mM
NOT TO BE TAKEN
From the Library
BRARY OF
WELLESLEY COLLEGE
PRESENTED BY
LADY HUGGINS
lO^r:^';
GENERAL HISTORY
OF THE
SCIENCE AND PRACTICE
OF
MUSIC,
BY
SIR JOHN HAWKINS.
A NEW EDITION,
WITH THE AUTHOR'S POSTHUMOUS NOTES.
VOL. I.
LONDON :
NOVELLO, EWER & CO., i, BERNERS STREET (W.), And 35, POULTRY (E.G.)
NEW YORK, J. L. PETERS, 843, BROADWAY.
1875-
NOVILLLO, EWER AND CO.,
TYPOGRAPHICAL MUSIC AND GENERAL PRINTERS,
I, BERNERS STREET, LONDON.
\ 0 8 137
LIFE OF
SIK JOHN HAWKINS
COMPILED FKOJI
ORIGINAL SOURCES.
SIR JOHN HAWKINS, the friend and executor of
Dr. Johnson, and a descendant of the Sir John Hawkins
who commanded the Victory, and one of the four divi-
sions of the fleet, as vice-admiral, at the destruction of
the Spanish armada, was born in 1719. His fathei", an
architect and surveyor, at first brought his son up to his
own profession, but eventually bound him to an attorney,
' a hard taskmaster and a penurious housekeeper.' At
the expiration of the usual temi, the clerk became a
solicitor, and by unremitting assiduity, united to the most
inflexible probity, he, imfdended, established himself in a
respectable business, while by his character and acquire-
ments he gained admission into the company of men emi-
nent for their accomplishments and intellectual attain-
ments. He w^as an original member of the Madi-igal
Society, and at the age of thirty was selected by Mr.
(afterwards Dr.) Johnson as one of the nine who formed
his Thursday-evening Club in Ivy-lane ; a most flatter-
ing distinction, which confinned his literary habits, and
powerfully influenced his future pursuits when, not many
years after, he relinquished his profession.
In 1753, Mr. Hawkins married Sidney, the second
daughter of Peter Storer, Esq., with whom he received
an. independent fortune, which was greatly augmented in
1759 by the death of his wife's brother. He then retired
from all professional avocations, giving up his business to
his clerk, Mr. Clark, who subsequently became chamber-
lain of the city of London. With this increase of wealth
is connected an anecdote of far too honorable a nature to be
omitted here. The brother of Mrs. Hawkins made a will,
giving her the whole of his fortune, except a legacy of
£500 to a sister from whom he had become alienated,
and communicated the fact to Mr. and Mrs. Hawkins,
who, by representing the injustice of this act, and by
adding entreaty to argument, prevailed on him to make
a more equitable distribution of his property, and an equal
division was the consequence. ' We lost by this (says
Miss Hawkins, her father's biographer) more than £1,000
a-year; but our gain is inestimable, and we can ride
through a manor gone from us with exultation.'
Upon retiring from the law, Mr. Hawkins purchased a
house at Twickenham, intending to dedicate his future
life to literary labour and the enjoyment of select society.
But in 1771 he was inserted in the commission of the
peace for the county of Middlesex, and immediately be-
came a most active magistrate. Here his independent
spirit and charitable disposition were manifested. Acting
as a magistrate, he at first refused the customary fees ;
but finding that this generous mode of proceeding rather
increased the litigious disposition of the people in his
neighbourhood, he altered his plan, took what was his
due, but kept the amount in a separate purse, and at fixed
periods consigned it to the clergyman of his parish, to be
distributed at his discretion.
Being about this time led, by the defective state of the
Highways, to consider the laws respecting them, and their
deficiencies, he determined to revise them, and accord-
ingly drew up a scheme for an Act of Parliament, to con-
solidate the several former statutes, and to add such other
regulations as appeared to him necessary. His ideas on
this subject he published in 1763, in an 8vo. volume en-
tituled ' Observations on the state of Highways, and on
the Laws for amending and keeping them in repair;'
subjoining a draught of the Act before-mentioned. This
very bill was afterwards introduced into the House of
Commons, and passing through the usual forms, became
the Act under which all the Highways in the kingdom
were for many years regulated, and which forms the
nucleus of the statutes now in force.
Some time after this, a cause as important in its nature,
if not so extensive in its influence, induced him again to
exert himself in the service of the public. The Corporation
of London, finding it necessary to rebuild the gaol of New-
gate, at an expense, according to their own estimates, of
£40,000, had applied to Parliament, by a bill brought in
by their own members, to throw the onus of two-thirds of
the outlay on the County of Middlesex. This the Magis-
trates of the County thought fit to resist, and accordingly
a vigorous opposition was commenced under the conduct
of Mr. Hawkins, who drew a petition accompanied by a
case, which was printed and distributed among the mem-
bers of both Houses of Parliament. This memorial be-
came the subject of a day's discussion in the House of
Lords, and in the Commons produced such an effect, that
IV.
LIFE OF SIR JOHN HAAVKINS.
the City of London, by their own members, moved for
leave to withdraw the bill.
He was, in 1765, elected chairman of the Middlesex
(juarter-sessions.
Not long after this event, the rector and officers of the
parish of St. Andrew's, Holborn, in which he was then a
resident, solicited his assistance in opposing an attempt of
the Corporation of London, to carry out a design whicli
was fraught with injury to their interests. The City
had projected opening a street from Blackfriars-bridge
(then lately built) across the bottom of Holborn-hill,
and as much fiu-ther northward as tliey might think
proper. In the execution of this scheme, they had con-
templated, among other changes, the bestowal of the Fleet
prison (an intolerable nuisance) on their neighbours, the
parishioners of St. Andrew's, by its removal to the spot
on which Ely House then stood. They had accordingly
entered into a treaty with the then bishop of Ely, and
wei-e exerting all their influence to drive a bill through
the House of Commons, which should confirm that con-
tract, and enable the bishop to alienate the inheritance.
The inhabitants of the neighbourhood, together with the
earl of Winchelsea, the ground landlord, reasonably
alarmed at this project, determined to oppose it through-
out, and to this end applied to Mr. Hawkins for his aid.
He accordingly drew two petitions, one in behalf of the
rector and chm-chwardens, and the other in that of lord
"Winchelsea, with a case for each, containing the reasons
on which they rested their opposition. These, like his
previous endeavours, were successful, and the application
of the City of London failed. For this assistance, the
parish not content with returning him their thanks, de-
termined to expend £30 in the purchase of a silver cup
to be presented to him, a resolution which was shortly
afterwards carried into effect. During this time his
literary reputation had become so highly established, that
the University of Oxford, meditating a re-publication of
Sir Thomas Hanraer's Shakespeare, in 6 vols. 4to, with
additional notes, applied to him to furnish them. This he
accordingly did, and on the issue of the work, received
from the University a copy as a present — a favor the
more to be esteemed as but six copies of the impression
were thus given. Of these the King received one, the
Queen another, the King of Denmark a tliird, and Mr.
Hawkins a fourth. To whom the other two were pre-
sented is now not known. In 1770, a charge was de-
livered by him, in his capacity of Chairman of the Quarter
Sessions, to the grand jury of Middlesex, which, at their
general i-equest, was printed and published. During the
years of which we have been speaking, popular dis-
content had occasionally risen high, and in the execution
of his duty as a magistrate Mr. Hawkins had more than
once been called into service of great personal danger ;
but his was not a character to shrink from peril in a good
cause, and when the riots at Brentford broke out, as they
did with great violence on various occasions, he and some of
bis brethren presenting themselves on the spot, effectually
suppressed the tumult by their resolute demeanour.
When, too, the rising of the Spitalfields weavers took
place, the Middlesex magistrates, and he at their head,
attended at JNIoorfields, the scene of the disturbances,
with a party of the Guards, and succeeded by their firm-
ness and conduct in dispersing the mob, and repressing
an outbreak which at one time seemed to threaten for-
midable results.
Having thus, on many occasions, given proofs of his
courage, loyalty, and ability, he in 1772 received from his
Majesty, George III., the honor of knighthood.
A fresh edition of Shakespeare being contemplated by
Dr. Johnson and INIr. Stevens in 1773, he was, for the
second time, requested to furnish notes to that author,
which he accordingly did.
In 1775, the year in which it was determined to com
mence the disastrous American war, it being thought
proper to carry up an address from the county of Mid-
dlesex to the King on the occasion, the magistrates, at
his instance, voted one which he drew up, and had the
honor of presenting to his Majesty in the October of
that year.
It may not be out of place to notice here, an assertion
made by Boswell in his Life of Johnson, vol. i. p. 168,
that ' upon occasion of presenting an address to the
King, he (Hawkins) accepted the usual offer of knight-
hood.' Without remarking on the spirit which has evi-
dently actuated Boswell whenever he has spoken of Sir
John, it is enough to state that no address whatever was
presented in 1772 (the year in which he was knighted),
or for some years previously ; and, moreover, that there
is strong reason to believe that the address of 1775, men-
tioned above (which was presented exactly three years
after the date of his knighthood), was the only one in
which he ever was concerned. Be this last as it maj', the
fact above mentioned sufficiently disproves the allegation.
Even, however, if the honor had been attained as Boswell
describes, it would have mattered little ; for that he was
not imworthy of it may be gathered from the fact, that
the Earl of Rochford (then one of the Secretaries of
State), when presenting him to the King for knighthood,
took occasion to describe him as the best magistrate
in the kingdom.
In the memorable year 1780, an order from the Privy
Council having been issued through the Secretary of
State's office, requiring the Middlesex magistrates to
assemble for the preservation of the public peace, he and
some others met early in the morning of Monday, the
5th of June, and continued sitting at Hicks's Hall, their
Sessions House, till late in the evening. On the following
day they did likewise ; but at night, instead of returning
to their own homes, they determined to form parties of
two each, and thus to distribute themselves in those
places where mischief was to be apprehended. This re-
solution was taken in consequence of the prevalence of a
report that the mob intended to attack the houses of Lord
North and of other members of the Administration, and
also that of Lord Mansfield. As Sir John bad long
been honored with the friendship of the latter, he fixed
LIFE OF SIR JOHN HAWKINS.
V.
upon him as the object of his attention, and accordingly
proceeded to his house, accompanied by a brother magis-
trate who resided in the neighbourhood. On their ar-
rival they found Lord Mansfield writing to the Secretary
of War for a party of the Guards, and the interval between
the despatch of the application and the arrival of the
troops was spent in conferences with his Lordship and
the Archbishop of York (his neighbour), on the plan to
be adopted. On Lord Mansfield's asking Sir John his in-
tentions, he answered that his design was to place the men
behind the piers which divided the windows, and to hold
them in readiness to fire on the mob directly the demon-
strations of the rioters rendered such an act necessary.
To this, however. Lord Mansfield objected, from a dislike
to bloodshed, and on the arrival of the troops, declined to
take them into the house, sending them to the vestry
at Bloomsbury, to remain there, in readiness to act, if
their services should be reqiiired. As it appeared he did
not wish to retain the magistrates, they retired, having
arranged that Sir John should remain at the house of his
colleague in Southampton-row, close by, till 12 p.m., at
which time he intended, if all remained quiet, to return
to his own home, as his Lordship would still have one
magistrate in his immediate vicinity in case of any emer-
gency. In Southampton-row he accordingly staid till
past midnight, when, no disturbance having occurred at
Lord Mansfield's, and a messenger arriving from North-
umberland House to say that it was beset, and that the
Duke had sent for Sir John, he proceeded thither.* On
his arrival there, he found that a considerable mob was
assembled in front of the house, but that no assaidt had
yet been attempted. Proper precautions were imme-
diately taken for its defence, and in order that the pro-
jected measures might be duly carried out, in the event
of an outbreak, the Duke pressed Sir John to stay there
the remainder of the night, which he accordingly con-
sented to do. He was, howerer, very near paying
dearly for his conduct, for, notwithstanding the lateness
of the hour at which he entered Northumberland House,
he had been recognised by the mob, who were heard to
menace him with their vengeance. This threat they evi-
dently intended to carry out, for on his return to his
house in Queen's-square, Westminster, he discovered that
it had been marked with a red cross, the symbol by which
during that period the rioters devoted property to de-
struction. Being, fortunately for him, fully aware of the
meaning of the sign, he immediately saw the necessity of
erasing it. This, however, was no easy matter, for, from
the crowds of people who had assembled in all parts of the
town, there was great danger of any attempt to efface it
being at once discovered. Placing himself, however,
with his back against the wall, in the careless way in
which an indifferent spectator might be supposed to stand,
* It was afterwards discovered that there had been aii error in the
message which he received. It had really been sent from Lord North's,
in Downing-street, and not the Duke of Northumberland's. The simi-
larity in the names probably originated the mistake, which might be
farther confirmed by the fact that the Duke, as Lord Lieutenant of the
«ounty, was a likely object of attack, at a time when every magistrate
was favored with the detestation of the populace.
he passed his hand, in which was a handkerchief, behind
him, and thus succeeded in totally obliterating the ill-
omened symbol. Fortunately, his having done so was un-
noticed ; the mark was not renewed, and his house escaped
the destruction which, the following night, overtook all
others similarly distinguished.
' When these tumults had in some measure subsided,
it became necessary to bring to trial many persons who,
by their participation in them, had become involved in
the guilt of high treason ; and it was therefore im-
perative that the grand jury of Middlesex, to whom
the indictments were to be presented, should be in-
structed in the state of the law as bearing upon the
offence in question. A message, at the instance of the
Attorney-General, was accordingly sent to Sir John,
desiring him to deliver, at the then ensuing session,
a charge to the grand jury, explanatory of the duties
required of them. This desire, at the moment it was
made, was sufficiently embarrassing, for he was away
from home, and consequently at a distance from the books
he wished to consult ; and, moreover, he had but forty-
eight hours in which to prepare his address. Notwith-
slanding these disadvantages, he, however, constructed a
charge which on its delivery was highly commended, and
which the grand jury, after passing a vote of thanks to
him for its 'learning and eloquence,' desirea to have
printed and published.
I But to return to the narrative of his youth ; from
which this digression has been made in order to relate
uninterruptedly the incidents of his magisterial career.
Very early in life he cultivated music as the solace of
his severer occupations — the recreation of his leisure
hours. It was the society of the eminent that young
Hawkins courted, and in the practice of the classical
music of his day that he took delight. Immyns, and
through him Dr. Pepusch, were his earliest musical
associates. His daughter records an interesting anecdote
of his acquaintance with Handel. She says : —
" Were I to attempt enumerating my father's musical
friendships, I should copy, a second time, the greater
part of the last volume of his History of Music ; I will,
however, record what I have heard and known of those
between whom and himself this powerful union subsisted.
Handel had done him the honor frequently to try his new
productions in his young ear ; and my father calling on
him one morning to pay him a visit of respect, he made
him sit down, and listen to the air of See the conquering
Hero comes, concluding with the question, ' How do you
like it ? ' my father answering, ' Not so well as some
things I have heard of yours;' he rejoined, 'Nor I
neither ; but, young man, you will live to see that a
greater favorite with the people than my other fine
things.'
He was an original member of the 'Madrigal Society,'
founded by the former in 1741. With Stanley he en-
gaged in 1742, in the joint publication of some Canzonets
of which Hawkins furnished the greater portion of the
words, while Stanley composed the music.
VI.
LIFE OF SIR JOHN HAWKINS.
Young men, accomplished in music, frequently find it
an excellent introduction to company which otherwise
they would hardly reach, and a recommendation to
patrons by whom their legal or mercantile abilities might
be overlooked. And so young Hawkins found : his Can-
zonets were sung and encored at Vauxhall, Ranelagh,
and other places. The author of 'Who'll buy a heart?'
was enquired after: amongst others, a Mr. Hare, a
brewer, and musical amateur, who had often met Hawkins
at Mr. Stanley's, invited him to his house. At Mr.
Hare's he met his future father-in-law, Mr. Storer, who
being a practitioner in a high grade of the law, but de-
clining into years, found in the young amateur of music,
first a valuable assistant, and afterwards a welcome hus-
band for his daughter, and sharer of his opulence.
Some time previous to the publication of the Canzonets
mentioned above, he had been well known in the literary
world as the author of various contributions to the ' Gen-
tleman's Magazine,' and other periodicals of similar de-
scription. These, being mostly anonymous, are now,
of course, not easily traced. This much, however, is
known : that they were not confined to any one subject,
but embraced many different topics, and that they
comprised both prose and poetry. A copy of verses to
Mr. John Stanley, inserted in the Daily Advertiser for
Feb. 21, 1741, and bearing date Feb. 19, 1740, is sup-
posed to have been the earliest of his productions now
known. But it was not only to the lighter occupation of
literature that his attention was directed ; for when, in
the eventful year of 1745, the young Pretender published
his manifesto, an answer to it, written by Mr. Hawkins,
was widely circulated and read ; and a series of papers
on the same subject, furnished to the magazines and
newspapers of the day, attested his attachment to the
House of Hanover. His conduct, indeed, at this critical
period, attracted the notice of the Duke of Newcastle,
who wished to bring him into public life — 'which at-
tempt,' says a friend and contemporary of Sir .John's, in
writing to his son, ' was frustrated by your father's
predilection for a studious life, and from a reserved
disposition.' Nor was this the only occasion on which
the honor was offered him, for in the same letter,
dated Feb. 4, 1796, the correspondent, Mr. T. Gwatkin,
of Eign, near Hereford, says — 'When the noise was
' loud about Wilkes and liberty, Sir John's conduct as
' a magistrate, and his subsequent charges, met with
'the approbation of the Duke of Northumberland, the
* Lord Lieutenant for the county of Middlesex, who
' wished to introduce him into Parliament. I strongly
' urged him to accept the offer : my arguments made some
' impression ; but he was then deeply engaged in the
' History of Music ; besides he was, as I could easily
' collect from repeated conversations — although both from
* habit and theoretical reasoning entirely attached to the
' House of Hanover — jealous of his own personal in-
* dependence. If, merely from personal interest, he could
' have been returned for a county or city, I believe he
'would have had no objection; but although be was a
' friend to the Administration, he did not choose to come
' into Parliament under the auspices of any minister.
' An offer was made him of placing you and your brother
' upon the foundation of King's Scholars at Westminster,
' and I pressed him to accept it, from the examples of
' Lord Mansfield and other great men who were upon
' the foundation, yet from the same principle of inde-
' pendence he rejected it.'
This letter, which certainly gives great insight into Sir
John's character, v/ould not have been quoted so much
at length, did it not furnish the best possible refutation of
the stigma cast upon him by Boswell — that, in his inter-
course with Johnson, he betrayed an unworthy spirit of
subserviency. Of this, however, it will be requisite to
speak hereafter.
The motive that induced him to decline the offer of the
presentation, was the feeling that the intention of the
founder would be violated, if those who were in a position
to pay for the education of their children, placed them on
a foundation designed exclusively for ' poor scholars.'
In 1760, being in possession of some authentic and in-
teresting documents relating to the author, he published
an edition of Walton's ' Complete Angler,' with the
second part by Cotton. To the original work he added
notes, and wrote a life of Walton appending one of
Cotton by the well-known Mr. W. Oldys : and that no
means of making the work attractive might be neglected,
he embellished it with cuts, designed by Wade, and
engraved by Ryland, which are even at this time, when
art has so much advanced, remarkable for their elegance.
Of this work, three editions were sold off" before the year
1784, when he published a fourth. For this, he had revised
the life of Walton, and the notes throughout the work,
and made large additions to both, while he re-wrote the
life of Cotton in order to compress it, retaining, however,
every fact respecting him mentioned in the former im-
pressions, and subjoining several more. After his death,
a fifth edition was published by his eldest son, Avho
inserted the last corrections and additions found in Sir
John's papers.
About the year 1770, the Academy ot Ancient Music
finding that, owing to the increase in the number of
places of public amusement, and the consequent enlarged
demands for eminent performers, their subscription
of two guineas and a half was not sufficient to carry
out the plan they had adopted, were obliged to solicit
farther assistance. To this end ]\Ir. Hawkins, then a
member, drew up and published a pamphlet entitled
' An Account of the institution and progress of the
' Academy of Ancient Music, with a comparative view of
'the Music of the past and present times.' This was
published in octavo in 1770, but without any author's
name.
Hawkins had long been a member of all the best con-
certs in London ; and when circumstances permitted him
to make his own house a central point of assembly, the
first musical men of the day flocked with pleasure to
Austin Friars. Drs. Cooke and Boyce were among his
LIFE OF SIR JOHN HAWKINS.
Vll.
intimate friends ; and Bartleman, then a boy, his protege.
He collected all the standard compositions of his own
day, and of former times, and pnrchased, after the death
of their owner, Dr. Pepusch's invaluable collection of
theoretical treatises.* The idea of becoming the historian
of the art he cultivated with so much ardour, is said to
have been first suggested to him by the celebrated Horace
Walpole : and when the inheritance of his brother-in-
law rendered him independent of any involuntary labour,
he seriously applied himself to the task. Of itself it was
no easy one, and the multiplied demands which the
duties of an active and presiding magistrate made upon
his time considerably prolonged its duration. In this, as
in all his other literary labours, his daughter, together
with his sons, afforded the assistance of amanuensis, col-
lator, and corrector of tlie press. In collecting his ma-
terials Sir John Hawkins was indefatigable —
' Nil actum reputans, si quid supcresset agendum.'
lie corresponded with every one from whom information
could be hoped, and amongst others Avith Dr. Gostling,
of Canterbury,! from whose collections and recollections
he obtained much curious matter that no other person
could have furnished. Correspondence led to personal
intimacy, and Sir John visited Mr. Gostling at Canter-
bury in 1772 and the following year. He also, in 1772,
resided a considerable time in Oxford, making extracts
from MSS. in the Bodleian and other libraries, and ac-
companied by an artist from London to copy the portraits
in the Music School.
In 177G he published, in 5 vols. 4to, his ' History of
IMusic,' a work upon which he had been engaged for
the space of sixteen years. Three years before, he
had obtained permission to dedicate his book to George
III. ; and he now presented it to his Majesty at Buck-
ingham House, during a long audience granted for the
purpose. The King, no doubt, appreciated the work
as it deserved, and the University of Oxford showed
their estimation of it by offering to confer on the author
the deo-ree of Doctor in Law, which he had reasons for de-
clining ; but that learned body paid him the compliment
of requesting his porti-ait, which now hangs in the Music
School.
In this delitrhtful book, authorities haA-^ been consulted
and brought together from various libraries and museums,
with a diligence in research, and a solicitude almost affec-
tionate in their collection and arrangement, forming
together a mass of the most curious and entertaining
* This collection, when his History of JIusic was published, Sir Jolin
gave to the British Museum, and thus preserved it from tlie fate which
attended the rest of his library.
t The Rev. William Gostling, Minor Canon of Canterbury Cathedral,
■was the son of that Mr. Gostling for whom Purcell wrote his celebrated
antliem, ' They that go down to the sea in ships,' and of whom Charles
II. said, ' You may talk of your nightingales and sky-larks, but I have
a Gosling shall beat them all.' Combining his own knowledge to the
information derived from his father, Mr. Gostling was a living de-
pository of musical history and anecdote back nearly to the middle
of the seventeenth century.
information upon a subject the most enchanting. No
pains have been spared to render the work complete. It
bears evidence of being a labour of love ; of being one of
those tasks, which are none to the compiler, — but a
delight. The evident pleasure he takes in his work,
reflects itself upon the reader ; rendering it light and
agreeable, — nothing wearisome, however long and minute.
There is evidence of toil, but the perusal is not toilsome ;
for the author's toil is so willingly undertaken, and so cn-
joyingly pursued, that the effect upon the reader is un-
alloyed enjoyment. No amount of care has been deemed
too much ; and the reader feels grateful for being spared
the trouble of seeking, while he luxuriously profits by the
result. He sits in liis arm-chair, comfortably ruminating
the stores of knowledge which have been cidled for him
from various wide-spread sources, by patient, worthy Sir
John ; who, — the beauty of it is, — has evidently had as
much gratification in gathering the materials for the feast,
as the reader finds from the feast itself. Besides the in-
formation contained in the book, there is abundance of
amusing reading. It was a favorite with Charles Lamb,
who, though no musical authority, was an eminent lite-
rary one, of unsurpassed refined taste and high judgment.
In the shape of notes, there is a fund of anecdote, and a
large amoimt of incidental miscellaneous matter, scattered
through the work, that pleasantly relieve the graver main
theme. Anything entertaining, that can by possibility be
linked on to the subject of music, is easily and chattily
introduced ; as though the author and his reader were
indulging in a cheerful gossip by the way. We have, in
quaint succession, such things as that romantic love-
passage of Giuffredo Rudello, the troubadour poet ; or
that wondrous account of the Moorish Admirable Crichton,
Alpharabius, — which is like a page out of the ' Arabian
Nights ;' or that naive detail of bluff King Harry's fancy
for my Lord Cardinal's minstrels, and of his setting oft'
with them for a certain nobleman's house where Avas
a shrine to which he had vowed a pilgrimage, and where
he spent the night in dancing to the sound of the min-
strels' playing.
Sir John had no prototype of his great work. The
design, as the execution, was entirely his own ; and when
the large extent, and various nature of his materials are
considered, the plan will be allowed to have been devised
with considerable ability.
It is not an unusual, and at first sight appears not an
imreasonable prejudice, to suppose that, in order to
qualify a man to write upon any art, he shoidd be a pro-
fessor of, or at least have been regularly educated to, the
art of which he treats. A lawyer seems as little qualified
to write a history of Music, as a composer Avould be
to expound the nature of Uses and Trusts, or a violin
player to explain the principles of Architectural beauty.
To write on the practical department of an art certainly
requires experience and information which an artist alone
can acquire ; and had Sir John Hawkins publislied a new
book of instructions for the organ or violoncello, he would
probably have subjected himself to being deservedly ac-
Vlll.
LIFE OF SIR JOHN HAWKINS.
cused of presumption. The theory of an art, even, can
hardly be satisfactorily explained, except by one who has
that intimate familiarity with its practice and its nomen-
clature which is rarely, if ever, attained by an amateur.
But with the historian the case is different : it is to be
presumed that a man who voluntarily dedicates years of
labour to collect from all quarters the scattered records of
an art, must be, on the one hand, himself attached to it,
and familiar with its practice, in a degree amply sufficient
to secure him against the danger of misinterpreting any
technical or conventional phrases ; while, on the other
hand, the habits of research, the knowledge of languages,
and the various literar}' acquirements requisite for the
liistorian, are but seldom to be found united in the mere
artist. Captain Cook used to say that the best weather-
glass in the world would be made by the amalgamation
(or, as he called it, stewing down together) of a sailor
and a shepherd : for the one spent his whole life in
studying the prognostics of wind and rain, and the other
those of sunshine and rain. So the beau ideal of a his-
torian of music would be found in a man who united irr
his own person the composer, performer, linguist, and
philosopher, together with the leisure and studious habits
of the man of letters. But if we cannot find this phoenix,
if we must rest contented either with the artist or the
student, the balance of qualification is highly in favour of
the latter. Sir John Hawkins, however, was made to
feel the weight of the prejudice we have alluded to : in
immediate competition with his History of Music, another
work imder the same title was published by Dr. Burney.
The public did not even compare the respective merits of
the works : they eagerly purchased the professor's history,
while that of the amateur was left luiasked for, or sneered
at, on the publisher's counter.
The fate of the work, however, was decided at last, like
that of many more important things, by a trifle, a word,
a pun. A pun condemned Sir John Hawkins's sixteen
years' labour to long obscurity and obli\ ion. Some wag
wrote the following catcl), which Dr. Callcott set to
music : —
N.B. — Leave out the Bars between + + till the ?>xA Voice comes in, tlien '^o on.
m^i
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Mu - sic fiird his won-d'rous brain, how d'ye like him is it pliun, how d'ye like him, how d'ye
Both I've read, and must a - grce that Bur-ney"s his-t'ry pleas- cs me,
i
Burney's
r P-
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Sir John Hawlcins,
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Sir John HaMkins,
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like him, how d'ye like him, how d'ye like him,
how d'ye like him.
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Sir John
how d'^■e
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7- 7- 7^^
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hist'ry.
Bur-ney's his-t'ry, Bumey's liis-t'ry, Burney's liis-t'ry, Burney's his-t'ry, Bunicy's
P
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-h-
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Hawkins, Sir John Hawkins, Sir John Hawkins, some folks think it quite
/Ts -f-
i;z=;?-=^
y-"=7=^^/ — V-
-/■ — /^ — C-
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a myst'ry.
3
like him, how d'ye like him, how d'ye like him, how d'ye like
^ + ^_
— I-
him, is
it plain.
f^=f=S^^^=?=^=^^^
his- fry, Burney's his- fry, Burney's his- Vvy,
3=3==1S;
1
Bur - ncy 's his - f rj' pleas - es me.
I. W. Callcott, B.M.
Bmn /lis history was straightway in every one's mouth ; the impression in the profoundest depths of a damp cellar,
and the bookseller, if he did not literally follow the as an article never likely to be called for ; so that now
adrice, actually ' wasted,' as the term is, or sold for liardly a copj' can be prociu'ed undamaged by damp and,
waste paper some hundred copies, and buried the rest of mildew. It has been for some time, however, rising — is
LIFE OF SIR JOHN HAWKINS.
IX,
rising — and the more it is read and known, the more
it will rise in public estimation and demand.
It may not, however, be generally known that Barney's
History, which was more successful at the time, was not
begun till many years after this, nor till its author had
been allowed constant and unrestrained access to the
materials collected by Sir John for his work. Moreover,
the first volume only of Bumey's History was published
simultaneously with Sir John's complete work, while the
remaining three followed at intervals of two years between
each volume.
The unfair competition, all things considered, of Dr.
Burney, and the prejudices it engendered, rendered it
scarcely surprising that Sir John's History of Music did
not even furnish a pair of carriage horses to its author ;
who had often declared that if, in a pecuniary point of
view, he obtained that trifling reward of his sixteen years'
labour he should be well satisfied.
Which of the rival histories is intrinsically the better,
and consequently the more calculated to secure an en-
during meed of approbation, has been carefully con-
sidered ; and the result is, the re-production of Sir John
Hawkins's valuable work. The great progress which
has been made in the art since that period, as well as the
consequent increase in the number of accomplished mu-
sicians, formed the turning-point in favor of this decision.
When it is considered that the science of Music is one
that has pervaded all time, and been to a greater or less
extent the common property of all nations, it is evident
that one who could hope to succeed in recording its
history, must bring to his undertaking a competent know-
ledge of both ancient and modern languages; an ac-
quaintance with history critically exact with regard to its
period-s and their peculiarities ; and a familiarity with
blackletter and obsolete signs and abbreviations, sufficient
to discover and decipher any documents relating to the
art which might be recorded in them. To this were to be
added a careful assiduity — which, unscared by its details,
and undeterred by its intricacies, should follow the art
in its progress through centuries extending from Jubal
down to Handel; — a laborious zeal, which might know
neither fatigue nor rest, in investigating not only the pro-
perties of the science itself, but likewise all circumstances
respecting the subject which might in any way, however
remotely, relate to it; — a keen, discriminating action,
which should unhesitatingly and accurately determine
authenticities and affix dates ; — and, finally, a judicious
method, which should first arrange and systematize the
knowledge acquired, and then present it in the clearest
form to the contemplation of the world. Sir John
Hawkins united in himself most of these qualities in an
eminent degree.
In the month of December, 1783, Dr. Johnson, with
whom he had for many years been on terms of great
friendship, sent for him, and imparting to him that he
had discovered in himself symptoms of dropsy, declared
his desire of making a will, and his wish that Sir John
should be one of his executors. On his consenting, the
Doctor entered into an account of his circumstances, and
mentioned the disposition he intended to make of his
effects. Of this matter Boswell has thought fit to say-
' that by assiduous attendance upon Johnson in his last
illness, he (Hawkins) obtained the post of one of his
executors.'
Now the impression created by this statement on the
mind of a person not acquainted with the facts would be,
firstly, that up to the period mentioned, the acquaintance
between the Doctor and Sir John had been slight, and
secondly, that the attention paid by the latter to his
dying friend proceeded from an unworthy motive. With
regard, then, to the former portion of the insinuation, it
may be sufficient to state that the acquaintance between
them had subsisted for more than thirty years, and that
up to a comparatively recent period, there were those
living who had been in the habit of frequently meeting
Johnson at Hawkins's house, and who could testify to the
closeness of their intimacy. To the latter, we have the-
whole tenor of Sir John's life to oppose; and it is not
very probable that he, who from a scruple which the
world may consider overstrained, but must admit to be
honorable, had used, and successfully used, all his ener-
gies to dissuade another who was bent on enriching him,
from carrying his intentions into effect ; who had, froni
a spirit of independence, twice declined a seat in Parlia-
ment, then a much greater object of ambition than now ;
and who, as a matter of conscience, had preferred de-
fraying the expense of his sons' education at one public
school to accepting a free presentation for them to ano-
ther ; — it is not likely, we say, that the man who had
acted in this way, would stoop to the moral degradation
imputed to him. To these general facts, indeed, his
vindication might well be left ; but there are others of
a more particular nature. In the first place, then, the
conversation in which Dr. Johnson engaged Sir John to
be his executor, took place in December, 1783 ; and about
the middle of 1 784 he was ' so well recovered from all
his ailments' that ' both himself and his friends hoped
that he had some years to live.' Thus it appears that,
far from the appointment being the effect of anything
that occiuTed in his last illness, it in fact, preceded it ;,
for although the will was not executed till December,.
1784, all the arrangements had been made the year before
In the second place, it is established by the testimony of one
of Sir John's sons, that Johnson had for many years been
accustomed to consult him on all important matters, and
more especially those connected with business ; and in
the third, it can be stated on the same authority, that
' the office had been wholly unsolicited by words or
actions.'
To take, however, Boswell's assertion as it stands —
if it really be the case that Johnson was moved to select
Sir John as he describes, it argues a weakness on the
great Doctor's part which Boswell, as his friend, would
have done well to conceal ; a weakness, by the way, the
supposition of which is far from being borne out by his
choice of the co-executors. Dr. William Scott (afterwards
X.
LIFE OF SIR JOHN HAWKINS.
Lord Stowell) and Sir Joshua Reynolds. If it be not so,
and Johnson, in the full enjoyment of his usual strength
of mind, deliberately preferred Hawkins to Boswell,
[and liliic dice lacriim.cE~\ the inference is obvious that
he selected the person in whom he had the greatest con-
fidence. Neither is Boswell's assertion coiTect, that in
consequence of his appointment as an executoi-, the
booksellers of London employed him to publish an
edition of Johnson's works and to write his life. The
.fact is, that a number of slanders and calumnies had
been propagated against Johnson during his life, and he
was apprehensive that many more would be circulated
after his decease. With this impression on his mind,
he frequently, in the many interviews which took place
between the friends during the last year of his life, com-
mitted in express terms, ' the care of his fame ' to Sir John.
It was, therefore, to this injunction, and not to a contract
with the booksellers, that the life of Johnson and edition
of his works, published by Hawkins in 1787, owed its
existence.
He had scarce entered upon his task when his own
library, that dearest pride and most cherished worldly
good of a literary man — a labour which it had been the
toil and deliglit of more than thirty years to collect, and
which comprised among its books, prints and drawings,
many articles that no money could replace — was de-
stroyed by fire, at the time his house in Queen Square,
Westminster, was burnt down. The blow was a severe
one, but the sufferer was never heard to murmur or com-
plain, and as soon as he was settled in another habitation,
he sought in renewed study the solace of his misfortune.
In 1787 he closed his literary career, by publishing his
Ife of Johnson and edition of his works. Immediately on
its appearance, it was virulently attacked by Boswell and
others ; but the author was repeatedly accosted in the
streets by utter sti"angers, who thanked him for the
amusement and information he afforded them. No one
can doubt that there existed, at the time of its publica-
tion, many causes, totally irrespective of the merits of the
book, which may account for its being so violently de-
cried. In the first place, he who imdertakes to give
to the world accounts of his contemporaries invariably
runs the risk of incurring great animosity : and the more
candidly and impartially he performs his task, the greater
is his danger in this respect ; for while the friends of the
deceased consider that his virtues and amiable qualities
are not sufficiently enlarged upon, those who disliked
him, on the other hand, determine that his failings have
been too much glossed over. This was eminently the
case with Johnson : there can be no question that his
strong sense, his wonderful acquirements, and his gigantic
intellect, had excited the unbounded admiration and se-
cured the enduring love of many; but it is equally cer-
tain that his dictatorial spirit and his boorish manner,
■under which some had personally smarted, had created
liim enemies in an equal proportion. With Hawkins's
■work, then, both parties were dissatisfied — the one, that
ihe representation given of him fell so far short of their
extravagant idea of his perfection, tlie other that it ex-
ceeded what they considered his deserts. Again, there
were, no doubt, others who had pleased their imaginations
with the hope, that the slight acquaintance they misht
have with Johnson, would induce the Avriter of his life to
hand them down to posterity as the friends of the great
Lexicographer, and who, having travelled through the
biography without attaining the ' wished-for consum-
mation' of seeing their 'names in print,' were not
inclined to view with very favorable eyes the labours of
his historian. Another, and the not least bitter class, was
comjiosed of those who, sufficiently aware of the extent o^
Johnson's reputation, had conceived the design of pro-
fiting by his celebrity. Of these projected biographers
the number was not small, and it cannot be supposed that
they could be other than hostile to a work which, by
superseding the necessity for a second, defeated their hope
of fame or emolument, whichever might be their object.
Before concluding this narration, it may be allowable to
remark, that while few persons have been, both during life
and after death, so rancorously attacked as Sir John Haw-
kins, none have come out of an ordeal so severe as that to
which his reputation has been exposed, more thoroughly
unscathed than he has done. Some of the most probable
causes of his being so vir\ilently assailed, have been stated
above : but there are doubtless others ; and the one whicli
drew upon him the enmity of Stevens is too important to be
omitted. It appears that an inexplicable coolnesshadarisei.
between Garrick and Hawkins, who had formerly been on
very intimate terms, and on some accidental circumstances
leading the latter to investigate the soin-ce of this, it was
discovered, on irrefragable evidence, that Stevens had
made mischief between the two. With this he was taxed
by Sir John ; and unable, to refute the impeachment, was
by him ejected from his house. This, Stevens was not
likely to forgive ; more especially as he must have been
conscious that he had been detected in another act of most
disgraceful nature. A day or two before the intended
presentation of the address of 1775, mentioned above,
he had called on Sir John. A manuscript cojiy of the
address lay on the table in the room into which he was
shown. This after his departure was missed and was
never foimd again. On the publication of the St. James's
Chronicle, the paper with which Stevens was connected,
a copy of the missing address was found inserted, with
an account of its presentation. Now it so happened that,
owing to some accident, the reception of the address by
the king had been postponed, and that at the time the
public were reading this accoimt, the address had not
yet been presented at all. The address too, only existed
in manuscript, and in Sir John's possession : inider these
circumstances there can be no doubt that Stevens had
purloined the copy, trusting that the address would be
presented at the time proposed, which was anterior to
the publication of his paper, and that on its appearanc-:-
in the St. James's Chronicle, it would be supposed that
he had received it from some person about the Court.
The accidental delay had however defeated this by-
LIFE OP SIR JOHN HAWKINS.
x:
pothesis ; and, with the other circumstances, fixed the
guilt of the theft upon him.
As another instance of Mr. Stevens's mode of pro-
cedure, the following is subjoined : —
0, Bridge-street, Westminster, April 3, 1853.
My Dear Sir, — I enclose you the anecdote which I pro-
mised. Any information in relation to your edition of
Hawkins that I am able to afford, shall be cheerfully con-
tributed in aid of so spirited and useful a publication.
Most traly yours, W. AYRTON.
To Sir. J. Alfred Novello.
Hawlcins's History and George Stevens.
" When Hawkins's History of Jlusic was ready for printing,
Ste\'ens — who contributed to it much of the literary portion —
that is, the literary facts and the result of his research — went
to Thomas Payne (' Old, honest Tom Payne, of the Mews-
gate'), and strongly recommended him to purchase the work,
at the price of 500 guineas, extolling it as exhibiting great
learning, and abounding in interesting detail.
" The week after the work appeared, a letter was published
in the St. James's Evening Post, attacking it with great vio-
lence. Stevens, in Payne's shop, entered on the subject of the
letter, condemning in strong terms the injustice and violence
of the critique. Shortly after, a second attack appeared in
the same journal, and Stevens, at his usual — almost daily —
visit to the Mews-gate, where many of the literati used
to assemble and converse, again expressed his sui-prise and
disgust at the continuance of such wanton hostility, saying,
' It is a most unfair and most malignant enemy who writes
in the St. James's Evening Post.' ' Yes,' said Mr. Payne,
*it is most malignant and unjust; and I have the best
proofs, Mr. Stevens, that you are the author of those letters,
and I never wish to see your face again in this place ! '
" Stevens never after repeated his visits ; but wishing to
meet, as usual, his friend, the Rev. Mr. Cracherode, used to
walk on the side opposite Payne's shop at the time when Cra-
cherode generally called there, in order to enjoy his almost
daily literary chat with him.*
" The foregoing I had from Mr. Thomas Payne, who suc-
ceeded his father in the business, which he removed to Pall
Mall. The account was given to me, in nearly the same words,
by Mr. Evans, bookseller in Pall Mall, who had been a shop-
man of the elder Payne ; and this has been confinned by
IMr. Henry Foss, who, on the death of the second' T. Payne,
carried on the business, in partnership with Mr. John Thomas
Payne, in Pall Mall.
" I have a clear recollection of Sir J. Hawkins, who was a
constant dropper-in at my father's house, James-street, Buck-
ingham-gate. He was generally thought somewhat austere ;
but to me, as a child, he was gentle and kind. After the des-
truction, by fire, 6f his house in Queen-square, Westminster,
and of his curious library, he resided in the Broad Sanctuary,
close to the Abbey ; which house was recently pulled down,
to make way for the improvements in that quarter.
" W. A."
* Mr. Cracherode (qy. Dr. ?) lived at No. 24, Queen-square, West-
minster, and at Clapham; was a man of large fortune, and possessed
one of tte finest libraries then existing, v/hich, at his deatii, was pur-
chased by the British Museum, for £14,000.
Ail this was surely sufficient to make Stevens rejoice
in the opportunity of assailing Hawkins, and to induce
him to use any means to injure one who had such just
reason to regard him with contempt.
Where Boswell and Stevens led, others have been found
to follow ; but it may be remarked that their assaults con-
sist more of violent expressions of opinion, than of records
of facts calculated to affect his personal or literary fame.
The terms of friendship, indeed, on which he stood
with those who were the best men of the day, both as
regards high character and literary attainment, form the
surest criterion of the estimation in which he was held
by those persons whose good opinion was most to he
valued.
Sir John Hawkins had always been a pious man : as
advancing years brought him nearer and nearer to the
event which no care can avoid, he became more and
more attentive to the duties of religion, and to devotional
and theological studies, to which he latterly dedicated
every hour which some imperative duty did not claim.
On the morning of the 14th of May, 1789, he was
attacked, while away from home, by a paralytic affection :
he immediately returned and was carried up to bed,
but rallied so far in the course of the day as to get up
again to receive an old friend who had promised to
visit him in the evening : he was however again seized,
and was compelled to return to his bed from which he
never again rose, for his malady becoming aggravated
by apoplectic symptoms, put a period to his life on the
2lst of May, just one week from the date of his first
attack.
He left behind him — to use the Avords of Chalmers —
'A high reputation for abilities and integrity, united with
the well-earned character of an active and resolute magis-
trate, an affectionate husband and father, a firm and zealous
friend, a loyal subject, and a sincere Christian, and rich
in the friendship and esteem of very many of the first
characters for rank, worth, and abilities, of the age in
which he lived.'
He was buried in the cloisters of Westminster Abbey,
in the North Walk, under a stone which, by his express
direction, hears no more than tlie following inscription : —
J. H.
Obiit XXI Maii, mdcclxxxix,
iEtatis Lxx.
His wife, who survived him four years, is buried in the
same grave.
He left two sons, John Sidney and Henry, and one
daughter, Letitia Matilda ; all, but especially the latter,
well known in the literary world. Miss Hawkins's novels
evince talent ; while the cause of virtue, usefulness, and
right feeling has never found a more zealous, and but
seldom, very seldom, a more efficient advocate.
By this summary of the circumstances which marked
Sir John Hawkins's life, one of the great ends of
Bioo-raphy is achieved : serving to stimulate men by a
worthy example ; and showing, that, however contem-
poraneous meanness, envy, or detraction, may cause full
xu.
LIFE or SIR JOHN HAWKINS.
justice to be delayed, it cannot prevent eventual honor
from accruing to one who steadfastly maintains his
virtuous integrity. It supplies a. pregnant instance of
the unfailing comfort of conscious rectitude, beneath
unfounded aspersion and venomous assault. It inspires
a consoling reliance upon ultimate equitable estimate,
however long deferred. It furnishes a sustaining moni-
tion, that patient desert, whatever may be the amount
of injurious misapprehension it chances temporarily to
encountei", is sure in the end to triumph, and to secure to
itself a genuine though tardily-yielded acknowledgement.
The paltry malice, and base tricks, of such men as
Boswell and Stevens, in their endeavour to degrade an
honorable gentleman in the eyes of the world, — to obtain
an undervaluing and false opinion of him, — and to pro-
cure the failure of his productions, would not have been
recorded here ; were it not that there are times when
such candour of revelation is absolutely needful. No
occasion could be more fitting than this, when relating
Sir Jolin's biography, and re-printing his great work.
Not only was it requisite in justification, — to rescue a
worthy, honest name from unmerited imputation, and
to reclaim his literary efforts from unfair slight; but it was
proper, in order to show how xmiformly the machinations
of such insidious maligners, after a period of apparent
success in jirevailing against the object of their attack,
are sure to recoil upon their devisers' own heads, when
the verdict of the world shall at last adjudge the cause,
in a clearer knowledge of the truth.
Posterity awards honoring repute and distinction to
Sir John Hawkins, as an excellent upright man, in his
private character ; and testifies value for his literary
capacity, by giving the palm to his admirable History
over the one which claims to be its rival, — a fact proved
from the present demand for this re-print of the work
here offered to the Public.
ANNOUNCEMENT.
In the present a^^e, when public attention is so exten-
sively directed towards the study and practice of Music,
it has been thought that a new edition of Sir John
Hawkins's valuable Histoi-y of the Science and Practice
o£ Music would prove peculiarly acceptable, as being by
far the best history of the Art extant.
The whole of the original Text has been printed in its
integrity, together with the Illustrations of Instruments
(for which more than 200 Woodcuts have been engraved),
the Musical Examples, and the Fac-similes of Old
Manuscripts.
The form adopted, super-royal 8vo., has the advantage
of bringing much more matter under the eye at one view,
and in point of economy the 2722 pages of the Quarto
are comprised in 1016 pages. The paging has been con-
tinued from the beginning to the end, as more simple for
reference, and to enable those who like such information
in one volume, to bind it in that form ; but provision has
been made, by adding a second title after page 486, to
divide the work into two volumes, an arrangement which
may generally be preferable.
The Medallion Portraits of Musical Composers, which
were in the Quarto edition, have been printed in a sepa-
rate volume ; these may be purchased optionally, and
thus decrease the price of the History to those with whom
economy must be a consideration. They consist of up-
wards of sixty portraits, printed from the original coppei*-
plates engraved for the 1776 edition; to which has been
added a portrait of Sir John Hawkins himself from the
painting in the Oxford Music School, through the
courtesy of the surviving members of his family. All the
additional manusci'ipt notes which adorn the Author's
own copy left to the British Museum, are inserted (by per-
mission of the authorities; in the edition now presented
to the public : it may therefore be considered what a new
edition edited by Sir John Hawkins himself would have
been ; the additions in text or notes are distinguished by
being printed in italics.
To ensure the careful reproduction of matter of such
varied character, the assistance of many correctors has
been secured. The general correction of the press was
confided to Mrs. Cowden Clarke, but the pages also
passed under the eye of the musician, the mathe-
matician, and the classical linguist. In these depart-
ments, various portions have had the care of Mr. Edward
Holmes, Mr. Josiah Pittman, Mr. W. H. Monk, and Mr.
Burford G. H. Gibsone, with occasional suggestions from
other well-wishers ; and the whole work, such ad-
vantage as might be derived from the Publisher's printing
experience.
There has been added a Memoir of the Author, com-
piled from original sources, which will be read with in-
terest ; but it is anticipated that the most valuable
addition to the book will be found in the carefully-made
general and other Indexes. The large subject of a
History of Music, embracing heterogeneous matter and
the result of wide research, makes it a storehouse to
which a definite clue is required in giving ready access.
The Indexes have been going on cotemporaneously with
the printing of the book ; and Mrs. Cowden Clarke's ex-
perience derived from her Concordance to Shakespeare,
fitted her especially for the task of their compilation.
A table of parallel books, chapters, and pages has been
added, to render the new Indexes available for those who
possess the Quarto edition.
In concluding these brief but necessary words of ex-
planation, the warmest thanks are offered to the editorial
friends above specified, as also to those kind supporters
who have subscribed for the work during its periodical
issue by the Public's, and their obedient servant,
69, Dean Street, SoJio, London.
August, 1833.
TuE Publisher.
AUTHOR'S DEDICATION AND PREFACE.
To GEORGE THE THIRD, King of Great Britain, &c., a Prince not
more distinguished by his patronage of those elegant arts whicli
exalt humanity and administer to the imaginative faculties the
purest delights, than honoured and beloved for his regal and private
virtues, the following History is, with all due reverence and gratitude,
dedicated by him who esteems it equally an honour and a felicity to
subscribe himself His Majesty's faithful and devoted subject and
servant, The Author.
A History of Music by any but a professor of the science, may
possibly be looked on as a bold understaklng ; and it may appear not a
little strange that one, who is perhaps better known to the world as
occupying a public station than as a writer, should choose to be the
author of a work of this kind, and for which the course of his studies
can hardly be supposed to have in any degree qualified him.
In justification of the attempt, and to account for this seeming in-
consistency, the reader is to know, that the author having entertained
an early love of music, and having in his more advanced age not only
become sensible of its worth, but arrived at a full conviction that it was
intended by the Almighty for the delight and edification of his rational
creatures, had formed a design of some such work as this many years
ago, but saw reason to defer the execution thereof to a future period.
About the year 1759, he found himself in a situation that left his
employments, his studies, and his amusements in a great measure to
his own choice ; and having in a course of years been as industrious in
making collections for the purpose as could well consist with the ex-
ercise of a laborious profession, he, with a copious fund of materials,
began the work: but before any considerable progress could be made
therein, he was interrupted by a call to preside in the magistracy of the
county of his residence, which, though unsolicited on his part, he could
not decline without betraying an indifference to the interests of society,
and the preservation of public order, or such an aversion to the occupations
of an active life, as in few cases is excusable, and in many reproachful.
Determining, however, to avail himself of those intervals of leisure
which the stated recesses from the exercise of his office afforded, and
which seemed too precious to be wasted either in sloth and indolence, or
those fashionable recreations and amusements, to which he was ever
disposed to prefer the pursuit of literature, he re-assumed his work ; and
with the blessing of health, scarcely interrupted for a series of years,
has been able to present it to the world in the condition in which it now
comes forth.
What the reader is to expect from it, and as the fruit of many years
study and labour, is the history of a science deservedly ranked among
those, which, in contradistinction to the manual arts, and others of lower
importance, have long been dignified with the characteristic of liberal ;
and as the utility of Music is presupposed in the very attempt to trace
its progress, an enumeration of its various excellencies will scarcely be
thought necessary ; the rather perhaps as its praises, and the power it
exercises over the human mind, have been celebrated by the ablest
panegyrists. i
Farther than the circumstances attending the peculiar situation of the
author and the work may be allowed to entitle him to it, the favour or
indulgence, or whatever else it is the practice of writers to crave of the
public, is not here sued for, either on the ground of want of leisure,
inadvertence, or other pretences ; for this reason, that there can be no
valid excuse for a publication wittingly imperfect; and it is but a sorry
compliment that an author makes to his reader, when he tenders him
a work less worthy regard than it was in his power to make it.
To be short, the ensuing volumes are the produce of sixteen years
labour, and are compiled from materials which were not collected in
double that time. The motives to the undertaking were genuine, and
the prosecution of it has been as animated as the love of the art, and
a total blindness to lucrative views, could render it. And perhaps the
best excuse the author can make for the defects and errors that may be
found to have escaped him, must be drawn from the novelty of his
subject, the variety of his matter, and the necessity he was under of
marking out himself the road which he was to travel.
It may perhaps be objected that music is a mere recreation, and an
amusement for vacant hours, conducing but little to the benefit of
mankind, and therefore to be numbered among those vanities which it
is wisdcmi to contemn. To this it may be answered, that, as a source
of intellectual pleasure, music has greatly the advantage of most other
recreations ; and as to the other branch of the objection, let it be
remembered that all our desires, all our pursuits, our occupations, and
enjoyments are vain. What are stately palaces, beautiful and extensive
gardens, costly furniture, sculptures, and pictures, but vanities ? and
yet there are few men so vain as that they had rather be without than
possess them. Nay, if these be denied us, where are we to seek for
amusements, — for relief from the cares, the anxieties and troubles of life ;
how support ourselves in solitude, or under the pressure of affliction, —
or how preserve that equanimity, which is necessary to keep us in good
humour with ourselves and mankind ? As to the abuses of this excellent
gift, enough it is presumed is said in the ensuing work by way of caution
against them, and even to demonstrate that as there is no science or
faculty whatever that more improves the tempers of men, rendering
them grave, discreet, mild, and placid, so is there none that affords
greater scope for folly, impertinence, and affectation.
The end proposed in this undertaking is the investigation of the
principles, and a deduction of the progress of a science, which, though
intimately connected with civil life, has scarce ever been so well under-
stood by the generality, as to be thought a fit subject, not to say of
criticism, hut of sober discussion: instead of exercising the powers of
reason, it has in general engaged only that faculty of the mind, which.
for want of abetter word to express it by, we call Taste; and which
alone, and without some principle to direct and controul it, must ever
be deemed a capricious arbiter. Another end of this work is the settling
music upon somewhat like a footing of equality with those, which, for
other reasons than that, like music, they contribute to the delight of
mankind, are termed the sister arts ; to reprobate the vulgar notion that
its ultimate end is merely to excite mirth ; and, above all, to demonstrate
that its principles are founded in certain general and universal laws, into
which all that we discover in the material world, of harmony, symmetry,
proportion, and order, seems to be resolvable.
The method pursued for these purposes will be found to consist in an
explanation of fundamental doctrines, and a narration of important
events and historical facts, in a chronological series, ivith such occasional
remarks and evidences, as might serve to illustrate the one and authen-
ticate the other. With these are intermixed a variety of musical compo-
sitions, tending as well to exemplify that diversity of style which is
common both to music and speech or written language, as to manifest
the gradual improvements in the art of combining musical sounds. The
materials which have furnished this intelligence must necessarily be
supposed to be very miscellaneous in their nature, and abundant in
quantity : to speak alone of the treatises for the purpose, the author may
with no less propriety than truth assert, that the selection of them was
an exercise of deep skill, the result of much erudition, and the effect of
great labour, as having been for a great part of his life the employment of
that excellent theorist in the science. Dr. Pepusch. These have been
accumulating and encreasing for a series of years past : for others of a
different kind, recourse has been had to the Bodleian library and the
college libraries in both universities ; to that in the music-school at Ox-
ford ; to the British Museum, and to the public libraries and repositories
of records and public papers in London and Westminster; and, for the
purpose of ascertaining facts by dates, to cemeteries and other places of
sepulture ; and to him that shall object that these sources are inadequate
to the end of such an undertaking as this, it may be answered, that he
knows not the riches of this country.
A correspondence with learned foreigners, and such communications
from abroad as suit with the liberal sentiments and disposition of the
present age, together with a great variety of oral intelligence respecting
persons and facts yet remembered, have contributed in some degree
to the melioration of the work, and to justify the title it bears of a
General History; which yet it may be thought would have been more
properly its due, had the plan of the work been more extensive, and
comprehended the state of music in coimtries where the approaches to
refinement have yet been but small.
It must be confessed that in some instances, particularly in the dis-
cussion of the first i)rinciples of morality, and the origin of human
manners, the researches of learned men have been extended to nations,
or tribes of people, among whom the simple dictates of nature seemed to
be the only rule of action ; but the subjects here treated of are science,
and the scientific practice of music: now the best music of barbarians
is said to be hideous and antonishing sounds.* Of what importance
then can it be to enquire into a practice that has not its foundation in
science or system, or to know what are the sounds that most delight a
Hottentot, a wild American, or even a more refined Chinese ?
For the style, it will be found to be uniformly narratory ; as little
encumbered with technical terms, and as free from didactic forms of
speech, as could consist with the design of explaining doctrines and
systems ; and it may also be said that care has been taken not to degrade
the work by the use of fantastical phrases and modes of expression,
that, comparatively speaking, were invented yesterday, and will die
to-morrow ; these make no part of any language, they conduce nothing
to information, and are in truth nonsense sublimated.
For the insertions of biographical memoirs and characters of eminent
musicians, it may be given as a reason, that, having benefited mankind
by their studies, it is but just that their memories should live: Cicero,
after Demosthenes, says that ■' bona fama propria possessiodefunctorum;"
and for bestowing it on men of this faculty, we have the authority of that
scripture which exhorts us to praise " such as found out musical tunes,
and recited verses in writing. "+ Besides which it may be observed, that
in various instances the lives of the professors of arts are in some sort
a history of the arts themselves. For digressions from his subject, the
insertion of anecdotes that have but a remote relation to it, or that
describe ancient modes or customs of living, the author has less to say;
these must be left to the judgment of his readers, who cannot be supposed
to be unanimous in their opinions about them.
It remains now that due acknowledgment be made of the assistance
with which the author has been favoured and honoured in the course of
his work ; but as this cannot be done without an enumeration of names,
for which he has obtained no permission, he is necessitated to declare
his sense of the obligation in general terms, with this exception, that
having need of assistance in the correction of the music plates, he was
in sundry instances eased of that trouble by the kind offices of one, who
is both an honour to his profession and his country, Dr. William Boyce ;
and of the difliculty of decyphering, as it were, and rendering in modern
characters the compositions of greatest antiquity amongst those which
he found it necessary to insert, by the learning and ingenuity of Dr.
Cooke, of Westminster Abbey, Mr. ^larmaduke Overend, organist of
Isleworth in Middlesex, and Mr. John Stafford Smith, of the royal chapel.
* Characteristics, vol. I. page 242. t Ecclesiasticus, chap. xliv. verse 5.
Hatton Garden,
26th Any., 17"G.
PRELIMINAEY DISCOUESE.
The powers of the imagination, with great appearance
of reason, are said to hold a middle place between the
organs of bodily sense and the faculties of moral per-
ception ; the subjects on which they are severally exer-
cised are common to the senses of seeing and hearing, tlie
office of which is simply perception ; all pleasure thence
arising being referred to the imagination.
The arts which administer to the imaginative faculty
the greatest delight, are confessedly poetry, painting, and
music ; the two former exhibiting to the mind by their
respective media, either natural or artificial,* the resem-
blances of whatever in the works of nature is compre-
hended under the general division of great, new, and
beautiful ; the latter as operating upon the mind by the
power of that harmony which results from the concord of
sounds, and exciting in the mind those ideas which cor-
respond wdth our tenderest and most delightful affections.
These, it must be observed, constitute one source of
pleasure ; but each of the above arts may in a different
degree be said to afford another, namely, that which con-
sists in a comparison of the images by them severally and
occasionally excited in the mind, with their architypes ;
thus, for instance, in poetry, in comparing a description
with the thing described ; in painting, a landscape and
the scene represented by it, or a portrait and its original ;
and in music, where imitation is intended, as in the songs
of birds, or in the expression of those various inflexions
of the voice which accompany passion or exclamation,
weeping, laughing, and other of the human affections, the
sound and the thina: signified.
It is easy to discover that the pleasures above described
are of two distinct kinds, — the one original and absolute,
the other relative ; for the one we can give no reason
other than the will of God, who in the formation of the
universe and the organization of our bodies, has esta-
blished such a relation as is discoverable between man
and his works ; the other is to be accounted for by that
love of truth which is implanted in the human mind.f
In poetry and painting therefore we speak, and with pro-
priety, of absolute and relative beauty ; as also of music
merely imitative ; for as to harmony, it is evident that
* The natural media seem to consist only in colour and figure, and
refer solely to painting : the artificial are words, which are symbols by
compact of ideas, as are also, in a limited sense, musical sounds, including
in the term the accident of time or duration.
+ In this sentiment liberty has been taken to difTer from Mr. Harris,
who with his usual accuracy, has analysed this principle of the human
mind in the following note on a passage in the second of his Three cele-
brated Treatises : —
' That there is an eminent delight in this very recognition itself, abstract
' from any thing pleasing in the subject recognised, is evident from
' hence — that, in all the mimetic arts, we can be highly charmed with
'imitations, at whose originals in nature we are shocked and terrified.
' Such, for instance, as dead bodies, wild beasts, and the like.
'The cause assigned for this, seems to be of the following kind : we
' have a joy, not only in the sanity and perfection, but also in the just and
' natural energies of our several limbs and faculties. And hence, among
' others, the joy in reasoning, as being the energy of that principal faculty,
' our intellect or understanding. This joy extends, not only to the wise,
' but to the multitude. For all men have an aversion to ignorance and
' error ; and in some degree, however moderate, are glad to learn and to
inform themselves.
' Hence therefore the delight arising from these imitations ; as we are
• enabled in each of them to exercise the reasoning faculty ; and, by com-
' paring the copy with the architype in our miiids, to infer that this
'is such a thing, and that another; a fact remarkable among children,
* even in their first and earliest days."
the attribute of relation belongs not to it, as will appear
by a comparison of each with the others. J
With regard to poetry, it may be said to resemble
painting in many respects, as in the description of ex-
ternal objects, and the works of nature ; and so far it
must be considered as an imitative art ; but its greatest
excellence seems to be its power of exhibiting the in-
ternal constitution of man, and of making us acquainted
Avith characters, mannei's, and sentiments, and working
upon the passions of terror, pity, and various others.
Painting is professedly an imitative art ; for, setting aside
the harmony of colouring, and the delineation of beautiful
forms, the pleasure we receive from it, great as it is, con-
sists in the truth of the representation.
But in music there is little beyond itself to which we
need, or indeed can, refer to heighten its charms. If v.c
investigate the principles of harmony, we learn that they
are general and ixniversal ; and of harmony itself, that
the proportions in which it consists are to be found in
those material forms, which are beheld with the greatest
pleasure, the sphere, the cube, and the cone, for instance,
and constitute what we call symmetry, beauty, and regu-
larity ; but the imagination receives no additional delight;
our reason is exercised in the operation, and that faculty
alone is thereby gratified. In short, there are few things
in nature which music is capable of imitating, and those
are of a kind so uninteresting, that we may venture to
pronounce, that as its principles are founded in geome-
trical truth, and seem to result from some general .ind
universal law of nature, so its excellence is intrinsic,
absolute, and inherent, and, in short, resolvable only into
His will, who has ordered all things in number, weight,
and measure. §
Seeing therefore that music has its foundation in nature,
I Nevertheless there have not been wanting those, who, not contem-
plating the intrinsic excellence of harmony, have resolved the eflicacy of
music into the power of imitation ; and to gratify such, subjects have
been introduced into practice, that to injudicious ears have afforded no
small delight ; such, for instance, as the noise of thunder, the roaring of
the winds, the shouts and acclamations of multitudes, the waitings of
grief and anguish in the human mind ; the song of the cuckow, the
whooting of the screech-owl, the cackling of the hen, the notes of singing-
birds, not excepting those of the lark and nightingale. Attempts also
have been made to imitate motion by musical sounds; and some have
undertaken in like manner to relate histories, and to describe the various
seasons of the year. Thus, for example, Froberger, organist to the
emperor Ferdinand III. is said to have in an allemand represented the
passage of Count Thurn over the Rhine, and the danger he and his army
ivere in, by twenty-six cataracts or falls in notes. See page 627.
