 
in its true hght ; that, compared to Paul, he placed himself only on 
a level with Tycliicus, and that he aspired at nothing higher than to 
be an ambassador and disciple of St. Paul, holding forth not the 
doctrines of his own wisdom, but those of his master.^ It is, then, 
the most probable supposition, that Sergius did not wish to be re- 
garded as either the Paraclete or the Holy Spirit ; but that certain 
expressions, in which he represented himself as the organ of the Holy 
Spirit, or as a Paraclete for the restoration of pure Christianity, led, 
by a misconception of their import, to the abovementioned false accu- 
sations.3 

The active labors of Sergius fell withui a period which at first was 
favorable to their success. It was when the Greek emperor Nicepho- 
rus, who reigned near the beginning of the ninth century, refused to 
be emjDloyed as a tool of the hierarchy for the persecution of the 
Paulicians ; but promised them, particularly in Phrygia and Lycaonia, 
freedom and security in the exercise of their religious faith.* It may 
be doubted whether this emperor w^as determined to this milder treatr 
ment of the Paulicians by his impatience of the domination of the 
clergy,^ or by different principles from those which ordinarily prevailed 



' See Phot. I. 98. is to be found among those du'ected 

^ "A 6tayye22,ei fii/ ryg ai'Tov ao(piag el- against the Bogomiles, or Euchitcs ; if by 

vai, Toil dt didu^avTOQ kol uneaTuXKOTOc Tychicus, there mentioned, we are to un- 

Ilavlov TvapayyElfiaTa. Photius himself derstand Sergius. He is there accused of 

notices the inconsistency of Sergius, in applying what is said in Scripture, of God 

assuming such lofty epithets, and yet re- the Father, and of the Holy Spirit, to his 

presenting himself as standing in this sub- own spiritual father, to one of the Cory- 

ordhiate relation to St. Paul. He offers phaeuses of this sect, and of perverting the 

the following, not very natural, explana- language, as follows : Tvxi.k(1^, -C> ■nuaac 

tion. Sergius, he says, spoke of himself ruq -rrept rnv -^cov Kal narpdc Itl de Kai 

in th(j latter way, when addressing the Trfp?, rov uyiov nvfiifj-arog f)r/astg elc rdv 

Exoterics. or persons who were yet to be Trvev/iariKov avrov Trartpa TcapepfirjvevGav- 

gained over to the sect ; and. in the former, ti. See Jacobi Tollii insignia itinerarii 

in addressing those who were already ini- Italici. p. 114. 

tiated into the mysteries. Seel. 1 p. IIL ''See Theophanes Chronograph, f 413, 

This far-fetched explanation is at once re- ed. Paris. 

futed by the fact, that all these epithets * Though we _ are never warranted to 

are undoubtedly taken from ei)istles of Scr- place any reliance on the stories told liy 

gius addressed to aitire coiimninitus. the Byzantine historians, his bitter enemies. 

•* Some such misconce])tion, probably, concerning his connection with the PauU 

gave occasion also to the anathema which cians. 