Kuhnau, another celebrated musician, composed six sonatas, entitled
Biblische Historien, wherein, as it is said, is a lively representation in
musical notes of David manfully combating Goliah. Page 663, in note.
Buxtehude of Lubec also composed suites of lessons for the harpsichord,
representing the nature of the planets. Page S51. Vivaldi, in two books
of concertos has striven to describe the four seasons of the year. Page 837.
Geminiani has translated a whole episode of Tasso's Jerusalem into
musical notes. Page 916. And Mr. Handel himsflf, in his Israel in
Egypt, has undertaken to represent two of the ten plagues of Egypt by
notes, intended to imitate the buzzing of flies and the hopping of frogs.
But these powers of imitation, admitting them to exist in all the
various instances above enumerated, constitute but a very small part of
the excellence of music ; wherefore we cannot but applaud that shrewd
answer of Agesilaus, king of Sparta, recorded in Plutarch, to one who re-
quested him to hear a man sing that could imitate the nightingale,
' I have heard the nightingale herself.' The truth is, that imitation be-
longs more properly to the arts of poetry and painting than to music ; for
which reason Mr. Harris has not scrupled to pronounce of musical imita-
tion, that at best it is but an imperfect thing. See his Discourse on
Music, Painting, and Poetry, page 69.
§ 'Wisdom, xi. 20.
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
XV.
••md that reason recognizes what the sense approves, what
wonder is it, that in all ages, and even by the least en-
lightened of mankind, its efficacy should be acknow-
ledged ; or that, as well by those who are capable of
reason and reflection, as those who seek for no other
gratifications than what are obvious to the senses, it
should be considered as a genuine and natural source of
<lelight ? The wonder is, that less of that curiosity, which
leads men to enquire into the history and progress of arts,
and their gradual advances towards perfection, has been
exercised in the instance now before us, than in any other
of equal importance.
If we take a view of those authors who have written on
music, we shall find them comprehended under three
classes, consisting of those who have resolved the prin-
ciples of the science into certain mathematical propor-
tions ; of others who hare treated it systematically, and
with a view to practice ; and of a third, who, considering
sound as a branch of physics, have from various pheno-
mena explained the manner in which it is generated and
communicated to the auditory faculty. But to whom we
are indebted for the gradual improvements of the art, at
what periods it flourished, what checks and obstructions
it has at times met with, who have been its patrons or its
enemies, what have been the characteristics of its most
eminent professors, few are able to tell. Nor has the
knowledge of its precepts been communicated in such
a manner as to enable any but such as have devoted
themselves to the study of the science to understand
them. Hence it is that men of learning have been
betrayed into numberless errors respecting music ; and
when they have presumed to talk about it, have dis-
covered the ofrossest ignorance. When Strada, in the
person of Claudian, recites the fable of the Nightingale
and the Lyrist, how does his invention labour to describe
the contest, and how does he err in the confusion of the
terms melody and harmony ; and in giving to music
either attributes that belong not to it, or which are its
least excellence ! and what is his whole poem but a vain
attempt to excite ideas for which no correspondent words
are to be found in any language ? Nor does he, who talks
of the genius of the woi-ld, of the first beauty, and of uni-
versal harmony, symmetry, and order, the sublime author
of the Characteristics, discover much knowledge of his
subject, when after asserting with the utmost confidence
that the ancients were acquainted with parts and sym-
phony, he makes it the test of a good judge in music
' that he understand a fiddle.'*
Sir William Temple speaking of music in his Essay
upon the ancient and modern Learning, has betrayed his
ignorance of the subject in a comparison of the modern
music with the ancient ; wherein, notwithstanding that
Palestrina, Bird, and Gibbons lived in the same century
with himself, and that the writings of Shakespeare and
the Paradise Lost were then extant, he scruples not to
assert that ' the science is wholly lost in the woi-ld, and
' that in the room of music and poetry we have nothing
' left but fiddling and rhyming.'
Mr. Dryden, in those two admirable poems, Alexander's
Feast, and his lesser Ode for St. Cecilia's day, and in his
Elegy on the death of Purcell, with great judgment gives
to the several instruments mentioned by him their proper
attributes ; and recurring perhaps to the numerous com-
mon places in his memory respecting music, has described
its effects in adequate terms ; but when in the prefaces to
his operas he speaks of recitative, of song, and the com-
parative merit of the Italian, the French, and the English
composers, his notions are so vague and indeterminate, as
to convince us that he was not master of his subject, and
does little else than talk by rote.
* Vide Characteristics, Vol. III., pa^e 2(13, in note 269.
Mr. Addison, in those singularly humorous papers in
the Spectator, intended to ridicule the Italian opera, is-
necessitated to speak of music, but he does it in such terms
as plainly indicate that he had no judgment of his own
to direct him. In the paper. Numb. 18, the highest en-
comium he can vouchsafe music is, that it is an agreeable
entertainment ; and a little after he complains of our fond-
ness for the foreign music, not caring whether it be Italian,
French, or High Dutch, by which latter we may suppose
the author meant the music of Mynheer Hendel, as he
calls him.
In another paper, viz. Numb. 29, the same person
delivers these sentiments at large respecting Recitative : —
' However the Italian method of acting in Recitativo
' might appear at first hearing, I cannot but think it more
'just than that Avhich prevailed in our English Opera
' before this innovation ; the Transition from an air to
' Recitative Musick being more natural than the passing
' from a Song to plain and ordinary Sjjeaking, which was
' the common Method in PurcelVs operas.
' The only Fault I find in our present Practice, is the
' making use of the Italian Recitativo with English words.
' To go to the Bottom of this Matter, I must observe that
' the Tone, or, as the French call it, the Accent of every
' Nation in their ordinary Speech is altogether different
' from that of every other People, as we may see even in
' the Welsh and Scotch, who border so near upon us. By
' the Tone or Accent I do not mean the Pronunciation of
' each particular Word, but the Sound of the whole Sen-
* fence. Thus it is very common for an English gentle-
' man, when he hears a French Tragedy, to complain that
' the Actors all of them speak in a Tone ; and therefore he
' very wisely prefers his own countrymen, not considering
' that a Foreigner complains of the same Tone in an
' English Actor.
' For this Reason, the Recitative Music in every Lan-
' guage should be as different as the Tone or Accent of
' each Language; for otherwise what may properly ex-
' press a Passion in one Language, will not do it in
' another. Every one that has been long in Italy knows
' very well that the Cadences in the Recitativo bear a
' remote Affinity to the Tone of their Voices in ordinary
' Conversation ; or, to speak more properly, are only tlie
' Accents of their Language made more Musical and
' Tuneful.
' Thus the Notes of Interrogation or Admiration in the
'Italian Musick (if one may so call them), which re-
' semble their Accents in Discourse on such Occasions,
' are not unlike the ordinary Tones of an English Voice
' when we are angi-y ; insomuch that I have often seen our
' Audiences extremely mistaken as to what has been
' doing upon the Stage, and expecting to see the Hero
' knock down his Messenger when he has been asking
' him a question ; or fancying that he quarrels with his
' Friend when he only bids him Good-morrow.
' For this reason the Italian artists cannot agree witli
' our English musicians in admiring Purcell's Composi-
' tions, and thinking his Tunes so wonderfully adapted
' to his words, because both Nations do not always ex-
' press the same Passions by the same Sounds.
' I am therefore humbly of opinion that an English
' Composer should not follow the Italian Recitative toO'
' servilely, but make use of many gentle Deviations from
' it in Compliance with his own Native Language. He
' may copy out of it all the lulling Softness and Dying
' Falls (as Shakespeare calls them), but should still re-
' member that he ought to accommodate himself to an
' English Audience, and by humouring the Tone of our
' Voices in ordinary Conversation, have the same Regard
' to the Accent of his own Language, as those Persons
' had to theirs whom he professes to imitate. It is ob-
XVI.
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
^ served that several of the singing Birds of ovir own
Country learn to sweeten their Voices, and mellow the
• Harshness of their natural Notes by practising under
' those that come from warmer Climates. In the same
' manner I would allow the Italian Opera to lend our
' English Musick as much as may grace and soften it, but
• never entirely to annihilate and destroy it. Let the
' Infusion be as strong as you please, but still let the
^ Subject Matter of it be English.
' A Composer should fit his Musick to the Genius of
' the People, and consider that the Delicacy of Hearing
' and Taste of Harmony has been formed upon those
' Sounds which every Country abounds with. In short,
• that musick is of a relative Nature, and what is Harmony
' to one Ear may be Dissonance to another.'
Whoever reflects on these sentiments must be inclined
to question as well the goodness of the author's ear as his
knowledge of subject. The principle on which his rea-
soning is founded, is clearly that the powers of music are
local ; deriving their efficacy from habit, custom, and
whatever else we are to imderstand by the genius of
a people ; a position as repugnant to reason and ex-
perience as that which concludes his disquisition, viz.,
that ' what is harmony to one ear may be dissonance to
' another; ' whence as a corollary it must necessarily follow,
that the same harmony or the same succession of sounds
may produce different effects on different persons ; and
that one may be excited to mirth by an air that has
drawn tears from another.
A late writer, in a strain of criticism not less erroneous
than affectedly refined, forgetting the energy of harmony,
independent of the adventitious circumstances of loudness
or softness that accompany the utterance of it ; or per-
haps not knowing that certain modulations or combina-
tions of sounds have a necessary tendency to inspire
grand and sublime sentiments, such, for instance, as we
hear in the Exaltabo of Palestrina, the Hosanna of
Gibbons, the opening of tlie first concerto of Corelli, and
many of Mr. Handel's anthems, ascribes to the bursts, as
he calls them, of Boranello,* and the symphonies of
Yeomellif the power of dilating, agitating, and rousing
the soul like the paintings of Timomachus and Aristides,t
whose works by the way no man living ever saw, and of
whose very names we should be ignorant, did they not
occur, the one in Pliny, the other in some of the epigrams
in the Greek Anthologia.
In a manner widely different do those poets and philo-
sophers treat music, who, being susceptible of its charms,
and considering it as worthy the most abstract specula-
tion, have made themselves acquainted with its principles.
Milton, whenever he speaks of the subject, and there are
many passages in the Paradise Lost and his other poems
where he has taken occasion to introduce it, besides
exjjressing an enthusiastic fondness for music, talks the
language of a master.
His ideas of the joint efficacy of music and poetry, and
of the nature of harmony, are manifested in the following
well-known passage : —
And ever against eating cares
Lap mc in soft Lydian aires ;
MaiTied to immortal verse,
Such as the meeting soul may pierce
In notes, with many a winding bout
Of linked sweetness long drawn out,
With wanton heed, and giddy cunning,
The melting voice through mazes running ;
Untwisting all the chains, that tye
The hidden soul of harmony.
* i. e. Buranello, a disciple of Lotti.
+ Nicola lomelli, a celebrated coiuposer now living at Naples.
t See an Inquiry into the Beauties of Painting by Daniel Webb, Esq.
Svo. 1769, page 167.
Cathedral music and choral service he describes in
terms that sufficiently declare his abilities to judge of it,
and its effects on his own mind : —
There let the pealing organ blow,
To the fuU-voic'd choir below,
In service high, and anthems clear,
As may with sweetness through mine eai
Dissolve me into extasies,
And bring all heav'n before mine eyes.
The following sonnet, addressed to his friend Mr.
Henry Lawes, points out one of the great excellencies in
the composition of music to words : —
Harry, whose tuneful and weli-mcasur'd song
First taught our English music how to span
Words with just note and accent, not to scan
With Midas' ears, committing short and long ;
Thy worth and skill exempt thee from the throng,
With praise enough for envy to look wan ;
To after-age thou shalt be writ the man,
That with smooth air could humour best our tongue.
Thou honoiu''st verse, and verse must lend her wing
To honour thee, the priest of Phoebus' choir,
That tun'st their happiest lines in hymn or stor}'.
Dante shall give Fame leave to set thee higher
Than his Casella, whom he, woo'd to sing,
Met in the milder shades of Purgatory.
His sonnet to Mr. Lawrence Hjde conveys his sense of
the delights of a musical evening : —
Lawrence, of virtuous father virtuous son.
Now that the fields are dank, and ways are mire,
Where shall we sometimes meet, and by the fire
Help waste a sullen day ; what may be won
From the hard season gaining ? time will run
On smoother, till Favonius re-inspire
Tlie frozen earth ; and clothe in fresh attire
The lilie and the rose, that neither sow'd nor spun.
What neat repast shall feast us, light and choice,
Of Attic taste, with wine ; whence we may i-ise
To hear tlie lute well toucht, or artful voice
Warble immortal notes and Tuscan air '?
He, who of those delights can judge, and spare
To intei-pose them oft is not unwise.
And in his tractate on Education, he recommends the
practice of music in terms that bespeak his skill in the
science. 'The interim of unsweating themselves regu-
' larly, and convenient rest before meat, may both with
' profit and delight be taken up in recreating and coni-
' posing their travail'd spirits with the solemn and divine
' harmonies of musick heard or learnt ; either while the
'skilful organist plies his grave and fancied descant, in
' lofty fugues, or the whole symphony with artful and un-
' imaginable touches adorn and grace the well studied
' chords of some choice composer ; sometimes the lute, or
' soft organ-stop waiting on elegant voices either to
' religious, martial, or civil ditties ; which, if wise men and
' prophets be not extremely out, have a great power over
' dispositions and manners, to smooth and make them
"^ gentle from rustic harshness and distempered passions.'
Lord Bacon, in his Natural History, has given a great
variety of experiments touching music, that shew him to
have been not barely a philosopher, an enquirer into the
phenomena of sound, but a master of the science of har-
mony, and very intimately acquainted with the precepts
of musical composition.
That we have so few instances of this kind is greatly to
be wondered at, seeing that in poetry and painting the
case is far otherwise : in the course of a classical education
men acquire not only a taste of the beauties of the Greek
and Roman poets, but a nice and discriminating faculty,
that enables them to discern their excellencies and defects ;
and in painting, an attentive perusal of the works of
eminent artists, aided by a sound judgment, will go near
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
XVll.
to form the character of a connoisseur, and render the
possessor of it susceptible of all that delight which the art
IS capable of affording ; and this we see exemplified in
numberless instances, where persons imskilled in the
practice of painting become enabled to distinguish hands,
to compare styles, and to mark the beauties of composi-
tion, character, drawing, and colouring, with a degree of
accuracy and precision equal to that of masters. But few,
except the masters of the science, are possessed of know-
ledge sufficient to enable them to discourse with propriety
on music ; nor indeed do many attend to that which is
its greatest excellence, its influence on the human mind,
or those irresistable charms which render the passions
subservient to the power of well modulated sounds, and
inspire the mind with the most exalted sentiments. One
admires a fine voice, another a delicate touch, another
what he calls a brilliant finger ; and many are pleased
with that music which appears most difficult in the
execution, and in judging of their own feelings, mistake
wonder for delight.
To remove the numberless prejudices respecting music,
which those only entertain who are ignorant of the
science, or are mistaken in its nature and end ; to point
out its various excellencies, and to assert its dignity,
as a science worthy the exercise of our rational as well as
audible faculties, the only effectual way seems to be to in-
vestigate its principles, as founded in general and invari-
able laws, and to trace the improvements therein which
have resulted from the accumulated studies and experience
of a long succession of ages, such a detail is necessary to
reduce the science to a certainty, and to furnish a ground
for criticism ; and may be considered as a branch of
literary history, of the deficiency whereof Lord Bacon has
declared his sentiments in the following emphatical terms :
* History is Natural, Civil, Ecclesiastical, and Literary ;
' whereof the three first I allow as extant, the fourth I
' note as deficient. For no man hath propounded to him-
' self the general state of learning to be described and
'represented from age to age, as many have done the
' works of nature, and the state civil and ecclesiastical ;
' without which the history of the world seemeth to
' me to be as the statue of Polyphemus with his eye out,
' that part being wanting which doth most shew the spirit
' and life of the person. And yet I am not ignorant, that
* in divers particular sciences, as of the jurisconsults, the
' mathematicians, the rhetoricians, the philosophers, there
' are set down some small memorials of the schools,
* authors, and books ; and so likewise some barren relations
'touching the invention of arts or usages.
' But a just story of learning, containing the antiquities
' and originals, of knowledges and their sects, their inven-
' tions, their traditions, their diverse administrations and
' managings, their flourishings, their oppositions, decays,
' depressions, oblivions, removes, with the causes and
' occasions of them, and all other events concerning
' learning, throughout the ages of the world, I may truly
'affirm to be wanting.'*
If anything can be necessary to enforce arguments so
weighty as are contained in the above passage ; it must
be instances of error, resulting from the want of that
intelligence which it is the business of history to commu-
nicate ; and it is greatly to be lamented that music affords
more examples of this kind than perhaps any science
whatever : for, not to remark on those uncertain and con-
tradictoi-y accounts which are given of the discovery of
the consonances, some writers attributing it to Pytha-
goras, others to Diodes, that relation of the fact which
gained most credit with mankind, as deriving its
las
authority from the Pythagorean school, is demonstratably
* Of the advancement of Learning, book II.
false and erroneous.f Again, as to the invention of sym-
phoniac harmony, or, as we now call it, music in parts,
many ascribe it to the ancients, and say that it was in use
among the Greeks, though no evidence of the fact can be
drawn from their writings now extant. Others assert it
to be a modern improvement, but to whom it is due no
one has yet been able to discover.
As to the modern system, there is the irrefragable evi-
dence of his own writings extant, though not in print,
that it was settled by Guido Aretinus, a Benedictine
monk of the monastery of Pomposa in Tuscany, who
flourished about the year 1028; yet this fact, which is
also related as an important event in the Annales Ecclesi-
astici of Cardinal Baronius, has been rendered doubtful
by an assertion of a writer now living, Signor Martinelli,
that one of the same name and place, Fra Guittone
d'Arezzo, an Italian poet of great eminence, and who
lived about two himdred years after, adjusted that musical
scale by which we now sing ; J and further that the same
Fra Guittone was the inventor of counterpoint. Again,
those who give the invention of the modern system, and
the application thereto of the syllables used in solmisation
to the true author, ascribe also to him the invention of
music in consonance, and also of the Clavicembalum or
harpsichord; whereas the harpsichord is an improvement
of the Clavicitherium, an instrument known in England
in Gower's time by the name of the Citole, fromCisxELLA,
a little chest. Another writer asserts, on what authority
we are not told, that counterpoint, which implies music in
consonance, was invented by John of Dunstable, who
flourished anno 1400 ; and another, § mistaking the name,
attributes it to St. Dunstan, archbishop of Canterbury.
Mr. Marpourg of Berlin, a person now living, has taken
up this relation, groundless as it is, and in a book of his
writing, entitled 'Traite dela Fugue et du Counterpoint,'
has done little less than assert that St. Dunstan invented
counterpoint, by reducing into order the rules for compo-
sition in four parts, and not a few give credit to his
testimony.il
Again we are told, that whereas the Greeks signified
the several sounds in their scale by the letters of their
alphabet, or by characters derived from them, Guido in-
vented a more compendious method of notation by ])oints
stationed on a stave of five lines, and occupying both the
lines and the spaces. This assertion is true but in part ;
for the stave, and that of many lines, was in use near half
a century before Guido was born ; and all that can be
ascribed to him is the placing points as well in the spaces
t Vide infra, page 10, et seq.
t ' Fra Guittone d'Arezzo, celebre per i suoi scritta sopra la musica,
' inventore del contrappunto, e dal quale furono fissati i tuoni, che pre-
' sentemente si cantano.' Lettere familiari e critiche di Vincenzio Mar-
tinelli, Londra, 1758. Prefazione, page viii. This person had undertaken
to write a history of music. See his letters above cited, page 164, con-
taining an apology for his not having published it.
Of this Fra Guittone an account may be seen in the Istoria della Vol-
gar Poesia of Crescimbeni, lib. II. page 84. He flourished about 12.'iO,
and is celebrated among the best of the ancient Tuscan poets. In the
same work, lib. III. page 176, is a sonnet of his writing ; and in Mr.
Baretti's History of the Italian Tongue, prefixed to his Italian library,
page ix. is a fable of Fra Guittone, which Baretti says may be taken for
a composition of yesterday.
§ Wolfgang Caspar Printz, in his History of Music, written in the Ger-
man language, and published at Dresden in the year 1690, who has
given a relation purporting that ' In the year of our Lord, 940, Dunstan,
otherwise Dunstaphus, an Englishman, being very young, betook him-
' self to tlie study of music, and thereby acquired immortal fame. He
' was the first that composed songs of different parts, that is to say, Bass,
' Tenor, Descant, and Vagant or Alt,' page 104, sect. 23. The whole re-
lation is an error, arising from a mistaken sense of a passage in the
Prseceptiones Musices Poeticje of Johannes Nucius, a writer on music in
the year 1613. Vide infra, page 176 in note, 274 in note, 651 in note.
II ' Dunstan, Archeveque de Canterbory, qui vivoit dans le dixieme
' si^cle, a tofijours eu I'honneur d'avoir commence, ainsi que d'avoir
' fraye le chemm aux autres, II redigea en ordre les regies de la com-
' position a quartre parties, et par la donna une nouvelle 6poque a la
' musique.' Partie II. page vi.
xvm.
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
as on the lines, which it must be owned is an ingenious
and useful contrivance.
To assist the memory and facilitate the practice of sol-
misation, it is also said that Guido made use of the left
hand, giving to the top of the thumb the note Tam ut,
to the joint below it A re, to the next B mi, and so on,
placing the highest note of his system, E la, at the ex-
tremity of the hand, viz., the tip of the middle finger ;
but nothing of this kind is to be found, or indeed is men-
tioned, or even hinted at, in any of his writings, and
we may therefore conclude that the whole is an invention
of some other person.
Little less confusion attends the relations extant re-
specting the invention of the Cantus Mensurabilis, and
those marks or characters used to signify the several
lengths or durations of notes. The vulgar tale is, that
John de Muris, a Norman, and a doctor of the Sorbonne
about the year 1330, invented eight musical characters,
namely, the Maxima, or as we call it, the Large, the
Long, the Breve, Semibreve, Minim, Semiminim or
Crotchet, Chroma or Quaver, and the Semichroma,
assigning to each a several length in respect of time
or duration.* Now upon the face of the relation there is
great reason to conclude, that in the original institution
of the Cantus Mensurabilis, the semibreve was the
shortest note ; but there is undeniable evidence that as
well the minim as the notes in succession after it, were of
comparatively late invention.
But this is not all ; De Muris was not a Norman, but
an Englishman : he was not the inventor of the Cantus
Mensurabilis : not he, but a person of the name of
Franco, a scholastic, as he is called, of Liege, about the
middle of the eleventh century invented certain characters
to signify the duration of sounds,! that is to say, the four
first above mentioned.
Another prevailing error respecting music has got pos-
session of the minds of many people, viz., that those sin-
gularly sweet and pathetic melodies with which the Scots
music abounds, were introduced into it by David Rizzio,
an Italian musician, and a favourite of Mary, queen of
Scots ; the reverse is the truth of the matter, and that by
the testimony of the Italians themselves; the Scots tunes
are the genuine produce of Scotland ; those of greatest
merit among them are compositions of a king of that
country ; and of these some of the most celebrated madri-
gals of one of the greatest of the Italian composers are
avowed imitations.!
Again, few are sufficiently acquainted with the history
of the science, and in particular how long the several
musical instruments now known by us have been in use,
to prevent being imposed on by pretended new inventions :
the harp of iEolus, as it is called, on which so much has
been lately said and written, was constructed by Kircher
above a century ago, and is accurately described in his
Musurgia ; as is also the perpendicular harpsichord, and
an instrument so contrived as to produce sound by the
friction of wheels, from which the modern lyrichord is
manifestly taken. The new system, as it is called, of the
flute abec, proposed about forty years ago by the younger
Stanesby, is in truth the old and original system of that
instrument, and is to be found in Mersennus ; and the
clarinet, an instrument unknown in England till within
these last twenty years, was invented by John Christo-
pher Denner, a wind musical instrument maker of Leipsic
above a century ago. §
* Nicola Vicentino, a writer of the sixteenth century, with some de-
gree of infrenuity, attempts to shew that these characters are but ('.if-
ferent modifications of the round and square b, which had been introduced
into Guido's scale for another purpose.
t Vide infra, pages 217, 221, 253.
X Vide infra, page 5G3.
§ Vide infra, page 651.
Farther, it has for the honour of this our native country
been said of Purcell, that his music was very different
from the Italian ; that it was entirely English, that it was
masculine.il Against the two first of these assertions we
have his own testimony in the preface to one of his works,
wherein he says that he has endeavoured at a just imita-
tion of the most famed Italian masters, with a view, as he
adds, to bring the gravity and seriousness of that sort of
music into vogue.H As to the third, the judicious peruser
of his compositions will find that they are ever suited
to the occasion, and are equally calculated to excite
tender, and robust or manly affections.
Lastly, of the many who at this time profess to love
music, few are acquainted with the characters, and even
the names of those many eminent persons celebrated for
their skill and great attainments in the science, and who
flourished under the patronage of the greatest potentates,
previous to the commencement of the present century ;
and, with respect to those of our own country, it is true
there is scarce a boy in any of the choirs in the kingdom
but knows that Tallis and Bird composed anthems, and
Child, Batten, Rogers, and Aldrich services ; but of their
compositions at large, and in what particulars they ex-
celled, even their teachers are ignorant.
Under a thorough conviction of the benefits that must
result from the kind of intelligence here recommended,
attempts have been made at different periods to trace the
rise and progress of music in a course of historical narra-
tion ; and letit not be deemed an invidious oftice, if those
defects in the attempts of others are pointed out, which
alone can justify the present undertaking.
In the Menagiana, tome I. page 303, mention is made
of a canon of Tours of the name of Ouvard, who wrote
a history of music : Mattheson, in his Volkommenen
Capellmeister, takes notice of this work, and says that it
comes down to the end of the seventeenth century, and is
perhaps extant in MS. in some library at Paris. But the
first attempt of this kind in print is a treatise of Johannes
Albertus Bannius, ' De Musicae origine, progressu et
' denique studio bene instituendo,' published in 1637, in
octavo.
Next to this, in point of time, is the History of Music
of Wolfgang Caspar Printz, chapel-master and director of
the choir of the church of Sorau, printed at Dresden
in the year 1690, in a small quarto volume, with the title
of ' Historiche Beschreibung der Edelen Singund Kling-
' ktmst.' Neither of the two latter works can be considered
as a history of the science ; the first of them is a very
small volume, and the othei not a large one, containing
little more than a list of writers on music disposed in
chronological order.
The appendix of Dr. Wallis to his edition of Ptolemy,
published in 1682, though not a history of the science,
contains many historical particulars respecting music,
besides that in sundry instances it renders intelligible the
doctrines of the ancient writers. It is written with great
accuracy and perspicuity, and abounds with instances of
that acuteness and penetration for which the author is
celebrated.
In 1683, the Sieur Gabriel Guillainne Nivers, organist
of the chapel of Lewis XIV. published ' Dissertation
' sur le Chant Gregorien,' a small octavo volume, but in
effect a history of ecclesiastical music, with a relation of
the many corruptions it has undergone. In it are many
curious passages relating to the subject, extracted from
the fathers and the ritualists, with the observations of the
author, who appears to have been a learned man in his
profession.
II Granger's Biographical History of England, as it is called, vol. II.,
part II., class X. tit. musicians, art. Henricus Pubcell.
% Vide infra, page 7-H.
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
XIX.
In 1695 Gio. Andrea Angelini Bontempi, of Perugia,
published in a thin volume a work of some merit, entitled
* Historia Musica.' Berardi mentions a work of one
Pietro Arragona, a Florentine, entitled ' Istoria Armonica, '
but Brossard doubts the existence of it.*
A history of the pontifical chapel, and of the college of
singers thereto belonging, is contained in a work entitled
' Osservazioni per ben regolare il Coro de i Cantori della
' Cappella Pontiticia, tanto nelle Funzioni ordinarie che
' straordinarie,' by Andrea Adami da Bolsena, Maestro
della Cappella Pontificia, published at Rome in 1711, in
a quarto volume. In this book are many curious
particulars.
Tliere is also extant in two volumes duodecimo, but
divided into four, a book entitled ' Histoire de la Musique
' et de ses Effets,' printed first at Paris in 1715, and
afterwards at Amsterdam in 1725. The materials for
this publication were certain papers found in the study of
the Abbe Bourdelot, and others of his nephew Bonnet
Bourdelot, physician to the king of France, the letters of
the Abbe Raguenet and others, on the comparative merits
of the Italian and French opera and music, together with
sundry other papers on the same subject. The publisher
was Bonnet, a nephew of the Abbe Bourdelot;
and the best that can be said of the work is, that the whole
is a confused jumble of intelligence and controversy ; and,
saving that it contains some curious memoirs of Lully,
and a few other of the French musicians, has very little
claim to attention.
About the year 1730, Mr. Peter Prelleur, an able
musician and organist, published a work entitled ' The
' modern Music-master, containing an introduction to
* singing, and instructions for most of the instruments in
' use.' At the end of this book is a brief history of music,
in which are sundry particulars worth noting : it has no
name to it, but was nevertheless compiled by the above
person.
John Godfrey Walther, a professor of music, and or-
ganist of the church of St. Peter and Paul at Weimar,
published in 1732 a musical Lexicon or Bibliotheque,
wherein is a great variety of information respecting music
and musicians of all countries and ages. Mattheson of
Hamburg, in his ' Critica Musica,' his ' Orchestre,' and
a work entitled ' Volkommenen Capellmeister,' i.e. the
perfect Chapelmaster, has brought together many parti-
culars of the like kind ; but the want of method renders
these compositions, in an historical view, of little use.
In the year 1740, an ingenious young man of the name
of Grassineau,t published a Dictionary of Music in one
octavo volume, with a recommendation of the work by
Dr. Pepusch, Dr. Greene, and Mr. Galliard. The book
had the appearance of a learned woi-k, and all men won-
dered who the author could be : it seems he had been an
amanuensis of the former of these persons." The founda-
tion of this dictionary is a translation of that of Sebastian
Brossard ; the additions include all the musical articles
contained in the two volumes of Chambers's Dictionary,
with perhaps a few hints and emendations furnished by
Dr. Pepusch. The book nevertheless abounds with
errors, and, though a useful and entertaining publication,
is not to be relied on.
In 1756, Fr. Wilhelm Marpourg, a musician of Berlin,
published in a thin quarto volume, ' Trait6 de la Fugue et
' duContrepoint,' thesecondpart whereof is a brief history
of counterpoint and fugue. The same person is also the
author of a work entitled ' Critische Einleitung in die
* Geschichte und Lehrsake der alten und neuen Musick,'
printed at Berlin in 1759. It is part of a larger work,
and the remainder is not yet published.
* Catalogue of writers on music at the end of his ' Dictionnaire de
' Musique,' octavo, page 369.
t See an account of him page 30, in the notes.
The ' Storia della Musica' of Padre Martini of Bologna,
of which as yet only two volumes have been published,
and those at the distance of thirteen years from each
other, is a learned and curious work ; but the great study
and labour bestowed by the author in compiling it, make
us despair of ever seeing it completed.
The ' Histoire generate, critique, et philologique de la
'Musique,' of Mons. De Blainville, printed at Paris in
1767. in a thin quarto volume, has very little pretence to
the title it bears : like some other works of the kind, it is
diffuse where it ought to be succinct, and brief where one
would wish to find it copious.
A character very different is due to a work in two
volumes, quarto, entitled ' De Cantu et Musica sacra,
' a prima Ecclesise iEtate usque ad prjesens Tempus ;
' Auctore Martino Gerberto, Monasterii et Congregationis
* Sancti Blasii in Silva Nigra Abbate, Sacrique Romani
' Imperii Princeps. Typis San-Blasianis, 1774.' In this
most valuable work the author has with great learning,
judgment, and candour, given the history of ecclesiastical
music ; and the author of the present work felicitates
himself on finding his sentiments on the subject, particu-
larly of the church composers, and the corruptions of the
church style, confirmed by the testimony of so able
a writer. He is farther happy to see that without any
communication with this illustrious dignitary, and without
having perused his book, by the help of materials, which
this country alone has furnished, he has been able to
pursue a similar track of narration, and to relate and
authenticate many facts contained therein. J
At the beginning of this present year 1776, the musical
world were favoured with the first volume of a work en-
titled ' A General History of Music from the earliest
' Ages to the present Period, with a Dissertation on the
' Music of the Ancients, by Charles Burney, Mus. D.,
' F. R. S.' The author in the proposals for his sub-
scription has given assurances of the publication of
a second, which we doubt not he will make good.
From those who have thus taken upon them to trace
the rise and progress of music in a course of historical de-
duction, we pass to others who appear to have made col-
lections for the like purpose, but were defeated in their
intentions of benefiting the science by their labours.
And first Anthony Wood, who himself was a proficient
in music, and entertained an enthusiastic fondness for the
art, had it seems meditated a history of musicians, a work
which his curiosity and unwearied industry rendered him
very fit for : to this end he made a collection of memoirs,
which is extant, in his own hand-writing, among the
manuscripts in the Ashmolean Museum ; and in the
printed catalogue thereof is thus numbered and described:
* 8568. 106. Some materials toward a history of the lives
' and compositions of all English musicians ; drawn up
' according to alphabetical order in 210 pages by A. W.'
Of these materials he seems to have availed himself in
the Fasti Oxonienses, wherein are contained a great
number of memoirs of eminent English musicians, equally
curious and satisfactory, the perusal whereof in the origi-
nal MS. has contributed to render this work somewhat
less imperfect than it must have been without such infor-
mation as they afford.
Dr. Henry Aldrich, dean of Christ Church, an excellent
scholar, and of such skill in music, that he holds a place
among the most eminent of our English church musicians,
had formed a design of a history of music on a most ex-
tensive plan. His papers in the library of Christ Church
college, Oxford, have been carefully perused : among
them are a great number of loose notes, hints, and memo-
t The fact is, that the fifth volume of this work was printed off in
July in the present year, and the former ones in succession in the years
preceding, and the two volumes of the Abbot Gerbert's work came
to hand in the month immediately following.
XX.
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
randa relating to music and the professors of the science ;
in the collection whereof, he seems to have pursued the
course recommended by Brossard in the catalogue of
writers on music at the end of his Dictionnaire de
Musique, page 367 ; but among a great multitude of
papers in his own hand-writing, there are none to be
found from whence it can with certainty be concluded
that he had made any progress in the work.
Nicola Francesco Haym, a musician, and a man of
some literature, published, above forty years ago, pro-
posals containing the plan of a history of music written
by himself, but, meeting with little encouragement, he
desisted from his design of printing it.
Much intelligence respecting music might have been
hoped for from the abilities and industry of Ashmole, Dr.
Hooke, and Sir William Petty, the two former of whom
had been choristers, the one in the cathedral of Litchfield,
the other of Christ Church, Oxford : the last of the
three was professor of music at Gresham college ; but
these persons abandoning the faculty in which they had
been instituted, betook themselves to studies of a different
kind : Ashmole, at first a solicitor in Chancery, became
an antiquary, a herald, a virtuoso, a naturalist, and an
Hermetic philosopher : Hooke took to the study of
natural philosophy, mechanics, and architecture, and
attained to great skill in all :* and Petty, choosing the
better part, laid the fovmdation of an immense estate by
a various exertion of his very great talents, and was
successively a physician, a mathematician, a mechanic,
a projector, a contractor with the government, and an
improver of land.
Enough it is presumed has been said to prove the
utility, and even the necessity, in order to a competent
knowledge of the science, of a History of Music, in the
deduction whereof the first object that piesents itself to
view is the system of the ancient Greeks, adjusted, it
must be confessed, with great art and ingenuity, but
labouring under many defects, which, if we are not
greatly deceived, are remedied in that of the moderns.
Of the origin of this system we have such authentic intel-
ligence as leaves little room to doubt that it was invented
by Pythagoras, a name sufficiently known and revered,
and the subsequent deduction of the progress of the
science, involving in it the names and improvements o '
men well known, such as Philolaus, Archytas of Tarentum,
Aristoxenus, Euclid, Nicomachus, Ptolemy, and many
* It is said by Anthony Wood of Dr. Hooke, that, heinf; at West-
minster-school, he lodfjed and dieted in the house of Mr. Busby, the
master, and that there, of his own accord, he learned to play twenty
lessons on the organ, and invented thirty several ways of flying.
Athen. Oxon. vol. II. col. 1039. The latter of these facts must stand on
the authority of the relator, or rather his authors. Dr. Busby and the
great Dr. Wilkins of Wadhani college ; but the former is rendered
highly probable by the following anecdote respecting Dr. Busby, the
communication whereof we owe to Dr. Wetenhall, one of Busby's
scholars, and afterwards bishop of Cork and Ross, viz. : that 'the first
' organ he ever saw or heard was in his, Dr. Busby's house ; and that tlie
'same was kept for sacred use, and that even when it was interdicted.'
Dedication of a treatise entitled ' Of Gifts and Offices in the public
'Worship of God, by Edward Wetenhall, D.D., Chanter of Christ
'Church, Dublin, 8vo. 1679.' That he was also eminently skilled in
architecture, may be inferred from an assertion of Dr. Ward, in his life
of Sir Christopher Wren, among the Gresham professors, viz. : that he
greatly assisted Sir Christopher in re-building the public edifices. Wood
goes so far as to say that Hooke designed New Bedlam, Montague-
house, the College of Physicians, and the pillar on Fish-street Hill ; but
the erection of the latter of these edifices is ascribed to Sir Christopher
Wren. As to Montague-house and the College of Physicians, there are
In Moxon's Mechanic Exercises, under the head of Bricklayer's Work,
intimations that they were both designed by Hooke ; and Strype, in his
edition of Stowe's Survey of London, speaking of Aske's hospital at
Hoxton, says it was built after a modern design of Dr. Hooke.
Of this latter person it may be said, that he was perhaps one of the
greatest proficients in the art of thriving of bis time : by places, by
projects, and by grants, some to himself, and others to his wife, he
acquired estates, real and personal, to the annual amount of £15,000, to
the accumulation of which wealth we may well suppose that the virtue
of parsimony contributed not a little, and the rather as he suffered a
natural daughter of his to be an actress on the stage under Sir William
D'Avenant at the Duke's theatre in Dorset-Garden.
others, may truly be called history, as being founded in
truth ; and the utility and certainty of their relations will
teach us to distinguish between fact and fable.
It is much to be lamented that the greater part of
what we believe touching music, is founded on no
better authority than the fictions of poets and mytho-
logists, whose relations are in most instances merely
typical and figurative ; such must the stories of Orpheus
and Amphion appear to be, as having no foundation in
truth, but being calculated solely for the purpose of
moral instruction.
And with regard to facts themselves, a distinction is to
be made, between such as are in their own nature in-
teresting, and those that tend only to gratify an idle
curiosity : to instance in the latter, what satisfaction does
the mind receive from the recital of the names of those
who are said to have increased the chords of the primitive
lyre from four to seven, Chorebus, Hyagnis, and Ter-
pander ; or when we are told that Olympus invented the
enarmonic genus, as also the Harmatian mood ; or that
EuTuolpus and Melampus were excellent musicians, and
Pronomus, Antigenides, and Lamia celebrated players on
the flute ? In all these instances, where there are no
circimistances that constitute a character, and familiarize
to us the person spoken of, we naturally enquire who he
is ; and, for want of farther information, become in-
different as to what is recorded of him.
Mr. Wollaston has a remark upon the nature of
fafiie that seems to illustrate the above observation, and
indeed goes far beyond the case here put, inasmuch as
the persons by him spoken of, are become wellknown
characters : his words are these : ' When it is said that
' Julius Caesar subdued Gaul, beat Pompey, changed the
' Roman commonwealth into a monarchy, &c. it is the
' same thing as to say, the conquerer of Pompey was
' Cassar ; that is, Ceesar and the conqueror of Pompey are
' the same thing ; and Caesar is as nmch known by one
' designation as the other. The amount then is only
• this : that the conqueror of Pompey conquered Pompey ;
' or somebody conquered Pompey ; or rather, since
'Pompey is as little known as Caesar, somebody con-
' quered somebody. 'f
That memorials of persons, who at this distance of time
must appear thus indifferent to us, should be transmitted
down to posterity, together with those events that make a
part of musical history, is not to be wondered at; and
Plutarch could never have recorded the facts mentioned
by him in his Dialogue on Music, had he not also given
the names of those persons to whom they are severally
ascribed ; and if they now appear uninteresting we may
reject them. But the case is far otherwise with respect
to what is told us of the marvellous power and efficacy of
the ancient music. Aristoxenus expressly asserts that
the foundation of ingenuous manners, and a regular and
decent discharge of the offices of civil life, are laid in a
musical education ; and Plutarch, speaking of the educa-
tion of Achilles, and relating that the most wise Chiron
was careful to instruct him in music, says, that whoever
shall in his youth addict himself to the study of music, if
he be properly instructed therein, shall not fail to applaud
and practise that which is noble and generous, and detest
and shun their contraries : music teaching those that
pursue it to observe decorum, temperance, and regularity;
for which reason he adds, that in those cities which were
governed by the best laws, the greatest care was taken
that their youth should be taught music. Plato, in his
treatise De Legibus, lib. II., insists largely on the utility
of this practice; and Polybius, lib. IV., cap. iii., scruples
not to attribute the misfortunes of the Cynetheaus, a
peopile od" Arcadia, and that general corruption of their
t KeligioD of Nature delineated, page 117.
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
XXI.
manners, by him described, to the neglect of the disci-
pline and exercise of music ; which he says the ancient
Arcadians were so industrious to cultivate, that they in-
corporated it into, and made it the very essence of, their
government ; obliging not their children only, but the
young men till they attained the age of thirty, to persist
in the study and practice of it. Innumerable also are
the passages in the ancient writers on harmonics wherein
the power of determining the minds of men to virtue or
vice is ascribed to music with as little doubt of its efficacy
in this respect, as if the human mind was possessed of no
such power as the will, or was totally divested of those
passions, inclinations, and habits, which constitute a
moral character.
Now, forasmuch as we at this day are incapable of dis-
covering any such power as is here attributed to mere
musical sounds, we seem to be warranted in withholding
our assent to these relations, till the evidence on which
they are grounded becomes more particular and explicit ;
or it shall be shown that they are not, what some men
conceive them to be, hyperbolical forms of speech, in
which the literal is as far from the true sense, as it is in
the stories of the effects of music on inanimate beings. If
indeed by music we are to understand musical sounds
jointly operating with poetry, for this reason that music is
ever spoken of by the ancients as inseparably united with
poetry ; and farther, because we are told that the ancient
poets, for instance, Demodocus, Thaletas of Crete, Pindar,
and others, not only composed the words, but also the
music to their odes and poeans, and sang them to the
lyre ; a degree of efficacy must be allowed it, propor-
tioned to the advantages which it could not but derive
from such an union.* But here a difficulty will arise,
which, though it does not destroy the credit of these re-
ports, as they stand on the footing of other historical
facts, would incline us to suspect that the music here
spoken of was of a kind very different from what it is in
general conceived to be, and that for the following reason.
We know by experience that there is no necessary con-
nection between music and poetry ; and such as are com-
* Quintilian has elegantly expressed his sense of the joint eificacy of
music and poetry in the following passage : ' Nanique et voce et
'niodulatione grandia elat^, jucunda dulciter, moderata leniter canit,
' totaque arte consentit cum eorum, qua; dicuntur, affectibus.' Inst.
Orat. lib. I. cap. x.
But, notwithstanding this observation, which, as far as it goes, must
he allowed to be just, the powers of music will be found inadequate to
the expression of many of those sentiments in poetry which are com-
prehended in the ideas of the beautiful and the sublime ; such, for
instance, as these : —
Where glowing embers round the room
Teach light to counterfeit a gloom.
Where I may oft outwatch the bear.
With thrice gr at Hermes, and unsphere
The spirit of Plato to unfold
What worlds or what vast regions hold
The immortal mind.
Sentiments that defy the utmost powers of music to suit them with
correspondent sounds.
Nor will it be found that the melody or the cadence of sounds are
either of them so peculiarly appropriated to particular passions or
descriptions, as to rank the faculty of expression among tlie principal
excellencies of music. And in proof of this assertion some examples
might be given that would stagger an intidel in these matters. The late
Dr. Brown, when he had written his ode entitled the Cure of Saul, for the
music to it made a selection from the works of the most celebrated
composers, of such favourite movements as he thought would best
express the sense of the words ; in particular he took the saraband in
the eighth sonata of Corelli's second opera for a solo air; and that most
divine movement in Purcell's ' O give thanks,' ' Remember me, O Lord,'
for a chorus ; and any stranger would have thought that the music had
been originally composed to the words : the music to that admired song
in Samson, ' Return, O God of hosts,' was taken from an Italian
cantata of Mr. Handel, composed in his youth ; as vras also the music to
the other, ' Then long eternity,' in the same oratorio : farther, the chorus
in Alexander's Feast, 'Let old Timotheus yield the prize," saving the
addition of one of the interior parts, was originally an Italian trio ; as
was also that in the II Penseroso, ' These pleasures melancholy give.'
Finally, a great part of the music to Mr. Dryden's lesser ode for
St. Cecilia's Day was originally composed by Mr. Handel for an opera
enlitii^Q Alceste, written by Dr. SmoUet, but never performed.
petent judges of either, know also that though the powers
of each are in some instances concurrent, each is a sepa-
rate and distinct language. The poet affects the passions
by images excited in the mind, or by the forcible im-
pression of moral sentiments ; the musician by sounds
either simple and harmonical only in succession, or com-
bined : these the mind, from its particular constitution,
supposing it endued with that sense which is the perfec-
tion of the auditory faculty, without referring to any other
subject or mediimi, recognizes as the language of nature ;
and the affections of joy, grief, and a thousand nameless
sensations, become subservient to their call.
As the powers of music and poetry are thus different,
it necessarily follows that they may exist independently of
each other ; and the instances are as numerous of poets
incapable of articulating musical sounds, as of musicians
unpossessed of a talent for poetry.
If then the poets of the ancients were only such as to
the harmony of their verse, were capable of joining that of
music, by composing musical airs, and also singing them,
and that to an audience grounded and well instructed in
music, what can we suppose the music of their odes to
have been ? Perhaps little else than bare recitation ; not
in true musical intervals, but with such inflections of the
voice as accompany speech when calculated to make a
forcible impression on the hearers.
As to the relations of the effects of music in former
ages on the passions of men, and of its provoking them to
acts of desperation, it may be said that they afford no
greater proofs of its influence on the passions than
modern history is capable of furnishing, t But there are
t Vide infra, pages 118, 119 ; and Plutarch relates that Antigenides, the
tibicinist, playing before Alexander the Great, in a measure of time
distinguished by the name of the Harmatian mood, enflamed the hero to
such a degree, that, leaping from his seat, and drawing his sword, he in
a frenzy of courage assailed those who were nearest him. In Orat II.
De Fortun. vel Virtut. Alexandr. Magn.
To these instances may be opposed the following, which modem
history affords. The first is related of Ericus, king of Denmark,
surnamed the Good, who reigned about 1130, and is to the following
purport. When Ericus was returned into his kingdom, and held the
yearly assembly, he was greatly pleased with the industry both of his
soldiers and artificers. Among other of his attendants was a musician,
who asserted that by the power of his art he was able to excite in men
whatsoever affections he thought proper ; and to make the sad cheerful,
the cheerful sad, the angry placid, and such as were pleased discontented,
and even drive them into a raging madness ; and the more he insisted
on his abilities the greater was the king's desire to try them. The artist
now began to repent his having thus magnified his talent, foreseeing the
danger of making such experiments on a king, and he was afraid that if
he failed in the performance of what he had undertaken, he should be
esteemed a liar ; he therefore entreated all who had any influence over
the king to endeavour to divert him from his intention to make proof of
his art ; but all without effect, for the more desirous he was to evade the
trial of his skill, the more the king insisted on it. When the musician
perceived that he could not be excused, he begged that all weapons
capable of doing mischief might be removed, and took care that some
persons should be placed out of the hearing of the Cithara, who might
be called in to his assistance, and were, if necessity required it, to
snatch the instrument from his hands, and break it on liis head. Every
thing being thus prepared, the citharist began to make proof of his art
on the king, who sat with some few about liim in an open hall ; first, by
a grave mode, he threw a certain melancholy into the minds of the
auditors ; but, changing it into one more cheerful, he converted their
sadness into mirth that almost incited his bearers to dancing ; then
varying his modulation, on the sudden he inspired the king with fury
and indignation, which he continued to work up in him till it was easy
to see he was approaching to frenzy. The sign was then given for those
who were in waiting to enter ; they first broke the Cithara according to
their directions, and then seized on the king ; but such was his strength,
that he killed some of them with his fist; being afterwards overwhelmed
with several beds, his fury became pacified, and, recovering his reason,
he was grievously afflicted that he had turned liis wrath against his
friends. Saxo Grammaticus, in Hist. Danicse, edit. Basil, lib. XII.
page 113. The same author adds, that he broke open the doors of a
chamber, and, snatching up a sword, ran four men through the body ;
and that when he returned to his senses he made a pilgrimage to
Jerusalem as an expiation of his crime. Olaus Magnus, who tells the
same story, says that he afterwards died in the island of Cyprus. Vide
Olaus Magnus, in Hist. Gent. Sept. lib. XV. cap. xxviii. and Krantzius,
in Chron. Regn. Daniae, Suecise, et Norvegiae.
Hieronymus Magius gives the following relation of a fact recent in
memory in the year 1.564: Cardinal Hippolyto de Medicis, being a legate
in the army at Pannonia, the troops being about to engage, upon
sounding the alarm by the trumpets and drums, was so enflamed with a
martial ardour, that, girding on his sword, he mounted his horse, and
could not be restrained from charging the enemy at the head of those
XXll.
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
others that stagger human belief, and leave us in doubt
whether to give or refuse credit to them; such, for in-
stance, are the stories of the cure of diseases, namely, the
sciatica, epilepsy, fevers, the bites of vipers, and even
pestilences, by the power of harmony.
What an implicit assent has been given to the reports
of the sovereign efficacy of music in the cure of the
frenzy occasioned by the bite of the Tarantula ! Baglivi,
an eminent physician, a native of Apulia, the country
where the Tarantula, a kind of spider, is produced, has
given the natural history of this supposed noxious insect,
and a variety of cases of persons rendered frantic by its
bite, and restored to sanity and the use of their reason ;
and in Kircher's Musurgia we have the very air or tune
by which the cure is said to be effected. Sir Thomas
Brown, that industrious exploder of vulgar errors, has let
this, perhaps the most egregious of any that he has ani-
madverted on. pass as a fact not to be controverted ; and
Dr. Mead has strengthened the belief of it by his reasoning
on the nature of poisons. After all the whole comes out
to be a fable, an imposture calculated to deceive the cre-
dulous, and serve the ends of designing people inhabiting
the country.*
The natural tendency of these reflections is to draw on
a comparison of the ancient with modern music ; which
latter, as it pretends to no such miraculous powers, has
been thought by the ignorant to be so greatly inferior to
the former, as scarce to deserve the name. In like manner
do they judge of the characters of men, and the state of
human manners at remote periods, when they compare
the events of ancient history, the actions of heroes, and
the wisdom of legislators, with those of modern times,
inferring from thence a depravity in mankind, of which
not the least trace is discernible.
This mistaken notion seems to be but the necessary
consequence of that system of education which directs the
attention of young minds to the discoveries and trans-
actions of the more early times ; assigning, as the rule of
civil policy, and the standard of moral perfection and ex-
cellence in arts, the conduct, the lives, and works of men
whose greatest achievements are only wonderful as they
were rare ; whose valour was Drutality, and whose policy
was in general fraud, or at best craft ; and whose inven-
tions and discoveries have in numberless instances been
superseded by those of later times. To these, which we
may call classical prejudices, we are to impute those nu-
merous and reiterated complaints which we meet with of
the degeneracy of modern times ; and when they are
once imbibed, complaints of the declension of some arts,
and of the loss of others, as also of the corruption of
manners, appear to be but of course. Whether, therefore,
our reverence for antiquity has not been carried too far
both as to matters of science and morality, comprehending
in the latter the virtue of justice, and the qualities of per-
sonal courage, general benevolence, and refined humanity,
of which the examples are not less numerous and con-
spicuous in modern than in ancient history, is a question
well worthy consideration. f
whose duty it was to make the onset. Var. Lect. seu Miscell.
Venet. 1564, lib. IV. cap. xiii.
And, lastly, it is related, that at the celebration of the marriage of the
duke of Joyeuse, a gentleman was so transported with the music of
Claude le Jeune, performed at that solemnity, that he seized his sword,
and swore that, unless prevented, he must fight with some one present ;
but that a sudden change in the music calmed him. Bayle, art.
GoUDiMEL, in not. Vide infra, page 434.
* Vide infra, page 639, in note.
+ In a book, which few readers at this day think worth looking into.
Dr. Hakewill's .\pologie for the Power and Providence of God, are the
following sentiments touching the reverence due to antiquity : ' Antiquity
' I unfeignedly honour and reverence ; but why I should reverence the
' rust and refuse, the dross and dregs, the warts and wens thereof I am
'yet to seek. As in the little, so in the great world, reason will tell
' you that old age or antiquity is to be accounted by the fartlier distance
' from the beginning, and the nearer approach to the end ; and as grey
Of the loss of many arts, that contribute as well to the
benefit as delight of mankind, much has been said; and
there is extant a large volume, written in Latin by Guido
Pancirollus, a lawyer of Padua, entitled ' De rebus memo-
' rabilibus deperditis et noviter inventis,' which has not
escaped censure for the mistakes and peurilities with
which it abounds, the tendency thereof being to shew that
many arts known to the ancients are either totally lost, or
so greatly depraved, that they can scarcely be said to
have an existence among us.| In this book, which has
proved a plentiful source of intelligence to such as have
laboured to depreciate all modern attainments, it is
roundly asserted of music, which was anciently a science,
that there are not the least footsteps remaining : and far-
ther, that the Cardinal of Ferrara, by whom it is supposed
is meant Hippolyto de Este, the patron of Vicentino, took
great pains to recover it, but all to no j)urpose.§
Such as seem to have adopted the opinion of Pancirol-
lus with respect to music, for example, Dr. Pepusch, and
' beards are for wisdom and judgment to be preferred before young green
' heads, because they have more experience in affairs ; so likewise for the
' same cause the present times are to be preferred before the infancy or
' youth of the world, we having the history and practice of former ages
' to inform us, which they wanted. In disgracing the present times
'you disgrace antiquity properly so called.' Book V. page 13.3.
Farther to this purpose the learned and sagacious Sir Thomas Brown
delivers his sentiments in the following terms : ' The mortalest enemy
' unto knowledge, and that which hath done the greatest execution upon
' truth, hath been a peremptory adhesion unto authority ; and more
' especially the establishing of our belief upon the dictates of antiquity.
' For, (as every capacity may observe) most men of a^jes present, so
' superstitiously do look upon ages past, that the authorities of the one
' exceed the reasons of the ether : whose persons indeed being far
' removed from our times, their works, which seldom with us pass
' uncontroled, either by contemporaries, or immediate successors, are
' now become out of the distance of envies : and the farther removed
' from present times, are conceived to approach the nearer unto truth
' itself. Now hereby methinks we manifestly delude ourselves, and
' widely walk out of the track of truth.
' For, first, men hereby impose a thraldom on their times, which the
' ingenuity of no age should endure, or indeed the presumption of any
' did ever yet enjoin. Thus Hippocrates, about two thousand years ago,
'conceived it no injustice either to examine or refute the doctrines of
'his predecessors: Galen the like, and Aristotle the most of any. Yet
'did not any of these conceive themselves infallible, or set down their
' dictates as verities irrefragable ; but when they either deliver their
' own inventions, or reject other men's opinions, they proceed with
'judgment and ingenuity : estahHsliing their assertions, not only with
'great solidity, but submitting them also unto the correction of future
' discovery.
' Secondly, men that adore times past, consider not that those times
' were once present, that is, as our own are at this instant ; and we
'ourselves unto those to come, as they unto us at present: as we rely
'on them, even so will those on us, and magnify us hereafter, who
'at present condemn ourselves. Which very absurdity is daily com-
' mitted amongst us, even in the esteem and censure of our own times.
' And, to speak impartially, old men, from whom we should expect the
' greatest example of wisdom, do most exceed in this point of folly j
' commending the dayes of their youth, which they scarce remember, at
' least well understood not ; extolling those times their younger years
'have heard their fathers condemn, and condemning those times the
' gray heads of their posterity shall commend. And thus is it the
' humour of many heads to extol the dayes of their fore-fathers, and
' declaim against the wickedness of times present. Which, notwith-
' standing tliey cannot handsomely do, without the borrowed help and
' satyrs of times past, condemning the vices of their own times, by the
' expressions of vices in times whicli they commend; which cannot but
' argue the community of vice in both. Horace, therefore, Juvenal,
' and Persius were no prophets, although their lines did seem to
' iiidigitate and point at our times. There is a certain list of vices
' committed in all ages, and declaimed against by all authors, which will
' last as long as humane nature; which, digested into common places,
' may serve fur any theme, and never be out of date until Dooms day.'
Enquiries into Vulgar and Common Errours, Book I. Chap. vi.
t Of the many instances of arts or inventions lost, or in a state of
depravity at this time, there are very few, if any, of which evidence can
be found, or at least that have not been succeeded by others tending to
the same purpose, and of far greater utility. To instance in a few
particulars, instead of the papyrus of the ancients, prepared from the
leaves of a certain buUrush, we have the paper of the modems; in the
room of their specular stones, glass; and of clepsydras, instruments
that measured time by the dropping of water, or the falling of sand,
clocks and watches. As to the art of staining or painting glass, which
ceased to he practised about the Riformation, and has almost ever since
been deplored as a lost invention, it is effected by chemical means, and
is at this day in as great perfection as ever. Vide Chambers's Diet,
voce Glass. Anecdotes of Painting in England by Mr. Horace Walpole,
vol. II. page 15.
§ A like attempt was made in France in the year 1570, by the
establishment of an academy under the direction of Jean Antoine Baif
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
XXI 11.
a few of his disciples, have asserted as an instance in
support of it, that the chromatic and enarmonic genera
are now neither practised nor accurately known. Farther
they add, that of the various modes of the ancients, only
two are remaining, viz., those which answer to the keys
A and C ; for, say they, the ancients took the tones and
semitones in order as they naturally arise in the diapason
system, and, without any dislocation of either, considered
the progression from any fundamental chord as a mode
or key, and formed their melodies accordingly.
With regard to the enarmonic genus, it will in the
ensuing work be shewn that the ancients themselves
suffered it to grow into disuse by reason of its intricacy ;
and therefore it cannot so properly be said to have been
lost, as that it is rejected, and the rather as we are assured
that Salinas and others have accurately determined it :*
of the chromatic as much seems to have been retained as
is necessary to the perfection of the diatonic ; and as to
the modes, it will also be shewn that there never was, nor
can there in nature be more, or any other than tlie two
abovementioned ; and consequently that in this respect
music has sustained no injury at all.
The loss of arts is a plausible topic of declamation, but
the possibility of such a calamity by other means than
a second deluge, or the interposition of any less powerful
agent than God himself, is a matter of doubt ; and when
appearances every where around us favour the opinion of
our improvement not only in literature, but in the sciences
and all the manual arts, it is wonderful that the contrary
notion should ever have got footing among mankind.
As to the general prejudices in behalf of antiquity,
it has been hinted above that a reason for them is to
be found in that implicit belief which the course of
modern education disposes us to entertain of the superior
virtue, wisdom, and ingenuity of those, who in all these
instances we are taught to look on as patterns the most
worthy of imitation ; but it can never be deemed an ex-
cuse for some writers for complimenting nations less en-
lightened than ourselves with the possession or enjoyment
of arts which it is pretended we have lost ; as they do
when they magnify the attainments of nations compara-
tively barbarous, and making those countries on which
the beams of knowledge can scarcely be said to have yet
dawned the theatres of virtue and the schools of science,
recommend them as fit exemplars for our imitation.
Of this class of authors, Sir William Temple and Isaac
Vossius seem to be the chief; the one a statesman retired
from business, an ingenious writer, but possessed of little
learning, other than what he acquired in his later years,
and which it is suspected was not drawn from the purest
sources ; the other a man of great erudition, but little
judgment, the weakness whereof he manifested in a
childish credulity, and a disposition to believe things in-
credible. These men, upon little better evidence than
the reports of travellers, and the relations of missionaries,
who might have purposes of their own to serve, have
celebrated the policy, the morality, and the learning of
the Chinese, and done little less than proposed them as
examples of all that is excellent in human nature. f
and Joachim Theobalde de Courville, but through envy, as it is said,
the design failed. Mersennus in Quest, et Explic. in Genesin. art. XV.
pag. 1683. Walth. Musicalisches Lexicon, voce Academie Rotale
DE MusiauE.
* Vide infra, page 39.
+ As an instance of their superior skill in the science of medicine, he
says tliat their physicians pretend that they are able, not only to tell by
the pulse how many hours or days a sick man can last, but how many
years a man in perfect seeming health may live, in case of no accident
or violence. Essay of Heroic Virtue, sect. II.
The following summary of Cliinese knowledge may serve to show
how well they are entitled to the exaggerated encomiums of such
writers. They carry their history back to many ages before the time of
the creation. Hearne's Duct. Historic. vcjI. I. page 16. Their notion of
an eclipse is, that there is in heaven a dragon of an immense bigness,
ready at all times to eat up the sun or moon, which he likes best ; when
The topics insisted on by Sir William Temple, in that
part of his Essay on Heroic Virtue, where he takes occa-
sion to speak of the Chinese, are their wisdom, their
knowledge, their wit, their learning, ingenuity, and
civility, on which he bestows the most extravagant
encomiums.
Vossius is more particular, and says that ' the Chinese
' deplore the loss of their music, the superior merit
' whereof may be inferred from the relics of it yet re-
* maining, which are so excellent, that for their perfection
' in the art, the Chinese may impose silence on all
Europe.' Farther he says of their pantomimes, or
theatrical representations by mute persons, in which the
sentiments are expressed by gesticulations, and even
nods, that ' these declare their skill in the rythmus, which
' is the soul of music. '+ Elsewhere he takes occasion to
celebrate this people for their skill on the tibia, and
bestows on their performance the following enthusiastic
encomium : ' The tibia, by far to be preferred to the
' stringed instruments of every kind, is now silenced, so
' that, excepting the Chinese, who alone excel on it,
' scarce any are to be found that are able to please even
' an ordinary hearer. '§
Another writer is more particular, and gives us for his-
tory this nonsense ; thatFou-Hi, the first of the emperors
and legislators of China, delivered the precepts of music,
and having invented fishing, composed a song for those
who exercised the art ; and to banish all impurity from
the heart, made a lyre with strings of silk : and farther
that Chin-Nong, a succeeding emperor, celebrated the
fertility of the earth in songs of his own composing, and
made a beautiful lyre and a guitar enriched with precious
stones, which produced a noble harmony, curbed the
passions, and elevated many to virtue and heavenly
truth. II
These are the opinions of men who have acquired nc
small reputation in the world of letters ; and therefore
that error might not derive a sanction from authority, it
seemed necessary to enquire into the evidence in support
of them ; of what sort it is, the passage above cited may
serve to show. It remains now to make the comparison
above proposed of the modern with the ancient music.
The method hitherto pursued by those writers who
have attempted to draw a parallel between the ancient
and modern music, has been to bring together into one
point of view the testimonies in favour of the former, and
to strengthen them by their own suffrages, which upon
examination will be found to amovmt to just nothing ; for
these testimonies being no more than verbal declarations
or descriptions, every reader is at liberty to supply
them by ideas of his own ; ideas which can only have
been excited by that music which he has actually heard,
an eclipse of either happens, they suppose he has got the planet between
his teeth, and, to make him quit his hold, they beat drums and brass
kettles. Le Comte's Memoirs of China, edit. 1738, page 70, 488. In the
judgment of Cassini, and other great astronomers, they err in their
accounts of sundry conjunctions of the planets; in some of them not
less than live hundred years. Jenkin on the Reasonableness and
Certainty of the Christian Religion, vol. I. page 339. They are so little
skilled in mechanics, that they took a watch, brought into their country
by a Jesuit, for an animal. They are strangers to the use of etters as
the elements of words; and have even at this day no alphabet. Ibid.
Moreover they pretend to be the inventors of music, notwithstanding
that in the opinion of Father Le Comte they have nothing among them,
that deserves the name. See his Memoirs, page 214.
Of their propensity to fraud and deceit in their dealings, there are
abundant examples in Le Comte and Lord Anson's voyage ; and of their
morality and civil policy, which are so highly extolled, any one may
judge, when he is told that in Pekin and other large cities there is an
officer, whose duty it is every morning to destroy the numerous infants
that have been exposed in the streets in the preceding night. Mod.
Univ. Hist. fol. vol. I. page 175.
I De poemat. cant, et vlrib. Rythmi, page 95.
§ Ibid, page 107.
II Extraits des Hist. Chinois, published by Mons. Goguet, page 567, 572.
Dissert, on the Union, &c. of Poetry and Music, ] age 167.
XXIV.
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
or at least perused and contemplated. An instance
borrowed from the practice of some critics in painting,
may possibly illustrate this sentiment : the works of
Apelles, Parrhasius, Zeuxis, and Protogenes, together
with those of other artists less known, such as Bularchus,
Euphranor, Timanthes, Polygnotus, Polycletes, and
Aristides, all famous painters, have been celebrated in
terms of high applause by Aristotle, Philostratus, Pliny,
and the poets ; and those who attend to their descriptions
of them, associate to each subject ideas of excellence as
perfect as their imaginations can suggest, which can only
be derived from such works of later artists as they have
seen ; in like manner as we assist the descriptions of
Helen in Homer, and of Eve in Milton, with ideas of
female beauty, grace, and elegance, drawn from our own
observation :* the result of such a comparison in the case
of painting, has frequently been a determination to the
prejudice of modern artists ; and the works of Raphael,
Domenichino, and Guido have been condemned as not
answering to those characters of sublime and beautiful,
which are given to the productions of the ancient artists. f
In like manner to speak of music, we can form ideas of
the perfection of harmony and melody, and of the gene-
ral effect resulting from the artful combination of musical
sounds, from that music alone which we have actually
heard ; and when we read of the music of Timotheus or
Antigenides, we must either resemble it to that of the most
excellent of the modern artists, or forbear to judge about
it ; and if in the comparison such critics as Isaac Vossius,
Sir William Temple, and some others, reject the music of
the moderns as unworthy of attention or notice, how
egregiously are they deceived, and what do they but
forego the substance for the shadow ?
Other writers have taken a different course, and endea-
voured to prove the inferiority of the modern music to the
ancient, by a comparison of the powers of each in de-
priving men of the exercise of their rational faculties,
and by impelling them to acts of violence. To these it
may be said, that, admitting such a power in music, it
seems to be common in some degree to that of all ages
and countries, even the most savage ; but the fact is, that
these effects are adventitious, and in all the instances
produced will be found to have followed from some pre-
disposition of the mind of the hearer, or peculiar coinci-
dence of circumstances, for that in truth music pretends
not to the power of working miracles, nor is it the more
to be esteemed for exciting men to frenzy. Those who
contemplate it in a philosophical and rational manner, and
attend to its genuine operation on the human affections,
are abundantly satisfied of its efficacy, when they dis-
cover that it has a tendency to exhilarate the mind, to
calm the passions, to assuage the pangs of affliction, t to
• Mr. Harris to this purpose has given his sentiments in the following
judicious observation : ' When we read in Milton of Eve, that
' Grace was in all her steps, heav'n in her eye,
' In ev'ry gesture dignity and love ;
' we have an image not of that Eve which Milton conceived, but of such
' an Eve only as every one by his own proper genius is able to rei)resent
' from reflecting on those ideas which he has annexed to those several
' sounds. The greater part in the mean time have never perhaps
' bestowed one accurate thought upon what Grace, Heaven, Love, and
'Dignity mean; or ever enriched the mind with ideas of beauty, or
' asked whence they are to be acquired, and by what proportiims they
' are constituted. On the contrary, when we view Eve as painted by an
'able painter, we labour under no such difficulty; because we have
' exhibited before us the better conceptions of an artist, the genuine
' ideas of perhaps a Titian or a Raphael.' Disc, on Music, Painting,
and Poetry, page 77, in not.
t Vide Inquiry into the Beauties of Painting, by Daniel Webb, Esq.
passim.
I To this purpose we meet in Procopius with the following affecting
relation, viz : that Geliraer, king of the Vandals, being at war with tlie
emperor Justinian, and having been driven to the mountains by
Belisarius, his general, and reduced to great straits, was advised in a
letter by a friend of his named Pbaras to make terms with ttie enemy ;
but in the greatness of his spirit disdaining submission, he returned
assist devotion, and to inspire the mind with the most
noble and exalted sentiments.
Others, despairing of the evidence of facts, have re-
course to argument, contending that the same superiority
with respect to music is to be yielded to the ancients as
we allow them in the arts that afford delight to the ima-
gination ; poetry, eloquence, and sculpture, for instance,
of which, say they, their works bear luculent testimony.
To this it may be answered, that the evidence of works
or productions now existing is irrefragable, but in a ques-
tion of this kind there is no reasoning by analogy ; and
farther, that in the case of music, proof of the superiority
of the ancients is not only wanting, but the weight of the
argument lies on the other side ; for where are those pro-
ductions of the ancients that must decide the question ?
Lost, it will be said, in the general wreck of literature and
the arts. If so, they cease to be evidence. Appeal we
then to those remaining monuments that exhibit to us
the forms of their instruments, of which the lyre and the
tibia are the most celebrated ; and that these are greatly
excelled by the instruments of the moderns will not bear
a question. As to the lyre, considered as a musical
instrument, it is a very artless invention, consisting
merely of a few chords of equal length but unequal ten-
sions, in such a situation, and so disposed, as, without any
contrivance, to prolong or reverberate the sound, to vi-
brate in the empty air. The tibia, allowing it the per-
fection to which the flute of the moderns is arrived, could
at best be but an imperfect instrument ;§ and yet we are
told it was in such estimation among the ancients, that at
Corinth the sum of three, some say seven, talents was
given by Ismenias, a musician, for a flute.
But a weightier argument in favour of modern music,
at least so far as regards the improvements jn theory and
practice that necessarily result from the investigation of
new principles and the discovery of new combinations,
may be drawn from the natural course and order of
things, which is ever towards perfection, as is seen in
other sciences, physics and mathematics, for instance ; so
that of music it may be said, that the discoveries of one
cige have served but as a foundation for improvements in
the next; the consequence whereof is, that the fund of
harmony is ever increasing. What advantages must
accrue to music from this circumstance, may be discerned
if we inquire a little into those powers which are chiefly
exercised in practical composition. The art of invention
is made one of the heads among the precepts of rhetoric,
to which music in this and sundry instances bears a near
this answer : ' Ouod mihi consilium dedisti, magnam habeo tibi gratiam,
' ut etiam hosti injusto serviam ; id ver6 mihi intolerandum videtur.
' Si Deus faveret, repetere, poenas ah eo vellem, qui a me nunquam nee
' facto violatus nee verbo, bello, cujus nulla est causa legitima, praetex-
'tum prsbuit, meque in hunc statum redegit, accito, nescio unde,
' immissoque Belisario. Non improbabile esse sclat, passurum ipsura,
'tanquam hominem ac principem, eorum aliquid, unde abhorrit.
' Nequit ultra progredi stylus, auferente mentem calamitate, qua? me
' eircumvenit. Vale, amice Phara, et mihi quod te oro, citharam, panem
' unum ac spongiam mitte.' Procopius Caesariensis de Bello Vandalico,
vol. I. lib. II. cap. vi. page 240, edit. Paris, 1662, which we thus render:
I esteem it a great kindness that you vouchsafe me your advice, recom-
mending a submission to my enemy, unjust as he has been to me, but
tlie thought thereof is intolerable. If it please God I am prepared to
suffer the worst from him, who having never been injured by me, has
found a pretext fora war, for which no justifiable reason can be assigned ;
and has let loose upon me Belisarius, who has reduced me to this
extremity. Let him know that he is a man, and, though a prince, that
he is not beyond the reach of misfortune. I can proceed no farther,
the calamities which surround me depriving me of my reason. Farewell
ray friend Pharas, and send to me a harp, a loaf of bread, and a sponge.
The historian adds, that the harj) was to console him in his affliction,
the loaf to satisfy his hunger, he not having seen bread for a long time,
and the sponge to dry up his tears.
§ The imperfection of the flute consists in the impossibility of
attempering its tones, there being no rule or canon by which it can l)e
tuned ; to which we may add, that the tones in the upper octave are as
dissimilar, in respect of sound, as those of the human voice in those
persons who have what is called the falsetto. In the flute at'^ec t>-«
dilference is discernible in the double shake, which is made on a nota
that divides the two systems of the natural and artincial tones.
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
XXV.
resemblance; the end of persuasion, or affecting the
passions, being common to both. This faculty consists
in the enumeration of common places, which are revolved
over in the mind, and requires both an ample store of
knowledge in the subject upon which it is exercised, and
a power of applying that knowledge as occasion may re-
quire. It differs from memory in this respect, that
whereas memory does but recall to the mind the images
or remembrance of things as they were first perceived, the
faculty of invention divides complex ideas into those
whereof they are composed, and recommends them again
after different fashions, thereby creating variety of new
objects and conceptions. Now, the greater the fund of
knowledge above spoken of is, the greater is the source
from whence the invention of the artist or composer is
supplied; and the benefits thereof are seen in new com
binations and phrases, capable of variety and permutation
without end. And thus much must serve at present
touching the comparative merits of the ancient and
modern music.
In tracing the progress of music, it will be observed,
that it naturally divides itself into the two branches of
speculation and practice, and that each of these requires
a distinct and separate consideration.* Of the dignity
and importance of the former, Ptolemy, lib. I. cap ii. has
delivered his sentiments to the following purpose : ' It is
' in all things the business of contemplation and science
* to show that the works of nature, well regulated as they
' are, were constituted according to reason, and to answer
' some end ; and that nothing has been done by her
' without consideration, or as it were by chance ; more
' especially in those that are deemed the finest of her
' works, as participating of reason in the greatest degree,
* the senses of sight and hearing.' And Sir Isaac Newton,
speaking of the examination of those ratios that afford
pleasure to the eye in architectural designs, says it tends
to exemplify the simplicity in all the works of the
Creator. And farther he gives it as his opinion, ' that
■ some general laws of the Creator prevail with respect to
' the agreeable or unpleasing affections of all our senses. 'f
By practical music we are to understand the art of com-
position as founded in the laws of harmony, and deriving
its grace, elegance, and power of affecting the passions
from the genius and invention of the artist or composer ;
in the exercise of which faculty it may be observed, that
the precepts for combining and associating sounds are as
it were the syntax of his art, and are drawn out of it, as
the rules of grammar are from speech. J
In musical history the several events most worthy of
attention seem to be those of the first establishment of a
system, the introduction of music into the church service,
the rise of dramatic music ; under these several heads all
that intelligence which to us is the most interesting may
be comprehended. As touching the first, it is certain
that we owe it to the Greeks, and there is nothing that at
this distance of time can be superadded to the relations of
the ancient writers on the subject; nor can it be safe to
deviate, either in respect of form or manner, from the ac-
* There are but few instances of musicians that have been eminently
distinguished for skill both in the theory and practice of music, Zarlino,
Tartini, and Rameau excepted. The two branches of the science have
certainly no connection with each other, as may be gathered from the
following sentiment of an ingenious writer on the subject : ' The delights
' of practical music enter the ear without acquainting the understanding
' from what proportions they arise, or even so much as that proportion
' is the cause of them : this the philosopher observes from reason and
'experience, and the mechanic must be taught, for the framing
' instruments ; but the practiser has no necessity to study, except he
'desires the learning as well as the pleasure of his art.' Proposal to
perform Music in perfect and mathematical Proportions, by Tho. Salmon,
4to. Lond. I(i88.
t Vide infra, page 410, in note.
t ' The art by which language should be regulated, viz. Grammar, is of
' much later invention than languages themselves, being adapted to what
■ was already in being, rather than the rule of making it so.' Bishop
Wilkins's Essay towards a real Character, page 19.
counts from them transmitted to us of the original consti-
tution of the lyre, or of the invention and successive pro-
gress of a musical scale; much less can we be warranted
in speaking of the ancient practice, and the more abstruse
parts of the science, namely, the genera and the modes,
in any other terms than themselves make use of. Were
a liberty to do otherwise allowed, the same mischief would
follow that attends the multiplication of the copies of a
manuscript, or a translation through the medium of divers
languages, where a new sense may be imposed upon the
text by different transcribers and translators in succession,
till the meaning of the original becomes totally obscured.
Vitruvius, in his treatise De Architectura, has a chapter
on music, wherein he laments the want of words in the
Roman language equivalent to the Greek musical terms ;
the same difficulty is experienced in a greater or less de-
gree by all who take occasion to speak of the ancient
music, whether of the Hebrews or the Greeks. The
English translators of the Bible were necessitated to
render the words TIJ^ Kinnor and ^J)1^ Gnugab, by
harp and organ ; and a translator of musical appellatives
will in many instances be reduced to as great difficulty
as the Laplander, who in rendering a passage in the
Canticles, ' He looketh forth at the windows, shewing
himself at the lattice,' could find no nearer a resemblance
to a lattice than a snow-shoe, a thing like a racket used
in the game of tennis, and translated it accordingly.
The complaint of Vitruvius above mentioned furnishes
an occasion of enquiry into the state of music among the
Romans ; and this will appear, even in their most flourish-
ing condition, to have been, both in theory and practice,
very low, there being no author to be found till after the
destruction of the commonwealth who has written on the
subject; and of those that lived in the time of Augustus
and afterwards, the number is so small, and, if we except
Boetius, their writings are so inconsiderable, as scarce
to deserve notice. Vitruvius wrote not professedly on
music ; all that he says of it is contained in the third,
fourth, and fifth chapters of the third book of his treatise
l)e Architectura; wherein laying down the rules for the
construction of theatres, he speaks of harmony in general
terms, and afterwards of certain hollow vessels disposed
in niches for the purpose of reverberating the voice of the
singers or actors ; and thence takes occasion to mention
the genera of the ancients, which he illustrates by
a scale or diagram, composed, as he says, by Aristoxenus
himself, though it does not occur in the valuable edition
of that author published by Meibomius. In the same
work, lib. X. cap. ii. entitled De Hydraulicis, he de-
scribes the hydraulic organ of the ancients, but in such
terms, that no one has been able satisfactorily to ascertain
either its figure or the use of its parts.
Of Censorinus, Macrobius, Martianus Cappella, and
Cassiodorus, it was never pretended that they had made
any new discoveries, or contributed in the least to the
improvement of music. Boetius indeed with great in-
dustry and judgment, collected the sense of the ancient
Greek writers on Harmonics, and from the several works
of Aristoxenus, Euclid, Nicomachus, Alypius, Ptolemy,
and others whose discourses are now lost, compiled his
most excellent treatise De Musica. In this he delivers
the doctrines of the author above mentioned, illustrated
by numerical calculations and diagrams of bis own in-
vention ; therein manifesting a tiiorough knowledge of
the subject. Hence, and because of his great accuracy
and precision, this work of Boetius, notwithstanding it
contains little that can be said to be new, has ever been
looked upon as a valuable repository of musical erudition. §
§ The works of Boetius were published in a folio volume at Venice, in
the year 1499, and at Basil by Glareanus, in 1.570. In the treatise De
Musica are sundry diagrams invented by the editor, which tend greatly
to the illustration of his author.
XXVI.
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
Long before the time of Boetius, the enurmonic and chro-
matic genera had grown into disuse ; the diatonic genus
only remaining, the musical characters were greatly re-
duced in number ; and the notation of music became so
simple, that the Romans were able to represent the whole
series of sounds contained in the system of a double
octave, or the bisdiapason, by fifteen characters ; re-
jecting therefore the characters used by the Greeks for
the purpose, they assumed the first fifteen letters of their
own alphabet ; and this is the only improvement or in-
novation in music that we know of that can be ascribed
to the Romans.
As to the practice of music, it seems to have been
carried to no very great degree of perfection by the
Romans ; the tibia and the lyre seem to have been the
only instruments in use among them ; and on these
there were no performers of such distinguislied merit as
to render them worthy the notice of posterity, which
perhaps is the reason that the names of but few of them
are recorded.
Caspar Bartholinus has written a treatise ' De Tibiis
' veterum et earum antique usu,' in which he has brought
together a great variety of intelligence respecting the
flutes of the ancients : in this tract is a chapter entitled
' Tibia in Ludis Spectaculis atque Comediis,' wherein the
author takes occasion to speak of the tibiae pares et im-
pares, and also of the tibiae dextra et sinistrae, used in
the representation of the comedies of Terence, which he
illustrates by plates representing the forms of them
severally, as also the manner of inflating them, taken
from coins and other authentic memorials. In particular
he gives an engraving from a manuscript in the Vatican
library, of a scene in an ancient comedy, in which a
tibicinist is delineated standing on the stage, and blowing
on two equal flutes : what relation his mvisic has to the
action we are to seek. He also gives from a marble at
Rome the figure of a man with an inflected horn near
him, thus inscribed, m. iulius victor ex collegio liti-
CINUM CORNICINUM.
It appears from a passage in Valerius Maximus, that
there was at Rome a college of tibicinists or players on
the flute, who we may suppose were favoured with some
special privileges and immunities. These seem to have
been a distinct order of musicians from the former, at
least there are sundry inscriptions in Gruter purporting
that there was at Rome a college comprehending both
tibicinists and fidicinists ; which latter seem to have been
no other than lyrists, a kind of musicians of less account
among the Romans than the players on their favourite
instrument the flute. Valerius Maximus, lib. II. cap. v.
relates of the tibicinists that they were wont to play on
their instrument in the forum, with their heads covered,
and in party-coloured garments.
That the tibicinists were greatly indulged by the
Romans, may be inferred from the nature of their office,
wliich required their attendance at triumphs, at sacrifices,
and indeed all public solemnities ; at least the sense of
their importance and usefulness to the state is the only
reason that can be suggested for their intemperance, and
that insolence for which they were remarkable, and which
both Livy and Valerius Maximus have recorded in a
narration to the following purpose. ' The censors had
* refused to permit the tibicines to eat in the temple of
' Jupiter, a privilege which they claimed as founded on
' ancient custom ; whereupon the tibicines withdrew to
' Tibur, a town in the neighbourhood of Rome, now
* Tivoli. As the tibicines were necesssary attendants on
' the sacrifices, the magistrates were at a loss how to per-
' form those solemnities in their absence ; the senate
' therefore stnt embassadors to the Tiburtines, requesting
' them to deliver them up as officers of the state who had
' fled from their duty : at first persuasions were tried, but
' these proving ineffectual, the Tiburtines had recourse to
' stratagem ; they appointed a public feast, and inviting
' the tibicines to assist at it, plied them with wine till they
' became intoxicated, and, while they were asleep, put
' them into carts, which conveyed them to Rome. The
' next day, having in some degree recovered their reason,
' the tibicines were prevailed on to stay in the city, and
' were not only restored to the privilege of eating in the
' temple, but were permitted annually to celebrate the
' day of their return, though attended with circumstances
' so infamous to their office, by processions in which the
' most licentious excesses were allowed.'*
The secession of the tibicinists was in the consulate of
Caius Junius Bubulcus and Quintus iEmilius Barbula:
that is to say in the year of the world 3640, three hun-
dred and eight years before Christ ; and serves to shew
tlie extreme licentiousness of Roman manners at that
period, as also the low state of their music, when the best
instruments they could find to celebrate the praises of
their deities were a few sorry pipes, little better than
those which now serve as playthings for children.
But, leaving the tibicines and their pipes to their ad-
mirers, if we proceed to enquire into the state of music
among the Romans at any given period of their history,
we shall find that, as a science, they held it in small esti-
mation. And to this fact Cornelius Nepos bears the
fullest testimony; for, relating in his life of Epaminondas
that he could dance, play on the harp and flute, he adds,
that in Greece these accomplishments were greatly es-
teemed, but by the Romans they were little regarded.
And Cicero, in his Tusculan Questions, lib. I. cap. i. to
the same purpose, observes that the ancient Romans, ad-
dicting themselves to the study of ethics and politics, left
music and the politer arts to the Greeks. Farther we
may venture to assert, that neither their religious solemni-
ties, nor their triumphs, their shows or theatrical repre-
sentations, splendid as they were, contributed in the least
to the improvement of music either in theory or practice :
to say the truth, they seemed scarcely to have considered
it as a subject of speculation ; and it was not until it re-
ceived a sanction from the primitive fathers of the church,
that the science began to recover its ancient dignity.
The introduction of music into the service of the church
affords ample scope for reflection, and comprehends in its
history a great part of what we know of modern music.
All that need be mentioned in this place respecting that
important event is, that after the example of the Jews,
and upon the authority of sundry passages in scripture,
and more especially in compliance with the exhortation
of St. Paul in his Epistles, St. Basil, St. Ambrose, and
St. Chrysostom about the middle of the fourth century in-
stituted antiphonal singing in their respective churches of
Cesarea in Cappadocia, Milan, and Constantinople. St.
Ambrose, who must be supposed to have been eminently
skilled in the science, prescribed a formula of singing in
a series of melodies called the ecclesiastical tones, appa-
rently borrowed from the modes of the ancient Greeks;
these, as constituted by him, were in number only four,
and are meant when we speak of the Cantus Ambrosianus ;
but St. Gregory, near two centuries after, increased them
to eight. The same father drew up a number of precepts
respecting the limits of the melodies, the fundamental
note, and the succession of tones and semitones in each ;
and, with a view to the establishment of a settled and
uniform musical science, that would apply to all the
several offices at that time used in divine worship, founded
and endowed a school for the instruction of youth in the
» Livy, lib. IX. cap. xxx. See also Valerius Maximus, lib. II. cap. v.
The same story is related by Ovid, Fasti, lib. VI., who adds that the
thirteenth day of June was celebrated as the anniversary.
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
XXVll.
rudiments of music, as contained in this formula, which
was distinguished by the appellation of the Cantus Ec-
clesiasticus, and in later times by that of the Cantus
Gregorianus.
Before this time music had ceased to be a subject of
speculation: Ptolemy was the last of the philosophers
that had written professedly on it ; and though it may be
said that his three books of Harmonics, as also those of
Aristoxenus, Euclid, Nichomachus, AristidesQuintilianus,
and others, being extant, music was in a way of improve-
ment from the studies of men no less disposed to think
and reflect than themselves ; yet the fact is, that among
the Romans the science not only had made no
progress at all, but even before the dissolution of the
commonwealth, with them it seemed to be extinct. Nor
let the supposition be thought groundless, that during
some of the succeeding ages the books, the very reposito-
ries of what we call musical science, might be lost ; the
history of the lower empire furnishing an instance, the
more remarkable, as it relates to their own, the Roman
civil law, which proves at least the possibility of such a
misfortune.*
To these causes, and the zeal of the fathers above men-
tioned, and more especially of St. Gregory, to disseminate
its precepts, it is to be ascribed that the cultivation of
music became the peculiar care of the clergy. But here a
distinction is to be noted between the study and practice
of the science ; for we find that at the time of the institu-
tion of the Cantus Ambrosianus, an order of clergy was
also established, whose employment it was to perform
such parts of the service as were required to be sung.
These were called Psalmistae ; and though by Bellarmine
and a few other writers they are confounded with the
Lectors, yet were they by the canonists accounted a sepa-
rate and distinct order. The reason for their institution
was, that whereas in the apostolical age the whole con-
gregation sang in divine service, and great confusion and
disorder followed therefrom, it was found necessary to
settle what the church calls a regular and decent song,
which, as it was framed by rule, and founded in the prin-
ciples of harmony, required skill in the performance; and
accordingly we find a canon of the council of Laodicea
held as early as the beginning of the fourth century, for-
bidding all except the canonical singers, that is to say,
those who were stationed in the Ambo, where the singing-
desk was placed, and who sang out of a book or parch-
ment, to join in the psalms, hymns, and other parts of
musical divine service. We may well suppose that this
order of men were endowed with all the requisites for the
discharge of their function, and that the peculiar form
which the council of Carthage directs to be used for the
ordination of Psalmistae or singers, f was in effect a recog-
nition of their skill and abilities.
The order of men above mentioned can be considered
in no other view than as mere practical musicians, the
principal object of whose attention was to make themselves
acquainted with the songs of the church, and to utter
them with that decency and gravity, and in such a
manner as tended most to edification. From the frequent
repetition of the same offices it must be supposed that in
general they sang by rote ; at least we have no better
reason to assign than that they must have so done, for the
establishment of a school by St. Gregory for the instruc-
tion of youth in the Cantus Ecclesiasticus, as reformed by
himself, and for that sedulous attention to their improve-
ment in it which he manifested in smidry instances.
At the same time that we applaud the zeal of this
father of the church, we cannot but wonder at that of his
predecessors, which is not more apparent in their com-
* See the relation of the discovery of the Litera Pisana at page 180.
t See page 106, in note.
mendations of music, as associated with religious worship,
than in their severe censures of that which was calculated
for private recreation. As to the songs of the stage m
the ages immediately succeeding the Christian era, we
know little more of them than in general that they were
suited to the corrupt manners of the times ; and these, by
reason of their lewdness, and perhaps impiety of sentiment,
might be a just subject of reprehension ; but against
the music, the sounds to which they were uttered, or the
particular instruments that assisted the voice in singing
them, an objection can scarce be thought of; and yet so
frequent and so bitter are the invectives of the primitive
fathers, namely, Clemens Alexandrinus, TertuUian, St.
Cyprian, Lactantius, Epiphanius, Gregory Nazianzen.
and of St. Basil, St. Augustine, and St. Chrysostom, who
were lovers and promoters of the practice of music, against
wicked measures and effeminate melodies, the noise of
flutes, cymbals, harps, and other instruments of deceit,
seducing the hearers to intemperance, and even idolatry,
that if credit be given to their opinions of the nature and
tendency of secular music, we must be inclined to believe,
as they in good earnest profess to have done, that it was
an invention of the Devil.
The cultivation of music as a science was the employ-
ment of a set of men, in whom all the learning of the
times may then be said to have centered ; these were the
regular clergy, of such of whom as flourished in the
eleventh century afterwards, it must in justice be said,
that what they wanted in knowledge, they made up in
industry ; and that those frequent bai-barisms which occur
in their writings, were in no small degree atoned for by
the clearness and precision I with which on every occasion
they delivered their sentiments. Nor was the conciseness
and method of the monkish treatises on music a less
recommendation of them than their perspicuity : they
consisted either of such maxims as were deemed of greatest
importance in the study of the science, or of familiar
colloquies between a master and his disciple, in which in
an orderly course of gradation, first the elements, and
then the precepts of the art were delivered and illustrated.
To enumerate the instances of this kind which have
occurred in the course of this work, would be an endless
task ; let it suffice to say that the Histoire Litteraire de
France, and the Memoirs of Bale, Pits, and the Bibliotheca
of Tanner abound with references to a variety of manu-
script tracts deposited in the public and other libraries,
that abundantly prove the mode of musical instruction to
have been such as is above described.
Before the period above spoken of, music had for very
good reasons been admitted into the number of the
liberal sciences ; and accordingly in the scholastic division
of the arts into the trivium and quadrivium, it held a place
in the latter : nevertheless, till the Greek literature began
to revive in Europe, saving the summary of harmonics
contained in the treatise De Musica of Boetius, the
students in that faculty had scarce any source of in-
telligence ; and to this it must be attributed that in none
of the many tracts written by the monks of those times,
and afterwards by the professors or scholastics as they
were called, do we meet with any of those profound dis-
quisitions on harmony and the proportions which resolve
the principles of music into geometry • nor any of those
nice calculations and comparisons of ratios, or subtile
distinctions between the consonances of one kind and
those of another, which abound in the writings of the
ancient Greeks ; so that were we to judge from the many
t These qualities seem to be but the necessary result of the old scho-
lastic method of institution, in which logic made a considerable part, and
are in no instance more manifest than in the ancient forms of judicial
proceedings, such as writs and pleadings ; of which Sir Matthew Hale,
in his History of the law, chap. 7, remarks that they were very short, but
very clear and conspicuous, orderly digested, pithy, clear, and rational.
The same may he said in general of the more ancient statutes.
XXVlll.
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
discourses written during that dark period, and bearing
the titles of Micrologus, Metrologus, and others of the
like import, we should conclude that the science of har-
monics had scarce any existence among mankind. Nor
could any great advantage result from the writings of
Boetius, seeing that there wanted light to read by ; and
this was not obtained till Franchinus introduced it, by
procuring translations of those authors from whose
writings Boetius had compiled his work.
That the studies of the monkish musicians must have
been confined to the Cantus Gregorianus is evident from
this consideration, that they were strangers to music of
every other kind; an assertion which will be the more
readily credited when we are told that till the middle of
the eleventh century rythmic or mensurable music was
not known. Their method of teaching it was by the
monochord, without which they had no method of deter-
mining the progression of tones and semitones in the
octave, nor consequently of measuring by the voice any
of the intervals contained in it.
The reformation of the scale by Guido Aretinus, and
more especially his invention of a method of singing by
certain syllables adapted to the notes, facilitated the
practice of singing to such a degree, that, as himself
relates, the boys of his monastery were rendered capable
in a month's time of singing in a regular and orderly
succession the several intervals with the utmost accuracy
and precision.* We are told, though not by himself, that
he also by an ingenious contrivance transferred the notes
of his scale to the left hand, making a several joint of
each of the fingers the position of a note. Whether this
invention is to be ascribed to him or not, it is pretty cer-
tain that it followed soon after the reformation of the
scale, and that it gave rise to a distinction of music into
manual and tonal, the first comprehending the precepts of
singing by the syllables, the other the Cantus Ecclesias-
ticus, as instituted in tlie formula of St. Gregory.
At this time the world were strangers to what we call
rythmic music, the practice of singing, and thereby of as-
sociating music with poetry, which till then had universally
])revailed, rendering any such invention unnecessary.
Nevertheless, there were some writers who had enter-
tained an idea of transferring the prosody of poetry to
music ; and a few scattered hints of this kind, which
occur in the writings of St. Augustine and our countryman
Bede on the subject of metre, suggested the formation of a
system of metrical laws, such as would not only enable
music to subsist of itself, but aid the powers of melody
with that force and energy which it is observed to derive
from the regular commixture and interchange of long and
short quantities.
This improvement was effected in the institution of
what is called the Cantus Mensurabilis ; a branch of
musical science which subjected the duration of musical
sounds to rule and measure, by assigning to those of the
slowest progression certain given portions of time, and to
the next in succession a less, in a regular gradation, and
which tauglit a method of signifying by characters, varying
in form and colour, the radical notes, with their several
ramifications, terminating in those of the smallest value,
i. e. of the shortest duration.
An invention of this kind was all that could then be
thought wanting to the perfection of instrumental music ;
and from this period we may observe that it began to
flourish : it is true that the state of the mechanic arts was
then very low, and that the instruments in common use
were so rudely constructed, as to be scarcely capable of
yielding musical sounds. Bartholomeus, in his book De
Proprietatibus Rerum, in an enumeration of the musical
instruments of his time, has described the flute as made of
the boughs of an elder-tree hollowed; and an instrument
• Vide infra, page IGl.
called the Symphonia, as made of a hollow tree, cJos'^d
in leather on either side, which he says is beaten of
minstrels with sticks, and that ' by accord of hyghe and
lowe thereof comyth full swete notes.' And again, de-
scribing the Psalterium or Sawtrie, he says it differs from
the harp, for that it is made of an hollow tree, and that
* the sowne comyth upward, the strynges being smytte
downwarde ; whereas in the harpe the hollownesse of the
tre is byneathe.' These descriptions, and others of the
like kind which are elsewhere to be met with, are evi-
dence of the inartificial construction of musical instru-
ments in those days, and leave it a question what kind of
harp or other instrument that could be on which King
Alfred had attained to such a degree of excellence as to
rival the musicians of his time.
Nevertheless it appears that there were certain instru-
ments, perhaps not in common use, better calculated to
produce melody than those above-mentioned, namely,
those of the viol kind ; the specific difference between
which and other stringed instruments is, that in the
former the sound is produced by the action of a plectrum
or bow of hair on the strings : of these the mention is not
only express, but frequent in Chaucer, by the names of
the Fithel, Getron, Ribible, and other appellations, clearly
synonymous : the invention of this class of instruments is
by some, who make the viol the prototype of it, ascribed
to the French ; but there are other writers who derive
the viol itself from the Arabian Rebab, from whence
perhaps Ribible and Rebec, the use whereof it is said the
Christians learned from the Saracens in the time of the
Crusades ; but it is more probable, by reason of its
antiquity, that it was brought into Spain by the Moors.
To ascertain the degree of perfection to which the
practice of instrumental music had attained at any period
before the sixteenth century, would be very difficult.
The Provencal songs, as being mere vocal compositions,
afford no ground on which a conjecture might be formed :
and as to their popular tunes, the airs of the Musars ana
Violers, besides that they seem to have been mere melodies,
for the most part the effusions of fancy, and not regulated
by harmonical precepts, the impression of them can hardly
be supposed to have been either deep or lasting , and
this may be the chief reason that the knowledge of them
has not reached posterity.
That the practice of instrumental music was become
familiar with such persons of both sexes as had received
the benefit of a good education, is clearly intimated by
the old poets. Not only the Squire, but the Clerk,
Absolon, in Chaucer, are by him described, the one as
floyting, i. e. fluting all the day, the other as playing
songs on a small Ribible, and elsewhere on the Geterne;t
and in the Confessio Amantis of Gower, fol. 178, b. is
a plain intimation that the Citole, an instrument nearly
resembling the virginal, was in his time the recreation of
well educated young women. J
We are also told by Boccace, in his Account of the
Plague at Florence in 1348, that the ladies and gentlemen
who retired from that city, and are relators of the several
stories contained in his Decameron, among other re-
creations in the intervals of their discourses, intermixed
music ; and that sundry of the persons whose names he
mentions played on the lute and the viol. They also
danced to the music of the Cornamusa or bagpipe, an in-
strument which we may infer to have been held in but
ordinary estimation from this circumstance, that it is put
into the hands of Tindarus, a domestic of one of the
ladies ; besides that Chaucer in characterising his Miller
says,
' A baggepipe well couth he blowe and soune.'
+ See the character of the Squire among the Prologues to the Canter-
bury Tales, as also the Milier's Tale passinr..
I Vide infra, page 206.
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
XXIX.
Of vocal concerts, as they stood about the year 1550,
or perhaps earlier, a judgment may be formed from the
madrigals of that time, which abound witli all the graces
of harmony. Concerts of instruments alone seem to be
of later invention, at least there is no clear evidence of
the form in which they existed, other than treatises and
compositions for concerts of viols called Fantasias, few
whereof were published till thirty years after.*
Gio. Maria Artusi, an ecclesiastic of Bologna, and
a writer on music about the year 1600, describes the con-
certs of his time as abounding in sweetness of harmony,
and consisting of cornets, trumpets, violins, viols, harps,
lutes, flutes, and harpsichords : these, as also organs,
regals, and guitars, are enumerated in the catalogue of
instruments prefixed to the opera, L'Orfeo, composed by
Claudio Monteverde, and represented at Mantua in 1607.
Tom Coryat speaks also of a performance at Venice,
chiefly of instrumental music, which he protests he would
have travelled a hundred miles on foot to hear, but with-
out any such particular description as can enable us to
compare it with the concerts of more modern times.
As touching the theory of the science, it has above been
said to have consisted in manual, tonal, and mensurable
music, with this farther remark, that, as it was included
in the very nature of tlieir profession, and besides required
some degree of literature, the great cultivators of it were
the regular clergy. These men contented themselves
with that small portion of knowledge which was to be
attained by the perusal of Boetius, Cassiodorus, Guido,
and a few others, who wrote in the Latin tongue ; the
little they knew they freely communicated ; and it was
not till the beginning of the fourteenth century that men
began to suspect that the science was capable of farther
improvement.
About this time Johannes De Muris improved the
Cantus Mensurabilis, by reducing it to form and de-
monstrating that the measures thereof, like the ratios of
the consonances, were founded in number and proportion :
from the rules laid down by him in a treatise entitled
Practica Mensurabilis Cantus, are derived the dis-
tinctions of duple and triple proportion, as ftiey respect
the duration of sounds, with all the various modifications
thereof. On this tract Prosdocimus Beldimandis wrote
a commentary, and farther illustrated the doctrines con-
tained therein in sundry discourses on the subjects of
plain and mensurable music. It appears that both these
persons were philosophers at large, and eminently skilled
in the mathematics ; and the liberal manner in which
they wrote on music, treating it as a subject of deep
speculation, was an inducement with many learned men,
who lived under no ecclesiastical rule, to enter into an
investigation of its principles. Some of these assumed
the character of professors of the science, and undertook
by public lectures to disseminate its principles. The
most eminent of these persons were Marchettus of Padua,
Johannes Tinctor, Gulielmus Garnerius, and Antonius
Suarcialupus, to whom we may add Politian, whose skill
in music is manifested in a discourse De Musica, contained
m his Panepistemon or Praelectiones, extant in print.
But notwithstanding the pains thus taken to revive the
science, the improvement of it went on very slowly ;
whatever advances were made in the practice, the theo-
retical topics of disquisition were soon exhausted, and the
science of harmonics may be said to have been for some
ages at a stand.
At length the beams of learning began to dawn on the
* The earliest of which we can speak with certainty, is a treatise
in folio by Thomas a Santa Maria, a Spanish Dominican, publislied at
Valladoliil in 1570. entitled ' Arte de tanner fantasia jiara teola, visuela,
' y todo instrumendo de tres o quatro ordenes.' which carries the an-
ticiuity of concerts for Viols, and those compositions called Fantasias,
back to that time, but leaves us at a loss as to other instrumental concerts.
western empire : the city of Constantinople had been the
seat of literature for some ages, but the sack of it by the
Turks in the year 1453, had driven a great number of
learned Greeks thence, who bringing with them an im-
mense treasure of manuscripts, took refuge in Italy.
Being settled there, they opened their stores, took
possession of the public schools, and became the pro-
fessors and teachers of the mathematical and other
sciences, and indeed of philosophy, eloquence, and
literature in general, in all the great cities. Of the many
valuable books of Harmonics that are known to have been
written by the mathematicians and other ancient Greeks,
some have escaped that fate which learning is sure to
experience from the ravages of conquest, f and the con-
tents of these being made public, the principles of the
science began to be known and understood by manj^,
who till then were scarcely sensible that it had any
principles at all.
This communication of intelligence was very propitious
to music, as it determined many persons to the study of
the science of harmony. The tonal laws and the Cantus
Mensurabilis were left to those whose duty it was to
understand them ; the ratios of sounds, and the nature of
consonance were considered as essentials in music, and
the investigation of these was the chief pursuit of such as
were sensible of the value of that kind of learning.
Of the many who had profited in this new science, as
it may be called, one was Franchinus Gafflirius, a native
of Lodi, who having quitted the tuition of a Carmelite
monk, who had been his instructor, became soon dis-
tinguished for skill in those theoretic principles, the
knowledge whereof he had derived from an attendance
on the Greek teachers. And having procured copies of
the treatises on harmonics of Aristides Quintilianus,
Ptolemy, Manuel Bryennius, and Bacchius senior, he
caused them to be translated into Latin ; and, besides
discharging the duty of a public professor of music in the
several cities of Italy, became the revivor of musical
erudition ; and that as well posterity, as those of his own
time, might profit by his labours, he digested the sub-
stance of his lectures into distinct treatises, and gave them
to the world.
The writings of Franchinus, as they were replete with
learning drawn from the genuine source of antiquity, and
contained the clearest demonstrations of the principles of
harmony, were so generally studied, that music began
now to assume the character of a secular profession. The
precepts therein delivered afforded a greater latitude to
the inventive faculty tlian the tonal laws allowed of; and
emancipating the science from the bondage thereof, many
who had no relation to the church set themselves to frame
compositions for its service, in which the powers both of
harmony and melody were united. And hence we may
at least with a show of probability date the origin of an
office that yet subsists in the choral establishments of
Italy, namely, that of Maestro di Cappella ; the duty
whereof seems uniformly to have been not only tliat the
person appointed to it should as precentor regulate the
choir, but also adapt to music the offices performed both
on ordinary and solemn occasions. Of the dignity and
importance of the office of Maestro di Capella a judgment
may be formed from this circumstance, that the persons
elected to it for some centuries past appear to have been
of distinguished eminence ;t and of its necessity and
utility no stronger argument can be offered, than that
t Laurus Quirinus of Venice was told by Cardinal Ruthen that
upwards of one hnndred and twenty thousand volumes were destroyed.
Hody, de Grajcis illustr. lib. II. cap. i.
X Andrea Adami l?olsena, in the historical preface to liis ' Osservazioni
' per ben regolareil Coro de i Cantori della Capella Pontificia,' asserts ^hat
anciently in the college of pontifical singers the maestro di cappella was r>
bishop.
XXX.
PKELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
among the Germans, to whom the knowledge of music
was very soon communicated after its revival in Italy, the
office was recognized by the appointment of a director of
the choir in the principal churches of all the provinces
and cities. The same sense of the importance of this
office appears to have been entertained by the protestants,
who at the time of the Reformation we find to have been
no less sedulous in the cultivation of music with a view
to religious worship, than the church that had established
it. It is true that Calvin was for some time in doubt
whether to adopt the solemn choral service, or that plain
metrical psalmody which is recommended by St. Paul to
the Colossians, as an incentive to such mirth as was con-
sistent with the Christian profession, and at length deter-
mined on the latter.
But Luther, who was excellently skilled in music, con-
sidered it not merely as a relief under trouble and anxiety,
but as the voice of praise, and as having a tendency to
excite and encourage devout affections, besides that he
had translated into the German language the Te Deum,
and composed sundry hymns, as also tunes to some of the
German psalms,* he, with the approbation of Melancthon,
received into his church a solemn service, which included
anthems, hymns, and certain sweet motets, of which he
speaks very feelingly, and of music in general he gives
his opinion in these words : ' Scimus musicam da;mo-
nibus etiam invisam et intolerabilem esse.'f That the
office of a chapel-master was recognized by the pro-
testants in the manner above mentioned is hardly to be
doubted, seeing that it was exercised at Bavaria by
Ludovicus Senfelius, a disciple of Henry Isaac, and an
intimate friend and correspondent of Luther, + and sub-
sists in Germany to this day.
For the reasons above assigned, we may without scruple
attribute to Franchinus a share of that merit which is
ascribed to the revivers of Literature in the fifteenth cen-
tury; and the rather as his writings, and the several
translations of ancient treatises on harmonics which he
procured to be made, furnished the students in the science
with such a copious fund of information, as enabled them
not only to reason justly on its principles, but to extend
the narrow bounds of harmony, and lay a foundation for
those improvements which it has been the felicity of later
times to experience. And it is not a groundless suppo-
sition that the reputation of his writings was a powerful
incentive to the publication of those numerous discourses
on music of which the ensuing work contains a detail.
Indeed so general was the propensity in the professors of
the science in Italy, and in Germany more especially, to
the compilation of musical institutes, dialogues, and dis-
courses in various forms, that the science was for some
time rather hurt by the repetition of the same precepts,
than benefited by any intelligence that could in strictness
be said to be new. The writings of Zarlino and Salinas
are replete with erudition ; the same, though in a less
eminent degree, may be said of those of Glareanus and
the elder Galilei ; but of the generality of the Introduc-
tions, the Enchiridions, and the Erotomata published in
Italy and Germany from about the year 1550 to the
middle of the next century, the perspicuity of them is
their best praise.
* Melchior Adamus, in his life of Luther, has inserted a letter from
him to Spalatinus, written anno 1524, wherein he says he is looking
out for poets to translate the whole of the Psalms into the German
tongue, and requests of Spalatinus his assistance therein. This was some
years before Marot translated the Psalms into French.
t In an epistle to Senfelius, Musicus, cited by Dr. Wetenhall from
Sethus Calvisius, in his Gifts and Offices in the public worship of God,
page 434, but without reference to any work of Calvisius. This epistle,
wherever it is, and the above cited passage, are also noticed by Butler in
his Principles of Music, page 115. Dr. Wetenhall applies this passage to
the music of our church, and on the authority thereof pronounces it to be
such as no Devil can stand against.
J Sonxe niotetts of his composition are extant in the Dodecachordon
of Glareanus.
As the revival of the theory of music is to be ascribed
to the Italians, so also are those improvements in the
practice of it that have brought it to the state of perfec-
tion in which we behold it at this day. It is true that in
the practice of particular instruments the masters of other
countries have been eminently distinguished, as namely,
those of Germany for skill on the organ ; the French for
the lute and harpsichord ; and we are indebted for many
valuable discoveries touching the nature and properties of
sound, of consonance and dissonance, the method of con-
structing the various kinds of musical instruments, and,
above all, for a nice and accurate investigation of the
principles of harmonics, to the learning and industry of
Mersennus, a Frenchman ; but in the science of compo-
sition the musicians of Italy have uniformly been the
instructors of all Europe.
To relate the subsequent instances of improvement in
music, or to enumerate the many persons of distinguished
eminence that have excelled in the theory and practice
thereof, would be to anticipate that information, which it
is the end of history to communicate ; and to animadvert
on the numberless defects of the ancient music, may seem
unnecessary, seeing that as well the paucity as the
structure of the ancient instruments affords abundant
evidence of a great disproportion between their practice
and their theory ; it is nevertheless worthy of remark,
that they who were so skilful and accurate in the in-
vention of characters and symbols, the types not only of
things, but of images or ideas, as the Greeks are allowed
to have been, have, in the instance of music, manifested
a great want of that faculty, inasmuch as there is not to
be found in any of the characters in the ancient musical
notation, the least analogy or relation between the sign
and the sound or thing signified ; a perfection so obvious
in the practice of the moderns, that we contemplate it
with astonishment, there being no possible arrangement
or disposition of musical sounds, nor no series or succession
of equal or unequal, similar or dissimilar measures, but
may with the greatest accuracy be described by the stave
of Guido, and the forms of notes with their adjuncts, as
directed by the rules of the Cantus Mensurabilis ; in-
somuch that the modern system of notation, compre-
hending in it the types or symbols of things, and not of
notions or ideas, may be said to possess all the advantages
of a real character.
To celebrate formally the praises of music in a work,
the design whereof is to display its excellencies, may seem
unnecessary ; and the rather, as it has from the infancy
of the world, with historians, orators, and poets, been
a subject of panegyric : besides the power and effect of
musical sounds to assuage grief and awaken the mind to
the enjoyment of its faculties, is acknowledged by the
most intelligent of mankind ; and, were it necessary, to
prove that the love of music is implanted in us, and not
the effect of refinement, examples thereof might be pro-
duced from the practice of those, who, from their par-
ticular situation of country, or circumstances of life, are
presumed to approach nearly to that state in which the
natural and genuine suggestions of the will are supposed
to be most clearly discernible. To say nothing of the
Turks, who are avowed enemies of literature, or of the
Chinese, who, as has been shewn, notwithstanding all
that is asserted of them, are so circumstanced, as seem-
ingly never to be able to attain to any degree of ex-
cellence, nations the most savage and barbarous profess
to admit music into their solemnities, such as they are,
their rejoicings, their triumphs for victories, the meetings
of their tribes, their feasts and their marriages ; and to
use it for their recreation and private solace. § St. Chry-
§ Father Lafitau, in his Moeurs des Sauvages, tome II. page 21.3, et seq.
has given a full description of the festal solemnities, accompanied with
music, of the Iroquois, Hnrons, and other tribes of American savages i
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
XXXI.
sostoin, in his Homily on psalm xli. estimates the im-
portance of music by its universality, and, in a strain of
simplicity, corresponding with the manners of the times
in which he lived, says that human nature is so delighted
with canticles and poems, that by them infants at the
breast when they are froward or in pain, are lulled to
rest ; that travellers in the heat of noon, driving their
beasts, such as are occupied in rural labours, as treading
or pressing grapes, or bringing home the vintage ; and
even mariners labouring at the oar, as also women at
their distaff, deceive the time, and mitigate the severity
of their labour by songs adapted to their several employ-
ments or peculiar conditions. Clearchus relates that at
Lesbos the people had a song which they sung while
they were grinding corn, and for that reason called
tTTifivXiov ; and Thales affirms that he had heard a female
slave of that country singing it, turning a mill : it began
* Mole pistrinum mole, nam et Pittacus molit rex magnse
' Mitylenas,' and alluded to the practice of that king, who
was used to grind corn with a hand-mill, esteeming it a
healthy exercise.
Other writers go farther, and affect to discern the prin-
ciples of music not only in the songs, but the occupations
and exercises of artificers and even labourers ; one of
these in a vein of enthusiasm, perhaps more humorous
and singular than persuasive, says, ' What shall I speak
' of that pettie and counterfeit music which carters make
* with their whips, hempknockers with their beetels,
' spinners with their wheels, barbers with their aizzer.^,
' smithes with their hammers ? where methinkes the
* master-smith with his treble hammer sings deskant
' whilest the greater buz upon the plainsong : who doth
' not straitwaies imagin upon musick when he hears his
' maids either at the woolhurdle or the milking pail? good
' God, what distinct intention and remission is there of
' their strokes ? what orderly dividing of their straines ?
' what artificial pitching of their stops ? ' *
and in the Royal Commentaries of Peru, book II. chap. xiv. the author,
Garcilasso de la Vega, besides informing us that their fabulous songs
were innumerable, and carried in them the evidence of a savage spirit,
speaks thus particularly of their music : ' In musick they arrived to a
' certain harmony, in wfiich the Indians of Colla did more particularly
' excell, having been the inventors of a certain pipe made of canes glued
' together, every one of which having a ditTerent note of higher and lower,
' in the manner of organs, made a pleasing musick by the dissonancy of
' sounds, the treble, tenor and basse exactly corresponding and answering
' each to other ; with these pipes they often plaid in concert, and made
' tolerable musick, though they wanted the quavers, semiquavers, aires,
' and many voices, which perfect the harmony amongst us. They had
' also other pipes, which were flutes with four or five stops, like the pipes
' of shepherds ; with these they played not in consort, but singly, and
' tuned them to sonnets, which they composed in metre, the subject of
' which was love, and the passions which arise from the favours or dis-
' pleasures of a mistress. These musicians were Indians trained up in
'that art for divertisement of the Incas, and the Curacas, who were his
' nobles, which, as rustical and barbarous as it was, it was not common,
' but acquired with great industry and study.
• Every song was set to its proper tune ; for two songs of different sub-
'jects could not correspond with the same aire, by reason that the music
' which the gallant made on his flute, was designed to-«xpress the satis-
' faction or discontent of his mind, which were not so intelligible perhaps
' by the words, as by the melancholy or chearfulness of the tune which he
' plaid. A certain Spaniard one night late encountered an Indian woman
' in the streets of Cozco, and would have brought her back to his lodgings ;
' but she cryed out, " For God's sake. Sir, let me go, for that pipe which
"you hear in yonder tower calls me with great passion, and I cannot
" refuse the summons, for love constrains me to go, that I may be his wife,
" and he my husband."
' The songs which they composed of their wars and grand atchievements
' were never set to the aires of their flutes, being too grave and serious to
' be intermixed with the pleasures and softnesses of love ; for those were
' oiiely sung at their principal festivals, when they commemorated their
' victories or triumphs. When I came from Peru, which was in the year
' 1560, there were then five Indians residing at Cozco, who were great
' masters on the flute, and could play readily by book any tune that was
' laid before them ; they belonged to one Juan Rodriguez, who lived at a
• village called Labos, not far from the city : and now at this time, being
'the year 1G02, 'tis reported that the Indians are so well improved in
' musick, that it was a common thing for a man to sound divers kinds of
'instruments ; but vocal musick was not so usual in my time, perhaps
' because they did not much practise their voices, though the mongrils,
' cr such as came of a mixture of Spanish and Indian blood, bad the
' faculty to sing with a tunable and a sweet voice.'
* The Praise of Musicke, 8vo. printed anno 1586, at Oxford, for Joseph
But besides the pleasure that men derive from music,
this satisfaction arises from the study of it, that its prin-
ciples are founded in the very frame and constitution of
the universe, and are as clearly demonstrable as mathe-
matical truth and certainty can render them ; and in this
respect music may be said to have an advantage over
many sciences and faculties in the pursuit whereof the
attention of mankind has at diiferent periods been deeply
engaged. To say nothing of school divinity, which, hap-
pily for the world, has given place to rational theology,
what can be said of law in general, other than that it is
mere human invention? a fabric of science erected it is
true on the basis of a few uncontrovertible principles of
morality, and of that which we call natural justice, but so
accommodated to particular circumstances, to the genius,
situation, temper, and capacities of those who are the
objects of it, as that what is permitted and encouraged in
one country, poligamy, for instance, shall be punished in
another. In some constitutions a diflference of sex shall
aggravate the guilt of the same offence ; and custom and
usage shall preserve the inheritance of the parent for the
benefit of the eldest of his male descendants with the same
pretence to justice as the law of nature and reason distri-
butes it among them all. Finally, what shall we say to
that system of jurisprudence, which, being allowed to be
imperfect, craves the aid of equity to regulate its operation,
and mitigate its rigours ? or of those glosses and comments
which in the civil and canon law are of little less authority
than the laws themselves?
As to medicine, setting aside the knowledge of the
human frame, and the uses of its constitutent parts, a
noble subject of speculation it must be confessed, the
wiser part of men, rejecting theory as vain and de-
lusive, resolve the whole of the science into observation
and practice ; thereby confessing that its principles are
either very few, or so void of certainty, as not with safety
to be relied on.
Of other liberal arts, such as grammar, logic, and rhe-
toric, it must be allowed that they are of singular use ;
but, as being the mere inventions of men, and at best
auxiliaries to other arts or faculties, they are in their
nature subordinate, and in that respect do but resemble
the art of memory, which all men know to be founded on
principles not existing in nature, but assumed by our-
selves ; widely differing from those which are the basis as
well of musical as mathematical science.
From this view of the comparative excellence of music,
and its pre-eminence over many other sciences and facul-
ties, we become convinced of the stability of its prin-
ciples, and are therefore at a loss for the reasons wh)', in
these later times at least, novelty in music should be its
best recommendation ; or that the love of variety should so
possess the generality of hearers, as almost to leave it a
question whether or no it has any principles at all.
To satisfy these doubts, it may be sufficient to observe
that the principles of harmony allow, as it is fit they
should, great scope for the exercise of the invention ; and
though few pretend to skill in the arts without being in
some degree or other possessed of it, yet as all tl.j imagin-
ative arts presuppose a disposition in mankind to receive
their impressions, all claim a right, and many the ability,
to judge of works of invention and fancy.
The epic poet, trusting that the mind of his reader is
co-extensive with his own, endeavours to excite in him the
ideas of sublimity and beauty ; the dramatic writer hopes
to move the affections of his audience to terror and pity
by the representation of actions, the reflection on which
Barnes, but conjectured to have been written by Dr. John Case, page 76.
Of this person there is a curious account in Athen. Oxon. col. 299.
Thomas Ravenscroft, in the Apologie prefixed to his discourse on the
true charactering of music, published in 1614, cites it as a work of Dr.
Case, whom he styles a ' Meecenas of musicke.'
XXXll.
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
nspired his mind with those passions ; and the painter,
giving form to those ideas of grace, greatness, and cha-
racter which occupy his mind, or selecting the beauties of
nature, and transferring them to canvas, or at other
times contenting himself with simple imitation, in all
these exercises of imagination and art, expects from the
judgment of the well-informed connoisseur the approba-
tion of his work.
Now in the several instances above adduced, notwith-
standing the concessions made to them, we may discern
in the generality of men the want of that sense to which
the appeal is made ; for, with respect to the epic poem,
few are endowed with an imagination sufficiently capa-
cious to discover its beauties ; and as to dramatic repre-
sentation, the most favourite of all public entertainments,
although all men pretend to be judges of nature, and the
cant of theatres has persuaded most that they are so, few
are acquainted with her operations in the various in-
stances exhibited on the stage, or know with any kind of
certainty in what manner the actor is to speak, what
tones or inflections of the voice are appropriated to differ-
ent passions, or what are the proper gesticulations to express
or accompany the sentiment which he is to utter. How
many individuals among those numerous audiences, who
for a series of years past have affected to admire our great
dramatic poet, may we suppose capable of discerning his
sense, delivered in a style of dialogue very little resem-
bling that of the present day, or of relishing those high
philosophical sentiments with which his compositions and
those of Milton abound?* The answer must be, very few.
Even humour, a talent which lies level with the observa-
tion of the many, is not alike intelligible to all ; and
some are disgusted with those delineations of low manners,
however just and natural, that afford delight to others, as
exhibiting to view the human mind in the simplicity of
nature, and free from those restraints which are imposed
on it by education and refinement.
The painter, in like manner, submitting his work to the
public censure, shall find for one that will applaud the
grandeur of the design, the fineness of the composition, or
tlie correctness of the drawing, a hundred that would have
dispensed with all these excellencies for a greater glare of
colouring, and attitudes suited to their own ideas of grace
and elegance.
The case is the same in sculpture and architecture ; to
speak of the first : — In Roubiliac's statue of Mr. Handel
at Vauxhall, few are struck with the ease and gracefulness
of the attitude, the dignity of the figure, the artful dispo-
sition of the drapery, or the manly plumpness and rotun-
dity of the limbs, but all admire how naturally the slipper
depends from the left foot. In works of architecture we
look for elegance joined with stability ; for symmetry,
harmony of parts, and a judicious and beautiful arrange-
ment of pleasing forms ; but to these a vulgar eye is blind ;
whatever is great or massy, it rejects as heavy and clumsy.
Such judges as these prefer for its lightness a Chinese to
a Palladian bridge ; and are pleased with a diagonal view
of the towers at the west end of St. Paul's cathedral,
for the same reason as they are with a bird cage.
Finally, with respect to music, it must necessarily be,
that the operation of its intrinsic powers can extend no
* The masque of Comus, written for the entertainment of a noble
family, and a company of chosen spectators, which within these few
years was introduced on the public stage, may seem to contradict this
obsi-rvation, for this reason, that although the sentiments contained in
it are well known to be drawn from the Platonic, the sublimest of all
philosophy ; and the imagery has an immediate and uniform reference to
the fictions of mythology, it afforded great entertainment to the upper
gallery ; and the performance gave rise to sundry meetings for the
purpose of drinking and singing, some of which were dignified with
the name of Comus's Court. Nevertheless it may be supposed that the
mirth of the enchanter and his crew were more sensibly felt by the mul-
titude than the charms of divine philosophy, which the author endeavours
to display, or the reliance on divine providence, which it is the end of the
poem to inculcate.
farther than to those whom nature has endowed with the
faculty which it is calculated to delight; and that a pri-
vation of that sense, which, superadded to the hearing, is
ultimately affected by the harmony of musical sounds,
must disable many, and, as some compute, not fewer
than nine out of ten, from receiving that gratification in
music which others experience. Such hearers as these are
insensible of its charms, which yet they labour to per-
suade themselves are very powerful; but finding little
effect from them, they seek for that gratification in novelty
which novelty will not afford ; and hence arises that in-
cessant demand for variety which has induced some to
imagine that music is in its very nature as mutable as
fashion itself. It may be sufficient in this place to have
pointed out the reasons or causes of this erroneous opinion
of the nature and end of music, the effects and operation
thereof will be the subject of future disquisition.
In the interim it must he confessed that there is some-
what humiliating in a discrimination of mankind, that
tends to exclude the greater number of them from the en-
joyment of those elegant and refined pleasures which the
works of genius and invention afford ; but this condition
of human nature is ca]iable of proof, and is justified by
that partial dispensation of those faculties and endow-
ments which we are taught to consider as blessings, and
which no one without impiety can censure. Seeing this
to be the case, it may be asked how it comes to pass that
a sense of what is true, just, elegant, and beautiful in any
of the above-mentioned arts, exists as it does at this day ?
or that there are any works of genius which men with one
common consent profess to applaud and admire as the
standards of perfection ? To this it may be answered, that
although the right of private judgment is in some degree
exercised by all, it is controuled by the few ; and it is the
uniform testimony of men of discernment alone that
stamps a character on the productions of genius, and
consigns them either to oblivion or immortality.
It is beside the purpose of the present discourse to
enter into a minute investigation of any particular branch
of the science of which this work is the history ; what is
here proposed is the communication of that intelligence
which seemed but the prerequisite to the understanding
of what will be hereafter said on the subject. This was
the inducement to the above observations on Taste, and
the motives that influence it ; and this must be the
apology for a further examen, a pretty free one it may
be said, of those musical entertainments, and that kind
of musical performance which the public are at present
most diposed to favour.
The present great source of musical delight throughout
Europe is the opera, or, as the French call it, the musical
tragedy, concerning which it is to be known, that, if
regard be due to the opinions of some writers, who are
yet no friends to this entertainment, it is a revival of the
old Roman tragedy ; and it seems that the inventors of
the modern recitative, Jacopo Peri and Guilio Caccini,
wished to have it thought so; forasmuch as they pro-
fessed in this species of musical intonation to imitate the
practice of the ancients, remarking with great accuracy
the several modes of pronunciation, and the notes and
accents proper to express grief, joy, and the other affec-
tions of the human mind ; but by what exemplars they
regulated their imitation we are no where told : and it
is to be conjectured that those general directions for pro-
nunciation, which are to be found in many discourses on
the subject of oratory, were the chief sources whence
their intelligence was derived.
In what other respects the musical representations of
the ancients and moderns bear a resemblance to each
other it is not necessary here to enquire ; it may suffice
to say of the modern opera, that by the sober and judicious
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE,
XXXUl.
part of mankind it has ever been considered as the mere
offspring of hixury ; and those who have examined it
with a critical eye, scruple not to pronounce that it is of
all entertainments the most unnatural and absurd. To
descend to particulars in proof of this assertion, would be
but to repeat arguments which have already been urged,
with little success it is true, but with great force of reason,
aided by all the powers of wit and humour.
The principal objections against the opera are summed
up by an author, who, though a professed lover of music,
has shown his candour in describing the genuine effect of
representations of this kind on an unprejudiced ear. The
person here spoken of is Mons. St. Evremond, and the
following are his sentiments : —
' I am no great admirer of comedies in music,* such as
now-a days are in request. I confess I am not dis-
pleased with their magnificence ; the machines have
something that is surprising ; the musick, in some
places, is charming, the whole together is wondei'ful :
but it must be granted me also, that this wonderful is
very tedious ; for where the mind has so little to do,
there the senses must of necessity languish. After the
first pleasiu'e that surprize gives us, the eyes are taken
up, and at length grow weary of being continally fixed
upon the same object. In the beginning of the consorts
we observe the justness of the concords ; and amidst all
the varieties that unite to make the sweetness of the
harmony, nothing escapes us. But 'tis not long before
the instruments stun us, and the musick is nothing else to
our ears but a confused sound that suffers nothing to be
distinguished. Now how is it possible to avoid being tired
with the Recitative, which has neither the charm of
singing, nor the agreeable energy of speech ? The soul
fatigued by a long attention, wherein it finds nothing to
affect it, seeks some relief within itself ; and the mind,
which in vain expected to be entertained with the show,
either gives way to idle musing, or is dissatisfied that it
has nothing to employ it. In a word the fatigue is so
universal, that every one wishes himself out of the house,
and the only comfort that is left to the poor spectators,
is the hopes that the show will soon be over.