PERSECUTION OF THE PAULICIANS. 255 

respecting the proper mode of dealing with false teachers ; for it ia 
certain that at this time there was in the Greek church a better-dis- 
posed mmority, who considered it an unchristian procedure to perse- 
cute heretics with the sword ; and who declared it contrary to the vo- 
cation of priests to be the occasion of bloodshed, it being their duty 
simply to lead the erring, if possible, to repentance. It was this mi- 
nority, who, when Michael Curopalatcs, the next emperor, was induced, 
by the influence of Nicephorus, patriarch of Constantinople, to 
threaten these heretics with the punishment of the sword, endeavored, 
by arguments of this kind, to avert the execution of the order.^ Anil 
one of the most zealous defenders of the chui'ch faith, and fanatical 
sujjporters of image-worship, Theodore, abbot of the monastery of 
IStudion at Constantinople, maybe considered the representative of this 
Christiauly disposed minority.^ To Theophilus, a bishop of Ephesus, 
who had declared that to kill the Manicheans was a glorious work, he 
■writes, "What sayst thou?^ — Our Lord has forbidden this in the 
gospels. Matt. 13: 29, lest m rooting out the tares, the wheat might 
be gathered up with them. Let both grow together until the harvest. 
How then canst thou call the rooting up of the tares a glorious 
work ? " He then quotes, in confirmation of his views, a fine passage 
from the homilies of Chrysostom on the gospel of Matthew ; 4 after 
which he goes on to say : " Nor ought we to pray against the teachers 
of error : much rather are we bound to pray for them, as our Lord 
when on the cross prayed for those who knew not what they did. At 
this late day men should no longer appeal to the examples of Phineas 
and of Elijah ; for it was necessary to distinguish the difibrent stages 
of the Old and of the New Testament : — and when the disciples would 
have acted in that spirit (against the Samaritans) Christ expressed his 
displeasure that they should depart so far from that meek and gentle 
Spirit, whose disciples they ought to have been." Citing the passage in 
2 Tim. 2: 25, he remarks, " We ought not to punish, but to instnict, the 
ignorant. Rulers, indeed, bear not the sword in vain ; but neither do 
they bear it to be used against those, against whom our Lord had for- 
bidden it to be used. Their dominion is over the outward man ; and 
it is incumbent on them to punish those who are found guilty of crimes 
against the outward man. But their power of punishing has no refer- 
ence to what is purely inward ; — this belongs exclusively to their 
province, who have the cure of souls, — and these can only threaten 
spiritual punishments, such for example, as exclusion from the fellow- 
ship of the church." 5 

' The Chronographer Theophanes, who \>vxi.K!/c koi auiiariKfj^ ma^apaiag ifiivleovi, 

mentions the fact, p. 419, charges those who Kal ilaiftovuv laTpeia^ vnapxovrag 2vTpov 

maintained this ground with being alto- fievoi rov ii(povc- 

gether at variance witli the sacred Scrip- ^ Of this remarkable man we shall have 

tares. To prove this, he cites the example more to say in the following period. 

of Peter, who caused the death of Ananias ^ In his Letters, II. 155. 

and Sapphira merely for a falsehood ; of * Hom 47. 

Paul, who says. Rom. 1: .32. they who do ° ^uuutcjv yap hpxovre^, Toi)^ h role 

Buch things are worthy of death, though he aufiariKol^ (i/loirraf e^bv avrolr KoXii^eii', 

is here speaking only of sins of tlie flesh, ovxi role ^v Ty (it should read ohxl ro«)j. 

fT(jf oiiK kvavTioi avrcjv elev ol roi)c Trdaric ^v Toig) Kara ■^vx^V' tuv yup ipvxtjv apxov- 



256 PERSECUTION OF THE PAULICIANS. 

Yet, such individual voices could avail nothing against the dominant 
spirit. Iconoclasts and image-worshippers concurred in the adoption 
of persecuting measures against these sects, which, in the meanwhile, 
continued to increase and spread ; as was apparent under the succes- 
sors of Nicephoi'us, the emperors Michael Curopalates (Rhangabe), 
and Leo the Armenian. The common zeal manifested by himself and 
those heretics against image-worship could not move the emperor Leo 
the Annenian to adopt any milder measures against the Paulicians ; 
but perhaps he was desirous of proving his zeal for the pure doctrines 
of the church, by persecuting that obstinate sect. Thomas, bishop of 
Neo-CsBsarea in Cappadocia, and the abbot Paracondaces, were ap- 
pointed inquisitors over the Pauhcians. Those who manifested repent- 
ance were to be placed in the hands of the bishops for the purpose 
of being instructed and reconciled to the church ; the rest were to be 
put to the sword. The cruelty Avith which these inquisitors executed 
their commission, provoked the Paulicians who resided in the city of 
Cynoschora in Ai-menia,' to a conspiracy against them, by which both 
were cut oif. After this, the Paulicians fled to the parts of Armenia 
subject to the Saracens, by whom they were received in a friendly 
manner, as enemies of the Roman empire. The Saracens assigned to 
their use a town called Argaum.2 The favorable reception which these 
had met with, and the persecutions in the Roman empire, mduced a 
constantly increasing multitude to take refuge in the same paxts ; and 
Sergius also, their leader, fixed his residence in this place. Here 
they gradually formed a considerable force ; and making inroads into 
the Roman provinces, dragged away many as captives, whom they en- 
deavored to make proselytes. Sergius disapproved of this, and endeav- 
ored to dissuade his people from the practice ; but his advice was dis- 
regarded. He could testify that he had neither part nor lot in all this 
calamity. Often had he exhorted them not to make prisoners of the 
Romans : — they refused to hear him.^ After having pursued his 
labors here for several years, Sergius, while employed alone on one of 
the adjacent mountains*^, felling timber for his carpenter's trade, was 
attacked by a certain Tzanio of Nicopohs, a fierce zealot for the 
church-doctrine, and assassinated, A. D. 835.4 