' The reason why, commonly, I soon grow weary at
operas is, that I never yet saw any which appeared not
to me despicable, both as to the contrivance of the
subject, and the poetry. Now it is in vain to charm
the ears, or gratify the eyes, if the mind be not satisfied ;
for my soul being in better intelligence with my mind
than with my senses, struggles against the impressions
which it may receive, or at least does not give an
agreeable consent to them, without which even the most
delightful objects can never aftbrd me any great pleasure.
An extravagance, set off with music, dances, machines,
and line scenes, is a pompous piece of folly, but 'tis still
a folly. Tho' the embroidery is rich, yet \he ground it
is wrought upon is such wretched stuff, that it offends
the sight.
' There is another thing in operas so contrary to nature,
that I cannot be reconciled to it, and that is the singing
of the whole piece, from beginning to end, as if the
persons represented were ridiculously matched, and had
agreed to treat in musick both the most common, and
most important affairs of life. Is it to be imagined that
a master calls his servant, or sends him on an errand,
singing ; that one friend imparts a secret to another,
singing ; that men deliberate in council singing ; that
orders in time of battle are given singing ; and that men
are melodiously kill'd with swords and darts. This is
* The word Comedie in French comprehends every kind of theatrical
epresentation ; a truer designation of an opera is the term Tragedie en
Musique ; those of Lully are in general so called in the title-page ; and
it is plain by the context that the author means not the comic but the
tragic opera.
' the downright way to lose the life of representation,
' which without doubt is preferable to that of harmony ;
' for harmony ought to be no more than a bare attendant,
' and the great masters of the stage have introduced it as
' pleasing, not as necessary, after they have perform'd all
' that relates to the subject and discourse. Nevertheless
' our thoughts run more upon the musician than the hero
' in the opera ; Luigi, Cavallo, and Cesti, are still present
' to our imagination. The mind not being able to conceive
' a hero that sings, thinks of the composer that set the
' scng ; and I don't question but that in the operas at the
' Palace Royal, Baptist is a hundred times more thought
' of than Theseus or Cadmus.' f
Tlie same author, speaking of recitative, particularly
that of the Venetian onera, savs that it is neither sinsfino-
nor reciting, t but somewhat unknown to the ancients,
which may be defined to be an aukward use of music and
speech, §
It may perhaps be said that music owes much of its
late improvement to the theatre, and to that emulation
which it has a tendency to excite, as well in composers
as performers ; but who will pretend to say what direction
the studies of the most eminent musicians of late years
would have taken, had they been left to themselves ; it
being most certain that every one of that character has
two tastes, the one for himself, and the other for the
public ? Purcell has given a plain indication of his own,
in a declaration that the gravity and seriousness of the
+ Works of Mons. St. Evremond, vol. II. page 84, in a letter to
Villiers, duke of Buckingham.
t This remark upon examination will be found to be but too true, not-
withstanding the arguments in favour of recitative, which amount in sub-
stance to this, that it is a kind of prose in music, that its beauty consists
in coming near nature, and in improving the natural accents of words by
more pathetic or emphatical tones. Preface to the opera of Semele by
Mr. Congreve. Mr. Hughes to the same purpose, delivers these as his
sentiments : ' The recitative style in composition is founded on that
' variety of accent whicli pleases in the pronunciation of a good orator,
' with as little deviation from it as possible, The different tones of the
' voice in astonishment, joy, sorrow, rage, tenderness, in affirmations,
'apostrophes, interrogations, and all other varieties of speech, make
'a sort of natural music which is very agreeable; and this is what is
' intended to be imitated, with some helps, by the composer, but witliout
' approaching to what we call a tune or air ; so that it is but a kind of
' improved elocution.' Preface to Mr. Hughes's Cantatas in the first
volume of his Poems.
Upon these several passages it may be remarked, that in the ex-
pression of the passions nature doth not oflTer musical sounds to the
human ear ; for though the natural tones of grief and joy, the two
passions which are most effectually expressed by music, approach nearer
to musical precision than any other, yet still they are inconcinnous and
unmusical. Farther, that the sounds of the voice in speech are im-
musical is asserted by Lord Bacon in the following passage : ' All sounds
' are either musical sounds, which we call tones, whereunto there may
' be a harmony ; which sounds are ever equal, as singing, the sounds of
' stringed and wind instrments, the ringing of bells, &c. ; or immusical
' sounds, which are ever unequal ; such as the voice in speaking, all
'whisperings, all voices of beasts and birds, except they be singing birds,
' all percussions of stones, wood, parchment, skins, as in drums, and
' infinite others.' Nat. Hist. cent. II. sect. 101.
The conclusion from these premises must be, that musical sounds do
not imitate common speech ; and therefore that recitative can in no
degree be said to be an improvement of elocution.
But admitting the contrary to be the ease, and that the sounds of speech
were equally musical with those employed in recitative, the inflexions of
the voice are too minute to fall in with the division of the scale, allowing
even the enarraonic diesis, or the comma, the smallest of all sensible
intervals, to make a part of it ; and of this opinion is Mons. Duclos, who,
in the Encyclopedia, art. Declamation des anciens, for this reason
denies the possibility of a notation for speech.
Upon the whole, the beauties of the recitative style in music consist
not in the power of imitating the tones, much less the various inflexions
of the voice in speech, but in the varieties of accent and melody, which
follow from its not being subject to metrical laws : In short, what has
been said and insisted on in this discourse of music in general, may be
applied to recitative, viz., that its mimetic powers are very inconsiderable,
and that whatever charms it possesses are absolute and inherent.
§ These observations of St. Evremond respect the musical tragedy, but
the Italians have also a musical comedy called a Burletta, which has been
lately introduced into England, and given rise to the distinction in the
advertisements for subscriptions of first, second, S:c. serious man or
woman. This entertainment affords additional proof how little music, as
such, is able to support itself: in the tragic opera it borrows aid from the
tumidity of the poetry ; in the comic, from the powers of ridicule, t«
which music has not the least relation.
XXXIV.
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
Italian music were by him thought worthy of imitation : *
the studies of Stradella, Scarlatti, and Bononcini for their
own delight were not songs or airs calculated to astonish
the hearers with the tricks of the singer, but cantatas and
duets, in which the sweetness of the melody, and the just
expression of fine poetical sentiments, were their chief
praise ; or madrigals for four or more voices, wherein the
vai'ious excellencies of melody and harmony were united,
so as to leave a lasting impression on the mind. The
same may be said of Mr. Handel, who, to go no farther,
has given a specimen of the style he most affected in a
volume of lessons for the harpsichord, with which no one
will say that any modern compositions of the kind can
stand in competition. These, as they were made for the
practice of an illustrious personage, as happy in an
exquisite taste and correct judgment as a fine hand, may
be supposed to be, and were in fact compositions con
amore. In other instances this great musician com-
pounded the matter with the public, alternately pursuing
the suggestions of his fancy, and gratifying a taste which
he held in con tempt, f
Whoever is curious to know what that taste could be, to
which so great a master as Mr. Handel was compelled
occasionally to conform, in prejudice to his own, will find
it to have been no other tlian that which is common to
every promiscuous auditory, with whom it is a notion that
the right, as some may think, the ability to judge, to
applaud and condemn, is purchased by the price of ad-
mittance ; a taste that leads all who possess it to prefer
light and trivial airs, and such as are easily retained in
memory, to the finest harmony and modulation ; and to
be better pleased with the licentious excesses of a singer,
than the true and just intonation of the sweetest and most
pathetic melodies, adorned with all the graces and ele-
gancies that art can suggest. Such critics as these, in
their judgment of insti'umental performance, uniformly
determine in favour of whatever is most diflicult in the
execution, and, like the spectators of a rope-dance, are
never more delighted than when the artist is in such a
situation as to render it doubtful whether he shall incur or
escape disgrace.
To such a propensity as this, the gratifications whereof
are of necessity but momentary, leaving no impression
upon the mind, we may refer the ardent thirst of novelty
in music, and that almost general reprobation of whatever
is old, against the sense of the poet: —
Now, good Cesario, but that piece of song,
That old and antique song we had last night,
Methought it did relieve my passion much ;
More than light airs, and recollected terms
Of these most brisk and piddy-paced times.
Twelfth Night, Act II. Scene iv.
But to account for it is in no small degree difficult : to jus-
tify it, it is said that there is a natural vicissitude of things,
and that it were vain to expect that music should be per-
manent in a world where change seems to predominate.
But it may here be observed, that there are certain
laws of nature that are immutable and independent on
time and place, the precepts of morality and axioms in
physics for instance ; there never was since the creation a
time when there did not exist an irreconcileable difference
between truth and falsehood ; or when two things, each
* It is worth remarking that the poets, who of all writers seem the
most sensible of the elficacy of music, appear uniformly to consider it as
an intellectual, and consequently, a serious pleasure, enfraging not only
the attention of the ear, but the powers and faculties of the soul. To
this end, and not for the purpose of exciting mirth, it is in ninnberless
instances introduced by Shakespeare; and among the poems of Milton
is one entitled ' At a solemn Music'
t An intimate friend of Mr. Handel, looking over the score of an opera
newly composed by him, observed of some of the songs that they were
excellent. ' You may think so,' says Mr. Handel, ' but it is not to them,
but to these,' turning to others of a vulgar cast, ' that I trust for the
success of the opera.'
equal to the same third, were unequal one to the other;
or, to carry the argument farther, when consonance and
dissonance were not as essentially distinguished from each
other, both in their ratios and by their effects, as they
are at this day ; or when certain interchanges of colours,
or forms and arrangements of bodies were less pleasing
to the eye than the same are now ; from whence it should
seem that there are some subjects on which this principal
of mutation does not operate : and, to speak of music
alone, that, to justify the love of that novelty which seems
capable of recommending almost any production, some
other reasons must be resorted to than those above.
But, declining all farther research into the reason or
causes of this principle, let us attend to its effects ; and
these are visible in the almost total ignorance which pre-
vails of the merits of most of the many excellent artists
who flourished in the ages preceding our own : of Tye, of
Redford, Shephard, Douland, Weelkes, Wilbye, Est,
Bateman, Hilton, and Brewer, we know little more than
their names ; these men composed volumes which are
now dispersed and irretrievably lost, yet did their com-
positions suggest those ideas of the power and efficacy of
music, and those descriptions of its manifold charms that
occur in the verses of our best poets. To say that these
and the compositions of their successors Blow, Pur cell,
Humphrey, Wise, Weldon, and others, were admired
merely because they were new, is begging a question that
will be best decided by a comparison, which some of the
greatest among the professors of the art at this day would
shrink from.
Upwards of two hundred years have elapsed since the
anthem of Dr. T3'e, ' 1 will exalt thee,' was composed ;
and near as long a time since Tallis composed the motett
' O sacrum convivium,' which is now sung as an anthem
to the words ' I call and cry to thee, O Lord ;' and it is
comparatively but a few years since Geminiani was heard
to exclaim in a rapture that the author of it was inspired. J
Amidst all the varieties of composition in canon, which
the learning and ingenuity of the ablest musicians have
produced, that of Bird, composed in the reign of his mis-
tress Elizabeth, is considered as a model of perfection.
Dr. Blow's song, ' Go, perjured man,' was composed at the
command of king Charles the Second, and Purcell's ' Sing
' all ye Muses,' in the reign of his successor , but no man
has as yet been bold enough to attempt to rival either of
these compositions. Nor is there any of the vocal kind,
consisting of recitative and air, which can stand a com-
petition with those two cantatas, for so we may venture to
call them, ' From rosy bowers,' and ' From silent shades.'
Of poetry, painting, and sculpture, it has been observed
that they have at different periods flourished and declined ;
and that there have been times when each of those arts
has been at greater perfection than now, is to be attributed
to that vicissitude of things which gave rise to the present
enquiry, and is implied in an observation of Lord Bacon,
that in the youth of a state arms do flourish, in its middle
age learning, and in its decline mechanical arts and
merchandise. § And if this observation on the various
X To this testimony we may add that of a foreigner respecting the
church-music of queen Elizabeth's days, thus recorded by Strype in
his Annals of tlie Reformation, vol. II. page 314 : —
'In her (the queen's) passing, (I say) she visited Canterbury; how
' magnificently she was received and entertained here by archbishop
' Parker, I have related elsewhere. This I only add, that while she
'was here, the French ambassador came to her. Who hearing the
'excellent music in the cathedral church, extolled it up to the sky,
'and brake out into these words? "O God, I think no prince beside
" in all Europe ever heard the like, no not our Holy Father the Pope
" himself." A young gentleman that stood by him replied, " Ah, do you
"compare our queen to the knave of Rome, or rather prefer him before
" her 1." Whereat the ambassador was highly angred, and told it to some
'of the councillors. They bade him be quiet, and take it patiently,
' for the hoys, said they, with us do so call him ai.d the Roman Anti
' Christ too.'
§ Essay of Vicissitude of Things. •
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
X!fXV.
fates of poetry, painting, and sculpture be true, why is it
to be assumed of music that it is continually improving,
or that every innovation in it must be for the better ?
That the music of the church has degenerated and been
greatly corrupted by an intermixture of the theatric style,
has long been a subject of complaint ; the Abbat Gerbert
laments this and other innovations in terms the most
affecting ; * and indeed the evidence of this corruption
must be apparent to every one that reflects on the style
and structure of those compositions for the church that
are now most celebrated abroad, even those of Pergolesi,
his masses, for instance, and those of lomelli and Perez,
have nothino- that distinguishes them but the want of
action and scenic decoration, from dramatic represent-
ations : like them they abound in symphony and the
accompaniment of various instruments, no regard is paid
to the sense of the words, or care taken to suit it with
correspondent sounds ; the clauses Kyrie Eleison and
Christe Eleison, and Miserere mei and Amen are uttered
in dancing metres ; and the former not seldom in that
of a minuet or a jig. Even the funeral service of Perez,
lately published in London, so far as regards the measures
of the several airs, and the instrumental aids to the voice-
parts, differs as far from a sacred and solemn composure
as a burletta does from an opera or musical tragedy.
From these premises it may be allowed to follow, that
a retrospect to the musical productions of past ages is no
such absurdity, as that a curious enquirer need decline it.
No man scruples to do the like in painting ; the con-
noisseurs are as free in remarking the excellencies of
Raphael, Titian, Domenichino, and Guidd, as in com-
paring succeeding artists with them ; and very con-
siderable benefits are found to result from this practice :
our present ignorance with respect to music may betray
us into a confusion of times and characters, but it is to be
avoided by an attention to those particular circumstances
that mark the several periods of its progress, its perfection
and its decline.
Of the monkish music, that is to say the Cantus
Ecclesiasticus, little can be said, other than that it was
solemn and devout : after the introduction into the church
of music in consonance, great skill and learning were'
exercised in the composition of motetts ; but the elaborate
contexture, and, above all, the affectation of musical and
arithmetical subtilities in these compositions, as they con-
duced but little to the ends of divine worship, subjected
them to censure, and gave rise to a style, which, for its
simplicity and grandeur many look up to as the perfection
of ecclesiastical harmony ; and they are not a few who
think that at the end of the sixteenth century the Romish
church-music was at its height, as also that with us of the
reformed church its most flourishing state was during the
reign of Elizabeth ; though others postpone ij; to the time
of Charles II. grounding their opinion on the anthems of
Blow, Humphrey, and Purcell, who received their first
notions of fine melody from the works of Carissimi, Cesti,
Stradella, and others of the Italians.
For the perfection of vocal harmony we must refer to
a period of about fifty years, commencing at the year
1560, during which were composed madrigals for private
recreation in abundance, that are the models of excellence
m their kind ; and in this species of music the composers
of our own country appear to be inferior to none. The
improvement of melody is undoubtedly owing to the
drama ; and its union with harmony and an assemblage
of all the graces and elegancies of both we may behold
in the madrigals of Stradella and Bononcini, and the
chorusses and anthems of Handel ; and among the com-
positions for private practice in the duets of Steffani and
Handel. As to the harmony of instruments, it is the
" De Cantu et Musica Sacra, torn. II. page 375.
least praise that can be bestowed on the works of Corelli,
Geminiani, and Martini, to say that through all the
vicissitudes and fluctuations of caprice and fancy, they
retain their primitive power of engaging the affections,
and recommending themselves to all sober and judicious
liearers.f
To music of such acknowledged excellence as this, the
preference of another kind, merely on the score of its
novelty, is surely absurd; at least the arguments in
favour of it seem to be no better than those of Mr. Bayes
in behalf of what he calls the new way of dramatic
writing ; which however were not found to be of such
strength as to withstand the force of that ridicule, which
which was very seasonably employed in restoring the
people to their wits.
The performance on the organ is for the most part un-
premeditated, as the term Voluntary, which is appro-
priated to that instrument, imports ; we may therefore
look on this practice as extemporary composition ; and it
is not enough to be regretted how much the applauses be-
stowed on the mere powers of execution have contributed
to degrade it. Bird and Blow, as organists, are celebrated
not so much for an exquisite hand, as for their skill, and
that fulness of harmony which distinguished their per-
formance, and which this noble instrument alone is cal-
culated to exhibit. t The canzones of Frescobaldi, Kerl,
Krieger, and Thiel, and above all, the fugues of Mr.
Handel, including those in his lessons, shew us what is the
true organ style, and leave us to lament that the idea of a
voluntary on the organ is lost in those Capriccios on
a single stop, which, as well in our parochial as cathedral
service, follow the psalms. As to what is called a con-
certo on the organ, it is a kind of composition consisting
chiefly of solo passages, contrived to display what in
modern musical phrase is termed a bi-illiant finger ; and
which, if attended to, will, amidst the clamour of the ac-
companiment, in fact be found instead of four, to consist
of but two parts.
But of all the abuses of instrumental performance, none
is more injurious to music than the practice of single
instruments, exemplified in solos and solo concertos, ori-
ginally intended for private recreation, but which are now
considered as an essential part of a musical entertainment.
Music composed for a single instrument, as consisting of
the mere melody of one part, is less complicated than that
which is contrived for many : and melody is ever more
pleasing to an unlearned ear than the harmony of different
jjarts. The vmiformity of a minuet, consisting of a deter-
mined number of bars, the emphasis of each whereof
returns in an orderly succession of measures or times,
corresponds with some ideas of metrical regularity which
are common to all minds, and affords a reason for that
t Of the instrumental music of the present day, notwithstanding the
learninfi and abilities of many composers, the characteristics of itare
noise without harmony, exemplified in the frittering of passages into
notes, requiring such an instantaneous utterance, that thirty-two of
them are frequently heard in the time which it would take moderately
to count four ; and of this cast are the Symphonies, Periodical Overtures,
ftuartettos, Quintettes, and the rest of the trash daily obtruded on the
world.
Of solos for the violin, an elegant species of composition, as is evident
in those most excellent ones of Corelli and Geminiani, and in many of
those of Le Clair, Carbonelli, Festing, and Tartini, few have of late been
published that will bear twice hearing ; in general, the sole end of them is
to display the powers of execution in prejudice to those talents which are
an artist's greatest praise.
The lessons for the harpsichord of Mr. Handel, abounding with fugues
of the finest contexture, and the most pathetic airs, are an inexhaustible
fund ol delight ; those of the present time have no other tendency than to
degrade an instrument invented for the elegant recreation of the youtliful
of the other sex, and to render it what at best it now appears to be, and
may as truly as emphatically be termed, a tinkling cymbal.
X Old Mr. Arthur Bedford, chaplain to Aske's Hospital at Hoxton, and
who died not many years ago, was acquainted with Dr. Blow, and says of
him that he was reckoned the greatest master in the world for playing
most gravely and seriously in his voluntaries. The Great Abuse ol
Musick, by Arthur Bedford, M.A. Lond. 8vo. 1711, page 24S.
XXXVl.
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
deliglit which the ear receives from the pulsatile iiistm-
ments. Hence it is easy to account for the obtrusion of
such compositions on the public ear as furnish opportu-
nities of clisplaying mere manual proficiency in the artist;
a solo or a concerto on the violin, the violoncello, the
hautboy, or some other such instrument, does this, and
i^ives scope for that exercise of a wild and exuberant fancy
which distinguishes, or rather disgraces, the instrumental
performance of this day.
The first essays of this kind were solos for the violin,
the design whereof was to afl?ect the hearer by the tone of
the instrument, and those graces of expression which are
its known characteristic; but it was no sooner found that
the merit of these compositions was estimated by the diffi-
culty of performing them, than the plaudits of the auditory
became an irresistible temptation to every kind of extra-
vagance. These have been succeeded by compositions of
a like kind, Ijut framed with a very different view. Solos
and Concertos, containing passages that carried the melody
beyond the utmost limits of the scale, indeed so high on
the instrument, that the notes could not be distinctly arti-
culated, in violation of a rule that Lord Bacon has laid
down, that the mean tones of all instruments, as being
the most sweet, are to be preferred to those at either ex-
tremity of either the voice or instrument.* The last im-
provement of licentious practice has been the imitation of
tones dissimilar to those of the violin, the flute, for in-
stance, and those that resemble the whistling of birds ;
and the same tricks are played with the violoncello. To
what farther lengths these extravagances will be carried,
time only can discover.
Amidst that stupor of the auditory faculties, which
leads to the admiration of whatever is wild and irregular
in music, a judicious hearer is necessitated to seek for de-
light in those compositions, which, as owing their present
existence solely to their merit, must, like the writings of
the classic authors, be looked on as the standards of per-
* Nat. Hist. cent. II. sect. 173. The Sylva Sylvarum, or Natural
History of Lord Bacon, contains a great variety of experiments and
observations tending to explain tlie propertes of sound and the nature of
harmony. The following judicious remark may serve as a specimen of
the author's skill in his subject, and at the same time shew his sentiments
of harmony, and in what he conceived tlie perfection thereof to consist.
' The sweetest and best harmony is, when every part or instrument is not
' lieard by itself, hut a conflation of them all ; which requireth to stand
' some distance off, even as it is in the mixture of perfumes, or the taking
' of the smells of several flowers in the air.' Cent. III. sect, 22.5.
fection ; in the grave and solemn strains of the most cele-
brated composers for the church, including those of our
own country, who in the opinion of the best judges are
inferior to none ; f or in the gayer and more elegant com-
positions, as well instrumental as vocal, of others con-
trived for the recreation and solace, in private assemblies
and select companies, of persons competently skilled in
the science.
How far remote that period may be when music of this
kind shall become the object of the public choice, no one
can pretend to tell. To speak of music for instruments,
the modern refinements in practice, and the late improve-
ments in the powers of execution have placed it beyond
the reach of view : and it affords but small satisfaction to
a lover of the art to reflect that the world is in possession
of such instrumental compositions as those of Corelli,
Bononcini, Geminiani, and Handel, when not one prin-
cipal performer in ten has any relish of their excellencies.,
or can be prevailed on to execute them but with such fe
degree of unfeeling i-apidity as to destroy their effect, and
utterly to defeat the intention of the author. In such
kind of performance, wherein not the least regard is paid
to harmony or expression, we seek in vain for that most
excellent attribute of music, its power to move the pas-
sions, without which this divine science must be con-
sidered in no better a view than as the means of recreation
to a gaping crowd, insensible of its charms, and ignorant
of its worth.
+ Such music as this has been the delight of the wisest men in all ages.
Luther, who was so great an admirer of music, that he scrupled not as
a science, to rank it next to theology, which is styled the queen of the
sciences, was often used to be recreated with the singing of
motetts. Bishop Williams, while he was lord keeper, chose to retain the
deanery of Westminster for the sake of the choral service performed there :
' He was loathe,' says the historian, ' to stir from the seat where he had
' the command of such exquisite music' And in a more particular man-
ner the same person speaks of the love which that great prelate bore to
music, for, says he, ' that God might be praised with a cheerful noise in
' his sanctuary, he procured the sweetest music both for the organ and
' voices of all parts that ever was heard in an English quire. In those
' days that abbey and the Jerusalem Chamber, where he gave entertain-
' ment, were the volaries of the choicest singers that the land liad bred.'
Life of the Lord Keeper Williams, by Hackett, Bishop of Litchfield and
Coventry, page 62, 4G. Milton has been very explicit in declaring what
kind of music delighted him most, in the verses entitled ' At a solemn
music' Dr. Busby the master of Westminster-school had an organ, and
music of the most solemn kind in his house at the time when choral ser-
vice was throughout the kingdom forbidden to be performed. Vide
ante, page xxi. in note.
A
GENERAL HISTORY
OF THE
SCIENCE AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
BOOK I. CHAP. I.
There is scarce any consideration that affords
greater occasion to lament the inevitable vicissitude
of things, than the obscurity in which it involves,
not onl)^ the history and the real characters, but
even the discoveries of men. When we consider
the various pursuits of mankind, that some respect
merely the interest of individuals, and terminate
with themselves, while others have for their object
the investigation of truth, the attainment and com-
munication of knowledge, or the improvement of
useful arts ; we applaud the latter, and reckon upon
the advantages that posterity must derive from them :
but this it seems is m some degree a fallacious hope ;
and, notwithstanding the present improved state of
learning in the world, we have reason to deplore the
want of what is lost to us, at the same time that
we rejoice in that portion of knowledge which we
possess.
Whoever is inclined to try the truth of this
observation on the subject of the present work, if
he does not see cause to acquiesce in it, will at least
be under great difficulties to satisfy himself how it
oomes to pass, that seeing what miraculous effects
have been ascribed to the music of the ancients, we
know so little concerning it, as not only to be
ignorant of the use and application of most of their
instruments, but even in a great measure of their
system itself.
To say that in the general deluge of learning,
when the irruptions of barbarous nations into civi-
lized countries, the seats and nurseries of science,
became frequent, music, as holding no sympathy
with minds actuated by ambition and the lust of
empire, was necessarily overwhelmed, is not solving
the difficulty ; for though barbarism might check, ?is
it did, the growth of this as well as other arts, the
utter extirpation of it seems to have been as much
then, as it is now, impossible. That conquest did
not produce the same effect on the other arts is
certain ; the architecture, the sculpture, and the
poetry of ancient Greece and Rome, though they
withdrew for a time, were yet not lost, but after
^ retirement of some centuries appeared again. But
what became of their music is still a question : the
Pyramids, the Pantheon, the Hei'cules of Glycon,
the Grecian Venus, the writings of Homer, of Plato,
of Aristotle, and other ancients, are still in being ;
but who ever saw, or where are deposited, the com-
positions of Terpander, Timotheus, or Phrynis ?
Did the music of these, and many other men whom
we read of, consist of mere Energy, in the extempo-
rary prolation, of solitary or accordant sounds ; or
had they, in those very early ages, any method of
notation, whereby their ideas of sound, like those of
other sensible objects, were rendered capable of com-
munication ? It is hard to conceive that they had
not, when we reflect on the very great antiquity of
the invention of letters ; and yet before the time of
Alypius, who lived a. c. 115, there are no remain-
ing evidences of any such thing.
The writers in that famous controversy set on foot
by Sir William Temple, towards the close of the
last century, about the comparative excellence of the
ancient and modern learning, at least those who sided
with the ancients, seem not to have been aware of the
difficulty they had to encounter, when they under-
took, as some of them did, to maintain the superiority
of the ancient over the modern music, a difficulty
arising not more from the supposed weight on the
other side of the argument, than from the want of
sufficient Data on their own. In the comparison of
ancient with modern music, it was reasonable to ex-
pect that the advocates for the former should at least
have been able to define it ; but Sir William Temple,
who contends for its superiority, makes no scruple to
confess his utter incapacity to judge about it : 'What,'
says he, ' are become of the charms of music, by which
' men and beasts, fishes, fowls, and serpents were so
* frequently enchanted, and their very natures changed;
* by which the passions of men are raised to the greatest
' height and violence ; and then so suddenly appeased,
' so as they might be justly said to be turned into
' lions or lambs, into wolves or into harts, by the
' powers and charms of this admirable art ? 'Tis
' agreed of all the learned that the science of music,
' so admired by the ancients, is wholly lost in the
' world, and that what we have now is made up of
' certain notes that fell into the fancy or observation
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book I.
of a poor friar in chanting his mattins : so as those
•two divine excellences of music and poetry are
' grown in a manner to be little more but the one
'fiddling, and the other rhyming, and are indeed
' very worthy the ignorance of the friar, and the
' barbarousness of the Goths that introduced them
' among us.'*
Whatever are the powers and charms of this
admirable art, there needs no further proof than
the passage above-cited, that the author of it was
not very susceptible of them ; for either the learned
of these later times are strangely mistaken, or those
certain notes, which he speaks so contemptuously of,
have, under the management of skilful artists, pro-
duced effects not much less wonderful than those
attributed to the ancient music. And it is not to be
imagined but that Sir William Temple, in the course
of a life spent among foreigners of the first rank, and
at a time when Europe abounded with excellent mas-
ters, must have heard such music, as, had he had any
ear to appeal to, would have convinced him that the art
had still its charms, and those very potent ones too.
But, not to follow the example of an author, whose
zeal for a favorite hypothesis had led him to write on
a subject he did not imderstand, we will proceed to
trace the various progress of this art : its progress, it
is said, for the many accounts of the time of the in-
vention, as well as of the inventors of music, leave
us in great uncertainty as to its rise. The authority
of poets is not very respectable in matters of history ;
and there is hardly any other for those common
opinions that we owe the invention of music to
Orpheus, to Amphion, Linus, and many others ; un-
less we except that venerable doctor and schoolman,
Thomas Aquinas, who asserts, that not music alone,
but every other science, was understood, and that by
immediate revelation from above, by the first of the
human race. However, it may not be amiss to men-r
tion the general opinions as to the invention of music,
with this remark, that no greater deference is due to
many of them than is paid to other fables of the
ancient poets and mythologists.
There can be no doubt but that vocal music is
more ancient than instrumental, since mankind were
endowed with voices before the invention of instru-
ments ; but the great question is, at what time they
began to frame a system, and this naturally leads to
an inquiry into the time of the invention of instru-
ments ; for if we consider the evanescence of sound
uttered by the human voice, the notion of a system
without, is at this day not very intelligible.
But previous to any such inquiry, we may very
reasonably be allowed the liberty of conjecture, in
which if we indulge ourselves, we cannot suppose
but that an art so suited to our natures, and adapted
to our organs, as music is, must be nearly as ancient
as those of Agriculture, Navigation, and numberless
other inventions, which the necessities of mankind
suggested, and impelled them to pursue : the desire of
the conveniences, the comforts, the pleasures of life,
is a principle little less active than that which leads
• Essay on ancient and modern learning.
US to provide for its wants ; and perhaps it might be
even before they had learned to ' go down to the sea
in ships ' that men began to ' handle the harp and
organ,' which it cannot be supposed they could do to
any other delightful purpose, without some knowledge
of those harmonical relations and coincidences of
sound, which are the essence of the art. Such a
knowledge as this we may easily conceive was soon
attained by even the earliest inhabitants of the earth.
The voices of animals, the whistling of the winds,
the fall of waters, the concussion of bodies of various
kinds, not to mention the melody of birds, as they
all contain in them the rudiments of harmony, may
easily be supposed to have furnished the minds of
intelligent creatures with such ideas of sound, as
time, and the accumulated observation of succeeding
ages, could not fail to improve into a system.^
■I- Lucretius supposes that manlcind took their first notions of music
from the singing of birds : —
At liquidas avium voces imitarier ore
Ante fuit multo, quam Ijevia carmina cantu
Concelebrare homines possent, aureisque juvare. Lib. V.
And the same poet has in some sort ascertained the origin of wind in-
struments m the following elegant verses : —
Et zephyri cava per calamorum sibila primum
Agresteis docuere cavas inflare cicutas,
Inde minutatim dulceis didicere querelas,
Tibia quas fundit digitis pulsata canentum. Ibid.
Thro' all the woods they heard the charming noise
Of cliiriping birds, and try'd to frame their voice
And imitate. Thus birds instructed man,
And taught them songs before their art began ;
And whilst soft evening gales blew o'er the plains,
And shook the sounding reeds, they taught the swains,
And thus the pipe was fram'd and tuneful reed. Creech.
Part of the natural song of the blackbird consists of true diatonic in-
tervals, and is thus to be expressed in musical notes : —
f
^mM^^^^=mM
i
That of the cuckow is well known to be this : —
9z
rp— .^p
'in ^
ZQzrsr
Cu
cu,
Cu
cu,
Cu - cu
And Kircher, Musurg. lib. I. cap. xiy., has given the songs of other
birds, which with great ingenuity and industry he had investigated, as
namely that of the nightingale, the quail, the parrot, the cock and hen,
in the common characters of musical notation. Though that which he
gives of the common dunghill cock seems to be erroneous, and is thus to
be expressed : —
*
S=S=E
=?2:
-t-
:?:
And it may be observed that between the dijnghill and bantam cock
there is a difference, for the latter intonates the following sounds, which
constitute the interval of a true fifth : —
t^
S=E
=^-
-f2-
-jctz
The song of the hen at the time of her laying, is thus described by him :—
■^^^^^^^^^^^^^m
and clearly appears to be an intonation of a major sixth.
The same author asserts that other animals, and even quadrupeds,
articulate diflerent sounds that have a musical ratio to each other, as an
instance whereof he mentions an animal produced in America called the
Pijrilia, or Sloth, of which he gives the following curious account : —
'Before I speak of his voice I will give a description of this whole
' animal, which this very year I received from the mouth of father
' Johannes Torus, procurator of the province of the new kingdom in
' America, who had some of these animals in his possession, and made
'several trials of their natures and properties. The figure of this animal
' is uncommon, they call it Pigritia, on account of the slowness of its
' motions. It is of the size of a cat, has an ugly countenance, and claws
' projecting in the likeness of fingers : it has hair on the back part of its
' head, which covers its neck ; it brushes the very ground with its fat
' belly. It never rises upon its feet, but moves forward so slowly, that
Chap. I.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
A reason has already been given to show that the
notion of a musical system does necessarily pre-
suppose musical instruments ; it therefore becomes
necessary to trace the invention of such instruments
as are distinguished by the simplicity of their con-
struction, and whose forms anil properties at this
distance of time are most easily to be conceived of,
and these clearl}^ seem to be reduced to two, the lyre
and the pipe.
The lyre, the most considerable of the two, and the
prototype of the fidicinal or stringed species, is said
to have been invented about the year of the world
2000, by Mercury, who finding on the bank of the
river Nile a shell-fish of the tortoise kind, which an
inundation of that river had deposited there, and ob-
serving that the flesh was already consumed, he took
up the back shell, and hollowing it, applied strings to
it ;* though concerning the number ot strings there
is great controversy, some asserting it to be only
three, and that the sounds of the two remote were
acute and grave, and that of the intermediate one
a mean between those two extremes : that Mercury
resembled those three chords to as many seasons of
the year, which were all that the Greeks reckoned,
namely. Summer, Winter, and Spring, assigning the
acute to the first, the grave to the second, and the
mean to the third.
Others assert that the lyre had four strings ; that
the interval between the first and fourth was an
octave ; that the second was a fourth f from the first,
• it scarce in a continued sjiace advances above the cast of a dart in even
' fifteen days. No one knows what meat it feeds on, nor are they seen to
'eat ; they for the most part keep on tlie tops of trees, and are two days
'ascending and as many in descending. Moreover, nature seems to have
' furnished them with two kinds of arms or weapons against other beasts
'and animals their enemies. First their feet, in whicli tliey have such
' strength, that whatsoever animal they lay hold on they keep it so fast,
' that it is never after able to free itself from their nails, but it is com-
' pelled to die through hunger : and the other is, that this beast so greatly
' affects the men that are coming towards it by its countenance, that in
' pure compassion they refrain from molesting it, and easily persuade
• themselves not to be solicitous about that which nature has subjected to
• so defenceless and miserable a state of body. The above-mentioned
'father, in order to make a trial of this, procured one of these animals to
' be brought to the college of our society at Carthagena of the new king-
< dom, and threw a long pole under its feet, which he immediately grasped
' so tenaciously, that it would by no means let it go ; the animal thus
'bound by a voluntary suspension, was placed between two beams, where
' he stuck thus suspended for forty days together, without either meat,
< drink, or sleep, having his eyes continually fixed on those that looked
' on him, whom he affected so with his sorrowful aspect, that there was
( scarce any one that was not touched with pity for him. Being at length
' freed from this long suspension, a dog was thrown to him, which he
•immediately seized with his feet, and forcibly detained for the space of
' four days, at the end whereof the miserable creature expired, being
'famished through hunger.' This I had from the mou'^h of the above
father.
They add, moreover, fto return to the purpose) that this beast makes no
noise or cry but in the night, and that with a voice interrupted only by
the duration of a sigh or semi pause. It perfectly intonates, as learners
do, the first elements of music, ut, re, mi, fa, sol, la. la, sol, fa. mi, re, ut.
Ascending and descending through the comtnon intervals of the six
degrees, insomuch that tlie Spaniards, when they first took possession of
these coasts, and perceived such a kind of vociferation in the night,
thought they heard men accustomed to the rules of music. It is called
by the inhabitants Haul, for no other reason than that it repeats through
every degree of the interval of a sixth the sound lia, ha, ha, ha, ha,
ha, &c.
and the fourth the same distance from the third, and
that from the second to the third was a tone.|
Another class of writers contend that the lyre of
Mercury had seven strings : Nicomachus, a follower
of Pythagoras, and the chief of them, gives the
following account of the matter : ' The lyre made
' of the shell was invented by Mercury, and the
' knowledge of it, as it was constructed by him of
' seven strings was transmitted to Orpheus ; Orpheus
' taught the use of it to Thamyris and Linus, the
' latter of whom taught it to Hercules, who com-
' municated it to Amphion the Theban, who built the
' seven gates of Thebes to the seven strings of the
' lyre.' The same author proceeds to relate ' that
' Orpheus was afterward killed by the Thracian
' women, and that they are reported to have cast his
' lyre into the sea, which was afterwards thrown up
' at Antissa, a city of Lesbos : that certain fishers
' finding it, they brought it to Terpander, who carried
' it to Egypt, exquisitely improved, and shewing it
' to the Egyptian priests, assumed to himself the
' honour of its invention.'§
And with respect to the form of the ancient lyre,
as little agreement is to be found among authors as
about the number of strings ; the best evidences con-
cerning it are the representations of that instrument
in the hands of ancient statues of Apollo, Orpheus,
and others, on bass reliefs, antique marbles, medals
and gems ; || but of these it must be confessed that
they do not all favour the supposition that it was origi-
nally formed of a tortoise shell ; though on the other
hand it may be said, that as none of those monuments
cau pretend to so high an antiquity as the times to
which we assign the invention of the lyre, they are
to be considered as exhibitions of that instrument in
a state of improvement, and therefore are no evidence
of its original form. Galilei mentions a statue of
Orpheus in the Palazzo de Medici, made by the
Cavalier Bandinelli, in the left hand %vhereof is a lyre
of this figure.^ (No. 1.) He also cites a passage from
Philostratus, importing that the lyre was made of the
horns of a goat, from which Hyginius undertook thus
to delineate it. (No. 2.)
o
ha, ha, ha, ha, ha, ha, ha, ha, ha, ha, ha,
* Nicomachi Harmonices Manualis, lib. II. ex vers. Meibom. p. 29.
t In this and in all other instances, where the measures of intervals
are assigned, it is to be observed that they include the two extreme terms,
in W'hich respect the phrases of music and physic agree ; to this purpose
a very whimsical but ingenious and learned writer on music and many
other subjects, in the last century, namely Charles Butler, thus speaks :
•As physicians say a tertian ague, which yet cometh but every second
'day, and a quartan, whose access is every thild day, (because they crunt
' the first fit-day for one) so do musicians call a third, a fourth, and a fifth
' (which yet are but two, three, and four notes from the ground) because
' they account the ground itself for one.' Principles of Music, by Charles
Butler, quarto, London 1036, pag. 52, in not.
I Boctius de Musica, lib. I. pag. 20.
§ Nicom. lib. II. pag. 29.
II Mersennus de Instrumentis Harmonicis, lib. I. pag. 7. Vincentio
Galilei Dialogo della Musica Antica e Moderna, pag. 125. Athanasiu*
Kircher Musurgia universalis, lib. H. cap. vi. § iii.
1 Galilei, 12,9.
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book I.
Mersennus says that by means of his friends Naude
and Gaffarel, he had obtained from Rome, and other
parts of Italy, drawings of sundry ancient instruments
from coins and marbles ; among many which he has
given, are these of the lyre ; the first is apparently
a part of a tortoise shell, the other is part of the head
with the horns of a bull.
The above -cited authors mention also a Plectrum,
of about a span in length, made of the lower joint of
a goat's leg ; the use whereof was to touch the strings
of the lyre, as appeared to Galilei by several ancient
bass-reliefs and other sculptures discovered at Rome
in his time.
lurcher has prefixed as a frontispiece to the second
tome of the Musurgia, a representation of a statue in
the Matthei garden near Rome, of Apollo standing
on a circular pedestal, whereon are carved in basso
relievo a great variety of ancient musical instruments,
But the most perfect representation of the lyre is
the instrument in the hand of the above statue, which
is of the form in which the lyre is most usually de-
lineated. Vide Musurg. tom. I. pag. 536. *
The pipe, the original and most simple of wind
instruments, is said to have been formed of the
shank-bone of a crane, and the invention thereof is
ascribed to Apollo, Pan, Orpheus, Linus, and many
others. Marsyas, or as others say, Silenus, was the
* Isaac Vossius, a bigotted admirer of the ancients, de Poemat. cant,
et virib. Rythm. pag. 97, contends that hardly any of these remaining
monuments of antiquity are in such a state as to warrant any opinion
touching the form of the ancient lyre. He speaks indeed of two statues
of Apollo in the garden of his Britannic majesty at London, in the year
1673, (probably the Privy Garden behind the then palace of Whitehall)
each holding a lyre ; and as neither of these instruments was then in the
least mutilated, he considers them as true and perfect representations of
the ancient cythara or lyre, iji two forms, and has fhus delineated §nd
described tl]em : —
A
B
C C
D
The bridge over which the chords are stretched.
The chordotopr.ni, from which the chords proceed.
The echei, made of brass, and affixed to the bridge to encrease the
sound.
The bridge as in the former figure.
first that joined pipes of different lengths together
with wax ; but Virgil says,
Pan prim ofi calamos cera conjungere phires
Instituit.-\
forming thereby an instrument, to which Isidore,
bishop of Seville, gives the name of Pandorium, and
others that of Syringa and which is frequently repre-
sented in collections of antiquities.:}:
As to the instruments of the pulsatile kind, such
as are the Drum, and many others, they can hardly
be ranked in the numl)er of musical instruments ;
inasmuch as the sounds they produce are not re-
ducible to any system, though the measure and
duration or succession of those sounds is ; which is
no more than may be said of many sounds, which yet
are not deemed musical.
Such are the accounts that are left us of the in-
vention of the instruments above-mentioned, which
it is necessary to make the basis of an enquiry into
the origin of a system, rather than the Harp, the
Organ, and many others mentioned in sacred writ,
whose invention was earlier than the times above
referred to, because their respective forms are known
even at this time of day to a tolerable degree of pre-
cision : a lyre consisting of strings extended over the
concave of a shell, or a pipe with a few equidistant
perforations in it, are instruments we can easily con-
ceive of ; and indeed the many remaining monuments
of antiquity leave us in very little doubt about them ;
but there is no medium through which we can deduce
the fig\ire or construction of any of the instruments
mentioned either in the Pentateuch, or the less
ancient payts of sacred history ; and doubtless the
translators of those passages of the Old Testament,
where the names of musical instruments occur,
after due deliberation on the context, found them-
selves reduced to the necessity of rendering those
names by such terms as would go the nearest
to excite a correspondent idea in their readers :
so that they -yvould be grossly mistaken who should
imagine that the organ, handled by those of whom
Jubal is said to have been the father,§ any way re-
sembled the instrument now known among us by
that name.
Those accounts which give the invention of the lyre
to Mercury, agree also in ascribing to him a system
adapted to it ; though with respect t;o ^he na(;ure of that
system, as also to the number of strings of which the
lyre consisted, there is a great diversity of opinions ;
and indeed the settling the first of these questions
would go near to determine the other. Boetius inr
clines to the opinion that the lyre of Mercury had
only four strings ; and adds, that the first and the
fourt.h ^nade a diapason ; that the middle distance
was a tone, and the extremes a diapente.||
Zarlino, following Boetius, adopts his notion of
a tetrachord, and is more particular in the explana^
lion of it;^| his woj-ds are as follows : — 'From the first
^ string to the second was a diatessaron or a fourth ;
+ Eclog II. ver. 32.
X Vide Mcrsen. de Instrum. Harmon, lib. II. pag. 73.
§ Genesis, chap. iv. ver. 21.
II Do Musica, lib. I. cap, 20. Bontempi, 4S.
II Istitutiiini Harmoniche, pag. I'l,
Chap. II.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
' from the second to the third was a tone ; and from
* the third to the fourth was a diatessaron ; so that the
' first with the second, and the third with the fourth,
' contained a diatessaron ; the first with the third,
* and the second with the fourth, a diapente or fifth.'
Admitting all which, it is clear that the first and
fourth strings must have constituted a diapason.
1(
c
\o/j
6 Trite
1
8 Lychanos
2
<
a-
/ .
3
H
9 Parhypate Meson
3
\
12 Parhypate Hypaton
4
It is to be observed that the above diagram is used
by Boetius, and is adopted by Zarlino, Kircher, and
many other writers ; * but that though the appli-
cation of the letters C G F C in one edition of
Boetius, is plainly intended to shew that the strings
immediately below them were supposed to corres-
pond with those notes in our system, yet the authors
who follow Boetius have not ventured to make use
of them ; and indeed there is great reason to reject
them ; for in the earlier editions of Boetius de Musica,
the diagram above given is without letters. It seems
as if Glareanus, who assisted in the publication of the
Basil edition of that author, in 1570, thought he
should make the system more intelligible by the
addition of those letters ; but there is no ground to
suppose that the Mercurian lyre, admitting it to con-
sist of four strings, was so constructed.
Bontempi, an author of great credit, relying on
Nicomachus, suspects the relation of Boetius, as to
the number of the strings of the Mercurian lyre ; and
farther doubts whether the system of a diapason, as
it is above made out, did really belong to it or not ;
and indeed his suspicions seem to be well grounded ;
for, speaking of this system, he says that none of the
Greek writers saj^ anything about it, and that the
notion of its formation seems to be founded on a dis-
covery made by Pythagoras, who lived about 5CX)
years before Christ, of which a very particular rela-
tion will be given in its proper place ; and farther to
shew how questionable this notion is, he quotes the
very words of Nicomachus before cited, concluding
with a modest interposition of his own opinion, which
is that the lyre of Mercury had three strings only,
and was thus constituted : — f
■ G
Interval of a tone.
Interval of a hemitone.
F
E
However, notwithstanding the reasons of the above
* Vide Boetius de Musica, lib. I. cap. 20. Kirclier, MusurRia univer-
salis, torn. I. hb. ii. cap. 6. Zarlino Istit. Harmon, pag. 73. 75.
+ Hist. Music, pag. 49.
author, the received opinion seems to have been that
the lyre consisted of four strings, tuned to certain
concordant intervals, which intervals were undoubt-
edly at first adjusted by the ear ; but nevertheless
had their foundation in principles which the inventor
was not aware of, though what that tuning was, is
another subject of controversy. Succeeding musicians
are said to have given a name to each of these four
strings, which names, though they are not expressive
of the intervals, are to be adopted in our inquiry
after a system : to tlie first or most grave was given
the name of Hypate, or principal ; the second was
called Parhypate, viz., next to Hypate ; the third was
called Paranete, and the fourtli Nete, which signifies
lowest ; it is observable here, that it seems to have
been the practice of the ancients to give the more
grave tones the uppermost place in the scale, con-
trary to the moderns, by whom we are to understand
all who succeeded the grand reformation of music by
Guido, in the eleventh century, of which there will
be abundant occasion to speak hereafter.
The several names above-mentioned, exhibit the
lyre in a very simple state, viz., as consisting of four
strings, having names from whence neither terms nor
intervals can be inferred.
H Y PATE
P A R H Y PAT E
PARA N E T E
^NETE
Those who speak of the lyre in the manner above-
mentioned, seem to imagine that its compass included
two diatessarons or fourths, which being conjoined,
extended to a seventh, differing from that of Boetius,
in that his diatessarons, being separated by a tone,
took in the extent of an octave, and thereby formed
a diapason. They proceed to relate farther, that
Chorebus, the son of Atys, king of Lydia, added
a fifth string, which he placed between Parhypate
and Paranete, calling it, from its middle situation,
Mese ; that Hyagnis, a Phrygian, added a sixth, which
he placed between Mese and Parhypate ; this string
he called Lychanos, a word signifying the indieial
finger, viz., that on the left hand, next the thumb :
and lastly say these ^witers, Terpander added a
seventh string, which he placed between IMese and
Paranete, and called Paramese : the lyre, thus im-
proved, included a septenary, or system of seven
terms, disposed in the following order : —
HYPATE
-PARHYPATE-
-LYCHANOS-
MESE— ^-
-PARAMESE-
-PARANETE-
NETE
i
CHAP. II.
The system-above exhibited was the Heptachord
Synemmenon of the GreelvS ; it consisted of two
tetrachords or fourths, conjoined, that is to say, the
middle term was the end of the one, and the begin-
ning of the other ; and as the last string was added
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book I.
1
Mi
Fa
Sol
4
La, Mi
5
Fa
6
Sol
7
lb
La
by Terpander, the system was distinguished by his
name, and considered as the second state of the lyre.
Here then we may discern the foundation of a
system, viz., a succession of seven sounds, including
two tetrachords, conjoined, by having the Mese or
middle term common to both, thus represented by
Glareanus in his edition of Boetius, lib. i. cap. 20 : —
Hypate
Parhypate
Lychanos
Mese Synaphe
Paramese or Trite
Paranete
Nete
The seeming perfection of this system, as also the
consideration that in musical progression every eighth
sound is but the replicate of its unison, has served to
confirm an opinion that there is somewhat mysterious
in the number seven : to say the truth, for different rea-
sons an equal degree of perfection has been ascribed
to almost every other of the digits : the number
four was greatly reverenced by Pythagoras and his
disciples, as that of three is at this day by many
Christians. Seven and nine multiplied into them-
selves made sixty-three, commonly esteemed the grand
climacteric of our lives ; the ground of superstitious
fears in persons of middle age, and the subject of
much learned disquisition : and there is now extant
a treatise in folio, intitled, IlysticcB numerorum
significationis, written by one Peter Bongus, and
published at Bergamo, in the year 1585 ; the sole
end whereof is to unfold the mysteries, and explain
the properties of certain numbers ; and whoever has
the curiosity to search after so insignificant a work,
will find that in the judgment of its author this of
Seven is intitled to a kind of pre-eminence over
almost every other number.
Had these opinions of numerical mystery no better
a foundation than the suffrage of astrologers, they
would hardly deserve confutation, even though per-
haps in the case of errors so glaring, to expose is to
detect them ; but when we find them maintained
not only by men of sound understandings, but by
the gravest philosophers, they become matter of
importance ; at least there is somewhat of curiosity
in observing the extravagancies of an heated imagin-
ation, and marking the absurdities that a favourite
hypothesis will frequently lead men into.
There is not perhaps a more pregnant instance of
this kind, or of the misapplication of learned industry,
than the work above-mentioned ; as a proof whereof
the following chapter is selected, as well by way of
specimen of the manner of reasoning usual among
writers of his class, as to explain the properties of
the number seven, the only one which we are here
concerned to enquire about. If the arguments in
favour of its perfection are not so conclusive as might
be expected, the reader may rest assured that they
are some of the best that have yet been adduced for
the purpose : — -
' The number Seven,' says this learned author,
has a wonderful property, for it neither begets nor
is begotten, as the rest are, by any of the numbers
witliin ten, wherefore philosophers resemble it to the
ruler or governor of all things, who neither moves
nor is moved. Philolaus the Pythagorean, no
ignoble author, testifies thus, and writes that the
eternal God is permanent, void of motion, similar
to himself, and different from others ; and Boetius
has a passage much to the same purpose. The idea
of virginity had such a relation to the number
Seven, that it was also named Pallas ; and the Py-
thagoreans, initiated in her rites, compare the virgin
Minerva to that number, seeing she was not born,
but sprung from the head of Jupiter. God rested
on the Seventh day, wherefore it is named Sabbath,
a word signifying rest. The Seventh petition of
the Lord's Prayer is, deliver us from evil ; because
the number Seven denotes rest, and all evil being
removed from man, he rests in good ; and farther,
the seventh day or sabbath represents death, or
the rest of the soul from worldly labours. In
Seven days after Noah entered the ark the flood
began : in the Apocalypse Seven trumpets are men-
tioned : Job speaks of the visitation of six tribula-
tions, which six succeeding days brought on him,
but on the Seventh no harm could touch the just :
God blessed only the Seventh day, wherefore the
number Seven is attributed to the Holy Ghost,
without whom there is no blessing. This St. John
proves, when in the Apocalypse he calls the Seven
horns and the Seven eyes the Seven spirits of God.
The fever left the son of Regulas, according to St.
John, at the Seventh hour. Elisha breathed Seven
times on the dead man. Christ after his resurrection
feasted with Seven disciples ; and Seven brothers
were sent to baptise Cornelius. The Seven hairs of
Sampson ; Seven golden candlesticks : and in Le-
viticus command was given to sprinkle the blood
and oil Seven times. The Seven stars in the bear ;
the Seven principal angels who rule the world
under God, and have charge of the Seven planets,
as namely, Horophiel the spirit of Saturn, Anael
the spirit of Venus, Zachainel of Jupiter, Raphael
of Mercury, Samael of Mars, Gabriel of the moon,
and Michael the spirit of the sun. The moon
changes its form Seven times, and completes its
course in twenty-eight days, which is the sum of
the number Seven, and all the numbers under it.
Josephus writes that a certain river in Syria is dry
for six days, and full on the Seventh. Farther, the
great artist did not only dignify the heavens, but he
also adorned with the number Seven his favourite
creature man, who has seven inward parts, or bowels,
stomach, heart, lungs, milt, liver, reins, and bladder ;
and seven exterior, as head, back, belly, two hands,
and two feet. There are seven objects of sight, as
body, distance, figure, magnitude, colour, motion.
Chap. 1[.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
and rest : and Seven species of colour, taking in the
two extremes of white and Wack, viz., yellow, sky-
blue, green, purple, and red. No one can without
eating live after the Seventh day. Physicians
reckon ten times Seven years to be the period
of human life, which Hippocrates divides into
Seven stages. The ancient lyre, used both by
Orpheus and Amphion, had only Seven chords,
answering, as it is said, to the Seven gates of
Thebes. Every Seventh daughter, no son coming
between, hath, by virtue of the number Seven as
I imagine, a great power in easing the pains of
child-birth : and every Seventh son, no daughter
coming between, has the power of curing the scurvy
and leprosy by the bare touch ; so that diseases,
incurable by physicians, are curable by the virtue
contained in the number Seven. A right-angled
triangle is constituted of the sides three, four, five,
but three and four contain the right angle, which is
' perfection itself, and therefore their sum seven,
' must as a number be most perfect. Every active
' body has three dimensions, length, breadth, and
' thickness, and these have four extremes, point, line,
* surface, and solid, and these together make up the
' number Seven.'
By such arguments as these do many of the
musical writers endeavour to excite a mysterious
reverence for that number which is confessedly the
limits of a system, as far as it goes, perfect in its
kind ; in answer to which it may be said, that this
superstitious regard for certain numbers seems to be
very deservedly ranked among those vulgar and
common errors, which it is professedly the end of
a very learned and justly celebrated publication of
the last century to refute, wherein it is said, that
' with respect to any extraordinary power or secret
* virtue attending the number sixty-three, or any
' other, a serious reader will hardly find anything
' that may convince his judgment, or any farther
* persuade than the lenity of his belief, or pre-judg-
' ment of reason inclineth.'*
But to return from this digression : the rudiments
of the present greater musical system are discernible
in that of a septenary, adjusted, as we are told, by
Terpander, in the form above declared ; and as to
the intervals of which it was constitivted, modern
authors have not scrupled to assert that they were
precisely the same as those contained in a double
diatessaron, according to the present practice ; the
consequence whereof must be, that each of the two
tetrachords, of which the above system is supposed
to have been formed, consisted of a hemitone and
two tones ; which will be readily conceived by such
as reflect, that in the passage either upwards or
downwards from any given note to its fourth, in
that progression which is most grateful to the ear,
those intervals must necessarily occur. Persuaded
of the truth of this supposition, succeeding musicians
have ventured to apply the modern method of no-
tation to the terms of the ancients, and are pretty
well agreed that the term Mese answered to a, or la,
* Sir Thomas Browne's Enquiry into Vulgar Errors, 173.
in our scale. Taking this for granted, the system of
Terpander \vill appear in the following form ; —
SYSTEM OP TERPANDER.
E Hypate.
Hemitone
F Parhypate
Tone
G Lychanos
Tone
a Mese
Hemitone
Paramese
Tone
Paranete
Tone
Nete
But here it is necessary to observe, that though, as
has been said, it was the practice with the ancients to
give the grave tones the uppermost, and the more
acute the lowermost place in their scale, f wliich they
might very properly do, if, as there is the greatest rea-
son to believe, their music was solitary, and they were
stran2:ers to the art of combining sounds in con-
sonance. Yet the moderns, immediately on the
making that most important discovery, found it
necessary to differ from them, and accordingly we
now place the grave tones at the bottom, and the
acute at the top of our scale ; | the consequence of
this diversity has been, that whenever any of the
modern authors have taken occasion to exhibit the
whole or any part of the ancient Greek scale, they
have done it in their own way, placing Hypate at
the bottom of the diagram ; and this wall be the
method we shall observe for the future.
Great confusion has arisen among the writers on
music, in respect to the order of the several additions
to the system of Terpander. That it was perfected
by Pythagoras will be related in due time ; but the
eagerness of most authors to explain the improve-
ments made by him, has betrayed them into the error
of confounding the two systems together, whereby
they have rendered their accounts unintelligible.
Boetius has erred in this respect ; and Bontempi,
a modern Italian, notwithstanding he professes to
have followed the Greek writers, more particularly
Nicomachus, has made the same mistake ; for in
every one of the representations of the improved
system of Terpander which he has given, is contained
an exhibition of the Synemmenon or conjunct tetra-
chord, which before the invention of the Diezeug-
menon, or disjunct tetrachord, by Pythagoras, could
have no existence. He indeed confesses as much
when he admits that the distinction imported by its
name was rather potential than actual ; or, as we
perhaps should say, rather contingait than absolute.
+ Vincentio Galilei, Dialog, della Musica, pag. US. Francisc-us
Salinas de Musica, lib. iii. cap. 4.
X Bontemp. 51. 52.
8
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book I.
To refute this error it is necessary in some sort to
adopt it, and proceed after Bontempi to describe
what he calls the first addition to the system of Ter-
pander. His words are nearly these : —
' To the lyre of seven strings, forming a conjunct
' tetrachord,were added two tetrachords; the most grave
' was joined to that tetrachord, which for its gravest,
' or, to use the modern method of position, its lowest
' sound, hatl Hypate, and the most acute tetrachord
* was joined to that which for its most acute sound,
' had Nete : the acuter of these two additional tetra-
* chords, from its situation named hyperboleon, pro-
* ceeded from Nete by three other terms, viz., Trite,
* Paranete, and Nete, to each whereof was given the
' epithet Hyperboleon, to distinguish them from the
* sounds denoted by the same names in the primitive
* septenary. The other of the additional tetrachords,
* which began from Mese, was called Synemmenon
'or conjunct, and proceeded likewise by the same
* terms of Trite, Paranete, and Nete ; and each of
' these had, for the reason just given, the epithet of
' Synemmenon, as in the following figure appears :' —
ADDITION I. to the SYSTEM of TERPANDER.
■£ TNete h3'perboleon g
g; Tone
>^ j Paranete hyperboleon f
■^ - Hemitone
Trite hyperboleoif e
B -
^Nete
Lychanos
2 j Parhypate
Hypate
Tone
Tone
Tone
Hemitone
Tone
Tone
Hemitone
Nete sjniemmenon
Tone
Paranete synemmenon
Tone
Trite synemmenon
Hemit.
Mese
G
F
E
It is observable in the above scheme, that between
the Synemmenon tetrachord and that marked B,
which was originally a part of the system of Terpan-
der, there is not the least difference : the interval of
a hemitone between a and b being common to both ;
of what use then this auxiliary tetrachord was, or how
it became necessary to distinguish it by the epithet
Synemmenon or conjoined, from that which as yet
had never been disjoined, is hard to conceive ; the
only addition therefore that we consider is that of
the Hyperboleon tetrachord, which increasd the
number of terms to ten, as above is shown : how-
ever, after all, as the lyre thus limited to the compass
of a musical tenth, reaching from E to g, was not
commensurate in general to the human voice, a
farther extension of it was found necessary ; and
another tetrachord was added to this, which began at
Hypate in the former sy.stem, and proceeded by
a repetition of the same terms as that did, with the
addition of hypaton. This addition begat also a dis-
tinction in the terms of the tetrachord, to which it
had been joined ; which, to shew their relation to the
]\Iese, had each of them the adjunct of meson, and the
tetrachord to which they belonged was thence called
the tetrachord meson. This last addition of the te-
trachord Hypaton increased the number of terms to
thirteen, in which were included four conjunct tetra-
chords, the Mese being the seventh from each ex-
treme, and carried the system down to B ; though to
show that hypate Hypaton was a hemitone below
Parhypate or C, the Italians generally denote it by
the character J].
ADDITION II. to the SYSTEM OP
TERPANDER.
.0 ^Nete hyperboleon g
g. Tone
15 I Paranete hyperboleon f
^ i Hemitone
Trite hyperboleon e
Tone
Nete
w
Tone
>Mese
Tone
Hemitone
Tone
"H I Paranete
2 Trite
<(
g I Lychanos meson
•= < Tone
2 j Parhypate meson
H I " Tone
VHypate meson
i I Tone
£ j Lychanos hypaton
Tone
Nete synemmenon
Tone
Paranete synemmenon c I
Tone
Trite synemmenon b |
Hemitane
Mese a'
W
F
E
D
§ 1 Parh}'pate hypaton C
■£ I Hemitone
^ ^Hypate hypaton j-,
In this diagram also the synemmenon Tetrachord
is inserted : we forbear to repeat the reasons against
connecting it with the system of Terpander, with
which it seems absolutely incompatible, and shall
hereafter endeavour to shew when and how the in-
vention of it became necessary, and what particular
ends it seems calculated to answer. In order to this
it must be observed, tnat the system, improved even
to the degree above related,wanted much of perfection :
it is evident that the lower sound Hypate hypaton,
or as we should now call it, Btj, was a hemitone
below C, and that b, which in the order of succession
upwards was the eighth term, was a whole tone below
the term next above it, consequently it was a hemi-
tone short of a complete musical octave or diapason ;
to remedy this defect, as also for divers other reasons,
Pythagoras is said to have reverted to the primitive
system of a septenary, and with admirable sagacity,
by interposing a tone in the middle of the double tetra-
chord, to have formed the system of a Diapason or
Octochord.
But before we proceed to relate the particulars of
this and other improvements of Pythagoras in music,
and the wonderful discovery made by him of the
proportions of musical sounds, it may be proper to
take notice of two variations in the septenary, intro-
duced by a philosopher, and a disciple of Pythagoras,
named Philolaus ; the one whereof, for ought we can
discover, seems to have been but very inconsiderable,
that is to say, no more than an alteration of the term
Chap. II.
AND PRACTICE OP MUSIC.
Mese, which, because that sound was a third distant
from Nete, he called Trite ; the other consisted in
an extension of the diatessaron included between the
Mese and Nete to a diapente, by the insertion of
a trihemitone between Paramese, or as he termed it,
Trite and Paranete ; by which the system, though it
laboured under the inconvenience of an Hiatus, com-
prehended the interval of a diapason, the extreme
terms whereof formed a consonance much more
grateful to the ear than any of those contained in
that of Terpander. Nicomachus speaks more than
once of Philolaus, and says that he was the first who
called that Trite, which before was called Paramese,
as beino; a diatessaron distant from Nete. But al-
though it is certain that he was a contemporary of
Pythagoras, we must suppose that this improvement
of his to be prior to that of Pythagoras above hinted
at ; for the latter adopted the appellation of Trite,
though by restoring the ancient name Paramese,
which he gave to the inserted tone, he altered the
situation of it, as will be shown hereafter.