In reference to the doctrines of the Paulicians, the two only sour- 
ces of information furnish but very meagre accounts ; and from these, 
it is impossible to form anytliing like a complete and well-defined no- 
tion of their character. As writers assumed, that the Pauhcians de- 
scended from the Manichseans, the mode of understanding and re- 

Tuv TovTo, uv TO. KolaGTrjpLa (K^opLafiol Koi mentioned. The inhabitants are callad by 

al loLnal kiriTiiiiai.. See f. 497. Petrus Siculus, 'ApyaovTai. To this com- 

» 01 leyo/icvoi Kvvoxcjplrai, Phot. I. p. munity Sergius gives the name of Colos- 

128. 01 KaroiKovvTfc /ft'i'Of rf/v x^P'^'^^ sians. Pctr. Sic. p. 66. . , , 

Petr. Sicul. p. 66. which communities are ^ 'Eyu ruv kmCiv tovtuv uvairioc fi/^i, 

designated bv Sergius as the Laodicean. rroXXu yap TrapfiyysAlov avTolc, ka rov aix- 

^'Apyaovv, perliaps Areas, see Gieseler, finT^uri^siv rovf f)u/xaiovg uTroarr/vai, nal 

{. e. p. 94, — unless the fact was that this oi)X' vmiKovaav fioi Petr. Sic. 62. 
town, which is described as lying on a " See, respecting the chronology, Giese- 

mountain, received its name from" the moun- ler's remarks in the above mentioned Es 

tain Argaous, and is one not elsewhere say, p. 100. 



DOCTRINES OF THE PAULICIANS. 257 

presenting their Lluctiinea would easily be made to wear a false color 
of Manicliaeism. Their system was certainly founded on duahstic 
principles ; the creation of the sensible world, for example, was i-efer- 
red only to the evil principle, Avliich they are said to have represented 
as the Demiurge. But since in all the older Gnostic systems, the Crea- 
tor of the world was considered a distinct being from the evil princi 
pie, while in the Paulician system, the Demiurge as the principle of 
evil was opposed to the kingdom of the supreme and perfect God, 
it may be doubted whether this distinction between the Creator of the 
world and the evil principle was really held by them. The doctrine 
of the Paulicians, as it is described,' viz. that the evil spirit or the 
Demiurge sprang into existence out of darkness and fire, may doubt- 
less have some reference to such a distinction ; for this two-fold nature 
presupposes two elements, whose combination formed the essence of 
the Demiurge, darkness, the proper principle of evil, and fire, the 
principle of the sidereal world, both opposed to the spiritual life — as 
in the Clementines, and in the doctrine of the Tzabians or disciples 
of John. Thus the Paulicians, like Marcion, may have supposed 
three fundamental principles, or two absolute fundamental principles, 
and a middle one. At all events, they themselves considered the 
distinction between a Demiurge, the author of the sensible creation, 
and the pexfect God, from whom nothing proceeds but the spiritual 
world, and who cannot reveal himself in the world of sense, as the 
characteristic mark of their sect as compared with the Catholic 
church ; — for they accused the latter of confounding together the 
Demiurge and the perfect God, and of worshipping the former only. 
In their disputes mth Cathohc Christians, they said to them : you be- 
hove in the Creator of the world ; but we believe in him of whom our 
Lord says — "ye have neither heard his voice at any time, nor seen 
his shape," after the manner iuAvhich the Creator of the world revealed 
himself in the Old Testament, John 5: 37. ^ Photius says,3 " that 
the Paulicians did not all in like manner exclude the perfect God from 
participating in the work of creation. Some ascribed to the good 
God the creation of the heavens ; to the evil principle, the creation 
of the earth and of all that exists betwixt the heavens and the earth ; 
others considered the heavens themselves as a work of the Demiurge." 
It is probable, then, that the Pauhcians, affirmed or denied that the, 
perfect God was the Creator of the heavens according to the different 
senses which they attached to that word. If by heaven was 
meant the visible firmament, the starry heaven, this the Paulicians 
reckoned as belonging to the creation and kingdom of the Demiurge, 
and opposed to it the creation and the kingdom of the perfect God. 
But if by heaven was meant the spiritual heaven, beyond the sidereal 
world, the region of things divine, this they regarded as a creation 
and kingdom of the perfect God. The good God and the Demiurge 
bad each his own appropriate heaven.'* We may thus account for it, 

' PhoL II. 3. 3 II. a. 

* See Pet. !Sic. p. 16. '•According to the statement cf Mar 

VOL. III. 17 



258 DOCTRINES OF THE PAULICIANS. 

that Pliotius, by neglecting k) distinguish the different senses of the 
term " heaven" in the Pauhcian system, mistook a different mode of 
expression for a difference of opinions. But at the same time, it is 
probable, that a difference of opinions really existed witliin the sect 
at an early period ; growing out of the more or less decided manner 
in which the dualistic s^ystem was received, just as we find that different 
opinions were entertained on this pohit among kindred sects of the 
twelfth and thirteenth centuries. According to the Paulician system, 
the corporeal world proceeded wholly from the Demiurge, who formed 
it out of matter, the source of all evil. But the soul of man is of 
divine origin, containing in it a germ of Hfe akin to the essence of the 
supreme God. Thus human nature consists of two opposite princi- 
ples ; but this unimi of the soul with a body foreign to it by nature, in 
which all the sensual passions have their root, this banishment of the 
soul into a sensible world which fetters and confines its higher essence, 
— a world which has proceeded from an entirely different creator — 
this cannot have been the work of the supreme and perfect God. It 
can only be the work of that enemy, the Demiurge, who seeks to bring 
down the divine germs of life into his own kingdom and there hold 
them fast. Such being the Paulician system of the universe, we must 
suppose they had a corres[)onding theory of the origin and nature of 
man. Either starting with the doctrine of a preexistence of souls, 
they must have held that the Demiurge w'as constantly draAving aw^ay 
these soids from the higher world to which they properly belong, and 
confining them in this material world ; or like the older Syrian Gnos- 
tics, they must have held that the Demiurge had at the beginning 
charmed the divuie germs of life into the phenomenal form of the 
first man, a being created after some image of the higher world that 
hovered before him, — which germs of life now^ proceeded to devel- 
op themselves in humanity, giving birth to human souls. An impor- 
tant source of our knowledge respecting the opinion of Sergius on 
this point, is contained in a fragment of one of his letters preserved 
by Photius and Peter the Sicilian, but which, unfortmiately, in the 
mutilated state in which it has come to us, is extremely obscure. 
" The first fornication, in which from Adam downward we are all en- 
snared, is a benefit ; but the second is greater (namcFy a greater for- 
nication or sin,) of which St. Paul says : " He that committeth fornica- 
tion sinneth against his own body," 1 Corinth. 6: 18.' To under- 
stand the real meaning of Sergius in these singular words, we must 
take them in connection wdth what he afterwards writes, though not in 
this immediate context.^ From remarks that afterwards occur, we 
find that Sergius here interprets the term no^vala (furuication) in a 

cion's doctrine by the Armcniiin bishop fart, nepl r/g Af'yet hat 6 ArrncTToXoc- 6 wop- 

Esnig, of the tii'th ceiitiiry, which Professor vevuv eic to Ichnv au/ja djuapTuvsL. Seo 

Neumann has translated in Illgen's Zeit- Phot. I. p. 117. Petr. Sieul. p. 68. 
sclirift fill- die liistorische Theologie IV. B. '■' The word.s : Vfidi- iauev aC)fia Xpiffroi 

I. Stiick, the perfect God has his seat in el rig 6k uipiaTaTai rijv Tvapadoaeuv roi 

the third heavens. aufiaroc tov Xptarov, Tovreari tCiv tfiuv. 