SYSTEM OF PHILOLAUS.
-e Nete
Tone
Paranete
Trihemitone
Trite
Tone
Mese
Tone
G Lychanos
Tone
F Parhypate
Hemitone
E Hypate
The gradual improvements of this system from the
time of Terpander to that of Philolaus having been
severally enumerated, and its imperfection noted, we
are now to speak of those made by Pythagoras. Hia
regulation of the octave by the insertion of a tone
has been just hinted, and it will be necessary to be
more particular ; but previous to this it is requisite
to mention that discovery of his, which though
merely accidental, enabled him to investigate the
ratios of the consonances, and to demonstrate that
the foundations of musical harmony lay deeper than
had ever before his time been imagined.
Of the manner of this discovery Nicomachus has
given a relation, which Mr. Stanley has inserted in his
History of Philosophy in nearly the following terms : —
' Pythagoras being in an intense thought whether
' he might invent any instrumental help to the ear,
' solid and infallible, such as the sight hath by a
■' compass and a rule, and by a Dioptre ; or the touch,
* or by a balance, or by the invention of measures ;
* as he passed by a smith's shop by a hapjiy chance
' he heard the iron hammers striking on the anvil,
' and rendering sounds most consonant to one another
' in all combinations except one. He observed in
them these three concords, the diapason, the diapente,
and the diatessaron ; but that which was between
the diatessaron and the diapente he found to be
a discord in itself, thoug!) otherwise useful for the
making up of the greater of them, the diapente.
Apprehending this came to him from God, as
a most happy thing, he hastened into the shop, and
by various trials finding the difference of the sounds
to be according to the weight of the hammers, and
not according to the force of those who struck, nor
according to the fashion of the hammers, nor ac-
cording to the turning of the iron which was in
beating out : having taken exactly the weight of the
hammers, he went straightway home, and to one
beam fastened to the walls, cross from one corner
of the room to the other, lest any difference might
arise from thence, or be suspected to arise from the
properties of several beams, tying four strings of
the same substance, length, and twist, upon each of
them he hung a several weight, fastening it at the
lower end, and making the length of the strings
altogether equal ; then striking the strings by two
at a time interchangeably, he found out the afore-
said concords, each in its own combination ; for
that which was stretched by the greatest weight,
in respect of that which was stretched by the least
weight, he found to sound a Diapason. The greatest
weight was of twelve pounds, the least of six ; thence
he determined that the diapason did consist in
double proportion, which the weights themselves
did shew. Next he found that the greatest to the
least but one, which was of eight pounds, sounded
a Diapente ; whence he inferred this to consist in
the proportion called Sesquialtera, in which pro-
portion the weights were to one another ; but unto
that which was less than itself in weight, yet greater
than the rest, being of nine pounds, he found it to
sound a Diatessaron ; and discovered that, propor-
tionably to the weights, this concord was Sesqui-
tertia ; which string of nine pounds is naturally
Sesquialtera to the least ; for nine to six is so, viz.,
Sesquialtera, as the least but one, which is eight,
was to that which had the weight six, in proportion
Sesquitertia ; and twelve to eight is Sesquialtera ;
and that which is in the middle, between Diapente
and Diatessaron, whereby Diapente exceeds Dia-
tessaron, is confirmed to be in Sesquioctava propor-
tion, in which nine is to eight. The system of both
was called Diapason,* that is both of the Diapente
and Diatessaron joined together, as duple proportion
is compounded of Sesquialtera and Sesquitertia ;
such as are twelve, eight, six, or on the contrary,
of Diatessaron and Diapente, as duple proportion is
compounded of Sesquitertia and Sesquialtera, as
twelve, nine, six, being taken in that order.
' Applying both his hand and ear to the weights
which he had hung on, and by them confirming the
proportion of the relations, he ingeniously trans-
ferred the common result of the strings upon the
cross beam to the bridge of an instrument, which he
called XophoToy(T, Chor-dotonos ; and for stretching
them proportionably to the weights, he invented
* i. e. per omnes.
10
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book I.
' pegs, by the turning whereof he distended or
' relaxed them at pleasure. Making use of this
' foundation as an infallible rule, he extended the
' experiment to many kinds of instruments, as well
' pipes and flutes, as those which have strings ; * and
' he found that this conclusion made by numbers was
' consonant without variation in all. That sound
' which proceeded from the number six he named
' Hypate ; that from eight Mese, being Sesquitertia
' to the other ; that from nine Paramese, it being one
' tone more acute, and sesquioctave to the Mese ; that
' from twelve he termed Nete ; and supplying the
' middle spaces with proportionable sounds, according
' to the diatonic genus, he so ordered the octochord
' with convenient numbers. Duple, Sesquialtera, Ses-
' quitertia, and the difference of the two last, Sesqui-
' octava.
* Thus by a kind of natural necessity he found the
' progress from the lowest to the highest, according
' to the diatonic genus ; and from thence he proceeded
'to declai'e the chromatic and enharmonic kinds.' f
Hist, of Philosophy, pag. 387. folio edit. 1701.
* This seems difficult to conceive, for the tuning ofpipep and flutes
is regulated by the size and distance of the apertures for the emission of
the wind or breath ; and to these the proportions of six, eight, nine,
twelve, are in no way whatever applirabie.
t The result of this discovery is, that consonancy is founded on
geometrical principles, the contemplaiion \vhere(jf, and the making them
the test of beauty and harmony, is a pleasure separate and distinct from
that which we receive by the senses. This geometrical relation of the
consonances has been farther illustrated by Archimedes, who has de-
monstrated that the proportions of certain solid bodies are the same with
those of the musical consonances ; to speak first of the diapason.
By a corollary from the thirty-fourth proposition of Archimedes it is
shewn, that the proportion of the octave is as the whole superficies of
a right cylinder described about a sphere, is to the whole superficies of an
equilateral cylinder inscribed, that is to say, as 2 is to 1. For the cir-
cumscribed is to the spheric superficies as 12 is to 8 ; but the spheric is to
the inscribed as 8 is to 6 ; therefore the circumscribed is to the inscribed
as 12 is to 6, or 2 to 1. Vide Theorems selected out of Archimedes by
Andrew Taquet, printed at the end of Whiston's Euclid.
As to the diatessaron, the proportion of it is precisely the same with
that which subsists between the superficies of a sphere and the whole
superficies of a square cylinder inscribed therein, viz., 4 to 3. Ibid.
Prop, xxxiv.
But which is admirable, the sesquialteral proportion of the diapente,
and of the same interval continued, is demonstrated by Tacquet himself,
by a sphere, a right cylinder, and an equilateral cone thus disposed : —
His words are these : ' An equilateral cone circumscribed about a
'sphere, and a right cylinder in like manner circumscribed about the
'same sphere, and the same sphere itself continue the same proportion;
' to wit, the sesquialteral, as well as in respect of the solidity as of the
'whole superficies.
' For by 32 of this book, the right cylinder G K encompassing the
' sphere, is to the sphere, as well in respect of solidity, as of the whole
' superficies, as 3 is to 2, or as G to 4. But by the foregoing, the equilateral
' cone BAD circumscribed about the sphere, is to the spliere, in both the
' said respects, as 9 is to 4. Therefore the same cone is to the cylinder,
• both in respect of solidity and surface, as nine is to six ; wherefore
• these three bodies, a cone, a cylinder, and sphere, are betwixt them •
' selves as the numbers 9, 6, 4 ; and consequently continue the sesqui-
' altera! proportion.' Q. E. D. Prop. xlv. at the conclusion of the
' Theorems of Archimedes by Tacquet.
Farther the same author shows, that the same sesquialteral proportion
holds betwixt an equilateral cone and cylinder circumscribed about the
same sphere, in respect of their whole surfaces, their simple surfaces,
their solidities, altitudes, and bases.
Archimedes was so delighted with the thirty -second of his propositions,
above referred to, that he left it in charge to his friends to erect on his
Other writers attribute the discovery of the con-
sonances to another, named Diodes ; who, say they,
passing by a potter's shop, chanced to strike his
stick against some empty vessels which were standing
there ; that observing the sounds of grave and acute
resulting from the strokes on vessels of different mag-
nitudes, he investigated the proportions of music,
and found them to be as above related ; | notwith-
standing which testimony, the uniform opinion of
mankind has been, that we owe this invention to
Pythagoras ; the result whereof may be conceived
by means of the following diagram : —
DIAPASON.
• "^ s
DIATESSARON TONE DIATESSAKON
12
V
8
9
6
DIAPENTE
DIAPENTE
It is observable that there is nothing in this
account to authorise the supposition that the lyre
of Mercury was tuned in any of those proportions
which this discovery had shewn to be consonant.
Bontempi, who, as we have hinted before, had his
doubts about it, says expressly that none of the Greek
writers assert any such matter ; and Zarlino, though
he adopts the relation of Boetius, does it in such
a way as sufficiently shews it stuck with him : we
may therefore justly suspect that Boetius went too
far in assigning to the strings of the Mercurian lyre
the proportions of six, eight, nine, twelve.
CHAP. III.
If we consider the amount of this discovery, it
will appear to be, that certain sounds, which the
human ear had previously recognised as grateful and
harmonious, were, by the sagacity of Pythagoras,
found to have a wonderful relation to each other in
certain proportions ; that those proportions do really
subsist between the musical concords above-mentioned
is demonsti'ated by Ptolemy, and will be shown here-
after ; but then it has been by experiments of a
different kind from that of strings distended by
hammers or other weights in the proportion of six,
eight, nine, twelve, and such as prove a most
egregious error in those said to be made by Py-
thagoras ; so that though his title to the discovery
of the proportions above-mentioned is not contested ;
yet that it was the result of the experiment above
related to have been made by him, is demonstrably
false.
For suppose, as will be shown hereafter, that the
sounds of four strings, in every other respect alike,
and in length as these numbers, six, eight, nine,
twelve, will make the intervals above-mentioned, viz.,
a fourth, fifth, and octave ; yet let weights in these
proportions be hung to strings of equal length and
thickness, and the intervals between the sounds pro-
tomb a sphere included in a cylinder, and Tacquet seems to have been
little less pleased with his improvement on it, for he has given the figure
referred to in the demonstration of it, in the title page of his Theorems
selected from Archimedes.
t Vincent. Galilei, Dial, della Musica, pag. 127.
Chap. III.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
11
duced by strings thus distended will be far different
from those above-mentioned.
It is said that we owe the detection of this error
to the penetration and industry of Galileo Galilei,
whose merits as well as sufferings are sufficiently
known. He was the sou of a noble Florentine
named Vincentio Galilei, the author of a most learned
and valuable work, intitled Dialogo della Musica antica
e moderna, printed at Florence in 15S1 and 1602 ;
and also of a tract, intitled Discorso intorno all' Opere
del Zarlino ; and of his father, who was an admirable
performer on the lute, learned both the theory and
practice of music ; in the latter whereof he is said to
have been such a proficient, as to be able to perform
to a great degree of excellence on a variety of instru-
ments ; however, notwithstanding this his propensity
to music, his chief pursuits were natural philosophy
and the mathematics. The inquisitiveness of his
temper leading him to the making experiments, in
the course thereof he made many noble discoveries ;
that of the telescope seems to be universally attributed
to him ; his first essay towards an instrument for
viewing the planets was an organ pipe with glasses
fixed therein ; and it was he that first investigated
those laws of pendulums, which I\Ir. Huygens after-
wards improved into a regular and consistent theory.
In a work of the younger Galilei, intitled Discorsi
6 Dimostrazioni Matematiche intorno, a due nuove
Scienze, attenenti alia Mecanica, ed i Movimenti
locali, is contained a detection of that error, which it
is here proposed to refute.
It is true some writers refer this discovery to
Vincentio Galilei ; and first Bontempi says, that in
his discourse on the works of Zarlino, he affirms, that
in order ' to find the consonances by weights hung
' to chords, the weight to produce the diapason
' ought to be in quadruple proportion ; that to pro-
' duce the diapente ought to be in dupla sesquiqi;arta ;
' for the diatessaron in sesquisettima partientenono
* and for the tone in sesquisettima partiente 64.' *
Malcolm also, speaking of the discovery of the
consonances by Pythagoras, makes use of these words :
' But we have found an error in this account, which
' Vincenzo Galileo, in his Dialogues of the ancient
* and modern Music, is, for what I know, the first
' who observes ; and from him Meibomius repeats it
' in his notes upon Nicomachus.'f
Here it may be observed, that this author Malcolm
has himself been guilty of two mistakes : for first, it
is not in his notes on Nicomachus, but in those on
Gaudentius that Meibomius mentions the error now
imder consideration : and farther, in the passage of
Meibomius, which Malcolm meant to refer to, the
discovery is not ascribed to Vincentio Galilei, but to
Galileo Galilei his son. To take the whole together,
Gaudentius, speaking of the experiment of Pytha-
goras, and asserting, that if two equal chords be dis-
ended by weights in the same proportion to each
other as the terms of the ratio, containing any inter-
val, those chords when struck will give that interval.
Meibomius upon this passage remarks in the follow-
ing words : ' Mirandum sane, banc experientiam, tot
• Hist. Music, pag. 54
t Malcolm on Music, pag. 503.
' gravissimorum auctorum adsertione confirmatam,
' nostro primum seculo deprehensam esse falsam.
' Inventionis gloriam debemus nobilissimo mathema-
' tico Galileo Galilei, quem vide pag. 100. Tractatus
' qui inscribitur : Discorsi e Dimostrazioni jMatem-
' atiche intorno a due nuove Scienze.' |
But notwithstanding Bontempi has given from the
elder Galilei a passage which seems to lead to a dis-
covery of the error of Pythagoras, yet he himself
acquiesces in the opinion of Meibomius, that the
honour of a formal refutation of it is due to the
younger, and is contained in the passage above
referred to, which translated is as follows : —
' I stood a long time in doubt concerning the forms
of consonance, not thinking the reasons commonly
brought by the learned authors who have hitherto
w^rote of music sufficiently demonstrative. They
tell us that the diapason, that is the octave, is con-
tained by the double ; and that the diapente, which
we call the fifth, is contained by the sesquialter :
for if a string, stretched upon the monochord, be
sounded open, and afterwards placing a bridge
under the midst of it, its half only be sounded, you
will hear an eighth ; and if the bridge be placed
under one third of the string, and you then strike
the two thirds open, it will sound a fifth, to that of
the whole string struck when open ; whereupon
they infer that the eighth is contained between
two and one, and the fifth between three and two.
But I do not think we can conclude from hence
that the double and sesquialteral can naturally
assign the forms of the diapason and diapente ; and
my reason for it is this : there are three ways by
which we may sharpen the tone of a string, viz., bv
shortening it, by stretching it, or by making it
thinner : if now, retaining the same tension and
thickness, we would hear an eighth, we must make
it shorter by half; i. e., we must first sound the
whole string, and then its half. But if, keeping the
same length and thickness, we w'ould have it rise to
an eighth from its present tone, by stretching it, or
screwing it higher, it is not sufficient to stretch it
with a double, but with four times the force : thus,
if at first it was distended by a weight, suppose of
one pound, we must hang a four pound weight to
it, in order to raise its tone to an eighth. And
lastly, if, keeping the same length and tension, we
would have a string to sound an eighth, this string
must be but one fourth of the thickness of tliat
which it must sound an eighth to.§ And this that
I say of the eighth, I would have understood of all
other musical intervals. To give an instance of the
fifth, if we would produce it by tension, and in order
thereto hang to the grave string a four-pound
weight ; we must hang to the acute, not one of six,
which yet is in sesquialteral proportion to four, viz.,
X Meibom. Not. in Gaudent. pag. 37.
§ Isaac Vossius says that in this passage the author has erred, and
with his usual temerity asserts, that ceeteris paribus, the thicker the cliorcl,
the acuter the sound. De Poemat. Cant, et Viribus Rythnii, pag. 113.
And this, even tliough he confesses tliat both Des Cartes and Mersennus
were of opinion with Galilei in this respect. The only appeal in such
a case as this must be to experiment, and whoever will make one for
the purpose will lind the converse of this proposition to be true, and
that, as Galilei has said, chords comparatively thin render acute, and not
grave sounds.
12
HISTOEY OF THE SCIENCE
Book I.
' three to two, but one of nine pounds. And to pro-
' duce tlie above intervals by strings of the same
' length, but different thickness, the proportion
' between the grave and the acute string must be
' that of nine to four. These things being really so
' in fact, I saw no reason why these sage philosophers
• should rather constitute the form of the eighth
' double than qiiadruplo, and that of the fifth rather
' in sesquialtera than in double sesquiipiarta, &c.' *
Discorsi e Dimostrazioni Matematiche del Galileo
Galilei, pag. 75.
To give yet farther weight to the above objection,
it may be necessary here briefly to explain a ductrine
yet unknown to the ancients, viz., that of pendulums,
between the vibrations whereof, and those of musical
chords, there is an exact coincidence.
Sound is produced by the treraulation of the air,
excited by the insensible vibrations of some elastic,
sonorous body ; and it has been manifested by re-
peated experiments, that of musical sounds the acute
are produced by swift, and the grave by comparatively
slow vibrations. f A chord distended by a weight or
otherwise, is, with respect to the vibrations made
between its two extremities, to be considered as
a double pendulum, ^ and as subject to the same laws.
The proportions between the lengths of pendulums,
and the niuiiber of vibrations made by them, are in
an inverse duplicate ratio ; so that if the length be
quadrupled, the vibrations will be subdupled ; on the
contrary, if the length be subquadupled, the vibra-
tions will be dupled.§
The same proportions hold also with respect to
a chord, but with this difference, that in the case of
pendulums the ratios are inverse, the greater length
giving the fewer vibrations ; whereas in that of
chords they are direct, the greater tension giving
the greater number of vibrations : thus if the tensive
power be as one, if that be quadrupled, the number
of vibrations is dui)led ; and the sound produced by
the greater power will be duple in acumen to that
produced by the lesser. In a word, the same ratios
that subsist between the vibrations of pendulums and
their respective lengths, are to be found inversely
between the vibrations of chords and the powers that
distend them : what those ratios are, so far as they
* The reason of these safre philosophers for doing; thus, notwithstanding
that Galilei could not discover it, seems to be very obvious ; they con-
stituted the form of the eiRhth double because they found it to arise
from the division of a chord into two equal parts; and the fifth they
found to arise from the division of a chord into five parts, three whereof
struck against the remaining two produced that interval ; therefore they
assigned to it the sesquialtera proportion, 3 to 2. And certainly there
needs no better reason for the Pythagorean constitution of the con-
sonances, than that it is founded in the actual division of a chord ; and
had the followers of Pythagoras rested the matter there, their tenets
would have escaped reprehension.
But they say of him that he produced the consonances by chords of
equal length and thickness, distended by weights of six, eight, nine,
and twelve pounds ; Galilei has shewn that this could not be ; and from
the principles laid down by writers since his time, as also by experiments,
it most evidently appears, that to produce the consonances, from chords
thus conditioned, weights must be used of a very different proportion
from those said to have been taken by Pythagoras.
As to the proportions, there can be no boubt but that they are as
above-stated : but the error chargeable on the Pythagoreans is the
making the discovery of them the result of an experiment, which must
havfc jeoduced, instead of consonances, dissonances of the most offensive
kind
t Treatise on the natural Grounds and Principles of Harmony, by
William Holder. Passim.
I Ibid. xi. 43.
§ Ibid. 16.
respect the acuteness or gravity of sound, will shortly
be made appear.
In order to apply the doctrine of tensive powers
to the question in debate, it is necessary to state the
ratios of the several consonances, and those are de-
monstrated to be as follows, viz., that of the diapente
3 to 2, and of the diatessaron 4 to 3, that of the dia-
pason 2 to 1, and that of the tone 9 to 8 ; or in other
words, a chord being divided into five parts, the sound
produced at three of these parts will be a diapente
to that produced at two ; if divided into seven parts,
four of them will sound a diatessaron against the re-
maining three ; and if divided into three parts, two
of them make a diapason against the other one :
farther, if the chord be divided into seventeen parts,
nine of them on one side will sound a sesquioctave
tone to the eight remaining on the other. These are
principles in harmonics which we may safely assume,
and the demonstrations may be seen in Ptolemy's
description of the nature and use of the Harmonic
Canon. ||
It is equally certain, and is deducible from the
doctrine of pendulums, that if two chords, of equal
lengths, A B be so distended as that their vibra-
tions shall be as three to two, that is, that A shall
make three vibrations while B is making two, the
consonance produced by striking them together will
be a diapente.
If the vibrations be as four to three, the consonance
will be a diatessaron.
If the vibrations be as two to one, the consona»ice
will be a diapason ; and lastly —
If the vibrations be as nine to eight, the interval
will be a sesquioctave tone.
We are now to enquire what are the degrees of
tensive power requisite to produce the vibrations
above-mentioned ; and here we must recur to the
principle above laid down, that the squares of the
vibrations of equal chords are to each other as their
respective tensions : if then we suppose a given sound'
to be the effect of a tension by a weight of six pounds,
and would know the weight necessary to produce the
diapente, which has a ratio to its unison of 3 to 2,
we must take the .square of those numbers 9 to 4,
and seek a number that bears the same ratio to six,
as nine does to four, and this can be no whole number,
but is thirteen and a half.
By the same rule we adjust the weight for the
diatessaron, 4 to 3, which numbers squared are six-
teen and nine, and as 16 is to 9, so is 10| to 6.
For the diapason 2 to 1, which numbers squared
are 4 to 1, the weight must be twenty-four ; so as 4
is to 1, so is 24 to 6.
The several weights above adjusted, have a re-
ference to the unison expressed in the scheme of Py-
thagoras, by the number six, supposed to result from
a tension of six pounds. But the sesquioctave tone,
as it is the difference between the diapente and dia-
tessaron, takes its ratio from the sound expressed by
II Mersennus recommends for the purpose of making these experiments,
the use of two chords rather than one, for this reason, that where one
only is taken, only one sound can be heard at a time ; whereas when two
are used, both sounds are heard at the same instant, and thereby the
consonance is perceii ud. Harmonie universelle, Traitfe des Instrumena,
Prop. V.
Chap. III.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
13
the number eight, as the diapente does from that ex-
pressed by nine ; in order then to adjust the weight
for this interval, we miist square those numbers ; and
as 81 is to 64, so is 13J to 10|.
Whoever is disposed to prove tlie truth of these
positions, and doubts the certainty of numerical
calculation, may have recourse to experiment ; in
which, however, this caution is to be observed, that
in the making it the utmost degree of accuracy is
necessary ; for it should seem that one of the authors
above-cited failed in an attempt of this sort, which
is not to be wondered at, if we conaider the nature of
the subject.
The author here meant is Bontempi ; who, after
citing the authority of Vincentio and Galileo Galilei,
adds, that, ' prompted by curiosity, he made an ex-
* periment by hanging weights to strings of equal
* lengths and thickness, the result whereof was, that
' the first and second strings, having weights of 12
' and iJ, produced not the diatessaron, but the trihemi-
' tone ; the first and third 12, 8, not the diapente but
' tlie ditone ; the first and fourth, 12, 6, not the dia-
' pason but the tritone ; the second and the third, 9, 8,
' not the tone, but the defective or incomplete hemi-
' tone ; the second and fourth, 9, 6, not the diapente,
* but the semiditone ; and the third and fourth, 8, G,
' not the diatessaron, l:)ut the distended or excessive
' tone, as the following figure demonstrates : — *
TRITONE.
12
TRIHEMITONE. HEMITONE incomplete. TONE excessive.
9
8
DITONE.
iSEMIDITONE.
But that the proportions of a diatessaron tone and
diatessaron would result from an experiment made
by strings of several lengths of twelve, nine, eight,
six ; or rather by a division of the monochord, ac-
cording to that rule, is demonstrable. This invention
of Pythagoras, as it regarded only the proportions or
ratios of sounds, was applicable to no one system in
• Egli ^ cosa da restar confuso, e formare un cumulo di maraviglie,
che questo sperimento, confennato da gravisslmi autori, e teimto tanti
secoli per veto sia stato finalinente scoperto esser falso da Galileo Galilei,
sicome riferisce ne' suoi Discorsi e Dimoytrazioni Mathematiche, e Vin-
cenzo Galilei nel discorso intorno all' opere del Zarlino afferma, che per
ritrovare co' pesi attaccati alle corde le consonanze de Martelli; per la
diapason debbono costituirsi i pesi in quadrupla proportione : per la
diapente, in dupla sesquiqiiarta ; per la diatessaron, in sesqui 7 par-
tiente 9; e pe'l tuono, in sesqui 7 partjente 64. E noi, spinti dalla
curiosity messo in opera questo sperimento co' pesi de Martelli, habbiamo
ritrnvato cheil prime ed il secondo 12, 9, partoriscono non la diatessaron :
nia il triemituono; il primo ed il terzo, 12, 8, non la diapente; ma il
ditono; il primo e'l quarto 12, 6, non la diapason; ma il tritono ; 11
Becondo e'l terzo 9, 8, non il tuono : mal'hemitunno rimesso o mancante ;
il secondo e'l (Quarto 9, 6, non la diapente : ma il semiditono ; ed il terzo
e'l quarto 8, 6, non la diatessaron : ma il tuono disteso overo eccedente,
sicome la ottoposta figura dimostra. Bontempi, pa. 54.
Ptolemy observes, that it is extremely difficult to find chords perfectly
fiqual in respect of crassitude, density, and other qualities that determine
their several sounds ; and farther he says, that the same chord distended
by the same weight,, will at different times yield different sounds.
Ptolem. Harmonicor. lib. I. cap. 8. Ex vers. Wallis. Mersenn. Harm,
universelle. Traite des Instrumens, Prop. iv. So that the success of ex-
periments for investigating the consonances, by the means of weights
h\ing to chprds, must be very precarious, and is little to be depended on.
particular ; however it produced a discovery, which
enabled him at once to supply a defect in even the
improved system of Terpander, and lay a foundation
for that more enlarged one, which is distinguished by
his name, and has never since his time been capable
of any substantial improvement. We are here to
remember that the diapason or octave had been found
to consist in duple proportion, or in the ratio of 12
to 6 ; and that the interval between the diatessaron
twelve, nine, and that other eight, six, viz., nine,
eight, was a complete tone, or sesquioctave ratio.
Pythagoras, in consequence of this discovery re-
curring to the ancient septenary, found that its ex-
tremes were discordant, and that there wanted but
little to produce that supremely sweet concord the
diapason, which the means above had enabled him to
investigate. Observing farther that in the septenary
the interval between Mese and Paramese was but
a hemitone, he immediately interposed between them
a whole tone, and thereby completed the diapason.
It must be confessed that some authors have in
general terms ascribed the addition of an eighth
string to the heptachord lyre to others ; Boetius
gives it to Licaon, and Pliny to Simonides ; but
Nicomachus, from whom the following relation is
taken, does most expressly attribute it to Pythagoras.
History has also transmitted to us the bare names
of sundry persons, by whom at different times the
strings of the lyre are said to have been encreased
to eighteen in number ; as Theophrastus, who added
a ninth ; Hestius, who added a tenth, and so on ;f
but as to the ratio subsisting between them, or any
system to which they could be said to be adapted,
there is a total silence. Indeed we h^ve the greatest
reason to think that these additions were not made
in any ratio whatever, but served only to increase
the variety of sounds |. That innovations were made
in the heptachord is certain ; and when we are in-
formed that Timotheus, for his presumption in adding
to the strings of the ancient lyre, had a fine imposed
on him by the magistracy, we may fairly conclude
that those innovations tended rather to the corruption
than the improvement of music.
But the case is different with respect to him of
whom we are now speaking ; the system of Pytha-
goras had its foundation in nature : the improvement
of an instrument was not his care ; he was a phi-
losopher and a musician in the genuine sense of the
word, and proposed nothing less than the establish-
ment of a theory to which the practice of succeeding
ages should be accommodated. His motives for
attempting it, and in what manner he effected this
great purpose, shall now be given in the wo^'ds of
his learned biographer : —
' Pythagoras, lest the middle sound by conjunction
* being compared to the two extremes, should render
' the diatessaron concent both to the Nete and
' the Hypate ; and that we might have a greater
' variety, the two extremes making the fullest con-
' cord each to other, that is to say, a diapason, which
f Boetius de Musica, lib. ii., cap. 20. Vincen. Galilei, Dial, della
Musica, pag. 1(6.
X Nicom. lib. ii. Boet. lib. i., cap. 20. Bont. pag. 71.
u
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book I.
consists in duple proportion, inserted an eighth
sound between the Mese and the Paramese, pLacing
it from the Mese a whole tone, and from the Para-
mese a semitone ; so that what was formerly the
Paramese in the heptachord, is still the third from
the Nete, both in name and place ; but that now
inserted is the fourth from the Nete, and hath a
concent to it of diatessaron, which before the Mese
had to the Hj'pate : but the tone between them,
that is the IMese, and the tone inserted, called the
Paramese, instead of the former, to whichsoever
tetrachord it be added, whether to that which is
at the Hypate, being the lower, or to that of the
Nete, being the higher, will render the concord of
diapente ; which is either way a system, consisting
both of the tetrachord itself, and of the additional
tone : and as the diapente proportion, viz., sesqui^
altera, is found to be a system of sesquitertia and
sesquioctava, the tone therefore is sesquioctava.
Thus the interval of four chords, and of five, and
of both conjoined together, called diapason, with
the tone inserted between the two tetrachords,
completed the octochord."*'
SYSTEM OF PYTHAGORAS.
6 c Nete
Tone
d Paranete
Tone
c Trite
Arithmetical Hemitone ^^^^
Mean 9 b Paramese
Tone
GREAT SYSTEM OF PYTHAGORAS.
Harmonical
Meanf
8 a Mese
Tone
G Lychanos
Tone
F Parhypate
Hemitone
12 E Hypate
It remains now to enquire what this variation of
and addition to the septenary led to. Pythagoras
immediately after he had adjusted his system of the
octochord in the manner above related, transferred to
it the additions which had been made to that of Ter-
pander ; and first he connected with it the tetrachord
hypaton, which carried the system down to B, and
placing at the other extremity the hyperboleon
tetrachord, he continued it up to a a, as is here
shewn.
* Stanl. Hist, of Philosophy, pag. 386, from Nicom. lib. i.
+ The difference between the arithmetical and harmonical division of
the diapason is explained in a subsequent chapter. But as this division
is frequently occurring, it may not be improper here to remark in general
that the numbers 12, 9, 6, express the arithmetical, and 12, 8, 6, the
Jiarmonical division.
<
O
o
<
tB
H
■£ /'Nete hyperboleon
I Tone
^ I Paranete hyperboleon
« I Trite hj'perboleon
Hemitone
Nete diezcugmenon
/"« I Tone
■H I Paranete diezcugmenon
1 < Tone
2 I Trite diezcugmenon
Hemitone
aa
e
d
s; I
B
Paramese
Mese
"S I Lychanos meson
2 I Parhypate meson
■£ I
p.
a
Hypate meson
Lychanos hypaton
Parhypate Itypaton
^Hj-pate hypaton
Tone
Tone
Tone
Hemitone
Tone
Tone
Hemitone
G
F
E
D
C
b
In consequence of the separation of the system of
the octochord above noted, we see that in the above
diagram the tetrachord B is separated from the
tetrachord A by a whole tone : this disunion of the
one diatessaron from the other, gave rise to the
epithet of Diezcugmenon or disjunct, whereby the
former of the two tetrachords is distinguished : we
are therefore now to look for the invention of that
other tetrachord, which hitherto has been represented
as part of a system, to which it could never with any
propriety be applied.
No one in the least acquainted with the principles
of harmony need be told, th^t that relation which
modern musicians denominate a Tritonus, can have
no place in any regular series of progression, either
ascending or descending ; for of the eftects of sounds
produced at the same instant we are not now speak-
ing : that such a relation immediately arose from the
separation of the Diezcugmenon and Meson tetra-
chords, will appear by observing that in the progression
upwards through the Meson tetrachord, beginning
at Parhypate Meson, and proceeding to Paramese,
that interval which should be a diatessaron, and con-
sist of two tones and a hemitone, will contain three
tones, and have for its ultimate sound what in this
place is to be considered as an excessive fourth.^
The consequence of this was, that the lower sound
coiild never be used as a funda^riental ; and so far the
system must be said to have been imperfect. To
remedy this defect in part, collateral or auxiliary
tetrachord was with great ingenuity constituted, in
which the sounds followed in the order of hemitone,
tone, and tone, a succession which a true and perfect
diatessaron requires.
t Some writers have given the name of Tritonus to the defective fifth,
J] f, for this reason, that it is an interval compounded of hemitone, tone,
tone, and hemitone, the sum whereof is three tones. But in this they
are mistaken, for the ratios of the tritonus or excessive fourth, and the
semidiapente or defective fifth are different, the one being 45 to 32, the
other 64 to 4.5. Vide Mersennus Harmonic, De Dissonantiis, pag. 75.
Holder on the natural Grounds and Principles of Harmony, pag. 128.
Chap. III.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
15
The intervals that compose this system will appear
upon comparison to be precisely the same with those
of the tetrachord B, in the conjunct system ; whereas
between the tetrachord B. in the disjunct system, and
that at present xmder consideration, this difference is
apparent ; in the former the distance between a and b
is a whole tone, in the latter it is a hemitone : if
therefore this question should be asked, Wherein did
the merit of the improvements made by Pythagoras
to the ancient system consist ? the answer would be,
first, in the invention of the disjunct system, and the
consequent completion of the octochord ; next in the
introduction of the octochord into the system of
Terpander ; and lastly, in such a disposition of the
disjunct tetrachord as was yet consistent with the
re-admission of that part of the system which it
seems to exclude whenever the perfection of the harr
mony should require it. After what has been said
it will be needless to add that this collateral tetra-
chord Avas distinguished by the epithet of Synemr
menon or conjunct. With these improvements the
Pythagorean system assumed the following form ; —
ADDITION to the GREAT SYSTEM of
PYTHAGORAS.
aa
g
f
H r.
ji /-Nete hyperboleon
I Tone
^ I Paranete hyperboleon
^ < _ Tone
g j Trite hj'perholeon
« I Hemitone
Nete diezeugmenon
Tone
Paranete diezeugmen.
Tone
Trite diezeugmenon
Hemitone
Paramese
Tone
y'Mese
Tone
Lychanos meson
Tone
g J Parhyp.'jite meson
u ! Hemitone
^ Hypate meson E
Tone
Lychanos Jivpaton
j < Tone
\i I Parhypate hypaton C
■£ I Hemitone
^ Hypate hjT^^o'^ h
There ^yer^ two reasons that seemed to suggest
a still farther improvement ; the one was that by the
separation of the Diezeugmenon and Meson tetra-
chords there followed an unequal division of the
system ; for, ascending from Mese to Nete Hyper-
boleon, the distance was a complete Octave ; whereas
descending to Hypate Hypaton it was only a Seventh :
from hence arose another inconvenience, a false rela-
tion between Hypate Hypaton and Parhypate Meson,
which though to appearance a fifth, was in truth an
interval of only two tones and two hemitones, con-
stituting together the very discordant relation of
a defective fifth. To supply this defect nothing
more was required than the addition of a tone at
the lower extremity of the system. Pythagoras ac-
cordingly placed another chord at the distance of
a tone below Hypate Hypaton, which he named
Proslambanomenos, a word signifying additional or
superntmierary, it not being includable in the division
of the system by tetrachords ; and thus was completed
that system of a Bisdiapason or double octave, which
the Italians distinguished by the several appellations
of Systema immutabile, Systema diatonico, Systema
Pitagorico, and Systema massimo.
IMMUTABLE SYSTEM OF PYTHAGORAS.
• /'Nete hyperboleon aa
S I Tone
Paranete hyperboleon g
Tone
Trite hyperboleon f
Hemitone
Nete diezeugmenon e
Tone
g I Paranete diezeug.
'•3 ■{ Tone
■S I Trite diezeugmenon
S I Hemitone
H ^Paramese
Tone
<i ^Mese
5 I Tone
||]
Nete synemmenon d^
Tone
Paranete synemmenon c
Tone
Trite synemmenon b
Hemitone
Mese &'
A<
G
F
D
P3
I
en
Nete synemmenon (
Tone
Para,nete synem.
Tone
Trite sjTiemmenon
Hemitone
Mese
I
Lychanos meson G
Tone
F
D
P£^rhypate meson
Hemitone
^ ^Hypate meson E
i j Tone
P; I Lychanos hypaton
%J Tone
I I Parhypate hypaton C
^ j Hemitone
^ ^Hypate hypaton j-|
Tone
Proslambanomenos A
Here it is to be observed, that although in this
and the preceding scale the Synemmenon tetrachord
is given at large, yet the generality of writers either
insert it entire in its place, immediately above the
Meson tetrachord. placing the Diezeugmenon tetra-
chord above it, as Kircher in his Musurgia, tom. I,
lib. III. cap. xiii. or else following perhaps the ex-^'
ample of Guido, whose reformation of the scale might
suggest this latter method as the most concise, they
have borrowed from the synemmenon tetrachord
one only of its terms. Trite, and inserted it im-^
mediately after Mese, with Paramese next above it ;
thereby leaving it to the imagination to select which
16
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book I.
of the two sounds the nature of the progression might
require ; however, the better to explain its con-
struction and use, it was here thouglit proper to
exhibit the synemmenon tetrachord in that detached
situation which seems most agreeable to its original
formation.'^
CHAP. IV.
But here it may very naturally be asked what
were the marks or characters whereby the ancients
expressed the different positions or powers of their
jnusical sounds ? An answer to this question may
be produced from an author of undoubted credit,
Boetius, and also Alypius, an ancient Greek, of whose
writings we shall have occasion to speak more par-
ticularly, and these inform us that the only characters
in use among the Greeks to denote the sounds in
music, were the letters of their alphabet, a kind of
Brachygraphy totally devoid of analogy or re-
semblance between the sign and the thing signified.
Boetius de Musica, lib. IV., cap. iii., gives an account
of the ancient method of notation in the following
words : — ' The ancient mi;sicians, to avoid the
' necessity of always writing them at length, invented
' certain characters to express the names of the chords
* in their several genera and modes ; this short method
' was the more eagerly embraced, that in case a mu-
■ sician should be inclined to adapt music to any poem,
' he might, by means of these characters, in the same
' manner as the words of the poem were expressed
' by letters, express the music, and transmit it to
' posterity. Out of all these modes we shall only
' specify the Lydian.' This description of the sounds
consisted in the different application of the Greek
letters to each of them ; Boetius proceeds thus : — ' To
express Proslambanomenos, which may be called
* Acquisitus, was used Z imperfect, and tau lying t^.
^ Hypate hypaton, f reversed and F right rjj.
* Parhypate hypaton, B imperfect T supine, j Hy-
' paton enarmonios, V supine and V reversed, having
* a stroke Hypaton chromatice, y, having a line
* and r reversed, having two lines \ Hypaton dia-
* tonos, (^ Greek, and digamma » Hypate meson C
C • P
'and C, p. Parhypate meson P and C supine JT'
* Meson enarmonios, 11 Greek and C reversed. ' Me-
0
* son chromatice, 11 having a stroke, and C reversed,
* having a stroke through the middle tj t-^* Meson
M
'diatonos, M Greek and 11 drawn open _. Mese,
I . T^
* I and A lying, ^ . Trite synemrppnon, 6 and A
' supine ^ • Synemmenon enarmonios, H Greek and
* A lying, with a stroke througl^ the middle ^ •
♦ MersKiin. Harmon, lib. vi. De Genevilius et Modis, pag. 100.
' Synemmenon chromatice, H Greek and A reversed
' with a stroke 4t * Synemmenon diatonos, F and
N -"^ . w
' N p . Nete synemmenon, Q, supine and Z, y. Para-
' mese, Z and F Greek lying Hr. Trite diezeugmenon,
' E square and F supine y ' Diezeugmenon enarmo-
' nios, A and F Greek lying reversed y_ . Diezeug-
' menon chromatice, A with a stroke, and 11 Greek lying
' reversed with an angular line ^n' Diezeugmenon
' diatonos, Q. square and Z, y. Nete diezeugmenon. ^
'lying and N inverted draw open .^j. Trite hyperbo-
' leon, F looking downwards to the right, and half A
'to the left . Hyperboleon enarmonios, T supine
<and half A to the right supine, -^^^ Hyperboleon
' chromatice, T supine, having a line and half A to the
" — >
' right supine, having a line drawn backward ;^~fil
'Hyperboleon, diatonos M Greek having an acute,
M'
' and F having an acute _ . Nete hyperboleon, I hav-
' ing an acute, find A lying having an acute also ^ .f
Here it is to be remarked, that although the above
passage of Boetius is given, not from any of the
printed copies of his works, but from a very ancient
manuscript, which Mr. Selden collated, and is pre-
fixed to Meibomins's version of Alypius : there
occur in it some instances of disagreement betwceo
the verbal description of the character and the cha-
racter itself; some of these Meibomius in his notes
has remarked, and others have escaped him ; never-
theless it was not thought advisable to vary the
representation which Boetius has given, and there-
fore the following scheme of the ancient musical
characters is inserted, as he has delivered it in
lib. IV. cap. iii. of his book De Musica.
+ Boetius as he goes along gives the Latin signification of the Greek
names, which it was thought proper to omit in order to make room for
an extract from Kircher to the same purpose, wherein the Latin are
opposed to the Greek names in the order in which they arise in the several
tetrachords : —
aa Nete hypejboleon, sive ultima acutarum.
g Parancte hyperboleon, sive secunda acutarum.
f Trite hyperboleon, sive tertia acutarum.
e Nete, sSve ultima disjunctarum.
d Paranete diezeugmenon, sive secunda cji-'^junc-
tarum.
c Trite diezeugmenon, sive tertia di.sjunctarum.
b Paramese, sive vicina mediis.
d Nete synemmenon, sive ultima conjunctarum.
0 Parancte synfmmeno.n, sive secunda conjunctarum.
b Trite synemmenon, sive tertia conjunctarum.
a Mese, id est media.
G Lychanos meson, sive index mediarum.
F Parhypate meson, sive secunda mediarum.
E Hypate meson, sive gravis mediarum.
D Lychanos hypaton, sive index gravium.
C Parhypate hypaton, sive secunda gravium
B Hypate hypaton, sive gravis gravium.
A Proslambanomenos, sive vox assumpta.
Tetrachordon
Neton
Tetrachordon
Diezeugm.
Tetrachordon
Synemmen.
Tetrachordon
Meson
Tetrachordon
Hypaton
Chap. IV
AND PRACTICE OF xAIUSIC.
17
/ j^ Proslambanomcnos
~Xy Hypate Hypaton
jjj Parhypate Hypaton
"V/ Lychanos hyp. enarm.
^ Lychanos hyp. chrora.
(kQ Lychanos hyp. diat.
C Hypate mesoii
P Parhypate meson
T|-v Lychanos meson enarm.
\A Lychanos meson chrom.
Lychanos meson diaton.
Paranete diezcuc?. enarm.
A_.
^^™j Paranete diezenp^. chroni.
-^-r Trite synemmenou
Paranete synem. enarm.
^ Par
-G-
anete diezeus:. diat.
Nete diezeusTmenon
f\\^ Paranete synem. chrom.
JN Paranete synem. diaton.
Lt- Nete svnem. extenta
>^^ Nete synem. ultima
Paramese
-T-7- Trite hyperboleon
V
Paranete hyperb. diaton.
^J^ Paranete hyperb. chrom.
V
jVL Paranete hyperb. diaton.
\L—^ Nete hyperboleon
^
If
E Trite diezeu
gmenon
There is this remarkable difference between the
method of notation practised by the ancients, and
that now in use, that the characters used by the
former were arbitrary, totally destitute of analogy,
and no way expressive of those essential properties
of sound, gravity and acuteness ; which is the more
to be wondered at, seeing that in the writings of the
ancients the terms Acumen and Gravitas are per-
petually occuring, whereas the modern scale is so
adjusted, that those sounds, which in their own
nature are comparatively grave or acute, have such
a situation in it, as does most precisely distinguish
them according to their several degrees of each ;
so that the graver sounds have the lowest, and the
acuter the highest place in our scale. But here it
may be asked, does this distinction of high and low
properly belong to sound, or do we not borrow those
epithets from the scale in which we see them so
posited ? It should seem that we do not ; for if we
attend to the formation of sounds by the animal
organs, we shall find that the more grave are pro-
duced from the lower part of the larynx, as the
more acute are from the higher ; so that the diffe-
rence between the one and the other seems to be
more than ideal, and to have its foundation in
nature : the modern musicians seem however to pay
a greater regard to this diversity than is either
requisite or proper ; for where is the necessity that
in a vocal composition such a sentiment as this,
' They that go down to the sea in ships,' &c. should
be expressed by such sounds, as for the degree of
gravity few voices can reach ? much less can we see
the reasonableness of that precept which directs that
the words Hell, Heaven, are invariably to be ex-
pressed, the one by a very grave, and the other by
a very acute sound. Those who affect to be severely
critical on the compositions of this later age, allow
no greater merit to this sort of analogy than is due
to a pun, and their censure seems to be no more than
the error will warrant.
The description above given of the ancient mu-
sical characters, is derived, through Boetius, from
Alypius, the most copious and intelligible of all the
Greek writers on this branch of music : his autho-
rity, so far as it goes, has been implicitly acquiesced
in ; and indeed from his testimony there can lye no
appeal. The reader will naturally expect to be in-
formed of the method by which the ancients denoted
the different degrees in the length or duration of
their musical sounds ; but it seems they were stran-
gers to music merely instrumental : the lyre, and
other instruments in use among them, was applied
in aid of the voice ; and the ode, or hymn, or pean,
or whatever else the musician sang, determined by
its measure, and the feet of the verse the length of
the sound adapted to it, and took away the necessity
for such marks or characters of distinction in this
respect as are used by the moderns. Nor need we
any farther prof)f of this assertion, than the absolute
silence of the Greek writers as to any method of
denoting what we now understand by the Time or
measure of sounds. It is true that those among the
learned who have undertaken a translation of some
few remaining fragments of ancient music into
modern notes, have, in particular instances, ventured
to render the characters in the original by notes ot
different lengths ; but it is to be presumed they were
determined so to do rather by the cadence of the
verse, than by any rythmical designation observable
in any of those characters. Mr. Chilmead, the pub-
lisher of the Oxford edition of Aratus, and of Eratos-
thenes de Astris, in octavo, 1672, has given at the
end of it three hymns or odes of a Greek poet named
Dionysius, with the ancient musical characters, which
he has rendered by semibreves only ; but Kircher, in
his Musurgia, tom. I. pag. 541. from a manuscript in
the library of the monastery of St. Salvator, near
the gate of Messina, in Sicily, has inserted an ancient
fragment of Pindar, with the musical notes, which
he has explained by the different signs of a breve,
c
■.8
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book I.
Bemlbreve, crotchet, and quaver, as understood by us
moderns. Meibomius also has given from an ancient
manuscript a Te Deum, with the Greek characters,
and in modern notes, the former of whicli appear to
be more simple and less combined than those de-
scribed by Boetius ; which is the less to be wondered
at considering that St. Ambrose, who is said to have
been the author of that hymn,* was consecrated bishop
of Milan, a. c. ST-i, and Boetius flourished not till
about the year 500 ; so that there is a period of more
than one hundred years, during which every kind of
literature suffered from the rage of conquest that pre-
vailed throughout all Europe, to induce a suspicion
that the Greek characters were not transmitted down
to the time of Boetius uncorrupted. In the trans-
lation of these musical characters of the above-men-
tioned Te Deum, Meibomius has made use of the
breve, the semibreve, and minim : lapon what autho-
rity those several modes of translation is founded we
do not pretend to determine ; it seems that nothing
is wanting to enable us to judge with certainty in
this matter but a perfect knowledge of the powers of
the ancient characters, with respect to the sounds
which they were intended to signify ; and concerning
these Kircher seems to have entertained no kind of
doubt : he had access to two manuscripts of great
antiquity, and his judgment of their authority, and
the use that may be made of them, he has given
in the following words : — ' The ancient musical
' characters were no way similar to those of the
' moderns ; for they were certain letters, not indeed
' the pure Greek ones, but those sometimes right,
' sometimes inverted, and at others mutilated and
' comi^ounded in various manners, each of which
' characters answered to one of the chords in the
' musical system. I laid my hands on two manu-
' scripts, which by God's mercy, were preserved
* from the injuries of time, the one in the Vatican
' library, the other in ours of the Roman college :
' the author is Alypius ; he, in order to give the
' harmonical characters of the ancients in great per-
' fection, has exhibited with wonderful care every
' tone in the Octodecachord, according to the different
' genera. He keeps a twofold order in these several
' characters ; the first as they were used in the Can-
' tus ; the second as adapted to instruments, differing
* from the former almost after the same manner as at
' this day the notes of vocal music do from those
' characters called by us the Tablature, which are
' used only in instrumental music. Several writers,
* not understanding this order of Alypius, have con-
* sidered this twofold series as a single one : among
' these are Liardus, and Solomon de Caux, who has
' followed him, both of whom have given to the
' world most false and corrupted specimens of ancient
* music. Alypius wrote an entire volume on the
' musical characters or notes, which, together with
' other manuscripts of the old Greek musicians,
* The Te Deum is commonlj- styled the Song of St. Ambrose, and it
is sairt that it was composed jointly by him and St. Augustine, upon
occasion of the baptism of the latter by St. Ambrose. Alliance of
Divine Offices, by Hamon L'Estrange, folio, 1690, pag. 79. But arch-
bishop Usher ascribes it to Nicetius, and supposes it not to have been
composed till about the year 500, which was long after the time of
Ambrosi- and Augustine. Ibid.
' remain preserved in the library of the Roman
' college ; a translation of this volume into the Latin
' language, I will, with the permission of God, at
' a convenient opportunity give to the learned world;
' in the interim I trust I shall do a favour to posterity
' by exhibiting a specimen of the characters in the
' order in which they lie in the manuscript, correcting
' from the interpretations thereto annexed such errors
' as I found required it.' f
The specimen, the whole of which seems by his
account to be taken from Alypius, contains the cha-
racters through all the fifteen tones in the diatonic
and chromatic genera in two separate tables. (See
Apjiendix, Nos. 35 and 36.)
Kircher gives the following explanation of these
characters : —
The top of the plate contains the names of the
fifteen tones or modes: the side exhibits eighteen
chords, answering to every tone, and expressed by
their Greek names, to each of which, the Guidonian
keys now used by the Latins answer, in the first
column. To know therefore, for instance, by what
characters the ancients expressed the Mese in the
Phrygian tone, we must look in the side for the
chord Mese, and on the top for Tonus Phrygius, and
where they meet we shall find the character sought
for, and so for the rest.
Having exhibited this key to the ancient charac-
ters, Kircher gives the fragment of Pindar above-
mentioned in the Greek notes, and also in those of
the modern scale, as is represented. (See Appendix,
No. 37.)
And the tables (35 and 36) given from him seem
to have been his authority for rendering the ancient
characters in modern notes, as shewn in 37. By
way of illustration he adds, that the Chorus vocalis
contains the characters written over each word ;
and that the Chorus instrumentalis, which is nothing
else but the antistrophe to the former, was played
according to the strophe, on the cythara or the pipe.
As the characters agree with those of Alypius, he
says he has no doubt about their meaning ; and as to
the time, he is clear that it was given by the measures
of the syllables, and not by the characters.
The several variations of the system of music have
been traced with as much accuracy as the nature of
the subject will allow of: the improvements made by
Terpander and others, more especially Pythagoras,
have been distinctly enumerated, we are therefore
now to proceed in our narration.
Pythagoras having, as has been related, investigated
the proportion of sounds, and extended the narrow
limits of the ancient system, and also demonstrated,
not merely the affinity of sounds, but that a harmony,
analogous to that of music, was to be found in other
subjects wherein number and proportion were con-
cerned.; and that the coincidences of sounds were
+ It seems by this that Alypius had not been published in Kircher's
time ; and though he here promises to give the world a translation of it,
there is no other extant than that very correct one of Meibomius.
Kircher expresses a confidence that by publishing these characters he
should confer an obligation on the learned world, but the mrnner in
which he has done it, furnished a ground of censure to jVteibomius.
which he delivers in very bitter terms in the preface to his e^-ition of
the Greek writers.
Chap. IV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
19
a physical demonstration of those proportions which
arithmetic and the higher geometry had till then
enabled mankind only to specnlate, it followed that
music from thenceforth became a subject of philo-
sophical contemplation. Aristotle, by several pas-
sages in his writings now extant, appears to have
considered it in this view : it is even said that he
wrote a treatise professedly on the subject of music,
but that it is now lost.
Fabricius has given a catalogue of sundry writers,
as namely. Jades, Lasus Hermionensis, Mintanor,
Diodes, Hagiopolites, Agatho, and many others,
whose works are lost ; and in the writings of Aris-
toxenus, Nicomachus, Ptolemy, Porphyry, Manuel
Bryennius, and other ancient authors, we meet with
the names of Philolaus, Eratosthenes, Archytas of
Tarentum, and Didymus of Alexandria, who seem
mostly to have been philosophers ; but as they are
also enumerated among the scriptores perditi, nothing
can be said about them. In those early times the
principles of learning were very slowly disseminated
among mankind, and it does not appear, that from
the time of Pythagoras, to that of Aristoxenns, which
included a period of near three hundred years, the
music of the ancients underwent any very considerable
alteration, unless we except that new arrangement
and subdivision of the parts of the great system,
which constituted the Genera, and those dissimilar
progressions from every sound to its diapason, which
are distinguished by the name of Modes. Of these
it is necessary now to speak ; and first of the Genera.
Till the time of Pythagoras, the progression of
sounds was in that order, which as well the modern
as the ancient writers term the diatonic, as proceding
by tones, a progression from the unison to its fourth
by two tones and a hemitone, which we should now
express by the syllables do, re, mi, fa, confessedly
very natural and extremely grateful to the ear ;
though it seems not so much so as to hinder succeed-
ing musicians from seeking after other kinds of pro-
gression ; and accordingly by a different division of
the integral parts of each of the tetrachords, they
formed another series of progression, to which, from
the flexibility of its nature, they gave the epithet of
Chromatic, from Chroma, a word signifying colour ;
and to this they added another, which was termed
enharmonic ; besides this they invented a subvariation
of each progression, and to distinguish the one from
the other, they made use of the common logical term
genus, by which we are to understand, as Kircher
tells us, tom. I. lib. III. cap. xiii. a certain con-
Btitution of those sounds that compose a diatessaron,
or musical fourth ; or, in other words, a certain
relation which the four chords of any given tetra-
chord bear to each other. The Genera are elsewhere
defined, certain kinds of modulation arising from the
different disposition of the sounds in a tetrachord :
every Cantus or composition, says Aristoxenus,* is
either Diatonic, Chromatic, or Enharmonic ; or it
may be mixed, and include a community of the
genera. Aristoxenns, for aught now discoverable,
• Lib, II. pag. 44. ex Vers. Meihom.
is the first that has written professedly, though
obscurely, on this part of music. Ptolemy, as he
is in general the most accurate and methodical of
all the ancient writers, so is he more copious in his
explanation of the Genera. Nicomachus has men-
tioned them, but in a very superficial manner ; and
as to the latter authors, we are not to wonder if they
have contented themselves with the bare enumeration
of them ; since before the times in which the greater
number of them wrote, the Diatonic was the only one of
the three genera in common use. Nor does it any where
appear, that even of the five Species, into which that
Genus was divided, any more than one, namely, the
syntonous or intense of Ptolemy, was in general
estimation. It must be confessed that no part of the
musical science has so much divided the writers on
it as this of the genera ; Ptolemy has exhibited no
fewer than five different systems of generical har-
mony, and, after all, the doctrine on this subject is
almost inscrutable : however, the substance of what
these and other authors have related concerning the
nature of it, is here, as in its proper place, referred
to the consideration of such as are desirous to know
the essential difference between the music of this and
the more early ages.
But before this doctrine of the Genera can be
rendered to any degree intelligible, it is necessary to
observe, that hitherto we have spoken only of the
more common and obvious musical intervals, the
tone and hemitone ; for the system of Pythagoras is
formed of these only ; and a more minute division of
it was not till after his time thought on, nevertheless
it is to be noted, that in order to the completion
of his system, it was found requisite to institute
a method of calculation that should as it were resolve
the intervals into their elements, and adjust the ratios
of such sounds as were not determinable by the
division of a chord in the manner herein before -
mentioned. That division was sufficient, and it
answered to the greatest degree of mathematic exact-
ness for ascertaining the ratios of the diatessaron, the
diapente, and the tone : and, agreeable to what has
been already laid down concerning the investigation
of the consonances by Pythagoras, it will most
evidently appear upon experiment, that if a chord be
divided into twelve equal parts, six of those parts
will give an octave to that sound which would have
been produced by the same chord, if struck before such
division ; from whence it appears, that the ratio sub-
sisting between the unison and its octave is duple :
again, that eight parts of the twelve will give a
diatessaron, which bears to the unison six a ratio of
4 to 3 ; and that nine parts, according to the same
division ; will produce the diapente, which bears to
the unison six a ratio of 3 to 2 ; and lastly, that the
sound produced at the ninth part will be distant
from that at the eighth, and so reciprocally ; a tone,
in the ratio of 9 to 8, called a Sesquioctave, and
often the Diezeuctic tone, which furnished the ear
at least with a common measure for the greater
intervals.
But we are to note, that the, system of Pythagoras
was not completed, till, by the very artful contrivance
20
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book I.
of two tetrachoi'ds, to be used alternately, as the
nature of the melody might require, a division of the
tone between a and b was effected. By this an
interval of a Hemitone was introduced into the sys-
tem, with which no one section of the chord, supposing
it to be divided into twelve parts, would by any
means coincide : with great ingenuity therefore did
Euclid invent that famous division the Sectio Canonis,
by means whereof not only the positions of the several
sounds on a supposed chord are precisely ascertained,
but a method is suggested for bringing out those
larger numbers, which alone can shew the ratios of
the smaller intervals, and which therefore make a
part of every representation that succeeding writers
have given of the immutable system.
The Sectio Canonis of Euclid is a kind of appendix
to his Isagoge, or Introductio Harmonica, containing
twenty theorems in harmonics. Nevertheless the
title of Sectio Canonis was by him given to the fol-
lowing scheme of a supposed chord, divided for the
purpose of demonstrating the ratios of the several
intervals thereby discriminated, which scheme is
inserted at the end of his work.
SECTIO CANONIS OF EUCLID.
.-B
Nete hyperboleon.
Nete diezeugmenon.
Nete syneniinenon.
M-
N-
-E
H
-Z
Paranete hyperboleon
Trite hyperboleon.
Paramese.
X-
-K
Trite diezeugmenon.
Mese.
"
-D
* Trite synemmenon.
K-
-
Meson diatonos.
0-
-
Parhypate meson.
Hypate meson.
-
-e
G-
_
Hypaton diatonos.
Hypate gravis.
Proslambanomenos.
Parhypate hypaton.
L
The foregoing canon or scheme of a division is
introduced by a series of theorems, preparatory to an
explanation of it, which explanation is contained in
Theorems XIX and XX ; the first of these refers to
the immoveable sounds, that is to say, Proslamliano-
menos, and the other sounds to the left of the line,
and the latter to the moveable, which are Parhypate,
and the rest on the right thereof; the sum of which
two species composed the great or immutable system.
Theorem XIX directs the adjustment of the canon
for the Stabiles or immoveable sounds, and that in
the manner following : —
' Let the length of the canon be A B, and let it be
' divided into four equal parts at G D E, therefore
* B A, as it will be the gravest sound, will be the
' sonus bombus. Farther, A B is supertertius of G B,
' therefore G B will sound a diatessaron to A B,
' towards the acumen, and A B is Proslambanomenos ;
' wherefore G B will be Hypaton Diatonos. Again,
' because A B is duple of B D, the former will sound
'a diapason to the latter, and B D will be Mese.
' Again, because A B is quadruple of E B, E B will
' be Nete Hyperboleon ; therefore G B is divided
' twofold in Z, and G B will be duple of Z B, so as
' G B will sound to Z B the interval of a diapason,
' wherefore Z B is Nete Synemmenon. Cut off from
' D B a third part D H, and D B will be sesquialtera
' to H B, so as for this reason D B will sound to H B
' the interval of a diapente, therefore H B will be
'Nete diezeugmenon. Farther, make H O equal to
' H B, therefore Q B will sound a diapason to H B,
* so that 0 B will be Hypate meson. Again, take the
'third part of 9 B, 6 K, and then 6 B will be
' sesquialtera to K B, so that K B will be Paramese.
' Lastly, cut off L K equal to K B, and then L B will
' be Hypate the most grave, and thus all the immove-
' able sounds will be taken in the canon.'
Theorem XX contains the following directions
respecting the Mobiles or moveable sounds : —
' Divide E B mco eight parts, of which make E M
' equal to one, so as M B may be superoctave of E B.
' And again, divide M B into eight equal parts, and
' make one of them equal to N M, therefore N B will
' be a tone more grave than B M, and M B will be a
' tone graver than BE; so as N B will be Trite
' hyperboleon, and M B will be Paranete hyperboleon
' diatonos. Farther, divide N B into three parts, and
' make N X equal to one of them, so as X B will be
' supertertius of N B, and the diatessaron will be pro-
' duced towards the grave, and X B will be Trite
' diezeugmenon. Again, taking half of X B, make X O
' equal to it, so as for this reason 0 B will give a
' diapente to X B, wherefore 0 B will be Parhypate
' meson ; then make 0 P equal to 0 B, * so as P B
' will be Parhypate hypaton. Lastly, take the fourth
' part of G B, G R, and R B will be Meson diatonos.*
CHAP. V.
The Sectio Canonis of Euclid, in the judgment of
the most eminent writers on harmonics, was the first
essay towards a determination of the ratios by the
supposed division of a chord ; and, assuming the
proportions of the diapason, diapente, diatessaron,
* In the Canon O P is not equal to O B but to O X, and Meibomius,
■with all his care, has made a mistake, which the following page, to go no
farther, furnishes the means of rectifying ; for observe, that in the Canon
of Aristides Quintilianus, which has the numbers to it, Trite diezeug-
menon, marked X in that of Euclid, is 3888, and Parhypate hypaton
marked P in that of Euclid also, is 7776, which is just double the former
number, the consequence whereof is evident.
Chap. V.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
21
cliezeuctic tone, and limma, as laid down by the
Pythagoreans, the division will be found to answer
to the ratios : yet this does not appear by a bare
inspection, but can only be proved by an actual
admeasurement of" the several intervals contained in
the canon. Now as whatever is geometrically divi-
sible, is also divisible by numbers, succeeding writers
in assigning the ratios of the intervals have taken the
aid of the latter, and have applied the numbers to
each of the sounds, as they result from a division of
the canon. How they are brought out will hereafter
be made appear.
But here it is necessary to add. that the Sectio
Canonis of Euclid, perfect in its kind as it may seem,
is supposed to have received some improvement from
Aristides Quintilianus, at least with respect to the
manner of dividing it ; for this we have the testimony
of Meibomius, who speaks of a canon of Aristides,
which had been once extant, but was perished, or at
least was wanting in all the copies of his work : and
which he his editor had happily restored. The fol-
lowing is a representation of the Canon, with the
numbers annexed : —
-B
Nete hyperboleon.
Hyperbol. diatonos.
Trite hyperboleon.
Nete diezeugmeuon.
Nete synemmenon.
& diezeiigm. diatonos.
Trite diez. & Syn. diat
Paramesos.
Trite synemmenon.
Mese.
Meson diatonos.
Parhypate meson.
Hypate meson.
Hypaton diatonos.
Parhypate hypaton.
Hypate hypaton.
Proslambanomenos.
D.
2304
1.
2592
m.
G.
2916.
3072.
F.
8456
n.
3888.
1.
4096.
0.
4374
C.
4608.
P. 5184.
q. 6832.
H. 6144.
E. 6912.
- r. 7776.
- K. 8192.
A. 9216. *
• The division of Euclid aprrees with that of Aristides as to the manner
of obtaining the standing, but differs as to some of the moveable chords,
for Euclid finds the Trite diezeugmenim, by setting off towards the grave
a diatessaron from the Trite hyperboleon; he next finds the Parhypate
meson, by setting off towards the grave a diapente from the Trite diezeug-
menon, which might be easier found by setting down a diapason from the
Trite hyperboleon. He also finds the Parhypate hypaton by making O P
It does not appear whether the numbers were
originally part of the canon, or whether they were
inserted by Meibomius. However, from several
passages in Ptolemy, particularly in Book I. Chap. 10,
where he demonstrates the ratio of the limma, we
meet with the number 2048, which is the half of 4096,
1944, the half of 3888, and others, which shew the
antiquity of this method of numerical division.
The following is an explanation of the canon as
given by Meibomius, in his notes on Aristides Quin-
tilianus, page 312, et seq. ; —
' The standing sounds are first set down in the
' division of the canon, and after them the moveable
' ones ; we have marked the standing sounds by
' capital letters, and to these are added the moveable
* ones. The Hypaton diatonos and the rest are
' marked by the small letters. They are thus to be
' taken : —
' I. Proslambanomenos, A B, which is the whole
' length of the chord or line.
' II. Mese, C B, half thereof.
'III. Nete hyperboleon, D B, the fourth part of
'the whole chord.
' IV. Hypaton diatonos, E B, three fourths thereof.
' V. Nete synemmenon, P B, the said three fourths,
'E B, divided into two equal parts.
' VI. Nete diezeugmenon, Gr B, two thirds of half
' the chord, that is one third of the whole chord ;
' but this may be perceived by multiplying an half
' by two thirds, thus, ^ 1 1 5.
' VII. Hypate meson, H B, two thirds of the whole
'chord, or tlie two thirds, G B, of the half chord
' twice set off, which chord therefore we take in the
' opening of the dividers, and set off twice.
'VIII. Paramesos,. I B, (one third I H, being
' taken out of the two thirds H B of the whole chord)
' is two thirds of two thirds of the whole.
' IX. Pypate hypaton, K B ; two thirds I B of the
' two thirds H B twice set off.
' In order to assume the lesser intervals, the fol-
' lowing method must be made use of : —
' I. The 4th part D B of the whole chord being
' divided into eight equal parts, I set off 1 below
' D equal to one of those parts, and 1 B will be
' Paranete hyperboleon.
' II. Trite hyperboleon m B is assumed in the
' same manner, viz., by dividing the line 1 B into
' eight equal parts, and taking 1 m equal to one of
'them out of 1 A.
' III. Trite diezeugmenon, and the following
'moveable sounds, are easily to be assumed in the
' same manner.'
Besides the foregoing explanation of the canon,
Meibomius has given the following, which he calls a
equal to O X, that is by setting off a diapason towards the grave from the
Trite diezeugmenon, for he had made O X equal to half X B, and conse-
quently twice 0 X O P must be equal to X B. And lastly, he finds the
Meson dlatnnos by setting off a diatessaron towards the acute from the
Hypaton diatonos, whereas all the four sounds, as wl-U as the other
moveable ones, are found in Aristides, by a division into eight parts, that
is by setting offsesquioctave tones. It seems, however, upon the whole,
that Aristides followed the division of Euclid, but neither of these can
answer to the Aristoxenian principles, for this reason, that the Sectio
Canonis both of Euclid and Aristides refer to those arithmetic and har-
monic ratios, which are discernable in the proportions of Pythagoras,
whereas Aristoxenus rejected the criterion of ratios, and maintained that
the measure of intervals was determinable by the sense of hearing only.
oo
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book I.
Notable Theorem, and says of it that it is very useful
in facilitating the section of the canon.
' The difference between two lines that are to each
* other in a sesqnitertia ratio, being divided into two
' equally, will give the eighth part of the greater line.
C
A — 1 — I — \ — I — I — i — I — B
D — i — I — I — I — 1 — E
' A B is sesquitertia to D E ; C B is the excess of
' A B above D E, C B divided into two equally will
^ ' exhibit the eighth part of A B.
' We shall see the same in the section of our canon.
' Let the line G B be divided into eight equal parts,
'I say the part G D thereof will contain two eighth
' parts ; so that this need only be divided into two
' equally, as appears by this following demonstration ;
' for as G B is sesquitertia to D B, that is as 4 to 3,
'if G B be divided into twice four parts, that is
' eighths, D B will contain six of those eighths, and
'consequently D G two eighths, and its half will
* contain one eighth. Also if F B is to be divided
' into eight equal parts, its part F 1 need be divided
' only into two equally, in order to have one eighth
'part, which I set off from F to n, to find the excess
' of the tone above F B. The same method may be
' used in the following ones.
' Moreover, the Meson diatonos, and the other two
' moveable chords may also be obtained by the follow-
' ing method, namely. Meson diatonos, by setting off
* the part 1 B, twice from B ; Parhypate meson, by
' setting off the part m B, twice ; Parhypate hypaton,
' by setting off the part n B, twice.
' But whatsoever is here shown in lines may, by
' the ingenuity of the intelligent reader, be easily
' applied in finding out the numbers.'
The canon of Aristides Quintilianus, with the
numbers affixed, supposes the whole chord to con-
tain 9216 parts, and being struck open, to produce
the most grave sound of the system, viz., A ; the in-
terval then of a tone at J], the next sound in suc-
cession, as being in the proportion of 8 to 9 to A, will
require that the chord be stopped at 8192 ; and,
supposing it to answer, we may with the utmost
propriety say, that the ratio of a tone is as 9216 is
to 8192, or in other words, that j^ is produced at
8192 of those parts whereof the chord A contains
9216 ; and these two numbers will be found to bear
the same proportion to each other as those of 9 and
8. Again, for the diapason a, the number is 4608,
which is just the half of 9216, as 6 is the half of 12 ;
for the diatessaron D, the number is 6912. which is
three fourths of 9216 ; and for the diapente E, the
number is 6144, which is two thirds of 9216. Hence
It appears that the numbers thus taken for the tone,
or for the consonances of the diatessaron, and the
diapente, or their replicates, as often as it may be
;;hought necessary by the reiteration of an octave, or
any less system, to extend that of the bisdiapason,
answer in like manner to the ratios of 9 to 8, 6 to
12, 12 to 9, and 12 to 8, in the primitive system.
These proportions we are told will be the result
of an actual division of a string, which whoever is
desirous of making the experiment, is hereby enabled
to try ; though, by the way, it is said by Meibomius
that for this purpose one of two ells in length will
be found necessary. Nevertheless, by the help of the
principles already laid down, namely, that the dia-
pason has a ratio of 2 to 1, the diapente of 3 to 2,
the diatessaron of 4 to 3, and the tone of 9 to 8,
which are to be considered as data that all harmonical
writers agree in, it is very easy, by means of arith-
metic alone, to bring out the numbers corresponding
to the intervals, in the diatonic bisdiapason. Bon-
tempi has given a very particular relation of the
process in an account of the method taken by the
ancients for that purpose ; and immediately after, an
exhibition of that system with the proper numbers in
the following scale : —
5 r2304.
aa
f
3456. Nete synem.
Tone
3888. Paranete synem. c
Tone
4374. Trite synem. b
Hemitone
4608. Mesa a
d^ p
m
G
Nete hyperb.
Tone
Paranete hyperb.
Tone'
Trite hyperb.
Hemitone
Nete diezeug.
Tone
Paranete diezeug.
Tone
Trite diezeug.
Hemitone
Paramese
Tone
Mese
Tone
Lychanos meson
Tone
Parhypate meson F
Hemitone
Ilypate meson E
Tone
Lychanos hypat. D
Tone
Parhypate hypat. C
Hemitone
Hypate hvpaton h
Tone
Proslambano. A*
His description of the process is in these words :
The numbers affixed to the several chords in the
system draw their origin from the sesquioctave pro-
portion, which is the relation that the second chord
bears to the first ; and, proceeding from the acute
to the grave, the numbers will be found to be in the
ratio of subsesquioctave, subsesquitertia, subsesqui-
altera, and subduple. But to be more particular : —
' As the third chord was to be the sesquioctave
of the second, and as the second had not an eighth
part, the ancients multiplied by 8, and set down the
number produced thereby : if the fourth chord was
to be the sesquitertia, they multiplied the numbers
by 3 ; If it was to be sesquialtera the numbers were
doubled ; and if by chance there were any fractions,
they doubled them again to find even numbers, and
so they went on : but as all these operations belong
to arithmetic, and of course must be known, there
is no necessity to explain them farther.
' However, as all this is different from any practice
• Bontemp. 97.
Chap. V.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
23
'• in the modern music, in order that those who are not
' perfectly versed in arithmetic may understand the
' I'oandation of this science, itwiii nut be amiss here to
' expLain it. You must then know, that as harmonic
music was subordinate to arithmetic, the ancients
shewed only the intervals by numbers arising from
the measures they had found out by experiments
upon tlie monochord.
' When they wanted therefore to demonstrate in
the constitution of the system what chord was either
' double, or sesquialtera, or sesquitertia, or sesqui-
octave to another by arithmetical numbers, they
■ used multiplication, or the doubling of the nimibers,
in order that they might rise by degrees one above
the other. They began from the most acute chord,
■ which is the Nete hyperboleon, going on as far as
the Trite synemmenon ; which operation is demon-
strated by the following columns of numbers : —
aa
g
f
e-
d
c
h
1
8
9
2
64
72
81
3
192
216
243
-256
288
324
576
648
729
768
864
972
-1024
o
1152
1296
1458
1536
1728
1944
2048
2187
6
2304
2592
2916
3072
3456
3888
4096
4374*
' The method which they used in these multipli-
cations and reduplications was this ; as g was to be
sesquioctave of aa, and f sesquioctave of g ; and as
g had not an eighth part, to find it they multiplied
aa and g by 8 ; from which multiplication the
numbers of the second order were produced, and
they put down 81 sesquioctave of 72. As e was to
be sesquitertia of aa, and had not a third part, they
multiplied all the second order by 3 ; from which
multiplication was produced the third order, and
there came out the number 256, sesquitertia of 192;
in like manner d was found to be sesquitertia of g,
and c of f.
' As h was to be sesquitertia of e, and had not a
third part, they multiplied all the third order by 3,
from which was produced the fourth order, and
there came out 1024, sesquitertia of 768 ; as b was
to be sesquialtera of f, there came out fractions, to
avoid which all the fourth order was doubled, and
so the fifth order was produced ; and there was the
number 2187, sesquialtera of 1458.
' In a word, give me leave to repeat again this
operation, with common explications for those who
are quite unacquainted with the rules of arithmetic;
by multiplying eight times 8 they had 64 for aa ;
by multiplying nine times 8 they had 72 for g ; and
adding to 72 the number nine, they had 81 for f.
* The sesquitertia, which is nothing but the pro-
portion 4 to 3, constituting the diatessaron from e
to aa, was produced by giving to aa three times 64,
which made 192, and to e four times 64, which made
256.
' That of d to g was produced by giving to g three
times the number 72, which made 216 ; and to d
four times the same, which made 288.
* Bontenip. 98.
' That of c to f was produced by giving to g three
' times 81, which made 243 ; and to c four times the
* same, which made 324.
' That of J] to e was produced by giving to e three
' times 256, which made 768 ; and to Jj four times
' the same, which made 1024.
' The sesquialtera, which is nothing but the pro-
' portion 3 to 2, constituting the diapente from b to f,
' was produced by giving to f twice 729, which made
' 1458 ; and to b three times the same, which made
' 2187.
' Finally, in order that this kind of numbers might
* do for the chords of the chromatic and enharmonic
' genera ; to avoid fractions they doubled all the fifth
' order, and thereby brought out the sixth ; so that
' the second order is the produce of the first multi-
' plied by 8 ; the third order is the produce of the
' second multiplied by 3 ; the fourth order is the
' produce of the third multiplied by 3 ; the fifth
' order is double the fourth, and the sixth double
* the fifth ; and the numbers of the sixth order are
' the same as those of the tetrachords Hyperboleon,
' Diezeugmenon, and Synemmenon, in the foregoing
' scale.
' There is besides these the Mese, the number of
'which is 4608, which is the double of 2304, the
* number of the Nete hyperboleon, because there is
' between the one and the other chord the interval of
' a diapason.
' The number 5184 of the Lychanos meson is twice
' the number 2592 of the Paranete hyperboleon, be-
' cause there is between them the same interval of
' the diapason ; and so the following numbers towards
' the grave are double to the numbers belonging to
' the acute chords, following from the Paranete hyper-
' boleon in succession ; because there is between them
' all, in their respective degrees, the usual interval of
' the diapason. As the sounds of the diatonic genus
' have their numbers, so likewise have the sounds of
' the other genera numbers, which are peculiar to
' them, except the Nete hyperboleon, the Nete die-
* zeugraenon, the Nete synemmenon, the Paramese,
' the Mese, the Hypate meson, the Hypate hypaton,
' and the Proslambanomenos, whose numbers are
' common to all the genera, as their sounds are
' fixed. Every thing relating to them may be seen
' in their respective systems.'
It is to be remembered, that it was for the purpose
of explaining the doctrine of the genera that the fore-
going enquiry into the proportions of the intervals
was entered into ; this enquiry respected the diatonic
series only, and the proportions thereby ascertained
are the diapason, diapente, diatessaron, and tone ;
besides these, another interval, namely, that whereby
the diatessaron exceeds the ditone, and which is
generally supposed to be a semitone, for now we
shall use the appellation given to it by the Latin
writers, has been adjusted, and in general shewn to
have a ratio of 256 to 243.
But here it is necessary to mention, that the ratio
of this interval was a subject of great controversy
with the ancient musicians. What were the senti-
ments of Pythagoras about it we are nowhere told ;
'i4
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book I.
though if it he true that he constituted the diatessaron
ill tiie ratio of 4 to 3, and made each of the tones
contained in it sesquioctave, it will follow as a conse-
quence, that the interval necessary to complete that
system must have been in the ratio of 256 to 243 :
this is certain, that Boetius, and the rest of the
followers of Pythagoras, deny the possibility that
it can consist in any other : but this is a method of
deduction by numerical calculation, and the appeal
is made to our reason, which, in a question of this
nature, say some, has nothing to do.
The first who asserted this doctrine, and he has
done it in terms the most explicit, was Aristoxenus,
the disciple and successor of Aristotle ; he taught
that as the ear is the ultimate judge of consonance,
w'e are able by the sense of hearing alone to de-
termine the measure both of the consonants and
dissonants, and that both are to be measured or
estimated, not by ratios but by intervals.* The
method he took was this, he considered the diapason
as consisting of the two systems of a diatessaron and
diapente; it was easy to discover the difference
between the two to be a tone, which was soon found,
allowing the ear to be the judge, to be divisible
into semitones. These two latter intervals being
once recognized by the ear, became a common mea-
sure, and enabled him to determine the magnitude
of any interval whatever, which he did by various
additions to, and subductions from, those --bove
mentioned ; in like manner as is practised .. > the
singers of our times, w'ho by an instantaneous effort
of the voice, are able not only to utter a fourth, a
fifth, a greater or lesser third, a tone, a semitone, and
the rest, but by habit and practice are rendered
capable of separating and combining these intervals
at pleasure, without the assistance of any arithmetical
process or computation.
It must be confessed that there seems to be a kind
of retrogradation in a process which directs the
admeasurement of a part by the whole, rather than
of the whole by a part, as this evidently does ; but
notwithstanding this seeming irregularity, the ad-
herents to the former method are very numerous.
The principles on which these two very different
methods of judging are founded, became the subject
of great contention ; and might perhaps give rise to
another question, as extensive in its latitude, as im-
portant in its consequences, namely, whether the
understanding or the imagination be the ultimate
judge of harmony and beauty ; or, in other words,
what are the peculiar offices of reason and sense in
subjects common to them both. The consequence of
this diversity of opinions, so far as it related to music,
was that, from the time of Aristoxenus the musicians
of earlier times, according as they adhered to the one
or the other of these opinions, were denominate
either Pythagoreans or Aristoxeneans, by which appel-
Jations the two sects continued for a long time to be
as much distinguished as those of the Peripatetics
and Stoics were by their respective names.f
* Wallis Appendix de Veterum Harmonica, Quarto, pag. 290.
+ Porphyrii in Ptolcmoei Harmonica Commentarius, Edit. Wallisii,
pag. isy.
But it seems that as well against the one as tlie
other of the positions maintained by the two parties,
there lay strong objections ; for as to that of Pytha-
goras, that reason, and not the hearing, is to determine
of consonance and dissonance, it was erroneous in
this respect, it accommodated harmonical proportions
to incongruous intervals ; and as to Aristoxenus, he,
by rejecting reason, and referring all to sense, ren-
dered the very fundamentals of the harmonical science
incapable of demonstration. The several offices of
reason and sense, by which we are here to under-
stand the sense of hearing, are very accurately
discriminated by Ptolemy, who undertook the task
of reviewing this controversy ; and the method he
took to reconcile these two militant positions will be
shewn at large in that extract from his treatise,
which we mean hereafter to exhibit in its proper
place ; the only question at present to be discussed,
is that relating to the measure of the diatessaron.
That it exceeded two of those tones, one whereof
constituted the difference between the diapente and
diatessaron, was agreed by both parties ; but the
me-asure of this excess was the point in debate : the
Pythagoreans asserted it to be an interval in the ratio
of 256 to 243, to which, for want of a better, they
gave the name of Limma ; the Aristoxeneans, on the
other hand, contended that it was neither more nor
less than a semitone. The question then became.
Whether is the system of a diatessaron compounded
of two tones and a limma, or of two tones and a
semitone ?
Ptolemy has entered into a very minute examin-
ation of this question ; and though he professes to be,
as he certainly is, an impartial arbiter between the
two sects, and is very free in his censures on each ;
yet has he most irrefragably demonstrated tlie Pytlia-
gorean tenet to be the true one. The method he has
taken to do it may be seen in the first book of his
Harmonics, chap, x., but the following process will
enable any one to judge of the force of his reasoning.
Let the number 1536, which it is said is the
smallest that will serve the purpose, be taken, and
after that 1728, its sesquioctave, to express a tone ;
and again, the sesquioctave of 1728, which is 1944,
for another tone ; the numbers 1536 and 1944 will
then stand for the ditone. The diatessaron is sesqui-
tertian, or as 4 to 3, it is therefore necessary to seek
a number that shall contain four of those parts, of
which 1536 is three, and this can be no other than
2048 ; so that the interval whereby the diatessaron
exceeds the ditone, is in the ratio of 2048 to 1944 ;
or, in smaller numbers, as 256 to 243. But to judge
of the magnitude of this interval, let the sesquioctave
of 1944, 2187 be taken for a third tone ; it will then
remain to enquire the difference between the two
ratios 2187 to 2048, and 2048 to 1944, and the
former will be found the greater ; for 2187 exceeds
2048 by more than a fifteenth, and by less than a
fourteenth part ; whereas 2048 exceeds 1944 by more
than a nineteenth, and by less than an eighteenth ;
and consequently that which, together with the ditone
completes the diatessaron, is the lesser part of the
third tone.
Chap. VI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
25
Salinas calls this demonstration of Ptolemy an
excellent one, as most undoubtedly it is, and in his
Treatise de Musica, lib. II., cap. xx., exhibits it in
the following diagram : —
DI A TESSA EON.
-^^
GREATER TONE. GREATER TONE. GREATER TONE.
APOTOME. LIMMA.
2187 20-18 1941:
1728
To this lesser part of the third tone 2048 to 1944,
or in lesser numbers, 256 to 243, was given the
name of the Limma of Pythagoras ; though some
writers, and those of the Pythagorean sect, scrupled
not to term it a Diesis. The greater part of the tone
resulting from the above division was termed Apo-
tome, a word signifying the residue of what remains
of a line after part has been cut off.
Salinas, lib. II. cap xx., remarks, that both the
theoretic and practical musicians among the moderns
are deceived in thinking that the Apotome of the
ancients is that interval, which, in such musical in-
struments as the organ, and others of the like kind,
is found between J] and b ; or, in other words, that
the interval between J] and b is greater than that
between ]-| and c, and than that between b and a ;
when, says he, the thing is quite the reverse, and may
be proved by the ear.
Farther, lib. II. cap. x., he observes of the Limma,
that as Pythagoras had divided the diapason into two
diatessarons and a sesquioctave tone, he discovered
that the diatessaron was capj,ble of a like method of
division, namely, into twoicontinued tones, and that
interval which remained after a subtraction of the
ditone from the diatessaron. And this which he
calls a semitone, is that which Pto.emy calls the
semitone accepted and best known ; and of which
Plato in Timeus makes mention ; when having fd-
lowed the same proportion, he says that all the duple
ratios were to be filled up with a sesquitertias and a
sesquioctave, and all the sesquitertias with sesqui-
octaves, and the interval 256 to 243. He adds, that
Cicero mentions this semitone in his book de Uni-
versitate, as does Boetius in all his divisions ; and
that there were none of the ancients to whom it was
not known, for that all the Philosophers ^embraced
the Pythagorean traditions of music. The same
author adds, that the Pythagorean Limma was
esteemed by the Greeks, particularly Bacchius and
Eryennius, \o be irrational ; and that Plato himself
dared not to call it a proportion, for the reason, as
he conceives, that it was n(jt superparticular.
Hitherto we have spoken of the tone in general
terms, and as an interval in a sesquioctave ratio, such
as constitutes the difference between the diatessaron
and diapente, and it is said that the Pythagoreans
acknowledged no other ;* it is nevertheless necessary
to mention that there is a lesser interval, to which
the appellation of tone is also given ; the ratio
kvhereof is that of 10 to 9. It is not sufficiently
dear who it was that first discovered it, but, from
» Salinas de Musica, lib. II., cap. 17. Boet. lib. IV., cap. 5.
several passages in the harmonics of Ptolemy,f it
should seem that Didymus, an ancient musician,
whom he frequently takes occasion to mention, was
the first that adjusted its ratio.
Dr. Wallis, who seems to have founded his opinion
on that of Salinas, and certainly entertained the
clearest conceptions of the subject, has demonstrated
very plainly how both the greater and lesser tone
are produced ; for assuming the diapente to be in the
ratio of 3 to 2, or which is the same, the numbers being
doubled, 6 to 4; by the interposition of the arithmetical
mean 5, he shows it to contain two intervals, the one
in the ratio of 6 to 5, the other in that of 5 to 4.|
DIAPENTE.
Semiditone
Ditone
Sesquialtera.
The latter of these, which constituted the ditone
or greater third, subtracted from the diapente, left
that interval in the ratio of 6 to 5, which by the
Greeks was called a Trihemitone, and by the Latins
a deficient, or semi ditone, but by the moderns a
lesser or flat third.
The consideration of the semiditone will be here-
after resumed ; but as to the ditone it had a super-
particular ratio, and consequently would not, any
more than the diapente, admit of an equal division. §
In order therefore to come at one that should be the
nearest to equality, Dr. Wallis doubled the terms 5,
4, and thereby produced the numbers 10, 8, which
have the same ratio. Nothing then was wanting
but the interposition of the arithmetical mean 9,
DITONE.
Greater Tone, j
8 _ 9
Sesquioctave |
Lesser Tone.
Sesquinonal
10
Sesquiquarta.
I
and a division was effected which produced the
greater or sesquioctave tone, 9 to 8, and the lesser or
sesquinonal tone, 10 to 9.j|
CHAP. VL
Having thus adjusted the proportions of the greater
and lesser tone, it follows next in order to consider
the several divisions of each, the first and most obvious
whereof is that of the semitone ; but here two things
are to be remarked, the one that the adjunct semi,
though it may seem to express, as it does in most in-
stances, the half of any given quantity, yet in musical
+ Lib. II., cap. I.'?, 14. Salinas, lib. II , cap. 17.
t Wallis, Append, de Yet. Harm, quarto, paj?. 322.
§ That a superparticular is incapable of an equal di%-ision is clearly
demonstrated by Hoetius, lib. III., cap. 1, and must be considered as a
first principle in harmonics. Vide Macrobius in Somnium Scipioiiis,
lib. II.. cap. 1.
II Wallis Append, de Vet. Harm, quarto, pag. 323. Salinas de Musica,
lib. II., cap. 17.
26
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book T.
language has a signification the same with deficient
or incomplete : the other is that although as the lesser
is always contained in the greater, and consequently
the tone comprehends the semitone and more, yet the
semitone is not, nor can be found in, or at least can-
not be extracted from, or produced by any possible
division of the tone. The Aristoxeneans, who asserted
that the diatessaron consisted of two tones and a half,
had no other way of defining the half tone, than by
taking the ditone out of the diatessaron, and the
residue they pronounced to be a hemitone, as it
nearly is ; and the Pythagoreans, who professed the
admeasurement and determination of intervals by
ratios, and not by the ear, were necessitated to pro-
ceed in the same way ; for after Pythagoras had
adjusted the diezeutic tone, and found its ratio to be
sesquioctave, or as 9 to 8, it nowhere appears that he
or any of his followers proceeded to a division of that
interval into semitones, and indeed it is not in the
nature of the thing possible to effect any such division
of it by equal parts. Ptolemy, who, so far as regards
the method of defining the intervals by their ratios,
must be said to have been a Pythagorean, has had
recourse to this method of subtracting a lesser inter-
val from a greater for adjusting the proportion of the
Limma ; for after having assumed that the ratio of
the diatessaron was sesquitertia, answering to the
numbers 8 and 6, or which is the same, 4 to 3, he
measures out three sesquioctave tones, 1536, 1728,
1944, 2187, and subtracts from them the diatessaron
2048 to 153G, and thereby leaves a ratio of 2187 to
2048, which is that of the apotome ; the limma 2048
to 1944, then remains an adjunct to the two sesqui-
octave tones 1728 to 1536, and 1944 to 1728 ; and
the ratio of 2048 to 1536 is 8 to 6, or 4 to 3 ; and
would we know the ratio of 2048 to 1944, it will be
found to be 256 to 243, for eight times 256 is 2048,
and eight times 243 is 1944.*
And Didymus, who after he had discovered the
necessity of a distinction of tones into the greater and
lesser, and found that it required an interval diiferent
in magnitude from the limma, to complete the dia-
tessaron, had no way to ascertain the ratio of that
interval, but by first adjusting that of the ditone ; in
the doing whereof he also determined that of the
semitone, for so are we necessitated to call the inter-
val by which the diatessaron is found to exceed the
ditone. With respect to this interval, wdiich in the
judgment of Salinas, is of such importance, that he
seems to think it the hinge on which the knowledge
of all instrumental harmony turns ; it seems clearly
to have taken place of the limma, immediately after
the discrimination of the greater and lesser tone :
and there is reason to think it was investigated by
Didymus in the following manner. First he con-
sidered the ratio of the diatessaron to be, as has been
shewn, sesquitertian, or as 8 to 6 ; or, which is the
same, those nimibers being doubled, 16 to 12. The
ditone he had demonstrated to be in sesquiquarta
proportion, as 5 to 4. It remained then to find out
a number that should contain 5 of these parts, of
* See the preceding demonstration of the ratio of the Pythagorean
limma.
which 12 contained four, and this could be no other
than 15, and these being set down, demonstrated the
ratio of the semitone to be 16 to 15.
DIATESSARON.
I Ditone | Greater Semitone
12 1^ . 16
I Sesquiquarta | Sesquidecimaquinta
Sesquitertia.
t
This interval is also the difference between the
semiditone 6 to 5, and the sesquioctave tone 9 to 8,
which, multiplying the extreme numbers by 3, is
thus demonstrated ; —
SEMIDITONE.
Tone
Greater Semitone j
15 16 18
Sesquidecimaquinta | Sesquioctave
Sesquiquinta,
t
But it seems that this interval, so very accurately
adjusted, did not answer all the combinations of
which the greater and lesser tones were capable ; nor
was it adapted to any division of the system, other
than that which distinguishes the diatonic genus.
These considerations gave rise to the invention of the
lesser semitone, an interval so peculiarly appropriated
to the chromatic genus, that Salinus and Mersennus
scruple not to call it the Chromatic Diesis ; the
measure of it is the difference between the ditone
and semiditone, the former whereof is demonstrated
to be in sesquiquarta proportion, or as 5 to 4 ; or,
which is the same, each of those numbers being
multiplied by 5, 25 to 20, The semiditone is sesqui-
quinta, that is to say, as 6 to 5 ; or multiplying each
of those numbers by four, as 24 to 20 ; from a com-
parison therefore of the semiditone with the ditone,
it will appear that the difference between them is an
interval of 25 to 24, the ratio sought, and which is
the measure of the lesser semitone.
DITONE
j Semiditone ) Lesser Semitone
20 24
Sesquiquinta ] Sesquivigesimaquarta
25
Sesquiquarta
Salinas remarks that this lesser semitone of 25 to
24, and the greater one of 16 to 15, compose the
sesquinonal or lesser, and not the sesquioctave or
greater tone, between which and the former he
demonstrates the difference to be a comma, or an
interval in the ratio of 81 to 80,
Salinas, IMersennus, and other writers, chiefly
moderns, speak of a mean semitone in the ratio of
+ This and most of the diagrams for demonstrating the other intervals
are taken from Salinas, '.vlio, it is to be remarked, differs from Tnany
other writers in the order of the numbers of ratios, placing the Sfx:allesJ
first.
I Salinas, lib. II. cap. xviii.
§ Salinas, de Musica, lib. 11 cap. 20
CUAP. VI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
27
loS to 128, which with that greater one of IG to lo,
completes the sesquioctave tone ; and of another in
the ratio of 27 to 25, which added to the lesser
semitone 25 to 24, also makes up the greater or
sesquioctave tone.*^ Salinas ascribes the invention
of this latter to Ludovicus Follianus, a very in-
genious musician of the sixteenth century, of whom
an account will be hereafter given ; but he says it is
unfit for harmony : and indeed it does not appear to
have ever been admitted into practice. Salinas de
jMusica, lib. III., cap. 7.
We are now to speak of the Diesis, as being an
interval less in quantity than a semitone : though it
is to be remembered that the word as it imports in-
definitely a Particle, f is of very loose signification,
and is used to express a great variety of dissimilar
intervals. Aristotle calls dieses the Elements of
song, as letters are of speech ; but in this the moderns
differ from him. Others of the Greek writers, and
Vitruvius, a Latin, after them, make the diesis to be
a quarter of a tone, and Salinas less. The Py-
thagoreans use the word Diesis and Limma in-
discriminately to express the interval 256 to 243.
In the subsequent division of the tone into lesser
parts, the name of diesis has been given sometimes
to one, and at others to other parts arising from that
division ; and hence those different definitions which
we meet with of this interval ; but the general
opinion touching it is that it is less than a semitone,
and more than a comma. We will consider it in all
its variety of significations.
Boetius, in the third book of his treatise de Musica,
has related at large the method taken by Philolaus
the Pythagorean for dividing the tone into nine
parts, called commas, of which we shall speak more
particularly hereafter ; according to this division,
two commas make a diaschisma, and two diaschismata
a diesis. This is one of the senses in which the term
diesis is used, but it is not easy to discover the use
ot this interval, for it does not seem to be adapted
either to the tetrachord composed of sesquioctave
tones, or that later one of Didymus, which supposes
a distinction of a greater and lesser tone ; so that in
this instance the term seems to be restrained to its
primitive signification, and to import nothing more
than a particle ; and Salinas seems to concur in this
sense of the word when he says that in each of the
genera of melodies the least interval is called a diesis.
In other instances we are to understand by it such
an interval as, together with others, will complete the
system of a diatessaron. There are required to form
a diatessaron, or tetrachord in each of the genera,
tones, semitones, and dieses. In the diatonic genus
the diesis is clearly that, be it either a semitone, a
limma, or any other interval, which, together with
two tones is necessary to complete the tetrachord.
If with the Pythagoreans we suppose the two tones
to be sesquioctave, it will follow that the diesis and
the limma 256 to 2-i3 are one and the same interval ;
on the other hand, if with Didymus we assign to the
* Salinas, lib. II. cap. 20, lib. III. cap. 7. Mersen. Harmonic, lib. V.
De Dissonantii.<, pag. 7.
t Macrob. in Soran. Scipion. lib. II. cap. 1
two tones, the different ratios of 10 to 9, and 9 to 8,
the interval necessary to complete the diatessaron
will be IG to 15 ; or the difference between the ditone
in the ratio of 5 to 4, and the diatessaron above
demonstrated. In short, this suppletory interval,
whatever it be, is the only one in the diatonic genus,
to which the appellation of diesis is ever given.
To the chromatic genus belong two intervals of
different magnitudes, and the term diesis is common
to both ; the first of these is that of 25 to 24, men-
tioned above, and shewn to be the difference between
the ditone and semiditone, and is what Salinas has
appropriated to the chromatic genus. Gaudentiiis
mentions also another species of diesis that occurs in
this genus, in quantity the third part of a tone,| in
which he has followed Aristoxenus ; but as all the
divisions of the Aristoxeneans were regulated by the
ear, and supposed a division of the tone into equal
parts, which parts being equal, must necessarily be
irrational, it would be in vain to seek a numerical
ratio for the third part of a tone.
We are now to speak of that other diesis incident
to the enarmonic genus, to which the term, in the
opinion of most writers, seems to be appropriated ; §
for whereas the other diesis obtained that name, only
as being the smallest interval required in each genas,
this other is the smallest that any kind of musical
progression will possibly admit of. Aristides Quin-
tilianus says, a diesis is as it were a dissolution of the
voice. II
According to Boetius, who must everywhere be
understood to speak the sense of the Pythagoreans,
the two dieses contained in the tetrachord of the
enarmonic genus must have been unequal, for he
makes them to arise from an arithmetical division of
the limma, 256 to 243. ^
Ptolemy has exhibited,** as he has done in each of
the other genera, a table of the enarmonic genus,
according to five different musicians, all of whom,
excepting Aristoxenus, make the dieses to be unequal,
those of Ptolemy are 24 to 23, and 46 to 45.
Salinas uses but one enarmonic diesis, which he
makes to be the difference between the greater semi-
tone 16 to 15, and the lesser 25 to 24.
GREATER SEMITONE.
Lesser Semitone j Diesis
120 125 128
I Sesquivigesimaquarta | Supertripartiens 125 |
S
esquidecima quinta.
m
Which numbers are thus produced, 15 and 16
each multiplied by 8 will give 120, and 128, for the
greater semitone ; we are then to seek for a number
that bears the same ratio to 120, as 25 does to 24,
which can be no other than 125, so that the ratio of
the diesis will stand 125 to 128.
Brossard has applied the term diesis to those signs
t Ex Vers. Meibom. p-^g. 5.
§ Boetius lib. II. cap. 23, has given dieses only to the enarmonic.
II Ex Vers. Meibom. pag. 13.
ir Boetius, lib. IV. cap. 5.
** Lib. II. cap. 14.
tt Salinas, lib II. cap 21.
28
HISTORY 01 THE SCIENCE
Book \.
or characters used by the moderns to denote the
several de^irees by which a sound may be elevated
or depressed above or beneath its natural situation ;
for the doing whereof he seems to have had no better
authority than that of the practitioners of his time,
who perhaps are the only persons entitled to an
excuse for having given to the sign the name of the
thing signified. He professes to follow Kircher,
when he says that there are three sorts of dieses,
namely, the lesser enarmonic or simple diesis, con-
taining two commas or about a quarter of a tone ;
the chromatic or double diesis, containing a lesser
semitone, or nearly four commas, and the greater
enarmonic diesis, containing nearly three fourths of
a tone, or from six to seven commas ; but this defi-
nition is by much too loose to satisfy a speculative
musician.
These are all the intervals that are requisite in the
constitution of a tetracliord in any of the three
genera : it may not be improper however to mention
a division of the tone, invented perhaps rather as an
essay towards a temperature, than as necessary to the
perfection of the genera ; namely, that ascribed by
Boetius, and others to Philolaus, by which the tone
was made to consist of nine parts or commas.
The account of this matter given by Boetius is
long, and rather perplexed; but Glareanus,*^ who
has been at the pains of extracting from it the history
of this division, speaks of it thus : ' A tone in a ses-
' quioctave ratio is divided into a greater and lesser
' semitone ; the greater was by the Greeks called an
'apotome, the lesser a limma or diesis, and the
'difference between these two was a comma. The
' diesis was again divided into diaschismata, of which
'it contained two; and the comma into schismata,
' two whereof made the comma.' The passage, to give
it at length, is thus : —
' It is demonstrated by musicians, for good reasons,
that a tone cannot be divided into two equal parts,
* because no superparticular ratio, such as is that of a
* tone, is capable of such a division as Divus Severinus
'Boetius fully shews in his third book, chap, i., a
' tone which is in a sesquioctave ratio is divided into
' a greater and lesser semitone. The Greeks call the
* greater semitone an apotome, and the lesser a diesis
'or limma; but the lesser semitone is divided into
'two diaschismata. The excess whereby a greater
' semitone is more than a lesser one is called a comma,
' and this comma is divided into two parts, which are
'called schismata by Philolaus. This Philolaus,
* according to Boetius, gives us the definitions of all
'those parts, A diesis, he says, is that space by
'which a sesquialteral ratio or diatessaron exceeds
* two tones ; and a comma is that space whereby
' a sesquioctave ratio is greater than two dieses, that
' is than two lesser semitones. A schisma is that
half of a comma, and a diaschisma is the half of a
'diesis, that is of a lesser semitone; from which
'definitions and the following scheme you may easily
' find out into how many diaschismata, and the other
' smaller spaces, a tone may be divided, for the same
* Boetius shews that it can be done many ways in his
' Dodecachordon, lib. I. cap. x.
' treatise, lib. Ill, cap. viii., from whence we have
' taken these descriptions. It is to be observed that
' the name of diesis is proper in this place ; but when,
' as the ancients have done, we give it to the enar-
' monic diaschisma, it is improper : —
mi 1] 4096
H
^
O
^1
H
H
O
>
fM
<
<
^
U
O
i— 1
P
O"
crj
a
■J2
Diaschisma
Diaschisma
COMMA
( Schisma
( Schisma fa
Diaschisma
Diaschisma
re
c 4213
d 4330
e 4352
/ 4374
ff
91
4608
' Let a J] be a tone, \j d, or fa, a lesser semitone,
or as the Greeks call it, as Boetius witnesseth lib. II,
cap. xxvii., a limma or diesis, ]j f, or d a, a greater
semitone, called by the Greeks an apotome, J] c and
c d, also / g and g a, diaschismata, or the halves of
a diesis, (Ifs. comma, whose halves d e and e f are
schismata; but it is necessary for our purpose
to observe this, let a be Mese, or a la mi re, f
Trite synemmenon ox fa in \>fa J] mi \^ Paramese
or mi in b /a J] mi, therefore the note re in a la mi
re is distant from fa in b fa J] vii by a lesser
hemitone, and from mi in the same key by a tone ;
from whence it follows, that the two notes in b fa
Yj mi, which seem to be of the same key, are farther
distant from each other than from the extremes or
neighbouring keys above and below, viz., 7ni from e
sol fa xd, and/a from a la mi re, for mi and_/a are
separated from each other by a greater semitone, and
from the extremes on either side by only a lesser
semitone, for which reason this theory is not to be
despised. We must not omit what the same Seve-
rinus tells us in lib. III., cap. xiv. and xv., to wit,
that a lesser semitone is not altogether four commas,
but somewhat more than three ; and that a greater
semitone is not five commas, but somewhat more
than four ; from whence it comes to pass that a tone
exceeds eight commas, but does not quite make up
nine.
This of Philolaus is generally deemed the true
division of the tone, and may serve to prove the
truth of that position, which all the theoretic writers
on music seem to agree in, namely, that the sesqui-
octave tone, as being in a superparticular ratio, is
incapable of an equal division. But unfortunately
the numbers made use of by Glareanus do not answer
to the division, for those for the diesis or limma ]-] d
4330, 4098 have no such ratio as 256 to 243, which
is what the limma requires, and that other f a, has.
and it seems that in his assertion that J] and b are
farther distant from each other than from c and a.
Chap. VI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
231
respectively, he is mistaken. This is noticed by-
Salinas, who insists that the converse of the propo-
sition is the truth. De Musica, lib. II. cap. xx.*
As to the comma, it appears by the foregoing
calculation to be in the ratio of 4374 to 4330.
Nevertheless, Salinas, for the purpose of accommo-
dating it to practice, has assumed for the comma an
interval in the ratio of 81 to 80, which is different
from that of Glareanus and Boetius, but is clearly
shewn by Salinas to be the difference between the
greater and lesser tone. Ptolemy looked upon this
latter comma as an insensible interval, and thought
that therefore it was a thing indifferent whether the
sesquioctave or sesquinonal tone held the acutest
situation in the diatonic tetrachord; but Salinas
asserts, that though it is the least, it is yet one of the
sensible intervals, and that by means of an instrument
which he himself caused to be made at Rome, he was
enabled to distinguish, and by his ear to judge, of
the difference between the one and the other of the
tones.
Mersennus says that the Pythagoreans had another
comma, which was in the ratio of 531441 to 524288,
and was between sesqui Jj and sesqui ■^•, and that
Christopher Mondore, in a book inscribed by him to
Margaret, the sister of Henry III. of France, speaks
of another between sesqui •^, and sesqui -gly-.f As
to the first, though he does not mention it, it is clear
that he took the ratio of it from Salinas, who in the
nineteenth and thirty-first chapters of his fourth book
speaks very particularly of the Pythagorean comma,
and says that it is the difference whereby the apotome
exceeds the limma.
We have now investigated in a regular progression
the ratios of the several intervals of the greater and
lesser tone, the greater and lesser semitone, the
apotome and limma, the diesis, and the comma ; and
thereby resolved the tetrachord into its elements. It
may be worth while to observe the singular beauties
that arise in the course of this deduction, and how
wonderfully the lesser intervals spring out of the
greater ; for the difference between
The
f Diapente and "|
\ Diiitessaron j
IS
The
The
a sesquioctave tone.
a sesquinonal tone.
- is a greater semitone.
( Ditone and \ .
\ Greater tone j
Seniiditone and greater tone,
and also between the dia-
( tessaron and ditone,
(Lesser tone and greater S
semitone, and also between Vis a lesser semitone,
the ditone and semiditone, J
f Greater tone and \ ■
\ Lesser tone J
The
■is
a comma.
The
( Greater semitone and 1 .
I Lesser semitone )
an enarmonic diesis.
Salinas remarks much to the same purpose on the
regular order of the simple consonances in these
words. • It seems worthy of the greatest observa-
' tion, that the differences of the simple consonances,
' each above that which is the next under it, are
' found to be in the proportions which the first square
* numbers hereunderwritten bear to those that are the
* See his sentiment of it pac 25 of the present work.
t Harmonicor. lit). V. Dissonantiis, pag. 88.
■ next less to them : to instance in the diapason, the
' excess above the diapente is the diatessaron, which
■ is found in the ratio between the first square num-
■ ber 4, and its next less number 3. The excess of
' the diapente above the diatessaron is the greater
tone, which is found in the ratio between the num-
bers 9 and 8. Again, that of the diatessaron above
the ditone is the greater semitone, found in the ratio
16 to 15 ; farther, the excess of the ditone above the
semiditone is the lesser semiditone 25 to 24. All
these will appear more clearly in tlie following dis-
position of the numbers : —
A
B C A B
2 3 4 Diapason Diapente
6 8 9 Diapente Diatessaron
12 15 16 Diatessaron Ditone
20 24 25 Ditone Semiditone
c
Diatessaron
Tone Major
Semitone majus
Semitone miims
' In the above disposition, the last numbers are
' square, the first longilateral, and the middle ones
' less than those that are square by unity, but greater
' than the longilateral ones by as many units as there
' are numbers of squares above them. The greatest
' ratios are those between the longilaterals and the
'squares, the lesser between the longilaterals and
' middle numbers, and the least or differences those
' between the squares and the middle ones. Of the
' ratios the greatest are marked A, the lesser B, and
Uhe least C.':|:
Observations of this kind are perpetually occurring
in the course of harmonical calculations ; and it can-
not but be a matter of astonishment to an intelligent
mind to find, that those combinations of musical
sounds which afford delight to the sense of hearing,
have such a relation among themselves, and are
disposed with such order and regularity, that they
approve themselves also to the understanding, and
exhibit to the mind a new species of beauty, such as
is observable in theorems, and will for ever result
from design, regularity, truth, and order. It is said
that the senses are arbitrary, and that too in so great
a des;ree, as to give occasion to a well-known axiom
that precludes all dispute about them ; but that of
hearing seems to be an exception ; for what the ear
recognises to be grateful, the understanding approves
as true. To enquire farther into the reasons why
the sense is delighted with harmony and consonance,
would be vain, since all beyond what we are able to
discover by numerical calculation is resolvable into
the will of Him who has ordered all things in
number, weight, and measure.
The genera, as has been mentioned, were three ;
the diatonic, the chromatic, and the enharmonic.
We are farther to understand a subdivision of these
into species. Gaudentius expressly says, ' The
'species or colours of the genera are many,'§ and
an author of much greater authority, Aristoxenus,
has particularly enumerated them. According to him
the diatonic genus had two species, the soft and the
J De Musica, lib. II. cap. xx.
§ Ex Vers. Meibom. pag. 5.
.so
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book. T
intense ; the chromatic three, the soft, the hemiolian,*
and tlie tonic ; f as to the enharmonic, it had no
subdivision. Indeed, the representations of the
genera and their species, as well by diagrams as in
words, are almost as numerous as the writers on
music. Monsieur Brossard has exhibited a view of
the Aristoxenean division, taken as he says, from
Vitruvius; and the same is to be met with in an
English dictionary of music, published in the veuv
1740, by James Grassineau.ij;
But this representation is not near so particular
and accurate, as the Aristoxenean Synopsis of the
Genera given by Dr. Wallis in the Appendix to his
edition of Ptolemy, and here inserted : —
.30
24
18
15
12
Enarmonic
Genus
Nete
24
Paranete
Lichanos
3
Trite
Paihvpate
3
Chromatic Genus
Soft
Nete
Paranete
LichaiK;
4
Trite
Parhvpate
4
Hemiolian
Nete
21
Paranete
Lichanos
4'-
Trite
Parhvpate
4
Toniac
Nete
18
Paranete
Lichanos
6
Trite
Parhypate
6
Diatonic Genus
Soft
Nete
Paranete
I-ichanos
Trite
Parhypate
6
Intense
Nete
12
Paranete
Lichanos
12
Trite
Parhvpate
6
30
24
18
15
12
9
6
3
In order to imderstand this scheme, we must sup-
pose the tetrachord hypaton, though any other would
have served the ]n;rpose as well, divided into thirty
equal parts : in the primitive division of this system,
according to the diatonic genus, the stations of the
two intermediate sounds parhypate and lichanos, for
it is to be noted that those at the extremities termed
stabiles, or immovables, were at 6 and 18 ; that is to
say, the first interval in the tetrachord was 6 parts,
and each of the other two 12, making together 30 ;
so that the second interval was the double of the
first, and the third equal to the second, answering
precisely to the hemitone, tone, and tone ; this is
spoken of the intense diatonic, for it is that species
which the ancients are supposed to have meant when-
ever they spoke of the diatonic generally.
The soft diatonic has for its first interval G, for its
Becond 9, or a hemitone and a quadrantal diesis, or
three fourths of a tone, and for its third 15, viz., a
tone and a quadrantal diesis.
We are now to speak of the chromatic genus, the
first species whereof, the tonic, had for its first inter-
• This is but another name for sesqiiialtera, as Andreas Ornithnparcus
asserts in his Microlo?;us, Hb. II. on tiie authority of Aiilus Gellius. It
signifies a whole and its half, consequently the sesquialtera ratio in its
ini'Mest numbers is 3 to 2.
i Vide Wall. Append, de veter. Harm, quarto, pag. 299.
val 6, or a hemitone ; for its second also 6, and for
its third 18, a trihemitone, or tone and a half.
In the hemiolian chromatic, called also the ses-
quialteral,§ the first and also the second interval was
4|, which is a hemiolian or sesquialteral diesis ; and
the third 21, or a tone, a hemitone, and a quadrantal
diesis,
t At the time when the above book was published the world were sur-
prised ; no such per,«on as James Grassineau being known to it as pos-
sessed of any great share of musical erudition, and the work offered to
the public appeared to be the result of great study and skill in the
science. But the wonder ceased when it came to be known that the
basis of Grassineau's book was the Dictionaire de Musique of Monsieur
Sebastian Brossard, of Strasburg; though, to do him justice, Grassineau
in his preface ingenuously confesses he had made a liberal use of it. For
the rest of it he stood indebted to Dr. Pepusch, and perhaps, in a small
degree to the other masters, Dr. Greene and Mr. Galliard, who have
joined in the recommendation of it.
Grassineau was an ingenious young man; he understood the Latin
and French langua.ges, the latter very well, and knew a little of music ;
he had been clerk to Mr. Godfrey, the chemist in Southampton Street,
Covent Garden, but being out of employ, he became the amanuensis of
Dr. Pepusch, and translated for him into English some of the Greek
harmonicians from the Latin version of Meibomius. The Doctor having
no farther occasion for him, recommended it to him to translate Brossard's
dictionary above-mentioned, which he undertook and completed, the
Doctor furnishing him with many new articles, and with additional mat-
ter for the enlargement of those contained in Brossard ; and Grassineau's
dictionary would have been an inestimable present to the musical world,
had due care been taken in the correction of it, but it abounds with
errors, and the author is not now living to correct them in a new edition.
Although the dictionary of Brossard, and this of Grassineau, contain a
great variety of useful knowledge, it is to be wished that it had been
communicated to the world in some better form than that of a dictionary ;
for to speak of the latter, some of the articles contained in it are com
plete treatises.
§ Vide previous note in this page.
CHAr. VIL
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
31
The soft chromatic makes the first and also tlie
Becond interval a triental diesis, or third part of a
tone, by assigning to parypate and lichanos, the
stations of 4 and 18 ; and gives to the third twenty-
two twelfths of a tone, or, which is the same, twenty-
two thirtieths of the whole tetrachord, which amount
to a tone, a hemitone, and a triental diesis.
In the enharmonic genus, which, in the opinion of
most authors, had no division into species, the first
and second intervals, being terminated by 3 and 6,
were each quadrantal dieses, or three twelfths of
a tone, and the last a ditone. Of the diesis in
this genus it is said by Aristoxenus and others, that
it is the smallest interval that the human voice is
capable of expressing ; and it is farther to be re-
marked, that it is ever termed the enarmonic diesis,
as being appropriated to the enarmonic genus.
Euclid's account of the genera is not much different
from this of Aristoxenus. The diatonic, he says,
proceeds from the acute to the grave by a tone, a
tone, and a hemitone ; and, on the contrary, from the
grave to the acute by a hemitone, a tone, and a tone.
The chromatic from the acute to the grave by a tri-
hemitone, a hemitone, and a hemitone : and con-
trary wise, from the grave to the acute by a hemitone,
a hemitone, and a trihemitone. The enharmonic
progression, he says, is a descent to the grave by
a ditone, a diesis, and a diesis ; and an ascent to the
acumen by a diesis, a diesis, and a ditone. He speaks
of a commixture of the genera, as namely, the diatonic
with the chromatic, the diatonic with the enarmonic,
and the chromatic with the enarmonic.
He exhibits the bisdiapason according to each of
the genera, enumerating the several sounds as they
occur, from Proslambanomenos to Nete hyperboleon,
and observes that some of them are termed Stantes
or standing sounds, and others Mobiles or moveable ;
the meaning of which is no more than that the ex-
treme sounds of each tetrachord are immoveable, and
that the difference between the genera consists in
those several mutations of the intervals, which are
made by assigning different positions to the two
intermediate sounds.
Colour he defines to be a particular division of a
genus ; and, agreeable to what is said by Aristoxenus,
he says that of the enarmonic there is one only ; of
the chromatic three; and of the diatonic two. He
says farther, that the enharmonic progression is by
a diesis, a diesis, and incomposite ditone ; that the
chromatic colours or species are the soft, proceeding
by two dieses, each being the third part of a tone,
and an incomposite interval equal to a tone, and its
third part ; and the sesquialteral, proceeding by a die-
sis in a sesquialteral ratio to that in the enarmonic,
another such diesis, and an incomposite interval con-
Bisting of seven dieses, each equal to a fourth part of
a tone ; and the tonic by a hemitone, a hemitone, and
a trihemitone. Of the diatonic he says there are two
species, namely, the soft and the intense, by some
called also the syntonous ; the former proceeding by
a hemitone, an interval of three quadrantal dieses,
and by another of five such dieses ; and the latter by
a common division, with its genus, namely, a tone,
a tone, and a hemitone.
And here it is to be observed, that these several
definitions of the genera are taken from some one or
other of their respective species ; thus, that of the
tonic chromatic is the same by which the genus itself
is defined ; and the definition of the syntonous or
intense diatonic is what is used to denote the genus
itself. From hence it should seem that of the si^ecies
some were deemed spurious, or at least that some
kind of pre-eminence among them, unknown to us,
occasioned this distinction ; which amounts to no less
than saying that the soft chromatic is more truly the
chromatic than either of the other two species of that
genus ; and that the intense or syntonous diatonic is
more truly the diatonic than the soft diatonic ; as to
the enarmonic, it cannot in strictness be said to
have had any colour or species, for it admits of no
specific division.
To demonstrate the intervals in each species by
numbers, Euclid supposes a division of the tone into
twelve parts. To the hemitone he gives six, to the
quadrantal diesis three, and to the triental diesis four ;
and to the whole diatessaron he assigns thirty. In
the application of these parts to the several species,
he says first, that the intervals in the soft chromatic
are four, four, and twenty-two ; in the sesquialteral
four and a half, four and a half, and twenty-one ; and
in the tonic six, six, and eighteen ; in the soft dia-
tonic six, nine, and fifteen ; and in the syntonous six.
twelve, and twelve.
CHAP. VII.
Aristides Quintilianus, who, in the judgment of
Dr.Wallis,* seems in this respect to have been an
Aristoxenean, speaks of the genera and their species
in the following manner : — ' Genus is a certain di-
' vision of the tetrachord. There are three genera
* of modulation, namely, the harmonic, chromatic,
' and diatonic ; the difference between them consists
' in the distances of their respective intervals. The
' harmonic is that genus Avhich abounds in the least
' intervals, and takes its name from adjoining together.
' The diatonic is so called becaiase it proceeds by, or
' abounds in, tones. The chromatic is so termed,
' because, as that which is between white and black
' is called Colour, so also that which holds the middle
* place between the two former genera as this does,
' is named Chroma. The enarmonic is sung by a
' diesis, diesis, and an incomposite ditone towards the
' acute ; and contrarywise towards the grave. The
' chromatic towards the acute by a hemitone, a hemi-
' tone, and trihemitone ; and contrarywise towards
* the grave. The diatonic by a hemitone, a tone,
' and tone towards the acute : and contrarywise to-
* wards the grave. The diatonic is the most natural
' of all, because it may be sung by every one, even
' by such as are unlearned. The most artificial is
' the chromatic, for only learned men can modulate
' it ; but the most accurate is the enharmonic : it is
' approved of by only the most skilful musicians ;
' for those who are otherwise look on the diesis as
' an interval which can by no means be sung, and to
* Append, dc veter. Ilanii. pag. 318.
32
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book I
' these, by reason of the debility of their faculties,
' the use of this genus is impossil)le. Each of the
* genera may be modulated both by consecutive
' sounds and by leaps. IMoreover, modulation is
* either direct or straightforward, reverting or turn-
' ing back, or circumcurrent, running up and down :
' the direct is that which stretches towards the acute
' from the grave ; the reverting that which is contrary
* to the former ; and the circumcurrent is that which
' is changeable, as when we elevate by conjunction,
' and remit by disjunction. Again, some of tlie
' genera are divided into species, others not. The
' enarmonic, because it consists of the smallest
' dieses, is indivisible. The chromatic may be
* divided into as many rational intervals as are
' found between the hemitone and enarmonic diesis ;
' the third, namely the diatonic, into as many rational
' intervals as are found between the hemitone and
* tone ; there are therefore three species of the chro-
* matic, and two of the diatonic. And, to sum up
'the whole, these added to the enarmonic make six
' species of modulation ; the first is distinguished by
' quadrantal dieses, and is called the enarmonic ;
' the second by triental dieses, and is called the soft
' chromatic ; the third by dieses that are sesquialteral
* to those in the enarmonic, and is therefore called
' the sesquialteral chromatic. The fourth has a pe-
' culiar constitution of two hemitones, it is called
' the tonic chromatic : the fifth consists of an hemi-
' tone and three dieses, and the five remaining ones,
' and is called the soft diatonic : the sixth has an
* hemitone, tone, and tone, and is called the intense
' diatonic. But that what we have said may be
* made clear, we shall make the division in the
' numbers. Let the tetrachord be supposed to con-
* sist of sixty units, the division of the enarmonic
* is 6, 6, 48, by a quadrantal diesis, a quadrantal
' diesis, and a ditone. The division of the soft chro-
* matic 8, 8, 44, by a triental diesis, a triental diesis,
' and a trihemitone and triental diesis. The division
' of the sesquialteral chromatic is 9, 9, 42, by a
' sesquialteral diesis, a sesquialteral diesis, and a tri-
' hemitone and quadrantal diesis. The division of
' the tonic chromatic is 12, 12, 3G, by an hemitone,
' an hemitone, and a trihemitone. That of the soft
' diatonic is 12, 18, 30, by a hemitone, and three
* quadrantal dieses, and five quadrantal dieses. That
' of the intense diatonic is 12, 24, 24, by a hemitone,
' a tone, and a tone.'*
It is observable in this division of Aristides Quin-
tilianus, that the numbers made use of by him are
double those used by Euclid ; the reason is, that the
two dieses in the sesquialteral chromatic are not so
well defined by four parts and a half of thirty, as by
9 of 60 ; and it is evident that preserving the pro-
portions, whether we take the numl)er 30 or 60 for
the gross content of the tetrachord, the matter is
just the same.
Ptolemy, the most copious, and one of the most
accurate of all the ancient harmonicians, has treated
* Aristides Quintilianus ex vers. Meib. pag 18, et seq.,in which pas-
sage it is observable that he sometimes uses the term apiioina, and
others evapfiovia, to signify the enarmonic genus.
very largely of the genera ; and has, for the reason
above given, adopted the number 60 for the measure
of the tetrachord ; he has represented the Aristox-
enean constitution of the six species by the following
proportions : —
Acute
Mean
Grave
48
6
6
44
8
8
42
9
9
36
12
12
30
18
12
24
24
12
60
60
60
60
60
60
Enar-
monic
Chro-
matic
son
Chro-
matic
sesqui-
alteral
Chro-
matic
tonic
Dia-
tonic
soft
Dia-
tonic
intense
In which proportions he agrees both with Euclid
and Aristides Quintilianus ; though, for the purpose
of ascertaining them, he has preferred the numbers
of the latter to those used by Euclid.
In chapter xiv. of his second book, Ptolemy has
given the genera, with each of their several species,
according to the five different musicians, namely,
Archytas, f Aristoxenus, Eratosthenes, J Didymus,
and himself. The sum of his account, omitting the
division of Aristoxenus, for that is given above, is as
follows : —
J Enarmonic
Chromatic
Diatonic
Enarmonic
Chromatic
Diatonic
Enarmonic
Chromatic
Diatonic
In his own division Ptolemy supposes five species
of the diatonic genus, which, together with the en-
harmonic, and two species of the chromatic, he thus
defines : —
/'Enarmonic
f Soft
*• Intense
^Soft
Tonic
Ditonic
Intense
Archytas
Eratosthenes
Didvmus
2 8
2T
X
3fi
X
s
4
4
— 7
28
X
243
2irf
X
3 2
4
— ¥
2 8
2T
X
8
T
X
9
■8
=i
40
39
X
30
3 8
X
1 9
15^
4
— 3^
2 0
X
1 0
X
fi
5
— 4
— 3"
2. '5 6
24;T
X
9
"8
X
9
"8-
— 4
— S'
3 2
3 1
X
31
3 0
X
.5
— 4
— 3"
IG
15
X
2r>
2 4
X
6
'5
= 1
1 6
i5
X
10
X
9
8
— 4
^
Pt 'cmv<
Chromatic
Diatonic ^
46
45
X
24
2 3
X
5
4
— 4
— S
28
27
X
1 5
14
X
6
6
= ^
21
X
1 2
1 1
X
7
"6"
4
— 7
21
20
X
1 0
X
8
T
4
— 3-
2 8
2 7
X
8
T
X
9
4
— S
2.'-, 6
24 3^
X
9
X
1
4
— 3-
1 fi
X
9
if
X
1 0
IT
— 4
— T
1 2
1 1
X
1 1
T7f
X
10
4
+ There were two of this name, the one of TarLntum, a Pythagorean,
famous, as Auhis Gellius and others relate, for having constructed an
automaton in the form of a pipe, i, which had the power of flying to
a considerable distance; the other a musician of Mitylene. They ate
both mentioned by Diogenes Laertias, but it is not certain which of the
two was the author of the division here given.
t Erathosthenes, a Cyrenean philosopher, and a disciple of Aristo and
Callimachus, was librarian at Alexandria to Ptolemy Evergetes. Ht
was for his great learning esteemed a second Plato. An astronomica.
discourse of his is extant in the Oxford edition of Aratus ; prefixed to
which is an account of many other books of his writing now lost. He
is said to have lived to the age of eighty-two ; and, according to Helvicus,
flourished about th*- Olympiad cxxxviii. that is to say, about two hundred
and thirty years before Clirist.
The above-mentioned edition of Aratus is a book not unworthy the
notice of a learned musician, as containing a short but curious disserta-
tion De Musica antiqua Graca, by the editor Mr. Edmund Chilmead.
Aratus was an eminent astronomer and poet, contemporary with Era-
tosthenes ; and in the Oxford publication is an astronomical poem, which
it seems St. Paul alludes to in his speech at Athens. Acts xvii. ver. 28.
'As certain of your own poets have said.' Aratus was a Cilicinn, and
a countryman of the Apostle. Vide Bentley's Sermons at Boyle'*
Lecture, Sermon II.
Ciuv. VII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
33
Martianus Capolla gives this explanation of the
genera : — ' The euarmonic aboinids in small intervals,
' the diatonic in tones. The chromatic consists wholly
' of semitones, and is called chromatic, as partaking of
' the nature of both the others ; for the same reason
' as we call that affection colour which is included
' between the extremes of white and black. The
' enarmonic is modulated towards the acumen, or, as
' we should now say, ascends by a diesis, diesis, and
' an incomposite ditone ; the, chromatic by a semi-
' tone, semitone, and an incomposite trihemitone :
' and the diatonic, content with larger intervals,
•' proceeds by a semitone, tone, and tone : we now
' chiefly use the diatonic' He says farther,—' The
' possible divisions of the tetrachord are innumerable,
' but there are six noted ones, one of the enarmonic,
'three of the chromatic, and two of the diatonic.
* The first of the chromatic is the soft, the second
' is the hemiolian, and the third the tonian. The
' divisions of the diatonic are two, the one soft and
* the other robust. The enarmonic is distinguished
' by the quadrantal diesis, the soft chromatic by the
' triental diesis, and the hemiolian chromatic by the
'hemiolian diesis, which is equal to an enarmonic
' diesis and a half, or three eighths of a tone.' * In
all this Capella is but a copier of Aristides Quin-
tilianus ; and, in the judgment of his editor Mei-
bomius, and others, he is both a servile and an
injudicious one.