' 'H TTpuiTri nopvFLa, tjv iK tov Aduft ttc- uixapTuvei, uri Trpogrpexii Tolr irepodidaa' 

■jccii'f/fiJa, Evepyecria, tj c5t devripa fiei^uv KaXovat Kai unsL-&i;l roif vyiaivovai "Xoyoic 



DOCTRINES OF THE PAULICIANS. 2o9 

spiritual sense, as denoting the fall from the Supreme God, from the 
true body of Christ, i. e. the fall from the true Christian church, sut- 
sisting among the Pauhcians, and from the purely Christian doctrinea 
handed down in that sect, — the falling back into the corrupt church, 
which belongs to the Demiurge. Now if the whole should, in like 
manner, be interpreted spiritually, we must imderstand what is said 
of Adam's noQvei'a m the same sense ; and since Adam's disloyalty to 
the Supreme God could be in no way a benefit either to him or to 
his posterity, even accordmg to the system of Sergius, this disloyalty 
can only mean a rebellion against tho Demiurge. And we should 
then have the following tram of ideas : The Demiurge endeavored to 
hold the first man in complete bondage. He was not to come to any 
consciousness of his higher nature, lest he should begin to aspire 
after something beyond the kingdom of the Demiurge. Hence the 
command which forbade him to eat of the tree of the knowledge of 
good and evil. But Adam was disobedient ; and this disobedience 
of his, tliis noQveia^ by which he broke his bond of servitude to the De- 
miurge, was the cause whereby he and his race attamed to the con- 
sciousness of their higher natui"e, transcending the kingdom of the 
Demiurge ; — and therefore, he might rightly describe it as a benefit; 
since it was the necessary preparation for the redemption, afterwards 
to follow. Still, however, the phrase neQixfi'iis&a ttjv tzoqvsiuv (we are 
enveloped in the fornication) does not seem to harmonize so well Avith 
this spiritual mode of explanation ; inasmuch as the phrase denotes 
somethmg that is worn about, or that cleaves to the person. We 
should, have to understand it, then, metonymically. The consequences 
of this " fornication" of the first man, which turned out to be a bene- 
fit to him and to his posterity, passed over to us — which however 
would not be a very natural interpretation of the words. Nor in 
strict propriety, are we bound or warranted to explain everything 
spiritually in order to meet the sense of Sergius ; for however forced 
and tortuous the methods of allegorizing interpretation which we 
may expect to find m writers of this class, still it could hardly be sup- 
posed even of Sergius, that he would understand those words of St. 
Paul as by themselves considered denoting spiritual fornication. 
This w^ould be too preposterous. Most probably, he understood the 
words in the first place literally ; as warning against " fornication" in 
the proper sense ; a warning which would not appear superfluous 
even to those strict upholders of moral puritj^, the Paulicians.' But 
then in confonnity with tlie prmciples of the allegorizing mode of in- 
terpretation, he added a spiritual exposition of the same words, as de- 
noting the fall from pure doctrme, a spiritual " fornication. "2 

By these remarks we might be led to mfer that Adam's nogveia also, 

' It is manifestly perverting the language ' It should be borne in mind, that Pe- 

of Sergius. to infer from it as Petnis Sicu- trus Siculus after citing the first words, 

lus does, that Sergius did not consider the says, i-Kuyeig 'Aeyuv, therefore does not cite 

iTopveia to be a sin, but sought to justify it. the words in their entire connection, bul 

We see from this example, what reason we has left out something intervening, 
have to be cautious in admitting all that is 
aid ajrainst the Paulicians. 