Boetius t has treated the subject of the genera in
a manner less satisfactory than could have been ex-
pected from so scientific a musician : he mentions
nothing of the species, but contents himself with an
exhibition of the enarmonic, the chromatic, and
diatonic, in three several diagrams, which are here
given. He says that the diatonic is somewhat hard,
but that the chromatic departs from that natural in-
tension, and becomes somewhat more soft ; and that
the enarmonic is yet better constituted through the
five tetrachords. The diatonic progression, he says,
is by a semitone, tone, and tone ; and that it is called
diatonic, as proceeding by tones. He adds that the
chromatic, which takes its name from the word Chroma,
signifying colour, is, as it were, the first change or in-
flexion from that kind of intension preserved in the
diatonic : and is sung by a semitone, a semitone, and
three semitones;^ and that the enarmonic, which in
his judgment is the most perfect of all the genera, is
sung by a diesis and a ditone ; a diesis, he says, is the
half of a semitone. The following is his division of
the tetrachord in each of the three genera : —
C H 11 0 M A T I C
Semitone Semitone Three semitones iucomposite
ENAEMONIC
Diesis | Diesis |
^ V— ■■
Ditone
"V
-.^
He is somewhat more particular in his fourth book,
chap, v., and again in the seventh chapter, for in the
chromatic tetrachord he makes the semitones to be,
the one a greater and the other a lesser ; and the
trihemitone he makes to consist of one greater and
two lesser semitones.
TETRACHORD.
Nete hyper'ooleon Nete hyperboleon Nete hyperbolcon
O ■$
< -3
o
c
o
H
2304
2592
O en
So
2 ^
o •
C u
O (U
2304
2730
0)
c
o
2304
291G
§
H
Is
X
Paranete hyp.
2916
Paranete hyp.
291G
Trite hyperb.
3072
Is
■-H X
Trite hyperb.
3072
•71
5_
X
'x
(5
Paranete hyp.
Trite hyperb.
3072
Nete diezeug.
DIATONIC
Nete diezeug.
CHROMATIC
Nete dlezeuR.
ENARMONIC
DIATONIC
Semitone
Tone
Tone
"N^-
* De Nuptiis PhilologiEe et Mercurii, lib. IX. De Generibus Tetra-
chordorum.
t Lib. I. cap. xxi.
t In a dia-jram of Glareanus, representing Boetius's division of the
chromatic, the last interval is thus defined ; — ' tria semitonia incom-
posita,' which epithet, as Boetius himself explains it, is not meant to
signify that the semitones are incomplete, but that the interval con-
stituted by them is to be considered as an integer, and uncompounded
like the tone, without regard to its constituent parts. De Mus. lib. I.
cap. xxiii.
It is somewhat remarkable that this author has
said nothing of the colours or species of the genera,
about which so much is to be met with in Ptolemy
and other writers, except towards the conclusion of
his work, where he professes to deliver the sentiments
of Aristoxenus and Archytas on this head ; but he
seems rather to reprehend than adopt their opinions,
for which it seems difficult to assign any reason,
other than that he was, as his writings abundantly
prove, a most strenuous assertor of the doctrines of
Pythagoras.
'Mcrsennus§ has given a scale of the succession of
sounds in each of the three genera, as near as it could
be done, in the characters of modern notation, which
is here inserted, and may serve to shew how ill the
division of the tetrachord in the chromatic and enar-
monic genera agree with the notions at this time
entertained of harmony, and the natural progression
of musical sounds.
§ Harmonic. De Generibus et Modis, pag. 9/.
34
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book I.
as
DIATONIC GENUS.
Tetrachord. Tetrachord. Tetrachord.
hypaton. parhypaton. eynemmen.
Wm
Tetrachord.
diezeug.
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Tetrachord.
hyperb. ^
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12;
Other authors there fire, particularly Fraiichinus,
Vieentino, Viucentio Galilei, and Zarlino, that pro-
fess to treat of the genera; but it is to be noted
that all their intelligence is derived from the same
source, namely, the Avritings of Aristoxenus, Euclid,
Aristides Quintilianus, and more especially Ptolemy ;
and therefore we find no other variation among them
than what seems necessarily to arise from their dif-
ferent conceptions of the subject. Boetius himself
can in this respect be considered no other\vise than
as a modern ; and he himself does not pretend to an
investigation of the genera, but contents himself with
a bare repetition of what is to be found in the writings
of the ancients respecting them : and when it is con-
sidered that in his time only the diatonic genus was
in use, the other genera having been rejected for
their intricacy, and other reasons, long before, it
must appear next to impossible that he could contri-
bute much to the explanation of this most abstruse
part of the science ; and the excessive caution with
which he delivers his sentiments touching them,
is a kind of proof of the difficulties he had to
encounter.
If this was the case with Boetius, how little is to
be expected from the writers of later times. In
short, for information as to the doctrine of the
genera, we are under an indispensible necessity of
recurring to the ancients ; and it will be much safer
to acquiesce in their relations, defective and obscure
as they are, than to trust to the glosses of modern
authors, who in general are more likely to mislead
than direct us : for this reason it has been thought
proper to reject an infinitude of schemes, diagrams,
and explanations, which the fertile inventions of the
moderns have produced to exemplify the constitution
of the chromatic and enarmonic genera, and that
from a thorough persuasion that many of them are
erroneous.
But it seems the considerations above suggested
were not sufficient to deter a writer, who flourished
in the sixteenth century, who, to say the least of him,
appears to have been one of the ablest theorists of
modern times, from attempting to develope the
doctrine of the genera, and deliver it free from those
difficulties.
The author here meant is Franciscus Salinas,
a Spaniard by birth, and who, under all the dis-
advantages of incurable blindness, applied himself
with the most astonishing patience and perseverance
to the study of the theory of music ; and in many
respects the success of his researches has been equal
to the degree of his resolution. His svstem of the
Chap. VII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
35
genera is mucli too copious to be inserted here ; it is
therefore referred to a part of this work reserved for
an account of liim and bis writings.
Kircher has given a compendious view of the
genera,* together with the jiroportions of their com-
ponent intervals, in the tetraclaord of each genus, by
the help whereof we are enabled to form an idea of
those various progressions that constitute the dif-
ference between the one and the other of them. But
though he professes to have in his possession, and
to have perused the manuscripts of Aristoxenus,
Archytas, Didymus, Eratosthenes, and others,f he
gives the preference to Ptolemy in respect to his
division of the genera, and apparently follows the
elder Galilei, not indeed in the order, but in the
method of representation. According to him the
species of the diatonic genus are five, namely, the
ditonic or Pythagorean, the soft, the syntonous, the
toniac, and the equable. The following is his defi-
nition and representation of them severally in their
order, with his remarks on each : —
DITONIC or PYTHAGOREAN DIATONIC I.
* The Pythagorean or ditonic diatonic consists in a
* progression from the grave to the acute, through the
' tetrachord, by the interval of a lesser semitone, and
' two tones, each in the ratio of 8 to 9 ; and con-
* trary wise from the acute to the grave by two tones
' and a lesser semitone, as in the following example : —
o
6912-
Sesquioctave tone, 8 to 9
7776-
]
8192-
Sesquioctave tone, 8 to 9
-Hypate meson
-Lychanos hypaton
Lesser semitone, 243 to 256
-Parypate hypaton
-Hypate hypaton
<
W
' This kind of progression is said to have been held
' in great estimation by the philosophers, particularly
' Plato and Aristotle, as having a conformity with the
' composition of the world and with nature itself.
SOFT DIATONIC II.
' The second or soft species of the diatonic genus
* proceeds from the grave to the acute by an interval,
* in the ratio of 20 to 21 ; the other intervals have
' a ratio, the one of 9 to 10, and the other of 7 to 8,
' as is here represented : —
O
o
H
63
80
Sesquiseptima, 7 to 8
Sesquinona, 9 to 10
-Hypate meson
-Lychanos hypaton
84
Sesquivigesima, 20 to 21
-Parypate hypaton
-Hypate hypaton
* Musurg. torn. I. lib. III. cap. xiii.
t Meibomius questions the trutli of this assertion, upon the supposition
that Archytas, Didymus, and Eratosthenes are to be reckoned among the
scrjptores perditi. It is true that, excepting a small astronomical tract
of Eratosthenes, there is nothing of the writing of eitlierof them in print.
But it is said that in the library of St. Mark, at Venice, there are even now
a great number of Greek manuscripts that were brought into Italy upon
the sacking of Constantinople, and among them it is not impossible that
some tracts of the above-named writers might be found.
SYNTONOUS DIATONIC III.
'The third species, distinguished by the epithets
' syntouum incitatum, or hastened, proceeds from the
' grave to the acute by an interval in the ratio of 15
'to 16, or greater semitone, a greater tone 8 to 9, and
'a lesser 9 to 10; and descends from the acute to the
' grave by the same intervals.
Greater terms.
C
Q
I J t(i 40
g r [^ 48
-Hypate meson
Sesquinona, 9 to 10 tone minor
Lychanos hypaton
Sesquioctave, S to 9 tone major
Parypate hypaton
Sesquiquindecima, 15 to 10 greater semit.
Hypate hypaton
TONIAC DIATONIC IV.
'The toniac, the fourth species of the diatonic
' genus, supposes such a disposition of the tetrachord
'as the first and second chords shall include an inter-
' val of 27 to 28 ; next an interval of 7 to 8, and
' lastly one of 8 to 9. Thus adjusted it will ascend
' from the grave to the acute, and on the contrary
' descend from the acute to the grave, as in the
' example : —
O
Greater terms.
flGS
189
216
Sesquioctave, 8 to 9
Sesquiseptima, 7 to 8
Hypate meson
Lychanos hypaton
Parypate hypaton
Sesquivigesimaseptima, 27 to 28
224 Hypate hypaton
EQUABLE DIATONIC V.
'The fifth and last species of this genus is the
' equable, proceeding in arithmetical progression from
' the grave to the acute, by the ratios of 11 to 12, 10
' to 11, and 9 to 10 ; and contrarywise from the
' acute to the grave : —
^ I
<
J '^
^5
9
10
11
12
Sesquinona
Sesquidecima
Sesquiundecima
- Hypate meson
- Lychanos hypaton
- Parypate hypaton
- Hypate hypaton
' Ptolemy, whose fondness for analogies has already
' been remarked, resembles the tetrachord thus con-
' stituted to Theology and Politics.'
The chromatic genus, in the opinion of this author
had three species, the ancient, the soft, and the syn-
tonous, thus severally described by him : —
ANCIENT CHROMATIC L
'This species proceeded by two semitones, and
' a trihemitone, that is to say, it ascended from the
' grave to the acute, by a lesser semitone ; then by an
'interval somewhat greater, as being in the rat.'.o of
3C
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book I.
' 81 to 76 ; and lastly by an incomplete trihemitone,
' in tlie ratio of 19 to IG : —
fGlM
Hypate meson
Trihemitone, IG to 19
7296 Lyclianos liypaton
Semitone, 7G to 81
777g Parypate liypaton
j Lesser semitone, 243 to 256
I 8192 Hypate liypaton
SOFT CHROMATIC 11.
* The chromatic molle was so disposed, as that the
' lowest chord and the next to it had a ratio of 27 to
' 28, the second and third 14 to 15, and the third and
' fourth 5 to G : —
O
w
Q
<1
G144:
Ditone
777G
7984
Diesis
Diesis
8192
Hypate meson
Lychanos hypaton
Parypate liypaton
Hypate hypaton
ENARMONIC OF PTOLEMY IL
' The Ptolemaic enarmonic, which was scarce
' formed before both the chromatic and enarmonic
' grew into dis-esteem, ascended from the most grave
• to the next chord by an interval in the ratio of 45
' to 46, thence by one of 23 to 24, and lastly by one
* of 4 to 5, which is said to be a true enharmonic
' ditone : —
o
Q
fios
126
Sesquiquinta, 5 to 6
- Hypate meson
- Lychanos hypaton
Sesquiquartadecima, 14 to 15
135 Parypate hypaton
Sosquivigesimaseptima, 27 to 28
140 Hypate hypaton
!76
Sesquiquarta, 4 to 5
Hypate meson
345 ■ • — Lychanos hypaton
Sesquivigesima tertia 23 to 24
360 — — - Parypate hypaton
Sesquiquadragesimaquinta, 45 to 46
368 Hypate hypaton
SYNTONOUS CHROMATIC IIL
' In the chromatic syntonnm the first and second
' chords, reckoning from the lowest, were distant by
' an interval in the proportion of 22 to 21, the second
' was removed from the third by an interval in the
' proportion of 12 to 11, and the tliird from the fourth
' by one of a sesquisexta proportion, which is as 6 to
' 7, as here is shewn : —
P
O
ree
84
88
Sesquisexta, 6 to 7
Sesquiundecima, 11 to 12
Hypate meson
Lychanos hypaton
Parypate hypaton
Sesquivigesima prima, 21 to 22
Hypate hypaton
' Of this genus it is said by Macrobius that it was
' deemed tobe of an effeminate nature, and that it had
' a tendency to enervate the mind f for which reason
' the ancients very seldom used it ; Ptolemy resembles
* this tetrachord to ceconomics.'
The enarmonic, the third and last in order of the
genera, seems to have been originally simple or
undivided into species ; but the refinements of
Ptolemy led to a variation in the order of the enar-
monic progression, which formed that species distin-
o-uished by his name, so that it may be said the
enarmonic contained two species, the ancient and
the Ptolemaic. Kircher thus defines it : —
ANCIENT ENARMONIC L
'In this species the tetrachord ascended by two
'dieses, and an incomplete ditone, the several ra-
'tios whereof were as denoted by the following
* numbers : —
» Vide Macrob, in Somn. Scipion Lib. II. cap. iv.
P^
o
W
o
p^
H
Dr. Wallis has treated this subject of the genera
in a manner worthy of that penetration and sagacity
for which he is admired. It has been mentioned,
that of all the ancients Ptolemy has entered the most
minutely into a discussion of this doctrine ; he has
delivered the sentiments of many writers, which but
for him we should scarcely have known, and has
adjusted the species in such a way as to leave it
a doubt whether even A.ristoxenus or he be the
nearest the truth : Dr. Wallis published an edition
of this valuable author, with a translation and notes
of his own ; to this work he has added an appendix,
wherein is contained a very elaborate and judicious
disquisition on the nature of the ancient music, and
a comparison of the ancient system with that of the
moderns. In this he has taken great pains to explain,
as far as it was possible, the genera : the enarmonic
and chromatic he gives up, and speaks of as irre-
coverably lost ; but of the diatonic genus he ex-
presses himself with great clearness and precision;
for, after defining, as he does very accurately, the
several species of the diatonic, he says, that one only
of them is now in practice ; and, as touching the
question which of them that one is, he gives the
opinions of several musicians, together with his own ;
and lastly shows how very small and inconsiderable
must have been the difference between those divisions
that distinguish the species of the diatonic genus.
His words are nearly these : —
' It now remains to discuss one point, which we
'have referred to this place, the genera and their
* colours or species. We have before said that for
' many years only one of theni all has been received
' in practice, and this is by all allowed to be the
' diatonic ; the enarmonic and all the chromatics, and
'the other diatonics, being laid aside. But it is
' matter of dispute whether it is the intense diatonic
' of Aristoxenus, or the ditonic diatonic of Ptolemy,
CuAr. VIII.
AND PRACTICE OF IMUSIC.
37
' or the intense diatonic of the same Ptolemy ; that
* is to say, when we sing a diatessaron from mi or la
' in the grave towards the acute in the syUables fa
' SOL la, which express so many intervals, to ascertain
' the degree of magnitude wliich each of these in-
' tervals contains. The first opinion is that of Aris-
' toxenus, who, when he made the diatessaron to
'consist of two tones and a half, would have the
* greatest sound fa, to be a hemitone, and the other
' two SOL la, to be whole tones, which is the intense
'diatonic of this author.* And in this manner
' speak all musicians even to this day, at least when
'they do not profess to speak with nicety. But
' those who enter more minutely into the matter,
' will have what is understood by a hemitone to be,
' not exactly the half of, but somewhat a little less
' than a tone ; and this is demonstrated by Euclid,
' who in other respects was an Aristoxenean, though
' I do not know whether he was the first that did
' it. Euclid, I say, admitting the principles of the
' Pythagoreans in estimating the intervals of sounds
' by ratios ; and admitting also that a tone is in
'a sesquioctavc ratio, in his harmonic introduction
' treats of the tones and hemitones in the same
' manner as do the Aristoxeneans ; yet in his section
'of the canon he shows that what remains after
' subtracting two tones from a diatessaron is less than
'a hemitone, and is called a limma, which is in the
' ratio of 1^1 ; for if a diatessaron contains two tones
' and a liaff, then a diapason, which is two diatcssarons
' and one tone, must contain six tones ; but a diapason,
' which has a duple ratio, is less than six tones, for
' a sesquioctavc ratio six times compounded is more
'than duple ;t a diapason therefore is less than six
' tones, and a diatessaron less than two tones and
' a half.
CHAP. VIII.
'The next opinion is that of those, who, instead
of a tone, tone, and hemitone, substitute a tone,
tone, and limma. And these, if at any time they
call it a hemitone, would yet have us understand
them to mean a limma, which differs very little from
a hemitone, and therefore they will have the syl-
lable LA to express a limma.and the syllables sol la
two tones, that is -ffg-Xf Xf=f, and this is the
ditonic diatonic of Ptolemy, but which was shewn
by Euclid before Ptolemy; and it was also the
diatonic of Eratosthenes, as has been said above ;
and these have been the sentiments of musicians
almost as low as to our own times. Ptolemy
himself, though he has given other kinds of diatonic
genera, does not reject this ; and the rest who have
spoken of this matter in a different way, did it
more out of compliance Avith custom, than that they
adhered to any contrary opinion of their own, as
Ptolemy himself tells us, lib. I. cap. xvi. And
' thus Boetius divides the tctrachord, and after him
* Guido Aretinus, Fabcr Stapulensis, Glarcanus, and
' others ; it is true, however, that, about the begin-
* See tlie Synopsis, p. 30, of Dr. Wallis's Appendix, hercin-before
given.
t This is excellently demonstrated by Boetius, lib. lU, cap. i.
' ning of the sixteenth century, Zarlino, and also
' Kepler, resumed the intense diatonic of Ptolemy,
'and attempted to bring it into practice ;;{; but for
' this they were censured by the elder Galileo. §
' The third opinion, therefore, is that of those
' who, following Ptolemy, substituted in the place of
' a hemitone or limma, a sesquidecimaquinta ratio
' -}-0, which they also call a hemitone ; and for the
' tones, both which the others had made to be in the
'ratio f, one they made to be in the ratio \^, so
' that they compounded the diatessaron by the ratios
'|-|-X|-X \f=-|-, expressing by the syllable fa the
'ratio -}-", by sol that of -|, and by la lffM| which
' is the intense diatonic of Ptolemy, and the diatonic
'of Didymus, except that he, changing the order,
nas-p5-x -gr Xg — -J-
' And as they called -J-S- a greater hemitone, they
' made the lesser ff, which with -fS- completes the
'lesser tone, as ttXM X=V' ''^^^ ^^ ^^^^ difference,
'as they say, between the greater and the lesser
'third. Mersennus adds two other hemitones, one
' in the ratio i|4, which with -}-§- completes f the
' greater tone, and the other l-T-, which with ff also
'makes up |- the greater tone.'^[
The above is an impartial state of the several
opinions that at different times have prevailed among
the moderns, touching the preference of one or other
of the species of the diatonic genus to the rest.
Dr. Wallis is certainly right in saying, that to the
time of Boetius, and so on to the end of the sixteenth
century, the ditonic diatonic of Ptolemy prevailed,
for so much appears by the writings of those several
authors ; and as to the latter part of his assertion, it
is confirmed by the present practice, which is to
consider the tetrachoi'd as consisting of a sesqui-
decimaquinta ratio, a tone major, and a tone minor,
and to this method of division he gives the pre-
ference ; but he closes his relation with a remark
that shews of how very little importance all enquiries
are, which tend to adjust differences too minute for
a determination by the senses, and cognizable only
by the maderstanding, and that, too, not till after_
a laborious investigation. His words are these : —
'But as those species which we have mentioned.
' differ so very little from one another, that the nicest
' ear can scarcely, if at all, distinguish them, since the
' ratio -fS- from the ratio of a limma -f^^, as also the
' ratio of a greater tone % from V° differ only by the
' ratio |rJ-, which is so small that the ear can with
'difficulty discriminate between the one and the
' other of the two tones ; we must therefore judge
' not so much by our senses, which opinion ought
t Dr. Wallis has a little mistaken Kepler in this place : it was not the
9 — 4
=4 that
intense diatonic of Ptolemy, but of Didymus -ff X y- X -g- — -j
he was for resuming. Joann. Keplerus Harm. Mundi, lib. HI. cap. vii.
§ Galileo did not contend for the ditonic division of the diatonic, but
for the intense of Aristoxenus, defined in his synopsis of the genera
herein before given ; the reason whereof was, that he was a lutenist, and
the performers on that instrument unanimously prefer the Aristoxenean
division.
II It may be proper to remark, that in this and other instances of sol'
misation that occur in the passage now quoting. Dr. Wallis uses the
method of solmisation by the tetrachords, in which the syllables UT be
are rejected, and which took place about the year 1050. See Clifford's
Collection of Divine Services and Anthems, printed in the year 1664.
f Append, de Vet. Harm. 317, et seq.
38
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book I,
'most to be regarded, because the senses wovild
' without any difficulty admit any of them, but
' rea*3n greatly favours the last.'^-'
There is yet another writer, with whose senti-
ments, and a few observations thereon, we shall con-
clude our account of the genera ; this was Dr. John
Christopher Pepusch, a man of no small eminence
in his profession, and who for many years enjoyed, at
least in England, the reputation of being the ablest
theorist of his time. In a letter to Mr. Abraham
de Moivre, printed in the Philosophical Transactions
of the year 1746, No. 481, he proposes to throw
some light upon the obscure subject of the ancient
species of music ; and after premising that, ac-
cording to Euclid, the ancient scale must have
been composed of tones major and limmas, without
the intervention of tones minor, which in numbers are
thus to be expressed, -f |^ -| A 2-|fi 1. 1-, he proceeds
in these words: — 'It was usual among the Greeks to
' consider a descending as well as an ascending scale,
' the former proceeding from acute to grave pre-
' cisely by the same intervals as the latter did from
* grave to acute. The first sound in each was the
' proslambanomenos. The not distinguishing these
' two scales, has led several learned moderns to sup-
' pose that the Greeks in some centuries took the
' proslambanomenos to be the lowest note in their
' system, and in other centuries to be the highest ; but
' the truth of the matter is, that the proslambano-
' menos was the lowest or highest note according as
' they considered the ascending or descending scale.
* The distinction of these is conducive to the variety
* and perfection of melody ; but I never yet met
' with above one piece of music where the composer
' appeared to have any intelligence of this kind.
' The composition is about one hundred and fifty
' or more years old, for four voices, and the words
' are, — ' Vobis datum est noscere mysterium regni
" Dei, cseteris autem in parabolis ; ut videntes non
" videant, et audientes non intelligant.' By the
' choice of the words the author seems to allude to
' his having performed something not commonly
' understood.' The doctor then exhibits an octave
of the ascending and descending scales of the diatonic
genus of the ancients, with the names of their several
sounds, as also the corresponding modern letters, in
the following form : —
B
0
•g"
C
25G
D
9
E
9
"8"
F
25 G
¥4 3"
G
f
a
9
'S
Proslambanomenos
8
•g"
S
Hypate hypaton
243
23«
f
Parhypate hypaton
8
1)
e
Lychanos hypaton
8
"9
d
Hypate meson
243
25G
c
Parhypate meson
8
"9"
b
Lychanos meson
8
'0
a
Mesc
G
He observes, that in the octave above given, the
Proslambanomenos, Hypate hypaton, Hypate meson,
and Mese, were called Stabiles, from their remaining
fixed throughout all the genera and species ; and
• Append, de Vet. Harm. 318.
that the other four, being the Parhypate hypaton,
Lychanos hypaton, Parhypate meson, and Lychanos
meson, were called Mobiles, because they varied
according to the different species and varieties of
music.
He then proceeds to determine the question what
the genera and species were, in this manner: — *By
' genus and species M^as understood a division of the
' diatessaron, containing four sounds, into three in-
' tervals. The Greeks constituted three genera,
' known by the names of Enarmonic, Chromatic,
' and Diatonic. The chromatic was subdivided into
' three species, and the diatonic into two. The three
' chromatic species were, the chromaticum molle, the
' sesquialterum, and the tonifcum. The two diatonic
' species wore, the diatonicum molle, and the inten-
' sum ; so that they had six species in all. Some of
' these are in wse among the moderns, but others arc
' as yet unknown in theory or practice.
' I now proceed to define all these species by
' determining the intervals of which they severally
* consisted, beginning by the diatonicum intensum as
' the most easy and familiar.
' The diatonicum intensum was composed of two
' tones and a semitone ; but, to speak exactly, it con-
' sists of a semitone major, a tone minor, and a tone
' major. This is in daily practice, and we find it
' accurately defined by Didymus in Ptolemy's Har-
' monies, published by Dr. Wallis.f
* The next species is the diatonicum molle, as yet
' undiscovered, as far as appears to me, by any
' modern author. Its component intervals are the
' semitone major, an interval composed of two semi-
' tones minor, and the complement of these two to
' the fourth, being an interval equal to a tone major
' and an enarmonic diesis.
' The third species is the chromaticum tonireum,
' its component intervals are a semitone major suc-
' ceeded by another semitone major, and lastly, the
' complement of these two to the fourth, commonly
' called a superfluous tone.
' The fourth species is the chromaticum sesqui-
' alterum, which is constituted by the progression of
' a semitone major, a semitone minor, and a third
' minor. This is mentioned by Ptolemy as the
t Dr. Wallis has remarked in the passage ahove cited, that it had long
been a matter of controversy whether the system of the moderns corres-
ponded with the intense diatonic of Aristoxenus, the ditonic diatonic of
Ptolemy, or rather Pythagoras, or the intense of Ptolemy ; and though h%
seems to incline to the opinion of Zarlino, that tlie music now in use is
no other than the intense diatonic of Ptolemy, it is far from clear that
the modems have gone farther than harely to admit in theory and in a
course of numerical calculation the latter as the most eligible. Salinas,
lib. III. cap. xiii. contends for an equality of tones, and for the consequent
necessity of distributing throughout the diapason system those intervals
by which the greater tones exceed the lesser.
Bontempi, Hist. Mus. 188. says that that temperament which makes
the intervals irrrational, is to be looked upon as a divine thing, and
asserts that nowhere in Italy, nor indeed in Europe, does the practice of
discriminating between the greater and lesser tone prevail in the tuning
of the organ, and that the organ of St. Mark's chapel at Venice, where
he liimself sang for seven years, continued to be tuned without regard to
this distinction, notwithstanding what Zarlino had written and the efforts
he made to get it varied.
The practice has long been in tuning the organ, and such like instru-
ments, to make the fifths as flat and the thirds as sharp as tlie ear will
bear, which necessarily induces an inequality in the tones.
Lastly, Dr. Smith, in his Harmonics, second edition, pag. 33. asserts
that since the invention of a temperament, the ancient systems of ditonic
diatonic, intense diatonic, &c., have justly been laid aside. So that after
so many opinions to the contrary, it may very well be doubted whether
the diatonicum intensum is in daily practice or not.
Chap. VIII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
30
' cliromatic of Didymus. * Examples among the
' moderns are frequent.
' Thp fifth species is the chromaticum moUe. Its
' intervals are two subsequent semitones minor, and
' the complements of these two to the fourth, that is
' an interval compounded of a third minor and an
' enarmonic diesis. This species I never met with
' among the moderns.
* The sixth and last species is the enarmonic.
' Salinas and others have determined this accurately, f
' Its intervals are the semitone minor, the enarmonic
* diesis, and the third major.
' Examples of four of these species may be found
' in modern practice. But I do not know of any
' theorist who ever yet determined what the chro-
* maticum toniseum of the ancients was ; nor have
' any of them perceived the analogy between the
' chromaticum sesquialterum and our modern chro-
' matic. The enarmonic, so much admired by the
' ancients, has been little in use among our musicians
' as yet. As to the diatonicum intensum, it is too
* obvious to be mistaken.'
The above-cited letter is very far from being
what the title of it indicates, an explanation of the
various genera and species of music among the
ancients. To say the best of it, it contains very
little more than is to be met with in almost every
writer on the subject of ancient music, except that
seemingly notable discovery, that the ancients made
use of both an ascending and descending scale, the
consideration whereof will be presently resumed.
As to the six species above enumerated, the doctor
says four are in modern practice, but of these four
he has thought proper to mention only two, namely,
the diatonicum intensum, and the chromaticum ses-
quialterum ; and it is to be wished that he had
referred to a few of those examples of the four,
which he says are to be found ; or at least that he
* Lib. II. cap. xiv.
t Salinas de Musica, lib. III. cap. viii.
had mentioned the authors in whose works the latter
two of them occur ; and the rather, because Dr.
Wallis asserts that the enarmonic, all the chromatics,
and all but one of the diatonics, for many years, he
might have said centuries, have been laid aside.
As to his assertion that the Greeks made use of
both an ascending and descending scale, it is to be
remarked, that there are no notices of any such dis-
tinction in the writings of any of the Greek har-
monicians. The ground of it is a composition about
one hundred and fifty years old, in the year 1746, to
the words of a verse in the gospel of St. Mark,| so
obscure, if we consider them as referring to the
music, that they serve more to excite, than allay
curiosity ; and Dr. Pepusch could not have wished
for a fairer opportunity of displaying his learning
and ingenuity than the solution of this musical
enigma afforded him. Nay, had ho condescended
to give this composition in the state he found it, or
had he barely referred to it, the world would have
been sensible of the obligation. The only excuse
that can be alledged for that incommunicative dis-
position which the whole of this letter betrays, is,
that the author of it subsisted for many years by
teaching the precepts of his art to young students,
and it was not his interest to divulge them. How
far the composition above-mentioned, which is not
yet two hundred years old, is an evidence of the
practice of the ancient Greeks, will not here be in-
quired into ; but it may gratify the curiosity of the
reader to be told that the author of it was Costanzo
Porta, a Franciscan monk, and chapel-master in the
church of St. Mark, at Ancona, and that it is pub-
lished at the end of a book printed at Venice in 1600,
entitled, ' L' Artusi, overo delle Imperfettioni della
moderna Musica,' written by Giovanni Maria Artusi,
an ecclesiastic of Bologna, of whom a particular
account will hereafter be given. As to the com-
position, it is for four voices, and is as follows : —
t Chap, iv, ver. 9.
Mp
— o-
=ri3
<- — h-
)jji<S A— r
:t=?
5
^
Vo
,his da - turn est
no - see Mis - te
n - um no -
■^
-- — 0-
--^z=.^:
:i=i:
^^
L^E£
-H-l— I-
iit:
Vo - bis da - turn est
no - see Mis - te -
n - um, no
see Mia - te - ri
^:
^=?=
T=-M=^-;=
3^4^
Vo
bis da - turn est
no - see Mis
6 V '-»
t=P
^^
^=^
:t
^
^—T
-Jr-^ii
-« — o=?=
bis da -turn est no -see Mis - te - li-uin, no - see Mia -to - ri • um,
40
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book I.
see Mis - te - ri
^l5=i^^l3:^l
-um,
Vo - bis da-tum
est
no - see Mis
te - ri - iim,
:iL~t:=t;
^-
^
I — I i — «>-
--I — ♦ — ;^ — |—
te
ri - um.
Vo
bis da - turn est no - see IMis
te
HE:
l^^if^si^^^i^H^i^
tz;
— ♦-
Vo - bis da-tura est
no -see Mis - te
n - um,
n
•^w
11
41
— t:
r-iz:]--:.
:^-
—tzzszzz
' -um, Reg - ni De
l^fp:
m^m
Ce - te-ris au-tem in Pa - ra - bo - lis,
Si
t::
^^eeS
— 0-
Ce - te-ris au-tem in Pa
Reg - ni De
te-ris au-tem
_^
i
ft
^t=it:=|;
-■ i — 6 — ^ — i A
:±
Ut vi - den - tes non
m
vi - de
3S
Mm
Ut vi - den - tes non
vi - de
ant,
:=c:
ant.
iJ^ij— 1^
Et
au - di
!l^E^t"=i
Et au - di -
— 0 —
— 0-
^
1— dd^^-Si--?z^ :
in Pa - ra - bo - lis.
Ut
vi - den
tes non vi
"F?T— ^ —
"N
zzitzi^EE^
i^=r0-=q=z;q:
-iS — jS-
in Pa - ra - bo - lis,
Ut vi - den
tes non vi
ite^
dc - ant,
j> — ;?-
—c-
de - ant.
krs
' " -en - tes.
li=2
■ ^-1=
-0 -
jg^gj^ggg
et au - di - en
m
tF=
;i^
—I-
tz:^^E^
en
tes,
et au - di - en
tes non
tes non
T-
3? — '--^—\ — •^-t-4-— ir— ^ — ^— -^ — -A — if' — o—
in - tel -
T O
li -
LSeI=
in - tel - ligant, non in - tel - li
i=gl3^
zi-;:~5:
:fc;
■^
■§
Et au - di
en - tes
non in - tel
li - gant.
non
e±=
-4=^--
?:
•n
E^^
-iS-'^ — J-f-ir
:p=t=tr^
in - tel
Et au - di
en
tes
non in - tel
li - gant, non
in - tcl -
h -
CiiAr. VIII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
41
i^E^^^fe^l
gant,
vi - den
non vi-de - ant, ut vi - den - tes non vi
de - ant,
li - gant.
li - gant.
?s^^i=i^ili^E^ls^^
et au-di - en
non in - tel
11 - gant
gant.
Artnsl observes upon this composition, which, the
better to shew the contrivance of it, is here given
in score, that it is a motet for four voices, and that
it may be sung two ways, that is to say, first, as the
cliffs direct tliat are placed nearest to the notes, and
afterwards turning the top of the book downwards,
from the right to the left ; taking the extreme cliff
for a guide in naming the notes ; the consequence
whereof will be, that the base will become the soprano,
the tenor the contralto, the contralto the tenor, and
the soprano the base. Besides this, he says that the
second time of singing it, b must be assumed for ^.,
and in other instances fa for mi. He concludes with
a remark upon the words of this motet, that they
indicate that it is not given to every one to under-
stand compositions of this kind.
Upon the example above adduced the remark is
obvious, that it falls short of proving the use of both
an ascending and descending scale by the Greek
harmonicians. In a word, it is evidence of nothing
more than the antiquity of a kind of composition, of
which it is probable Costanzo Porta might be the
inventor, namely that, where the parts are so con-
trived as to be sung as well backwards as forwards.
In this he has been followed by Pedro Ccrone, and
other Spanish musicians, and by our own countryman
Elway Bevin, and others, who seem to have thought
that the merit of a musical composition consisted
more in the intricacy of its construction than in its
aptitude to produce the genuine and natural effects
of fine harmony and melody on the mind of an
unprejudiced hearer.
From the foregoing representations of the genera,
the reasons for the early preference of the diatonic
to the chromatic and enarmonic are clearly deducible;
but notwithstanding these and the consequent rejec-
tion of the latter two by Guido and all his followers,
the ingenuity of a few speculative musicians has
betrayed them into an opinion that they are yet
actually existing, and that with the addition of a few
intervals, occasionally to be interposed among those
that constitute the diapason, both the chromatic and
enarmonic genera may be brought into practice.
The first of these bold assertors was Don Nicola
Vicentino, an author of whom farther mention will
hereafter be made. . In a work entitled ' L'Antica
Musica ridotta alia Moderna Prattica,' published by
him at Rome in 1555, we find not only the tetra-
chord divided in such a manner as seemingly to
answer the generical division of the ancients, but
compositions actually exhibited, not only in one and
the other of the genera, but in each of them severally,
and in all of them conjunctly, and this with such
a degree of persuasion on his part that he had accur-
ately defined them, as seems to set all doubt at
defiance.
It is true that little less than this was to be
expected from an author who professes in the very
title of his book to reduce the ancient music to
modern practice, but that he has succeeded in his
42
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book I.
attempt so few are disposed to believe, that in the
general estimation of the most skilful professors of
the science, Vicentino's book has not its fellow for
musical absurdity.* And of the justice of this
censure few can entei'tain a doubt, that shall peruse
the following account of himself and of his studies : —
' To shew the world that I have not grudged the
' labour of many years, as well for my own improve-
' ment, as to be useful to others, in the present work
' I shall publish all the three genera with their
' several species and commixtures, and other inven-
* tions never given to the world by any body; and
' shall shew in how many ways it is possible to
' compose variously in the sharp and flat modes :
' though at present there are some professors of
' music that blame me for the trouble I take in this
* kind of learning, not considering the pains that
* many celebrated philosophers have taken to explain
' the doctrine of harmonics ; nevertheless I shall not
' desist from my endeavours to reduce to practice the
' ancient genera with their several species by the
' means of voices and instruments ; and if I shall
' fail in the attempt, I shall at least give such hints
' to men of genius as may tend to the improve -
* ment of music. We see by a comparison of the
' music that we use at present, with that in practice
' a hundred, nay ten years ago, that the science is
' much improved ; and I doubt not but that these
' improvements of mine will appear strange in com-
' parison with those of our posterity, and the reason
' is, that improvements are continually making of
' things already invented, but the invention and be-
' ginning of every thing is difficult ; therefore I re-
' joice that God has so far favoured me, that in these
' days for his honour and glory I am able to sliew
' my honourable face among the professors of music.
' It is true that I have studied hard for many years ;
' and as the divine goodness was pleased to enlighten
' me, I began this work in the fortieth year of my
' age, in the year 1550, the jubilee year, in the
' happy reign of Pope Julius the Third ; since that
' I have gone on, and by continual study have en-
' deavoured to enlarge it, and to compose according
' to the precepts therein contained, as likewise to
' teach the same to many others, who have made
' some progress therein, and particularly in this
' illustrious town of Ferrara, where I dwell at pre-
' sent, to the inhabitants whereof I have explained
' both the theory and practice of the art ; and many
' lords and gentlemen who have heard the sweetness
' of this harmony have been charmed therewith, and
' have taken pains to learn the same with exquisite
' diligence, because it really comprehends what the
' ancient writers shew. As to the diatonic genus, it
' was in use in the music sung at public festivals, and
* in common places, but the chromatic and enarmonic
' were reserved for the private diversion of lords and
' princes, who had more refined ears than the vulgar,
' and were used in celebrating the praises of great
* persons and heroes. And, not to detract from the
• This is remarked by Gio Battista Doni, in his treatise entitled
De Prsstantia Musicae veteris. Florent. 1647, and numberless other
writers. Kircher, however, seems to entertain a different opinion of it;
his sentiments are given at length in a subsequent page of this chapter.
' virtues of the ancient princes, the most excellent
' prince of Ferrara, Alfonso d' Este, after having very
* much countenanced me, has with great favour and
' facility learned the same, and thereby shown to the
' world the image of a perfect prince ; and he, as he
* has a most worthy name of eternal glory in arms,
' so has he acquired immortal honours by his skill in
' the sciences.'f
In the prosecution of this his notable design of
accommodating the ancient music to modern practice,
Vicentino has exhibited in the characters of modern
notation a diatonic, a chromatic, and an enarmonic
fourth and fifth in all their various forms. The
following is an example of their several varieties,
taken from the third book of his work above-cited,
pages 59 a, 59 b, 62 b, et seq. : —
DIATONIC FOURTHS.
12 3
^m'
EaiE
z:;s=5z:
<&-
6— szr^
zsz
CHROMATIC FOURTHS.
12 3
EP
-^l-=^±^^±=±z
:0-)j(<&
ZJ2~
ZS
-fc& — ^
o-
ENARMONIC FOURTHS.
12 3
3£
?0 — 0-
35z:2;
-o
Zl^^I^ZZ^
_s5_si
:^i=-^-
DIATONIC FIFTHS.
M
I—
-^=SZ
:i==2:
:^=Z5.—
i
^=0^=2:
"t«
C H R 0 MA T I C
t 1
I FIFTHS.
2
<5
4\A
s> '
A-
:=s:z&s5r-:2zf±z=±:
:b2— 51
?e — ♦-
ENARMONIC FIFTHS.
1 2
-O— &-
mgg-O oife
■^
-0-
:^
^^-«
zfaifezisr
M
M:=^=^^^^^^^
Having thus adjusted the several intervals of a
fourth and fifth in each of the three genera, the
author proceeds to exhibit certain compositions of his
own in each of them ; and first we have a motet
composed by himself, and sung, as he says, in his
t Iiibro prlmo, cap. iv.
Chap. VIII.
AND PKACTICE OF MUSIC.
43
church on the day of the resurrection, as a specimen
of the true chromatic : — -
-]
,'11
iw
S:
:=P=i5:
-g-«-
'-^^m-"^
-AVi
^^-^^^ggj^____-^^^ ^UU|
Al-le-lu-ia, Al-lo-lu-ia, Al-le-lu-ia,
I Al - le - lu - ia, Al - le - lu - ia, Al - le - lu - ia,
m
IE?
^=i==?
t:±Et
'W
:jnP^-^^-^-H^^^F=a 0 ^^ .1
f
:4-
':^^E:±^
J^
Al-le - lu - ia, Al-le - lu
Al-le-lu-ia, Al-le-lu - - ia, hac di-es
-{■-[
SII35:
H — ,»—«>-
-A 1
-l=p:
la, hffic di - es quam
3C
itnc::
0 —
«9 «•
i^E^^^z^s^^fe M
-^— -^ ^— -^ ■- — "---^ — '^--- -ii^i — s— y— »-— -* — ■» — :^ — 0-^t /K3— 1^
quam fe - cit do - nii-nus, ha;c di - es quam fe - cit q^LY. ' ' | ~cj [~ y | ry Q "^ H'
^^^
fe-cit ij do - mi-nus, hac di-csquamfe-cit
3C
^i^^
•& «►
a^EESES
j Ij do - mi-nus, quam fe-cit do - mi
bSr.
'^iT-
nus;
h
do -minus, quam fe-cit do - mi - nus; Ex-ul -
ZI--5-:
-^g-b^r^-
I-
P^
;i^
--0-
w-
llfV!
11 Ex - ul - te-mus et le-temur, ex-ul -te-mus et le - -M-?-—
te-mus et le - te-mur, ex - ul - te - mus et le
*:=:
^^3;^-^=g5^z^£*^^=zrM:
IPlI - te - mur in ea, et le - te - mur in ea.
-a-^g — n-^-
- - te-mur in e - a, et le - te-mur in e - a.
^1
3^^
^^g~fe
-m-^-
-— E§=^
"^W
zsz:.
Slife?=5==
3^E2
"'SV
Al-le-lu - ia, Al-le-lu - ia, Al-le-lu - ia,
s ^ 1—1 H <^ /
^ C" ■• t V Y
S H<> ftH'*-
>- 1 ' ■ T ■ ^v-
nn - 1— 1 ■> 0 P
Al-le -
lu-ia, Al-le-lu - ia.
Al-le-lu - ia,
-Sj?-- H
^>
^ 1— 1 • /
s
H+—
t
Al-le-lu - ia, Al-le - lu
ia, hjEc
^i
Al-le-lu-ia, Al-le-lu - ia, hrec di-es quam
gi^E^^^=E
:±=i-=E
r'w
di - es quam fe - cit do - mi - nus, ha2c di - es
il-
^t-
¥*EE£
It
--w^
EPs-
5 C^I
:2izq=i
^
:=:prr3:
fe - cit do - mi-nus, hajc di - es, hsec di - es quam
quam fe - cit do - mi
-R-
-m
- nus ; Ex - ul - te -
s
z:i:
d:
^
S^
^^^m-^-^ ^
■^=t=±:
fe - cit do - minus, quam fe - cit do - mi - nus ;
-n-
--^l
"H-TT
"W^
-m
- - mus et le - te-mur, ex-ul - te-mus et le - te
Ex-ul - te-mus et le - te-mur, ex-ul - te-mus et le -
E3E
W-
.-^^ig' ^-ziz—
43
m
te-mur in e - a, et le - temur in e - a.
- - mur in e - a, et le - te-mur in e - a.
Alleluia.
As an example of the enarmonic, he gives the fol-
lowing, which is the beginning of a madrigal in four
parts : —
S
In I So-av' e dol-c'ar-do-re ij
rqzxzr:
-«— « — "»-
-a-
3z±i
^i^
r.^i#2iiir?±if^z=±:
= izrtzrlizrl^si^izgzrr
che fra piante sos-pi- ri, che fra pi - an - te sos-pi-ri
f:=F=t:=p:^iE^^^^^:^E^^E^=^
41
^EFg^±i?-^^-J^=
SZI^-i-^
=t
ztEE
So - av' e dol » c'ar - do - re ij che fra piante sos-pi - ri ij
So-av' e dol - c'ar - do -re ij
che fra piante sos-pi - ri ij
Eii;
^^4:
iSE^^^^E^^;
3=3E5El-EiE
--Rz:b2=
So-av' e doWar do - re ij
- .> »-^^tr— (-
NJ-^pl=i=^
-| ? T
che fra piante sos - pi - ri - plan
Note. — Vicentlno has not been pflrticular in explaining the use of the points over many of the notes in this and the following examples of th«
enarmonic ; but from the practice of Salinas and other writers it ia presumed that the point is intended to denote the enarmonic diesis as defined in
:lic foregoing representations of that genus.
44:
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book I.
And as a proof of the practicability of nniting all
the genera in one composition, he exhibits the fol-
lovring madrigal for four voices, which he says may
be sung in five ways, that is to say, as diatonic, as
chromatic, as chromatic and enarmonic, as diatonic
and chromatic, and lastly as diatonic, chromatic, and
enarmonic : —
i fe^?--"^""?-?^^— -^-^^-*-
^^fefei^EtE'
t|:=E=s:
m.
-O }
— P— c> — w-
qucs-ti dol - ci ki - mi, dol-ci lu - mi che tan-to
2=[r-.t:=±ii:«L
E_1^E=EE-^
dol-cc-mcn-te, che tan -to dol-ce-mente mi
iii^^pi^E^Ea^^ fe^liiEE:!^^:^^!^
--Vfi
Fir
Dol-ce mi-o ben ij
son questi dol-ci
t
?r&^.K^^=:r^
-> — o
:t:=zt— p— pzis:
li-±iiT;1=^:ifei=3^
Jl-
con-su-mi, che tan -to dol-ccmen-te mi con -
:p=:t
■w-
i-k— 0 — o— -—
t:
E:t?.*E5
"ffEi'B:
lu - mi, dol - ci lu - mi, dol - cc mio ben son questi
- su - mi dol - ce - mcn-te, mi con - su - mi.
■^^^-
Z-L. 1 ^ — .4.
dol-ci lu-mi son questi, dol-ci lu - mi che
ibj:
lin*:
tan - to, dol-cc-men-te che tau - to, dol-ce-men-te
a
—jnz
lEHEl
0 — ^
-0— c— --1— -1 — ^ — -J
■w
=w-:
Dol-ce mi-o ben ij
son ques-ti
:^-:
111=1
iiiii^^=:i
i~T^
mi con-su-mi, che tan-to dol-ce-men-to fan - no, l3:^z:!^=z:^pzi:tz.
dol-ci lu-mi, dol-ce mi-o ben ij
P— o — «■— ^~H — -"^"^"
=11
k — I — — — -— — ~—
3iitz=±--p-pz=ip-*-^ —
-4zzil-tez3^
:t-2.-H=:U-
son ques-ti dol-ci lu-mi che tan-to dol-ce
II ' che dol.ce-men-te mi con-su-mi, mi con- su- mi. -^-^k— R — A — H — tm'^L'll'^
Z±PL_2 SZZlp—p — p — ^
LS;
-0 —
men-te
fan - no, che
Sa^^i=SEa^t7
--t— p=p=p:
j^
Dol-ce mio bcu ij
son questi dol - ci
mi con-su-mi, che dol-ce-men-te mi con -
:13
SF
2_<s__Y. — — r — 0— 0-li— ^ — 0 — 0
m
"W
t$^^
t
i
lu-mi, dol-ce mi - o ben ij
son ques-ti,
q1:
d2zr)r_o__,
dol-ci lu-mi, dol-ci lu-mi, che tan-to, che tan- to,
?&=5
:fl^;p^-p3=p
P0-
:fc
-0
i:-
i <5— W-
:Ez:zP=-z
dol - ce-mente fan-no, che dol-cemen-te, die dol -
:fe
Ifl
L-zzp:
svrzpr^-^izrp:
-0 — 0
-<>-w-
:t-t;
P^=^=Hitl:
i-dzzqiup—
- ce-mente mi con-su-mi, mi con-su-mi, fan-no che
m^l^^^^l^i
dol-ce-men-te mi con-su-mi, mi con - su - mi.
=q-~q:
i^r-rl
M
-0— -0-)^ 0-
ri:
:±ii-izzp=p=p=t=:
iq-zmi
Dol-ce mi-o ben son questi dol-ci lu
» - mi, dol-ce mio ben son ques-ti dol-ci lu-mi, son
- su - mi, mi con - su - mi. Hay - me.
Kircher seems to think that Vicentino has suc-
ceeded in this his attempt to restore the ancient
genera ; and if he has, either the discovery was of
no worth, or the moderns have a great deal to
answer for in their not adopting it. The following
are the sentiments of Kircher touching Vicentino
and his endeavours to reduce the ancient music to
modern practice : — ' The first that I know of who
' invented the method of composing music in the
' three genera, according to the manner of the ancients,
' was Nicolaus Vicentinus ; * who when he perceived
' that the division of the tetrachords according to the
' three genera by Boetius could not suit a poly-
* phonous melothesia and our ratio of composition,
' devised another method, which he treats of at large
'in an entire book. There were, however, not
' wanting some, who being strenuous admirers and
* Kirclicr is mistaken in liis assertion that Vicentinowas the first who
attempted the revival of the ancient genera; for it seems tliat Giovanni
Spataro, of Bologna, in the year 1512,' made an attempt of that kind, but
■without success. Storia della Musica di Giambatista Martini, torn. I.
pag. 12G, in not.
But notwithstanding the discouragem.ents the two writers above-
mentioned met with, Domenico Mazzochi, of Rome, about the year 1600,
attempted a composition in all the three genera, entitled Planctus Matria
Euryalis, wliich is printed in the Musurgia, torn. I. pag 660.
Chap. IX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
45
' defenders of ancient music, cavilled at him wrong-
* fully and undeservedly for having changed the
' genera that had been wisely instituted by the
' ancients, and put in their stead I know not what
' spurious genera ; but those who shall examine
' more closely into the affair will be obliged to con-
' fess that Vicentinus had very good reason for what
* he did, and that no other chromatic enarmonic
* polyphonous melothesia could be made than as he
' taught.' *
This declaration of Kircher is not easily to be
reconciled with those positive assertions of his in the
Musurgia, that the ancients were strangers to poly-
phonous music ; and the examples above given are
all of that kind.
But waving this consideration, whoever will be at
the pains of examining these several compositions,
will find it a matter of great diificulty to reconcile
them with the accounts that are given of the manner
of dividing the tetrachord in the several genera ; he
will not be able easily to discover the chromatic in-
terval of three incomposite semitones ; much less
will he be able to make out the enarmonic diesis ;
and much greater will be his difficulty to persuade
himself, or any one else, that either of the above
compositions can stand the test of an ear capable of
distinguishing between harmony and discord.
But all wonder at this attempt of Vicentino must
cease, when it is known that he contended with some
of the greatest musicians, his contemporaries, that the
modern or Guidonian system was not simply of the
diatonic kind, but compounded of all the three genera.
He has himself, in the forty-third chapter of his
fourth book, given a most curious relation of a dis-
pute between him and a reverend father on this
subject, which produced a wager, the decision
Avhereof was referred to two very skilful professors,
Avho gave judgment against him. An account of this
dispute is contained in a subsequent chapter of the
present work.
CHAP. IX,
It does not anywhere appear that the music which
gave rise to the controversy between Vicentino and
his opponents, was any other than what is in use at
this day ; which that it is the true diatonic of the
ancients is more than probable ; though, whether it
be the diatonicum Pythagoricum, or the diatonicum
intensum of Aristoxenus, of Didymus, or of Ptolemy,
has been thought a matter of some difficulty to
ascertain, but is of little consequence in practice.
But we are not to understand by this that the
music now in use is so purely and simply diatonic,
as in no degree to participate of either the enarmonic
or chromatic genus, for there is in the modern scale
such a commixture of tones and semitones as may
serve to warrant a supposition that it partakes in
some measure of the ancient chromatic ; and that it
does so, several eminent writers have asserted, and
seems to be the general opinion. Monsieur Brossard
says, that after the division of the tone between the
« Musurg. torn. I. pa^. G37. '
Mese and Paramese of the ancients, which answer to
our A and J], into two semitones, it was thought
that the other tones might be divided in like manner;
and that therefore the moderns have introduced the
chromatic chords of the ancient scale, and thereby
divided the tones major in each tetrachord into two
semitones : this, he adds, was effected by raising the
lowest chord a semitone by means of this character,
% which was placed immediately before the note
so to be raised, or on its place immediately after
the cliff. Again he says, that it having been found
that the tones minor terminating the tetrachords
upwards were no less capable of such division than
the tones major, they added the chromatic chords to
the system, and in like manner divided the tones
minor, so that the octave then became composed of
thirteen sounds and twelve intervals, eight of which
sounds are diatonic or natural, distinguished in the
folloAving scheme by white notes thus, o and five
chromatic by black ones thus, ♦ with the sharp sign,
which Brossard calls a double diesis prefixed to each
of the notes so elevated : —
This, though a plausible, is a mistaken account of
the matter ; for first it is to be observed, this intro-
duction of the semitones into the system, was not for
the purpose of a progression of sounds different from
that in the diatonic genus : on the contrary, nothing
more was intended by it than to render it subservient
to the diatonic progression ; or, in other words, to
institute a progression in the diatonic series from any
given chord in the diapason, and we see the design of
this improvement in its effects.
For, to assume the language of the moderns, if we
take the key of E, in which no fewer than four of the
sharp signatures are necessary, it is evident to demon-
stration that in the system of the diapason the tones
and semitones will arise precisely in the same order
as they do in the key of C, where not one of those
signatures are necessary, and the same, mutatis
mutandis, may be said of all the other keys with the
greater third ; and the like will be found in those
with the lesser third, comparing them with that of
A, the prototype of them all. J
From hence it follows, that the use of the above
signatures has no effect either in the intension or
remission of the intervals ; but the same remain, not-
withstanding the application of them the same as in
the diatonic genus.
It is true, that since the invention of polyphonous
or symphoniacal music, a species of harmony of
which the ancients seem to have been totally
ignorant ; among the various combinations that may
occasionally occur in a variety of parts, some may
arise that shall nearly answer to the chromatic in-
tervals, and it shall sometimes happen that a given
note shall have for its accompaniment those sounds
that constitute a chromatic tetrachord ; and of this
opinion are some of the most skilful modern organists,
P + Dictionaire de Musique, Article Systema.
f j See this demonstrated in the next book.
46
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book I.
who are inclined to think that they sometimes use the
chromatic intervals, without knowing that they do
so.* But the question in debate can only be de-
termined by a comparison of the melody of the
moderns with that of the ancients ; and in that of
the moderns we meet with no such progression as
that which is characterised by three incomposite
semitones and two semitones, which is the least
precise division of the tetrachord that any of the
ancients have given us.
Our countryman Morley gives his opinion of the
matter in the following words : — ' The music which
' we now use is neither just diatonic, nor right
' chromatic. Diatonicum is that which is now in use,
' and riseth throughout the scale by a whole note, a
* whole note, and a lesser or half note. A whole note
'is that which the Latins call Integer Tonus, and
' is that distance which is betwixt any two notes,
'except mi andja; for betwixt mi and Ja is not a
' full halfe note, but is lesse than halfe a note by a
' comma, and therefore called the lesser halfe note, in
' this manner : —
* Likewise by that which is said it appeareth tliis
' point, whiclx our organists use —
f
:g=?yG5 — ^-^^
' is not right chromatica, but a bastard point, patched
' up of halfe chrouiaticke and half diatonick. Lastlie,
' it appeareth by that which is said, that those vir-
' ginals which our unlearned musytians cal cromatica
' (and some also grammatica) l)e not right chromatica,
' but half enharmonica ; and that al the chi'omatica
' may be expressed uppon our common virginals ex-
' cept this : —
t=±:
:te
i
— <&-
'Chromaticum is that which riseth by semitonium
' minus, or the less halfe note, the greater halfe note,
* and three halfe notes thus : —
i
azfes:
:Bt
-<»-#»-
'The greater halfe note betwixt Jh and mi in b
'Ja J] mi. Enarmonicum is that which riseth by
'diesis, diesis (diesis is the halfe of the lesse halfe
' note) and ditonus ; but in our musicke I can give no
' example of it, because we have no halfe of a lesse
' semitonum ; but those who would shew it set down
' this example
Oi
-cN O— )^-»-
-♦—
of enarmonicum, and mark the diesis thus x as it
were the halfe of the apotome or greater halfe note,
which is marked thus ^. This sign of the more
halfe note we now-a-daics confound with our b
square, or signe of mi in \j mi, and with good
reason ; for when mi is sung in b fa }-j mi, it is in
that habitude to a la mi re, as the double diesis
maketh F ya ut sharpe to E la mi, for in both
places the distance is a whole note ; but of this
enough : and by this which is already set downe, it
may evidentlie appeare that this kind of musick
which is usual now-a-daies, is not fully and in
every respect the ancient diatonicum ; for if you
begin any four notes, singing ut, re, mi, fa, you
shall not find either a flat in E la mi, or a sharp in
F fa ut ; so that it must needes follow that it is
neither just diatonicum nor right chromaticum.
" It is also said, that in passages of notes in succession the chromatic
intervals sometimes occur. The following not uncommon passage is
eaid to be an example of the hemiolian or sesquialteral chromatic : —
t
:5r$5s:
t-
' for if you would thinke that the sharpe in g sol re
' ut would serve tliat turne by experiment, you shall
' find that it is more than halfe a quarter of a note too
'low.'t
From hence we may conclude in general, that the
system as it stands at present, is not adapted to the
chromatic genus ; and were there a possibility, which
no one can admit, of rendering the chromatic tolerable
to a modern ear, the revival of it would require what
has often been attempted in vain, a new and a better
temperament of the system than tlie present.
From the several hypotheses above stated, and the
different methods of dividing the tetrachord in each
genus, it clearly appears that among the most ancient
of the Greek harmonicians there was a great diversity
of opinions with respect to the constitution of the
genera. And it also appears that both the chromatic
and enarmonic gave way to the diatonic, as being the
most natural, and best adapted to the general sense of
harmony ; indeed it is very difficult to account for
the invention and practice of the former two, or to
persuade ourselves that they could ever be rendered
grateful to a judicious ear. And after all that has
been said of the enarmonic and chromatic, it is highly
probable that they were subservient to oratory, or in
short that they were modes of speaking and not of
singing, the intervals in which they consist not being
in any of the ratios which are recognized by the ear
as consonant.
Another subject in harmonics, no less involved in
obscurity, is the doctrine of the Modes, Moods, or
Tones, for so they are indiscriminately termed by
such as have professed to treat of them. The appel-
lation of Moods has indeed been given to the various
kinds of metrical combination, used as well in music
as poetry, and were the word Tone less equivocal
than Mode, it might with propriety be substituted in
the place of the former. Euclid has given no fewer
than four senses in which the word Tone is accepted;^
whereas that of Mode or Mood is capable of but two ;
and when it is said that these appellations refer to
subjects so very different from each other as sound
t Plaine and easie Introduction to Practicall Musicke. Annotations
on Part I.
I Introd. Harmon, ex. vers. Meibom. pag. 19. et vide Meib. in loc
citat.
Chap. IX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
47
and duration, that is to say tone and time, there can
be little doubt which of the two is to be preferred.
To consider the term Mode in that which is con-
ceived to be its most eligible sense, it signifies a
certain series or progression of sounds. Seven in
number at least are necessary to determine the nature
of the progression ; and the distinction of one mode
from another arises from that chord in the system
from whence it is made to commence ; in this respect
the term Mode is strictly synonymous with the word
Key, which at this day is so well understood as to
need no explanation.
As to the number of the modes, there has subsisted
a great variety of opinions, some reckoning thirteen,
others fifteen, others twelve, and others but seven ;
and, to speak with precision, it is as illimitable as
the number of sounds. The sounds that compose
any given series, with respect to the degree of
acumen or gravity assigned to each, are capable of
an innumerable variety; for as a point or a line may
be removed to places more or less distant from each
other ad infinitum ; in like manner a series of sounds
may be infinitely varied, as well with respect to the
degree of acumen or gravity, as the position of each
in the system ;* we are therefore not to wonder at
the diversity of opinions in this respect, or that
while some limit the modes to seven, others contend
for more than double that number.
At what time the modes were first invented does
no where clearly appear. Bontempi professes him-
self at a loss to fix it;f but Aristides Quintilianus
intimates that they were known so early as the time
of Pythagoras ; | and considering the improvements
he made, and that it was he who perfected the great
or immutable system, it might naturally be supposed
that he was the inventor of them ; but the contrary
of this is to be inferred from a passage in Ptolemy,
who says that the ancients supposed only three modes,
the Dorian, the Phrygian, and the Lydian,§ denomi-
nations that do but ill agree with the supposition
that any of them were invented by Pythagoras,
who it is well known was a Samian. But farther,
Aristides Quintilianus, in the passage above referred
to, has given the characteristical letters of all the
fifteen modes according to Pythagoras ; so that ad-
mitting him to have been the inventor of the ad-
ditional twelve, the institution of the three primitive
modes is referred backwards to a period anterior
to that in which the system is said to have been
perfected.
Euclid relates that Aristoxenus fixed the number
of the modes at thirteen, that is say, 1. The Hyper-
mixolydian or Hyperphrygian. 2. The acuter Mix-
olydian, called also the Hyperiastian. 3. The graver
Mixolydian, called also the Hyperdorian. 4. The
acuter Lydian. 5. The graver Lydian, called also
the iEolian. 6. The acuter Phrygian. 7. The
graver Phrygian, called also the lastian. 8. The
Dorian. 9. The acuter Hypolydian. 10. The graver
Hypolydian, called also the Hypooeolian. li. The
* Wallis, Append, de Vet. Harm. pag. 312.
+ Histor. Mus. pag. 136.
t Lib. I. pag. 28, ex. vers. Meibom.
§ Hoimonicor. lib. II. cap. vi. x. ex vers. Wallis.
acuter Hypophrygian. 12. The graver Hypophry-
gian, called also the Hypoiastian. 13. The Hypo-
dorian. || The most grave of these was the Hypo-
dorian ; the rest followed in a succession towards the
acute, exceeding each other respectively by a hemi-
toue ; and between the two extreme modes was the
interval of a diapason. ^
The better opinion however seems to be, that
there are in nature but seven, and as touching the
diversity between them, it is thus accounted for. The
Proslambanomenos of the hypodorian, the gravest of
all the modes, was, in the judgment of the ancients,
the most grave sound that the human voice could
utter, or that the hearing could distinctly form a judg-
ment of; they made the Proslambanomenos of the
hypoiastian or graver hypophrygian to be acuter
by a hemitone than that of the hypodorian; and
consequently the Hypate of the one more acute by
a hemitone than the Hypate of the other, and so on
for the rest ; so that the Proslambanomenos of the
hypoiastian was in the middle, or a mean between
the Proslambanomenos of the hypodorian and its
Hypate hypaton. The Proslambanomenos of the
acuter hypophrygian w'as still more acute by a hemi-
tone, and consequently more acute by a whole tone
than the hypodorian, and therefore it coincided with
the Hypate hypaton of that mode, as is thus re-
presented by Ptolemy, lib. II. cap. xi.*''*
ACUTE
Tone
Limma
Tone
Tone
Limma
Tone
Tone
Hypermixolydian
Mixolydian
Lydian
Phrygian
Dorian
Hypolydian
Hypophrygian
Hypodorian
GRAVE
Those who contended for fifteen modes, among
whom Alypius is to be reckoned, to the thirteen
above enumerated, added two others in the acute,
which they termed the Hyperlydian and Hyper-
£eolian.ff
But against this practice of increasing the modes
by hemitones, Ptolemy argues most strongly in the
eleventh chapter, and also in the four preceding
chapters of the second book of his Harmonics : and
indeed were it to prevail, the modes might be
multiplied without end, and to no purpose. Not-
withstanding this, Martianus Capella contends for
fifteen and Glareanus for twelve modes ; but it is to
II Euclid. Introd. Harm. pag. xx.