260 DOCTRINES OF THE PAULICIAXS. 

refers primarilv to that of the body. We might then understand him 
as follows : Sergius considered the carnal connection of Adam and 
Eve as a noQma, as the eating of the forbidden fruit ; which sin, 
however, was still a benefit, since it led to the evchition ar.d the mul- 
tiplied mdividualization of the germ of divine life in humanity. Or 
we must sup})0se, that he considered the union of the soul with a body 
formed out of matter, as a noQvtia ; in which case, the connection of 
thought would be as follows : The Demiurge succeeded in enticing a 
heavenly soul down mto the corporeal world ; and from this, sprung all 
other human souls. This soul was the mother of all spiritual life in 
humanity. Now since according to this view as well as the other the 
spiritual life in humanity was evolved to multiplied and manifold indi- 
viduality, and since by this means also the way was prepared for the 
destruction of the kingdom of the Demiurge, this noQvna might be 
regarded as a benefit. The phrase neQmtl(ied-a 7>]v noQveiav certainly 
agrees peculiarly well with this exj^lanation ; for the " enveloping of 
the soul with the body," repeated at the birth of every man, might 
thus be described as a TtaQixHoOai zqv noQvsiav. 

The assumption of an original relationship of the soul to God, con- 
stitutes an essential difference, very important in its consequences, 
between the Paidieian and the strictly Marcionite doctrine. Hence 
the Paulicians held to an enduring connection between these souls 
originally related to God, and the supreme God, from whom they 
sprung, — a connection not to be dissolved by the power of the Demi- 
urge, They supposed an original revelation of God, implicitly con- 
tained in every soul banished into the creation of the Demiurge — a 
power of reaction against the Demiurge's influence. The God of the 
spiritual world enlightens every man that comes into this world ; — so 
they explained the words in the introduction to John's gospel. • To 
this, doubtless, they referred all manifestations of the sense of truth 
in human nature. It depends on man's will, whether to yield himself 
up to the power of sin, and so continually to depress the germ of 
divine life in his soul, or to follow out that awakening revelation 
of God, and so unfold to ever increasing freedom and power the 
germ of divine hfe within him. But however low man may sink, 
still, by virtue of his nature thus related to God, he cannot be utterly 
dispossessed of that eternal revelation of God. The enemy — say 
the Paulicians — has not so completely enthralled even the souls of 
those, who have voluntarily abandoned themselves to his power, that 
their darkened minds are left without the power of ever turning to a 
ray from the hght of truth ; for the good God always was, is, and 
shall be ; there can never be a time in which he may not reveal him- 
8elf.2 

We may easily gather, from what has been said, that the doctrine 
of redemption would hold an important place in the PauUcian system. 

' See Photius 1. II. p. 169. dafiy npog fnjdeiiiav oAu? ttj^ uAT]'&Eiag oJ 

* Photius 1. II. c. 3. 01)61 yup ovd'' ovtcj y?>,7iu rovg iaKoriajuivovc kniaTpe.i^ecr&au 

KaTeKpuT7/aev ov6e rtJi' tKovTuv Tcpo6tdcj- on 6 uya^dg ■&ed[ 7jv utl xai tart, nai eff- 



DOCTRINES OF THE PAULICIANS. 261 

Single rajs of the revelation of the incomprehensible God,"- falling 
apon the darkness of souls held boimd in the kingdom of the Demi- 
tu"ge, would not suffice to raise their imprisoned souls to perfect com- 
munion with the Supreme Being, and to perfect freedom. The good 
God must reveal himself in some better way to mankind, in order to 
prepare them for communion with himself, and to release them from 
the dominion of the Demiurge. This was done by the Redeemer. 
Of the views entertained by the PauUcians respecting the person and 
natui-e of Christ, no exact accounts have, indeed, been preserved. 
But thus much is certain. They taught that he came down as a heav- 
enly bemg, from the heaven of the good God, from that liigher world, 
which is the source and fountain of aU divine life, — the celestial 
city of God, — and that he