IT Wallis. Append, de Vet. Harm. pag. 312.
«* Ibid. pag. 313.
+t Wallis. Append, pag. 312.
48
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book I.
be observed, that both those latter writers are, in
respect of the Greek harmonicians, considered as
mere moderns ; and besides these there are certain
other objoetions to their testimony, which will be
mentioned in their proper place.
As to the two additional modes mentioned by
Alypius, they seem to have been added to the former
thirteen, more with a view to regularity in the names
and positions of the modes, than to any particnlar
nse ; and perhaps there is no assignable period of
time during which it may with truth be said, that
more than thirteen were admitted into practice.
Ptolemy however rejects as spurious six of the
thirteen allowed bj' the Aristoxeneans, and this in
consequence of the position he had advanced, that
it was not lawful to encrease the modes, by a hemi-
tone. It is by no means necessary to give his
reasons at large for limiting the number to seven, as
his doctrine contains in it a demonstration that the
encrease of them beyond that number was rather
a corruption than an improvement of the harmonic
science. As to the three primitive modes, the
Dorian, the Phrygian, and the Lydian, each of them
was situated at the distance of a sesquioctave tone
from that next to it,* and therefore the two extremes
were distant from each other two such tones ; or, in
other words, the Phrygian mode was more acute
than the Dorian by one tone, and the Lydian more
acute than the Phrygian by one tone ; consequently
the Lydian was more acute than the Dorian by two
tones.
To these three modes Ptolemy added four others,
making together seven, which, as he demonstrates,
are all that nature can admit of. As to the Hyper-
mixolydian, mentioned by him in the tenth chapter
of his second book, it is evidently a repetition of the
hypodorian.
MIXOLYDIAN
LYDIAN
PHRYGIAN
DORIAN
HYPOLYDIAN
HYPO PHRYGIAN
HYPODORIANf
The above is the order in which they are given
by Euclid, Gaudentius, Bacchius, and Ptolemy him-
self, though the latter, in the eleventh chapter of his
second book, has varied it by placing the Dorian
first, and in consequence thereof transposing all the
rest ; but this was for a reason which a closer view
of the subject will make it unnecessary to explain.
Having proceeded thus far in the endeavour to
distinguish between the legitimate and the spurious
modes, it may now be proper to enter upon a more
particular investigation of their natures, and see
if it be not possible, notwithstanding that great
diversity of opinion that has prevailed in the world,
to draw from those valuable sources of intelligence
the ancient harmonic writers, such a doctrine as may
* Wallis. Append, pag. 312.
t Called also the Locrensian. Euclid Introd. Harm. pag. 16.
afford some degree of satisftiation to a modern en-
quirer. It must bo confessed that this has been
attempted by several writers of distinguished abil-
ities, and that the success of their labours has
not answered the expectations of the world. The
Italians, jiarticularly Franchinus, or as he is also
called, Gaffurius, Zaccone, Zarlino, Galilei, and others,
have been at infinite pains to explain the modes of
the ancients, but to little purpose. Kircher has also
undertaken to exhibit them ; but notwithstanding
his great erudition and a seeming certainty in all he
advances, his testimony is greatly to be suspected ;
and, if we may believe Meibomius, whenever ho
professes to explain the doctrines of the ancients,
he is scarcely intitled to any degree of credit. The
reason why these have failed in their attempts is
obvious, for it was not till after most of them wrote,
that any accurate edition of the Greek harmonicians
was given to the world : so lately as the time when
Morley published his Introduction, that is to say in
the reign of queen Elizabeth, it was doubted whether
the writings of some of the most valuable of them
were extant even in manuscript ; and it seemed to
be the opinion that they had perished in that general
wreck of literature which has left us just enough
to guess at the greatness of our loss.
To the several writers above-mentioned we may
add Glareanus of Basil, a contemporary and intimate
friend of Erasmus ; but he confesses tl;at he had
never seen the Harmonics of Ptolemy, nor indeed
the writings of any of the Greek Harmonicians, and
that for what he knew of them he was indebted to
Boetius and Franchinus. From the perusal of these
authors he entertained an opinion that the number
of the modes was neither more nor less than twelve ;
and, confounding the ancient with the modern, or, as
they are denominated, the ecclesiastical modes, which,
as originally instituted by St. Ambrose, were only
four in number, but were afterwards by St. Gregory,
about the year 600, encreased to eight, he adopted
the distinction of authentic and plagal modes, and
left the subject more perplexed than he found it.
To say the truth, very few of the modern writers
in the account they give of the modes are to be
depended on ; and among the ancients, so great is
the diversity of opinions, as well with respect to the
nature as the number of them, that it requires a great
deal of attention to understand the designation of
each, and to discriminate between the genuine and
those that are spurious. In general it is to be
observed that the modes answer to the species of
diapason, which in nature are seven and no more,
each terminating or having its final chord in a regular
succession above that of the mode next preceding :
for instance, the Dorian, which had its situation in
the middle of the lyre or system, had for its final
note hypate meson or E ; the Hypolydian, the next
in situation towards the grave, had for its final chord
parhypate meson or F ; and the Hypophrygian, the
next in situation towards the grave to the Hypo-
lydian, had for its final chord lychanos hypaton or G;
so that the differences between the modes in suc-
cession, with respect to their degrees of gravity,
Chap. X.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
49
corresponded with the order of the tones and semi-
tones in the diatonic series. But it seems that those
of the ancient harmonicians, who contended for
a greater number of modes than seven, effected an
encrease of them by making the final chord of each
in succession, a semitone more acute than that of the
next preceding mode : and against this practice of
augmenting the modes by semitones Ptolemy has
expressly written in the eleventh chapter of the
second book of his Harmonics, and that with such
force of reason and argument, as cannot fail to con-
vince every one that reads and understands him, to
which end nothing can so much conduce as the
attentive perusal of that learned Appendix to his
Harmonics of Dr. Wallis, so often cited in the course
of this work.
Besides this Appendix, the world is happy in the
possession of a discourse entitled, An Explanation of
the Modes or Tones in the ancient Graecian Music,
by Sir Francis Haskins Eyles Stiles, Bart., F. R. S.,
and published in the Philosophical Transactions for
the year 1760; and by the assistance of these two
valuable tracts it is hoped that this abstruse part of
musical science may be rendered to a great degree
which we sing in ascending from the grave to the
acute by the syllables fa, sol, la ; by the second,
the series from Parhypate hypaton to Parhypate
meson, sol, la, fa ; and by the third, that from
Lychanos hypaton to Lychanos meson, fa, sol. la.§
As to the other series here under exhibited from
Hypate meson to Mese, it is inserted to sliew that
the diatessaron is capable of but three mutations ;
for this latter will be found to be precisely the same
as, or in truth but a bare repetition of, the first, || as
is evident in the following scales, in which the
extreme or grave sound from which we ascend, is
distinguished by a difference of character ; the syl-
lables being ever intended to express the intervals
or ratios, and not the chords themselves.
SPECIES of the DIATESSARON III.
intelligible.
Mese
a la
Gsol
F fa
Hypate meson
E la
la
D sol
sol
C fa
fa
Hypate hypaton
B MI
Mr
1
la
sol
sol
fa
fa
fa
la
la
la
sol
SOL
1
FA
3
2
CHAP. X.
To conceive aright of the nature of the modes, it
must be understood, that as there are in nature three
different kinds of diatessaron, and also four diflPerent
kinds of diapente ; and as the diapason is composed
of these two systems, it follows that there are in
nature seven species of diapason.* The difference
among these several systems arises altogether from
the different position of the semitone in each species.
To explain this difference in the language of the
ancient writers would be very difficult, as the terms
used by them are not so well calculated to express
the place of the semitone as those syllables invented
by the moderns for that sole purpose, the practice
whereof is termed solmization. We must therefore
so far transgress against chronological order, as, in
conformity to the practice of Dr. Wallis, to assume
these syllables for the purpose of distinguishing the
several species of diatessaron, diapente, and diapason,
reserving a particular account of their invention and
use to its proper place.
To begin with the diatessaron ; it contains four
chords and three intervals : its species are also three :
the first is said to be that which has la, the character-
istical ratio or sound of the diatessaron, as mi is of
the diapente and diapason, in the first or more acute
place ; the second which hath it in the second, and
the third which hath it in the third.f
Euclid defines these several species by the appel-
latives that denote their situation on the lyre, viz.,
BapvwvKi'oi Barypyknoi, MecroTrvKvoi Mesopyknoi,
and 0£,vTrvKvoL Oxypyknoi,| meaning by the first
the series from Hypaton hypaton to Hypate meson,
* Vide Ptolem. Harm. lib. II. cap. ix. ex vers. Wallis. Wallis.
Append, de Vet. Harm. pap. 310. Euclid. Introd. Harm. pag. 15.
ex vers. Meibom. Kirch. Musurg. tom. I. cap. xv. Xvi.
t Wall. Append, de Vet. Harm. pag. 310.
t Introd. Harm. pag. 15, ex vers. Meib.
The above is the tetrachord hypaton of the great
system ; but as a diapente contains five chords and
four intervals, to explain the nature of the several
species included in that system a greater series is
required ; it is therefore necessary for this purpose
to make use of those two tetrachords between which
the diezeuctic tone may be properly interposed ; and
these can be no other than the tetrachord Meson, and
the tetrachord Diezeugmenon. It has been just said
that the characteristic syllable of the diapente is mi,
and this will be found to occur in the first, second,
third, and fourth places of the following example of
the possible variations in that system, the consequence
whereof is, that the first species is to be sung fa, sol,
LA, mi, the second sol, la, mi, fa, the third la, mi,
fa, sol, and the fourth mi, fa, sol, la, as in the
following scales : —
SPECIES of the DIAPENTE IV.
Nete diezeugmenon
e la
la
d sol
sol
sol
c fa
fa
fa
fa
Paramese
b mi
mi
mi
mi
mi
Mese
a la
la
la
la
LA
Gsol
sol
sol
SOL
4:
F fa
fa
FA
3
Hypate meson
Ela
LA
2
1
These are all the mutations of which the diapente
is capable ; that an additional series, namely, that
from J] to f, was not inserted as a proof of it, agree-
able to what was done in respect to the next pre-
ceding diagram, was because between J] and f the
diazeuctic tone marked by the syllable mi does no
where occur : or, in other words, that series is
a semidiapente or false fifth, containing only three
tones, which is less by a semitone, or, to speak with
S Wallis. Append, de Vet. Harm. pag. 310.
y Ibid. p.
60
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book 1.
precision, a limma, than a true diapente. As for
example :
J] Semitone c Tone d Tone e Semitone f
and were another series to be added, it must begin
from MI or J] ; now the d^azeuetic tone is the interval
between a and Jj, and consequently is out of the
pentachord.*
To distinguish the seven species of diapason, two
conjunct diapasons are required ; for example, from
Proslambanomenos to Nete hyperboleon, to be sung
by the syllables la, mi, fa, sol, la, mi, fa, sol, la,
PA, SOL, LA,j- in which series will be found all the
seven species of the diapason ; and that there are no
more will appear by a repetition of the experiment
made in the case of the diatessaron ; for were we to
proceed farther, and after the seventh begin from
a or LA, the succession of syllables would be in pre-
cisely the same order as in the first series, which is
a demonstration that those two species are the same.l
SPECIES of the DIAPASON VII.
Nete hyperboleon aa la la
g sol sol sol
f fa fa fa fa
e la la la la la
d sol sol sol sol sol sol
c fa fa fa fa fa fa fa
b mi mi mi mi mi mi mi mi
Mese a la la la la la la la la la
G sol sol sol sol sol sol sol SOL
F fa fa fa fa fa fa fa
E la la la la la la
D sol sol sol sol SOL
C fa fa fa fa
B mi mi MI
Proslambanomenos A la la ^
From hence it appears, that to exhibit all the
various species of diapason, a less system than the
disdiapason would have been insufficient ; for though
the same sounds, as to power, return after the single
diapason, yet all the species are not to be found
therein. Ptolemy defines a system to be a con-
sonance of consonances ; adding, that a system is
called perfect, as it contains all the consonances with
their and every of their species ; || for that whole
can only be said to be perfect, which contains all the
parts. According therefore to the first definition,
the diapason is a system, as is also the diapason and
diatessaron, the diapason and diapente, and the dis-
diapason ; for every of these is composed of two or
more consonances ; but, according to the second defi-
nition, the only perfect system is the disdiapason ;
for that, whicb no less system can do, it contains six
consonances, namely, the diatessaron 1, diapente 2,
diapason 3, diapason and diatessaron 4, diapason and
diapente 5, and disdiapason 6 ;^ and nature admits
of no other.
The above scales declare the specific difference
between the several kinds of diatessaron, diapente,
and diapason, by shewing the place of the semitone
in each.
Salinas,** by a discrimination of the greater and
lesser tone, has increased the number of combinationa
of the diatessaron to six in this manner : —
• Wallis. Append, de Vet. Harm. pag. 311.
t Ibid,
t Ibid.
§ Ibid.
11 Lib. II. cap. iv.
II Vide Euclid. Introd. Harm, ex vers. Meib.
«* Lib. IV. cap. iii.
II.
III.
Three species of Diatessaron
Six species of Diatessaron.
144 I 135 ) 120 } 108
A
C
DD
E
G
Tone minor. Tone major. Semit. Tone min. Tone min. Semit. Tone mai. Tone min
I. I. II. 3
Tone maj. Tone maj.
2. III.
Chap. X.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
61
According to which, each of the diatessarons is
made to consist of a hemitone, tone, and tone ; yet
out of the above six combinations, we see that these
intervals do not occur twice in the same order.
Besides these, Salinas has shewn the following six
other species of diatessaron ; in his opinion not less
true than those above exhibited : —
I.
IV.
V.
II.
III.
VT
C 108. D sup. 160. E 144. F 135. G 120. a 108. }j 96. c 90. d 81. e 72.
Tone major. Tone minor. Semit. Tone major. Tone min. Tone maj. Semit. Tone min. Tone major.
it seems however that he has considered that as
ia diatessaron, which in truth is only nominally so,
namely, the Tritonus between F and J] ; * the situ-
ation whereof, in respect to the others in the above
diagram, seems to have suggested to him a motive
for inserting from Bede an account of a very curious
method of divination, formerly practised, which is
here, with some small variation, translated from
Salinas : —
' It is very credible that this disposition gave
* rise to that well-known game, the design whereof
' is to divine when three men placed in order have
' distributed among themselves three lots of different
' magnitudes, which of those lots each person has
' received ; which must be done after six manners,
' and those the same by which the diatessaron is
' divided, and its intervals placed in order as we
' have shewn, that is to say, each lot may be twice
* placed in each of the three situations ; for the three
' men answer to the three places, the first to the
' grave, the second to the mean, and the third to the
* acute ; and the three lots of different magnitudes to
' the three intervals also of different quantity ; the
' greater to the greater tone, the middle to the lesser
' tone, and the least to the semitone. This method
* of divination is performed by the help of twenty-
' four little stones, of which the diviner himself
' gives one to the first, two to the second, and three
' to the third, with this injunction, that he who has
'received the greatest lot, do take up out of the
' remaining eighteen stones as many as were at first
' distributed to him; he who has the lot in the middle
' degree of magnitude, twice as many as he has ; and
' he that has the least lot, four times as many as he
* also has. By this means the diviner will be able to
' know from the number of stones remaining, which
' of the things each person has ; for if the distri-
' bution be made after the first manner, there will
* Salinas l)e Musica, lib. IV. cap. iii.
' be one left ; if after the second two, if after the
' third three, if after the fourth five, if after the fifth
* six ; and, lastly, if after the sixth seven ; for there
•' can never four remain, for which a twofold reason
' may be assigned ; the one from the disposal of the
* instituent, who from the truth of the thing, though
' perhaps the reason thereof was not known by him,
' was impelled to constitute the game in this manner.
" Hand equidem sine mente reor, sine numine divum."
* The other taken from the constant and settled
' order of the harmonical ratio ; but four cannot
* possibly remain, because the first and third persons
' having received an uneven number of stones, either
' of them must, if he have the greatest lot, take up
' an uneven niimber also ; as by the injunction of the
' instituent, he was to take up as many stones as
' were at first distributed to him ; and an uneven
' number being taken out of an even one, the re-
' mainder must necessarily be uneven ; but as each
' of them may have the greatest lot twice, there
' must be four uneven remainders of stones out ot
' the six changes : as to the second, he can have it
' only twice ; because as he has an even number, and
' takes up a number equal thereto, there must an
' even number remain ; for the others must also take
* up even numbers, as they are enjoined to take up
* twice, and four times as many as they had received ;
' and the greatest lot may fall to the second person
' in two cases, for either the first may have the
' middling, and the third the smallest, and then the
' remainder will be two ; or contrary wise, and then
' there will remain six ; and as the greatest lot can-
' not come three times to the second, it is plain that
' the third even number, which is four, cannot by any
' means be left. But the other reason taken from
' the harmonical ratio, is much truer and stronger ;
' for as it is shewn in the seven sounds of a diapason
* from C to c, that a diatessaron may be produced
' towards the acute from six of them, that is to say,
62
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book L
' the first, second, third, fifth, sixth, and seventh, the
'fourth being passed over because the diatessaron
' cannot be produced therefrom ; so also in this play
' the number four is passed over as having no con-
' cern therein ; but it does not happen so in the
'composition of instrumental harmony, for though,
'as is shewn in the last example above, the fourth
' sound from C makes a tritone, with its nominal
* fourth above it, it is not to be excluded from the
'series. Neither is the diapason from this fourth
^ iAjtmd from C, viz., P, to be totally rejected ; for
though by reason of the tritone it cannot be arith-
'metically divided as the other six may, yet may
' it be divided harmonically. I should by no means
'have made mention of this game, being appre-
' hensive that I may be thought to trifle on so serious
'an affair, but that I look upon it as an example
'very much suited to explain the subject we are
'treating of; and I did n the more willingly, be-
• cause I found it particularly treated of by Bede,
'surnamed the Venerable, a most grave man, and
'deeply learned both in theology and secular arts,
' from whence we may conjecture that it has been
' invented above one thousand years." *
But, to retu-rn from this digression, notwithstand-
ing the species of diapason are manifestly seven, the
modes seem originally to have been but three in
^ The passage on which this assertion is grounded, has eluded a cur-
sory search among the writings of Bede ; nevertheless it may possibly be
found in some one or other of those numerous little tracts on arithmetic,
music, and other of the sciences, contained in his voluminous works,
many whereof as yet exist only in manuscript. The description given by
Salinas of this method of divination is in nearly these words : —
Ab hac etiam dispositione credendum est, ortum habuisse lusum ilium
notissimum, cujus propositum est, tribus hominibus ordine dispositis, tres
res diverscE magnitudinis inter se distrlbuentibus, quam quis eorum
acceperit, divinare. Quod sex modis fieri, necesse est : atque eisdem,
quibus diatessaron dividitur, et eodem ordine dispositis, quo tria ipsius
intervalla, tribus in locis bis singula in singulis ostendimus collocari.
Tribus enim locis respondent tres homines : primus gravissimo, seeundus
medio, tertius acutissimo. Et tres res diversEe magnitudinis, tribus
intervallis etiam varise quantitatis, maxima tono majori, media minori,
minima semitonio. Conficetur autem hie lusus 24 lapillis, ex quibus
primo unum, secundo duos, tertio tres divinaturus ipse tradit; ea lege,
ut ex 18 reliquis, qui rem maximam accipiet, tot, quot habet : qui
mediam, bis totidem : qui mininiam, tntidem quater assumat : quo ex
eorum, qui supererunt numero, quae cuique obvenerit, possit cognoscere.
Nam si primo modo fiet distributio, relinquetur unus : si fiet secundo,
duo: si tertio, tres: si quatuor, quinque : si quinto, sex: et si denique
sexto, septem. Neque quatuor unquam poterunt superesse, cujus duplex
ratio potest assignari. Altera, ex arbitrio instituentis ab ipsa rei veritate
forsitan illi non cognita ad lusum sic instituendum impulsi,
' Haud equidem sine mente reor, sine numine divflm.'
Altera ex Ktema rationis harmonice dispositione desumpta. Quod autem
ad instituendum attinet, quatuor id circo remanere non possunt, quoniani
primus, et tertius lapillos impares susceperunt : et cum ex lege tot, quot
habent, accipere teneantur, si maximam habebunt, assument impares :
quibus ex paribus sublatis, impares relinqui necesse est, quod alterutri
bis evenire continget, unde quater impares restabunt. Et cum seeundus
etiam bis maximam possit accipere, quoniam habet pares, totidem
assumptis relinquentur pares : nam reliquos necesse est pares assumere,
cum duplicare, et quadiuplicarelapillos, quos habent, teneantur. Quod
bis evenire continget ; aut enim primus mediam habebit, et tertius mini-
mam, et restabunt duo ; aut contra, et restabunt sex. Et cum maxima
secundo ter evenire nequeat, constat, tertiam parem, qui quatuor est,
nullo modo posse relinqui. Sed multo verior, et fortior est, quae ex
ratione harmonica desumitur. Nam quemadmodum in septem sonis
diapason ostensum est, k sex illorum diatessaron in acutem protrahi
posse, qui sunt primus, seeundus, tertius, quintus. sextus, Septimus : et
quartum praeteriri neque in eo reperiri posse : sic etiam in lusu ipso
prsteritur quarta dictio, quae occisa est ; quod non ita evenit in harmoniae
instrumentalis corapositione. Quandoquidem (ut dictum est) significat
tritonum, quod a quarto sono inter septem sonos diapason invenitur, cum
^ sex aliis omnibus, diatessaron inveniatur. Unde etiam in septem diapa-
son speciebus, quae a septem son is oriuntur, sex arithmetic^ dividi possunt;
una vero nequaquam, quae a C cum i)rima sit, prngrediendo in acutum,
erit quarta. Hujus autem lusus neuti(iuam ego mentionem fecissem, ne
in re tam seria liuiere velle viderer, nisi ad rem, qua de agimus, facilius
explicandam, aptissimum esset exeniplum Quod e6 libentius feci,
quoniam eum comperi ex professo traditum d Beda, cognomento Venera-
bili, viro gravissimo et in divinis Uteris, ac secularibus disciplinis erudi-
tissimo. Unde coujectari licet, ante mille annos excogitatum fuisse.
Salinas de Musica, lib. IV. cap. v.
number, namely, the Dorian, the Phrygian, and the
Lydian : f the first proceeding from E to e, the
second from D to d, and the third from C to c, J how
these are generated shall be made appear.
And first it is to be remarked that the place of the
diazeuctic tone is the characteristic of every mode.
In the Dorian the diazeuctic tone was situated in the
middle of the heptachord, that is to say, it was the
interval between mese or a, and paramese |], the
chords mese and paramese being thus stationed in
the middle of the system, three in the acute, namely,
Trite diezeugmenon, Paranete diezeugmenon, and
Nete diezeugmenon ; and three in the grave, namely,
Lychanos meson, Parhypate meson, and Hypate
meson, determined the species of diapason proper to
the Dorian mode. The series of intervals that con-
stituted the Dorian mode, had its station in the
middle of the lyre, which consisted, as has been
already mentioned, of fifteen chords, comprehending
the system of a disdiapason ; and to characterise the
other modes, authors make use of a diapason with
precisely the same boundaries ; and that because the
extreme chords, both in remission and intention, are
less grateful to the ear than the intermediate ones.
Ptolemy takes notice of this, saying, that the ear is
delighted to exercise itself in the middle melodies : §
and he therefore advises, for the investigation of the
modes, the taking the diapason as nearly as may be
from the middle of the lyre. ||
The Dorian mese being thus settled at a, and the
position of the diazeuctic tone thereby determined,
a method is suggested for discovering the constitution
of the other six modes, namely, the Mixolydian,
Lydian, Phrygian, Hypolydian, Hypophrygian, and
Hypodorian, making together with the Dorian, seven,
and answering to the species of the diapason ; all
above which number, according to the express de-
claration of Ptolemy, are to be rejected as spurious.^
But in order to render this constitution intelligible,
it is necessary to take notice of a distinction made
by Ptolemy, lib. II. cap. xi. between the natural, or,
which is the same, the Dorian Mese and the modal
Mese ; as also between every chord in the lyre or
great system, and its corresponding sound in each of
the modes, which he has noted by the use of the two dif-
ferent terms Positions and Powers. In the Dorian mode
these coincided, as for example, the Mese of the lyre,
that is to say the Mese in position, was also the Mese
in power, the Proslambanomenos in position was also
the Proslambanomenos in power, and so of the rest.**
But in the other modes the case was far otherwise ;
to instance, in the Phrygian, there the Mese in
position was the Lychanos meson in Power, and the
Proslambanomenos in position the Paranete hyper-
boleon in power. In the Lydian the Mese in position
t Ptolem. Harm. lib. TI. cap. vi. Wallis Append, de Vet. Harm. p. 312.
t Vide Kirch. M\isurg. torn. I. cap. xvi.
§ Harmonicor. lib. II. cap. xi.
II Ibid. lib. II. cap. xi.
if Lib. II. cap. viii. ix. xi. ex. vers. Wallis.
*» Vide Sir Francis Stiles on the Modes, pag. 702.
By the Mese in power is to he understood not the actual Mese or the
middle chord of the septenary, but that which marks the position of the
diazeuctic tone which varies in each mode. In the Dorian, for instance,
it holds the middle or fourth, in the Phrygian the third, and in the
Lydian the second place, reckoning from the acute towards the grave. See
the diagram of the species of diapason in the seven Ptolemaic modes
hereafter inserted.
Chap. X.— Book II, Chap. XL
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
5.S
was the Parhypate meson in power, and the Pros-
lambanomenos in position was the Trite hyperboleon
in power ; and to the rule for transposition of the
Mese the other intervals were in like manner subject.
From this distinction between the real, and the
nominal or potential Mese, followed, as above is
noted, a change in the name of every other chord on
the lyre, which change was regulated by that relation
which the several chords in each mode bore to their
respective Mesas, and the term Mese not implying
any thing like what we call the Pitch of the sound,
but only the place of the diazeuctic tone in the lyre,
this change of the name became not only proper, but
absolutely necessary : nor is it any thing more than
is practised at this day, when by the introduction of
a new cliff, we give a new name, not only to One,
but a series of sounds, without disturbing the order
of succession, or assigning to them other powers than
nature has established.
The following scale taken from the notes of Dr.
Wallis on the eleventh chapter of the second book
of the Harmonics of Ptolemy, exhibits the position
on the lyre, of each of the modal Meses : —
aa Nete hyperboleon
g Paranete hyperboleon
f Trite hyperboleon
e Nete diezeugmenon
d Paranete diezeugmenon
c Trite diezeugmenon
J] Paramese
a Mese
4 G Lychanos meson
F Parhypate meson
E Hypate meson
D Lychanos hypaton
C Parypate hypaton
J] Hypate hypaton
A Proslambanomenos*
Now that diversity of stations for the Mese above
represented, necessarily implies the dislocation of the
diazeuctic tone for every mode ; and from the rules
in the tenth chapter of the second book of Ptolemy,
for taking the modes, it follows by necessary con-
sequence that in the Mixolydian mode the diazeuctic
tone must be the first interval, reckoning from acute
to grave ; in the Lydian the second, in th6 Phrygian
the third, in the Dorian the fourth, in the Hypolydian
the fifth, in the Hypophrygian the sixth, and in the
Hypodorian the last.f
The situation of the Mese, and consequently of the
diazeuctic tone being thus adjusted, the component
* Ptolem. Harmonic, ex vers. Wallis, pa^. 137, in not.
+ Sir Francis Stiles on the Modes, pag. 709. And see the diagram of
the seven Ptolemaic modes hereinafter inserted.
intervals of the diapason above and below it, follow
of course as they arise in the order of nature ; and
we are enabled to say not only that the species of
diapason answering to the several modes in their
order are as follow :—
Mixolydian
Lydian
Phrygian
Dorian
Hypolydian
Hypophrygian
Hypodorian
VMESE
Mixolydian
Lydian
Phrygian
Dorian
Hypolydian
Hypophrygian
Hypodorian
^ B to b
C to c
Dtod
- from -^ E to e
Ftof
G to g
^ A to a, or a to aaj
But that the follov^dng is the order in which the
tones and semitones occur in each series, proceeding
from grave to acute : —
Mixolydian — Semitone, tone, tone, semitone, tone,
tone, tone.
Lydian — Tone, tone, semitone, tone, tone, tone,
semitone.
Phrygian — Tone, semitone, tone, tone, tone, semi-
tone, tone.
Dorian — Semitone, tone, tone, tone, semitone, tone,
tone.
Hypolydian — Tone, tone, tone, semitone, tone, tone,
semitone.
Hypophrygian — Tone, tone, semitone, tone, tone,
semitone, tone.
Hypodorian — Tone, semitone, tone, tone, semitone,
tone, tone.§
And this, according to Ptolemy, is the constitution
of the seven modes of the ancients.
t Sir F. S. on the Modes, 708. Kirch. Musurg. tom. I. cap. xvi.
§ Upon the constitution of the first of the above modes a great difficulty
arises, namely, how to reconcile it to the rules of harmonical progression,
for it is expressly said by Kircher and also by Sir Francis Stiles, in his
Discourse on the Modes, pag. 407, and may be inferred from what Ptolemy
says concerning them in his Harmonics, lib. II. cap. x. that the Mixo-
lydian answers to the species of diapason from Hypate hypaton to
Paramese, that is to say, from \j to J], and that the semitones in it are
the first and fourth intervals in that series ; now if this be the case, as
most clearly it is, the interval between the chord }] and the chord
Parypate meson or F, must be a semidiapente, which is a false relation,
arising from two inconcinnous chords, and consequently is unfit for
musical practice.
Again, in the Hypolydian, from Parhypate meson to Trite hyper-
boleon, or F to f , a tritone occurs between F and J], which is a false
relation, and renders this species equally with the former unfit for musical
practice.
Dr. Wallis seems to have been aware of this difficulty, and has at-
tempted to solve it in a diagram of his, containing a comparative view of
the ancient modes with the several keys of the modern.s, by prefixing the
flat sign b, to Hypate hypaton ; agreeable to what he says in another
place, that in the Mixolydian mi is placed in E la mi, and to get rid of
the tritone in the latter case he prefixes a second flat in E ta mi, ex-
cluding thereby mi from thence, and placing it in A la mi re.
Sir Francis Styles has done the same, and farther both these writers
have made use of the acute sign ti for similar purposes. In all which
instances it is supposed they are justified by the practice of the ancients ,
for it is to be noted that they had a particular tuning for every key,
which could be for no other purpose than that of dislocating the inter-
vals from their respective stations in the several species of diapason, and
might probably reduce them to that arrangement observable in the keys
of the modems, which, after all that can be said about them, are finally
resolvable into two.
BOOK II.
CHAP. XI.
In the foregoing enquiry touching the modes, remains, namely, whether the progression in each of
endeavours have been used to demonstrate the coin- the modes was in the order prescribed by nature or
cidence between the seven genuine modes and the not. In what order of succession the tones and
seven species of diapason. But supposing the rela- semitones arise in each species of the diapason has
tion between them to be made out, a question yet already been declared ; and it seems from the repre-
54
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book U.
sentation above given of the species, that as the keys
of the moderns are ultimately reducible to two, do
MI, and KE FA, so the seven modes of the ancients by
the dislocation of the Mese for each, and that con-
sequent new tuning of the diapason for each, which
is mentioned by Ptolemy in the eleventh chapter of
his second book, are by such dislocation of the Mese
and a new tuning reduced to two. To this purpose
Dr. Wallis seems uniformly to express himself, and
particularly in this his description of the modes taken
from Ptolemy : —
' Ptolemy, in the eleventh chapter of his second
book, and elsewhere, makes the Dorian the first of
the modes, which, as having for its Mese and
Paramese the Mese and Paramese both in position
and power, or, to speak with the moderns, having
its 7ni in \j, may be said to be situated in the midst
of them all ; he therefore constitutes the Dorian
mode so as that between the real and assumed names
of all the chords, there is throughout a perfect coin-
cidence : and to this mode answers that key of the
moderns in which no signature is placed at the head
of the stave to denote either flat or sharp.
' Secondly he takes a mode more acute than the
former by a diatessaron, which therefore has for its
Mese a chord also more acute by a diatessaron,
namely the Paranete diezeugmenon of the Dorian,
and consequently its Paramese, which is our 7)ii,
must answer to the Nete diezeugmenon, that is as
we speak, mi is placed in E la mi, and this he calls
the Mixolydian. The moderns for a similar pur-
pose place a flat on B fa, and thereby exclude mi.
' And from hence he elsewhere, lib. II. cap. vi.
concludes, that there is no necessity for that which
the ancients called the conjimct system, namely, the
system from Proslambanomenos to Nete synem-
menon, since that is sufficiently supplied by the
change made in Mese from the Dorian to the Mixo-
lydian mode ; for here follows after the two conjunct
tetrachords in the Dorian, from Hypate hypaton to
the Mese, that is from B mi to A la mi re, a third in
the Mixolydian from its Hypate Meson, which is the
Mese in the Dorian to its Mese, that is from A la
mi re to D la sol re ; so that there are three con-
junct tetrachords from B mi, the Hypate hypaton
of the Dorian, to D la sol re, the Mese of the
Mixolydian.
' Thirdly, as another diatessaron above that in the
acute, could not be taken without exceeding that
diapason in the midst whereof the Mese of the
Dorian was placed, Ptolemy assumes in the room
thereof a diapente towards the grave, which may
answer to a diatessaron taken towards the acute, in
as much as the sounds so taken, differing from each
other by a diapason, may in a manner be accounted
the same. The Mese therefore of this new mode
must be graver by a diapente than that of the
Mixolydian ; that is to say, it is the Lychanos
hypaton of the Mixolydian, or, which is the same,
the Lychanos meson of the Dorian, and consequently
its Paramese will be the Mese of the Dorian ; that
is as we should say, mi in A la mi re. This is
what Ptolemy calls the Hypolydian mode, to denote
which we put besides the flat placed before in B Jd
b mi, a second flat in E la mi, to exclude mi from
thence, and thereby mi is removed into A la vii re.
' Fourtlily, as he could not from hence towardg,
the grave, take either a diapente or diatessaron,
without going beyond the above diapason, Ptolemy
takes a mode more acute than the Hypolydian by
a diatessaron, which he calls the Lydian, the Mese
whereof is the Paranete diezeugmenon, and its
Paramese the Nete diezeugmenon of the Hypo-
lydian ; which latter is also the Paranete diezeugr
menon of the Dorian, that is as we speak, mi in D
la sol re. We, to denote this mode, besides the
two flats already set in b and e, put a third in A la
mi re, whereby we exclude mi from thence, and
transfer it to D la sol re.
' Fifthly, as the Mixolydian was taken from the
Dorian, and made a diatessaron more acute, so is the
Hypodorian to be taken from the same Dorian
towards the grave, and made more grave than that
by a diatessaron : the Mese therefore of the Hyr
podorian is the Hypate meson of the Dorian ; and
its Paramese, wliich is our mi, is the Parhypate
meson of the Dorian, that is as we speak, mi in F
fa ut. We, to denote this mode, leaving out all;
the flats, place an acute signature or sharp in F ^a
ut, which would otherwise be elevated by a hemi-
tone only, and called Ja, but it is now called 7m, and
elevated by a whole tone above the next note under
it ; by reason whereof the next note in the acute
will be distant only a hemitone fi;om that next
under it, and be called Ja, and 7ni will return in
a perfect diapason in the FJa lit next above it.
' Sixthly, as another diatessaron towards the grave
cannot be assumed from the Hypodorian thus
situated, without exceeding the limits of the above
diapason, he takes the Phrygian mode a diapente
more acute, which is the same thing in effect, since
between any series in the fifth above and in the
fourth below, the distance is precisel}' a diapason ;
the Mese therefore of this mode is the Nete die-
zeugmenon of the Hypodorian, that is the Paramese
of the Dorian, and consequently its Paramese is the
Trite diezeugmenon of the Dorian, that is as we>
speak, 7ni in c fa ut ; to denote which, besides the.
sharp placed before in F fa ut, we put another
sharp in G fa ut, which would otherwise be.
elevated by only an hemitone above the next note
under it, but is now elevated by a whole tone ; and
as before it would have been cnWed fa, it must now
be called wi ; and from hence to g sol ve ^^ is now
only a hemitone, which is therefore to be called fa,
7ni returning either in cc sol fa above, or in cfa ut
below.
' Seventhly and lastly, the Hypophrygiao is taken
from the Phrygian, as above defined, and is distant
therefrom by a diatessaron towards the grave. Its
Mese therefore is the Hypate meson of the Phrygian,
that is to say the Parhypate meson of the Dorian,
consequently its Paramese, which is our 7ni, is the
Lychanos meson of the Dorian. That is as we
speak, mi in G sol re ut, to express which, the rest
standing as above, we place a third 8hai:p in G sol
Chap. XI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
55
^e ut, which otherwise, by reason that FJa ut was
made sharp before, would be elevated by only a
hemitone, and called fa, is now elevated by a whole
tone and called 7ni, and therefore A la mi re, distant
from G sol re ut by a hemitone, is called fa, and
mi returns in g sol re ut above, or in V tit below.
' The modes being thus determined, we gather
from thence that the Mixolydian mode is distant
from the Lydian as in Ptolemy, lib. II. cap. x. by
a limma, or not to speak so nicely, by a hemitone,
the Lydian from the Phrygian by a tone, the
Phrygian from the Dorian by a tone, the Dorian
from the Hypolydian by a limma, the Hypolydian
from the Hypophrygian by a tone, and the Hypo-
Phrygian from the Hj'podorian also by a tone.
' From these premises Ptolemy concludes, not only
that the seven modes above enumerated are all that
are necessary, but even that there is not in nature
room for any more, by reason that all the chords in
the diapason are by this disposition occupied : for
since all the chords, from the Hjrpate meson to the
Paranete diezeugmenon inclusively, are the Mese of
some mode, there is no one of them remaining to
be made the mese of any intermediate mode : for
example, the Mese in power of the Hypodorian is
in position the Hypate meson, and the Mese in
power of the Hypophrygian is the Parhypate meson ;
and as there is no chord lying between these two
there is none left, nor can be found to be the Mese
of any intermediate mode, or which, as Aristoxenus
supposes, may with propriety be called the graver
Hypophrygian or Hypoiastian ; and what has been
said of the Mese may vvath equal reason be said of
the Paramese, which is our mi' *
Thus far Dr. Wallis, who has undoubtedly de-
livered, though in very concise terms, the sense of
his author ; nevertheless as the whole of the argu-
ments for restraining the number of modes to seven
is contained in the eleventh chapter of the second
book of Ptolemy, and Sir Francis Stiles has bestowed
his pains in an English version thereof, it may not
be amiss to give it as translated by him, and his
words are as follow : —
' Now these being the modes which we have
' established, it is plain, that a certain sound of the
'diapason is appropriated to the Mese in power,,
* of each, by reason of their being equal in number
' to the species. For a diapason being selected out
*of the middle parts of the perfect system, that
' is the parts from Hypate meson in position to Nete
'diezeugmenon, because the voice is most pleased
'to be exercised about the middle melodies, seldom
'running to the extremes, because of the difficulty
'and constraint in immoderate intensions, and re-
' missions, the Mese in power of the Mixolydian will
'be fitted to the place of Paranete diezeugmenon,
'that the tone may in this diapason make the first
' species ; that of the Lydian, to the place of Trite
' diezeugmenon, according to the second species ;
' that of the Phrygian, to the place of Paramese,
'according to the third species; that of the Dorian,
' to the place of the Mese, making the fourth and
* Wallis Append, de Vet. Harmon, pag. 314, et seq.
' middle species of the diapason ; that of the Hy-
' polydian, to the place of Lychanos meson, accord-
' ing to the fifth species ; that of the Hypophrygian.
' to the place of Parhypate meson, according to the
' sixth species ; and that of the Hypodorian, to the
' place of Hypate meson, according to the seventh
' species ; that so it may be possible in the alterations
' required for the modes, to keep some of the sounds
' of the system unmoved, for preserving the mag-
' nitude of the voice, meaning the pitch of the
' diapason ; it being impossible for the same powers,
'in different modes to fall upon the places of the
' same sounds. But should we admit more modes
' than these, as they do who augment their excesses
' by hemitones, the Meses of two modes must of
' necessity be applied to the place of one sound ; sa
'that in intkrchanging the tunings of those two
'modee, the whole system in each must be removed,
'not preserving any one of the preceding tensions
' in common, by which to regulate the proper pitch
' of the voice. For the Mese in power of the Hypo-
' dorian for instance, being fixed to Hypate meson
' by position, and that of the Hypophrygian to
' Parhypate meson, the mode taken between these
' two, and called by them the graver Hypophrygian,
' to distinguish it from the other acuter one, must
' have its Mese either in Hypate, as the Hypodorian,
' or in Parhypate, as the acuter Hypophrygian ;
' which being the case, when we interchange the
' tuning of two such modes, which use one common
' sound, this sound is indeed altered an hemitone in
' pitch by intension or remission ; but having the
' same power in each of the modes, viz., that of the
' Mese, all the rest of the sounds are intended or
' remitted in like manner, for the sake of preserving
' the ratios to the Mese, the same with those taken
' before the mutation, according to the genus common
' to both modes ; so that this mode is not to be
' held different in species from the former, but the
' Hypodorian again, or the same Hypophrygian, only
' somewhat acuter or graver in pitch, that these
' seven modes therefore are sufficient, and such as
' the ratios require, be it thus far declared.' f
Dr. Wallis continues his argument, and with
a degree of perspicuity that leaves no room to doubt
but that he is right in his opinion, shows that the
modes of the ancients were no other than the seven
species of diapason : for, as a consequence of what
he had before laid down, he asserts that the syllable
mi, to speak, as he says, with the moderns, has
occupied all the chords by the modes now determined,
since in the Hypodorian, mi is found in F, and also
in f, which is a diapason distant therefrom. In the
Hypophrygian it is found in G, and therefore also
in F and in g, which are each a diapason distant
therefrom. In the Hypophrygian it is found in
a, and therefore in A and aa, each distant a diapason
therefrom. In the Dorian it is found in \^, and
therefrom in J] and 1]J]. In the Phrygian rtii is
found in c, and also in C and cc. In the Lydian it
is found in d, and therefore in D and dd. And
lastly, in the Mixolydian it is found in e. and con-
t Sir F. S. on the Modes, pag. 724.
o6
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book II.
sequently in E and ee ; from all which it is evident
that there can no one chord remain whereon to place
mi for any other mode, which would not coincide
with some one of these above specified.*
Nothing need be added to illustrate this account
of the modes but an observation, that instead of
g and c for the respective places of 7ni in the Hypo-
phrygian and Phrygian modes, their true positions
will be found to be in g# and ctt and their replicates.
The following scheme is exhibited by Dr. Wallis
to show the correspondence between the several keys
as they arise in the modern system, ajid the modes of
the ancients : —
4
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—TSV
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w
By which it should seem that the key of A with the
lesser third answers to the Dorian ; D with the lesser
third to the Mixolydian ; G with the lesser third to
the Hypolydian ; C with the lesser third to the
Lydian ; E with the lesser third to the Hypodorian ;
B with the lesser third to the Phrygian, and F^ with
the lesser third to the Hypophrygian.
These are the sentiments of those who taught that
the modes were coincident with the species of dia-
pason. Another opinion however pi'evailed, namely,
that the word Mode or tone signified not so properly
any determinate Succession of sounds, as the Place
of a sound ; and indeed this is one of the definitions
given by Euclid of the word Tone or Mode ; | or, in
other words, the difference between one tone and
another consisted in the Tension, or, as we should
say, the Pitch of the system. § The occasion of this
diversity of opinion seems to be this, Aristoxenus.
the father of that sect which rejected the measure
by ratios, and computed it by intervals, in his treatise
on Harmonics, book the second, divides the science
into seven parts, 1. Of sounds 2. Of intervals
3, Of genera. 4. Of systems. 5. Of tones. G. of
mutations. 7, of melopoeia. || Now had he con-
sidered the species of diapason to have been the
same as, or even connected with, the modes, it had
been natural for him to have placed them under the
fifth division, that is to say, of tones, or at least
under the sixth, of mutations . instead of which we
find them ranged under the fourth, namely, that of
systems ; and even there it is not expressly saia,
though from their denominations, and other circum-
stances it might well be inferred, that the species of
diapason had a relation to the modes.^ The silence
of Aristoxenus, and indeed of all his followers, in
this respect, has created a difficulty in admitting a
connexion between the species of diapason and the
modes, and has led some to suspect that they were
distinct ; though after all that can be said, if the
modes were not the same with the species, it is
extremely hard to conceive what they could be ; for
a definition of a mode, according to the Aristoxeneans,
* Append. <le Vet. Harm. 315.
t Ptolein. Harmonic, ex vers. Wallis, pas- 137, in not.
t Introd. Harm. pag. 19, ex vers Meibora.
§ Sir Francis Stiles on the Modes, pag. 698.
II Lib. 11. pag. XXXV. et seq. ex vers. Meibom.
il Vide Sir Francis Stiles on the Modes, pag. 704.
does by no means answer to the effects ascribed by
the ancient writers, such as Plutarch and others, to
the modes ; for instance, can it be said of the Dorian
that it was grave and solemn, or of the Phrygian
that it was warlike, or that the Lydian was soft and
effeminate, when the difference between them con-
sisted only in a different degree of intension or
remission ; or, in other words, a difference in respect
of their acumen or gravity ? On the other hand, the
keys of the moderns, which, as already has been
shewn, answer to the modes of the ancients, have
each their characteristic, arising from the different
measures of their component intervals ; those with
the minor third are all calculated to excite the
mournful affections , and yet amongst these a dif-
ference is easily noted . the funereal melancholy of
that of F is very distinguishable from the cloying
sweetness of that of A ; between those with the
greater third a diversity is also apparent, for neither
is the martial ardour of the key D at all allied
to the hilarity that distinguishes the key E, nor the
plaintive softness of E b to the masculine energy
of B b , but sarely no such diversity could exist,
if the sole difference among them lay in the Pitch,
without regard to their component intervals.
This difficulty, whether greater or less, seems
however to be now removed by the industry and
ingenuity of the above-named Sir Francis Stiles,
who in the discourse so often above-cited, namely,
his Explanation of the Modes or Tones in the
ancient Grascian Music, has reconciled the two doc-
trines, and suggested a method for demonstrating
that to adjust the pitch of any given mode is also
to atljust the succession of its intervals, the conse
quence whereof is a discovery that the two doctrines,
though seemingly repugnant, are in reality one and
the same. The reasonings of this very able and
accurate writer are so very close and scientific, that
it is not easy to deliver his sense in other terms than
his own ; however it may not be amiss to give
a short statement of his arguments.
The two doctrines which he has undertaken thus
to reconcile, he distinguishes by the epithets of Har-
monic and Musical ; the former of these, which he
says had the Aristoxeneans for its friends, taught
that the difference between one mode and another,
Chap. XII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
57
lay in the tension or pitch of the system ; the latter,
and which Ptolemy with great force of reasoning
contends for, teaches that this difference consisted in
the manner of dividing an octave, or, as the ancients
express it, in the different species of diapason : the
task which this writer has undertaken is, to shew
that between these two definitions of a musical mode
there is a perfect agreement and coincidence.
In order to demonstrate this he shews, pag. 701,
from Bacchius, pag. 12, edit. Meibom. that the Mixo-
lydian mode was the most acute, the Lydian graver
l)y a hemitone, the Phrygian graver than the Lydian
by a tone, the Dorian graver than the Phrygian by
a tone, the Hypolydian graver than the Dorian
by a hemitone, the Hypophrygian graver than the
Hypolydian by a tone, and the Hypodorian graver
than the Hypophrygian by a tone.* He adds,
' that as the Guidonian scale answers to the system
' of the ancients in its natural situation, which was
' in the Dorian mode, and our A la mi re conse-
' quently answers to the pitch of the Dorian Mese,
'■ we have a plain direction for finding the absolute
' pitch of the Meses for all the seven in our modern
' notes, and they will be found to stand thus : —
Mixolydian Mese in
- d
Lydian in -
c^
Phrygian in -
- b
Dorian in -
a
Hypolydian in - - - g^
Hypophrygian in - - f ^
Hypodorian in - - - 6 f
But to understand this doctrine as delivered by
(he ancients, the same author says it will be necessary
to examine how the Meses of the seven modes were
stationed upon the lyre ; and in order to that, to
consider the structure of the instrument ; this he
explains in the following words : — The lyre, after
* its last enlargement, consisted of fifteen strings,
' which took in the compass of a disdiapason or
' double octave ; these strings were called by the
* same names as the fifteen sounds of the system, and
* when tuned for the Dorian mode corresponded
* exactly with them. Indeed there can be no doubt
' but that the theory of the system had been origi-
* nally drawn from the practic of the lyre in this
' mode, which was the favourite one of the Greeks,
* as the lyre was also their favourite instrument. In
' this mode then the Mese of the system was placed
' in the Mese of the lyre, but in every one of the
* rest it was applied to a different string, and every
' sound in the system transposed accordingly. Hence
' arose the distinction between a sound in Power and
* a sound in Position ; for when the system was
' transposed from the Dorian to any other mode,
' suppose for instance the Phrygian, the Mese of the
' lyre, though still Mese in position, acquired in this
* case the power of the Lychanos meson ; and the
« Sir F. S. on the Modes, 701.
t Ibid. Dr. Wallis, in his edition of Ptolemy, pag. 137, assigns c, g,
and f natural, for the positions of the Lydian, Hypolydian, and Hypo-
phrygian Mese ; but Sir Francis Stiles, for reasons mentioned in his
discourse, pag. 703, places them in c% g){(, and f «(•
' Paramese of the lyre, though still Paramese in
' position, acquired the power of the Mese. In these
* transpositions, one or more of the strings always
' required nerv tunings, to preserve the relations of
' the system ; but notwithstanding this alteration of
* their pitch they retained their old names when
* spoken of, in respect to their positions only ; for the
' name implied not any particular pitch of the string,
' but only its place upon the lyre in the numerical
' order, reckoning the Proslambanomenos for the
'first.':!:
These are the sentiments of the above-cited author,
with respect to the Harmonic doctrine : the Musical
has been already explained ; or if any thing should
be wanting, the scale hereinafter inserted, shewing
the position of the Mese, and the succession of chords
in each of the modes in a comparative position with
those in the natural system, will render it sufficiently
intelligible.
CHAP. XIL
It now remains to shew the method by which this
author proposes to reconcile the two doctrines. He
says that by the Harmonic doctrine we are told the
pitch of the system for each mode ; and by the
Musical, in what part of the system to take the
species of diapason, and that by combining the two
directions we gain the following plain canon for
finding any mode required : — §
CANON.
' First pitch the system for the mode, as
' directed by the harmonic doctrine ; then select
' from it the diapason, directed by the musical ;
' and we have the characteristic species of the
' mode in its true pitch.' ||
To make this more plainly appear, he has annexed
a diagram of the species of diapason, which is here
also exhibited, and which he says will shew at what
pitch of the Guidonian scale each sound of the dia-
pason is brought out by the canon for each of the
seven modes ; and that as in the construction of this
diagram the directions of the canon have been strictly
pursued, so it will appear that the result of it is in all
respects conformable to the principles of both doc-
trines. ' Thus,' continues he, ' in the Dorian, for in-
' stance, it will be seen that the Mese is placed in A
' la mi re, and that the rest of the sounds exhibited
' in that diapason, are placed at the proper distances,
' for preserving the order of the system as required
' by the harmonic doctrine. It will also be seen that
' the diapason selected lies between Hypate meson
' and Nete diezeugmenon ; that the semitones are the
' first interval in the grave, and third in the acute ;
' and that the Diazeuctic tone is in the fourth interval,
* reckoning from the acute. All which circumstances
' were also required by the musical doctrine for this
' mode ; and in the rest of the modes all the cir-
' cumstances required by each doctrine will in like
* manner be found to obtain : So that no objection
X Sir Francis Stiles on the Modes, pag. 702.
§ Ibid, 710. II Ibid.
68
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IL
' can well be raised to the principles on which the ' argument in justification of the manner in which
' diagram has been framed, by the favourers of either ' I have combined them in the canon.' *
' doctrine separately : and the very coincidence of Here follows the diagram of the seven species of
* the two doctrines therein might furnish a probable diapason above-mentioned : —
« Ibid. 711.
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By the help of the above diagram it is no very positions from the Dorian, which occupies the middle
difficult matter to ascertain, beyond the possibility of station : whether after such transposition the inter\-als
doubt, the situations of the different modes with remained the same or not, is a subject of dispute,
respect to each other ; or, in other words, to demon- With regard to this question it may be ubserved,
strate that six of them were but so many ti-ans- that throughout the whole of Ptolemy's treatise.
Chap. XII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
59
nothing is to be met with that leads to a comparison
between the modes of the ancients and the keys of
the moderns ; for it seems that with the former the
characteristic of each mode was the position of the
diazeuctic tone, and the consequent arrangement of
the tones and semitones corresponding with the
several species of diapason, to which they respectively
answer. But the keys of the moderns are distinguislied
by the final chord, and therefore unless they could
be placed in a state of opposition to each other, it is
very difficult to demonstrate that this or that key
answers to this or that of the ancient modes, or unless
a several tuning of the lyre for each mode be sup-
posed, to ascertain the constituent intervals of the
latter. Sir Francis Stiles seems to have been aware
of this difficulty, for though in page 708 of his dis-
course, he has given a diagram in which the Mixo-
lydian mode is made to answer to the series from J]
to j-j, and the others in succession, to the succeeding
species, he means nothing more by this than to com-
pare them severally with a species of diapason
selected from the middle of the lyre, without regard
to the fundamental chord or key-note.
Neither does the diagram of the seven species of
diapason, given by him and above inserted, afford
^ny intelligence of this kind ; and but for a hint that
he has dropped at the close of his discourse, that the
Hypodorian answers exactly to our A 7ni la, with
a minor third, and the Lydian to our A mi la, with
a major third,* we should be totally at a loss with
respect to his sentiments touching the affinity between
the ancient modes and the modern keys.
That there was some such affinity between the
one and the other is beyond a doubt ; f and we see
Dr. Wallis's opinion of the matter in the diagram
above inserted from his notes on the eleventh chapter,
lib. II. of his author, containing a comparative view
of the keys with the modes. And though it ia to be
* The anonymous author of a Letter to Mr. Avison, who by the way
was the late reverend and learned Dr. Jortin, had in that letter blamed
Sanadon and Cerceau for affirming, in their Observations on Horace,
that the Dorian mode answered exactly to our A mi la with a minor
third, and the Phrygian to our A mi la with a major third : from hence
Sir Francis Stiles takes occasion to give the above as his opinion of the
matter In which, after all, it seems that he is mistaken, and that the
author of the letter was in the right: his words are these, and they are
well worth noting : —
' Sanadon and Cerceau in their observations on Horace, Carm. v. 9.
' Sonai^te mixtum tibiis carmen lyra, "■
' Hac Dorium, illis barbajum.
'affirm that the Modus Dorius answered exactly to our A mi to with
'a minor third, and the Modus Phrygius to our A mi la with a major
'third: but surely this is a musical error, and a dream from the ivory
' gate. Two modes, with the same tonic note, the one neither acuter nor
' graver than the other, make no part of the old system of modes.'
This is very true ; and the reason of Sir Francis Stiles for asserting the
contrary was that he had deceived himself into a diffijrent opinion by placing
the acute signs to f c and g in the Lydian, thereby giving to that series
the appearance of the key of A)^. But upon his own principlics the
Lydian answers to our key of C fa ut with the major third,
Tone, tone, semitone, tone, tone, tone, semitone
DO RK MI PA SOJ. RE MI
For though the acute signs require that the final chord be A, the succession
of intervals is that proper to the diapason C c.
+ Setbus Calvisiua seems to have been of this opinion in the following
passage cited by Butler in his Principles of Music, jiag Sfi. in not : — ' In
'hoc cborali cantu, diligentissime consideret huic Arti deditus, qui sint
' ubique ; Modulationis progressus, quod Exordium, et quis Finis : ut
'cognoscat ad quern modum referatur. Inde enim tam primarium illius
' Modi clausulam, quam Secundariam, eruere, et convenientibus locis
'annntare, et inserere poterit.' Calvis, c. 17, and Butler himself adds
that this is the general sentiment of musicians. Notwithstanding that
CcElius Ilhodoginus out of Cassiodorus distinguishes the modes by their
several effects. Ibid.
feared that there is not that precise agreement
between them which he has stated, there is good
ground to suppose that, as in the keys, the succession,
of intervals is in the order which the sense approves,
so the succession in the modes could not but have
been in some degree also grateful to the ear.
This supposition is founded on a passage in the
eleventh chapter of the second book of Ptolemy,
importing no less than that each of the modes re-
quired a peculiar tuning, and these tunings have
been severally investigated, and are given by Sir
Francis Stiles ; for what purpose, then, it may be
asked, but to render the intervals grateful to the
sense, was a new tuning of the lyre for every mode
necessary ; and what could that terminate in, but
two constitutions, in the one whereof the interval
between the fundamental chord and its third was
a semiditone, and in the other a ditone ; and when
the lyre was so tuned, what became of the seven
species of diapason ? The answer to this latter
demand is, that as there seem to be in nature but
the two species above mentioned, proceeding, as will
presently be shewn, from A and C respectively, the
remaining five were rejected, and considered as sub-,
jects of mere speculation.
But before we proceed to refute the opinion of
those who without knowing, or even suspecting, that
the tuning of the lyre was different in each mode,
contend, that there are in nature seven, not merely
nominal, but real modes, it is but just tO; state the^
reasons on which it is founded.
And first it is said on the authority of those,
ancient writers who define a mode to be a given,
species of di9,pason, that as there are in nature seven
such species, so are there seven modes, in each whereof
the succession of tones and semitones must be in that
order which nature has established, or as they arise
in the scale, without interposing any of those sig-
natures to denote remission or intension, which are
used for that purpose by the moderns. They say
farther that none of the apecies were at any time
rejected by the ancients as unfit for practice ; and
from thence take occasion to lament the depravity of
the modern system, which admits of no other diversity
of modes or keys than what arises from the difference
between the major and the minor third ; for, say they,
and they say truly, the modern system admits in fact
of but two, namely A and C ; the first the protoype
of the flat, as the latter is of the sharp keys, all the
rest being respectively resolvable into one or the
other of these.|
t In the Dissertation sur le Chant Gregorien of Monsieur Nivers,
Paris 1688, chap. xii. it is said that the eight ecclesiastical tones, which
all men know have their foundation in the ancient modes, are reducible
to four, and in strictness to two, as being no otherwise essentially dis-
tinguished than by the greater and lesser third ; and the same may be
inferred from a well-known discourse, entitled a Treatise on Harmony,
containing the chief rules for composing in two, three, and four parts,
which though at first printed in 1730 by one of his disciples, was indis-
putably the work of Dr. Pepusch, and was afterwards published by him
with additions, and examples in notes. In this tract is a chapter on
transposition, in which the reader is referred to a plate at the end of the
work, containing a table of the keys, with their characteristics, and
a stave of musical lines, with certain letters inscribed thereon, which,
for the purpose of resolving any transposed or factitious key into its
natural tone by the annihilation of the flat or sharp signatures, he ia
directed to cut off and apply to the above-mentioned table, by means
whereof it may be discovered that all the flat keys are transpositions from
that of A, and all the sharp from that of C This is a process so merely
mechanical, that no one can be the wiser for having performed it, and
60
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book XL
But what, if after all, the ear will not recognise any-
other succesion of intervals than is found in the con-
stitution of the keys A and C ? The consequence
is rather calculated to disguise than explain the true method of reducing
a transposition to its natural key. But in a small tract, entitled,
Elements ou Principes de Musique mis dans un novel Ordre, par M.
Loulie, printed at Amsterdam, in 1698, we meet with a notable rule or
canon for this purpose, which fully answers the design of its invention.
This author premises that the dieses, or what we should call the sharps,
placed at the begining of the musical stave, arise by fifths, beginning
from F, that is to say, C G D A E, and that the B mols or flats arise by
fourths, begining from B in this order, E A D G C. The rule or canon
which he deduces from hence is this : In keys which are determined by
sharp signatures, call the last sharp si ; or as any but a Frenchman
would say mi, and place or suppose such a cliff at the head of the stave
as in a regular course of solmisation, will make it so. To give an in-
stance of the key of E with the major third : —
Here the attentive peruser will observe that the interval between the
third and fourth, and also between the seventh and eighth notes, is
a semitone ; and that to make the last sharp D, mi, the tenor clilf must
be placed on the first line of the stave, and when this is done as here it is—
w
~m—m-
irzi
DO KE MI FA SOL EE MI FA
the progression of tones and semitones will be exactly in the same order
as in the key of C, from which this of E is therefore said to be a
transposition.
The canon farther directs in the keys mth the flat signatures, to call
the last of the flats vx, and to place or suppose a cliff accordingly, and to
shew the effect of the rule in an instance of that kind, the following
example is given of the key of F with the minor third : —
m
^--
~C2Z
zur.
Here the intervals between the second and third, and also between the
fifth and sixth notes, are semitones : and to make the last flat, which is
1), FA, it is necessary to place the bass cliff on the fourth line of the
stave, which annihilates the flat signatures, and demonstrates that the
above key of F is a transposition from that of A with the minor third : —
w.
BE
MI FA BE MI FA SOL LA.
Another rule for the above purpose, and which indeed Dr. Pepusch
would communicate to his favorite disciples, is, in the case of keys with
the sharp signatures, to call the last sharp B, and count the lines and
spaces upwards or downwards till the station of a cliff is found ; and
the placing that cliff accordingly aimihilates the sharps, and bespeaks the
natural key. In keys with the flat signatures the rule directs to call the
.ast flat F, and count as before.
But amongst the keys with flat signatures, a diversity is to be noted,
that is to say, between those with a major and those with a minor third ;
for in the former the process must be repeated, as in this of A b with the
major third ; —
W
itt:
1231
In this instance the rule directs to call the last flat, which is the key-
note, F ; and to count on to the place of a cliff: in doing this the cliff ^&"
will fall on the first line, and make the key-note F ; by which it should
seem that the key of A b with the major third is a transposition from F
also with a major third.
But as there is in the key of F a flat on b, it is necessary to repeat the
process, and see what key this of F is a transposition from ; and this by
the above rule is to be done by calling the flat b F, and proceeding as
before directed : —
Gt-
fe
-^-
I
and this key of F will appear to be a transposition from that of C, and
by consequence that of A b, from which that of F is transposed, must be
a transposition from the key of C also.
then seems to he that there are in nature no other.
Now if it be true that the sense of hearing is averse
to those modulations that have no relation to any
fundamental chord, and that it expects, nay longs for
some one sound that shall at stated periods determine
the nature of the progression, there is an end of the
question. In short, a single experiment of the effect
of the Mixolydian mode, which answers to the series
from J] to J], in its natural order, and gives to the
diapente a semitone less than its true content, will
offend the ear, and convince any impartial enquirer
that the existence of seven modes is, in the sense con-
tended for, nominal and not real.*'
But notwithstanding the uniformity of keys in the
modern system, there is a diversity among them worth
noting, arising from that surd quantity in the dia-
pason system, which it has been the labour of ages
to attemper and distribute among the several inter-
vals that compose it, so as not to be discoverable ;
the consequences of which temperament is such a
diversity in the several keys, as gives to each a
several effect ; so that upon the whole it seems that
the modern constitution of the modes or keys is
liable to no objection, save the want of such a division
of the intervals as seems to be inconsistent with the
principles of harmonics, and the established order of
nature.
The several effects of the modern keys are dis-
coverable in the tendency which each has to excite
a peculiar temper or disposition of mind ; for, not to
mention that soothing kind of melancholy which is
felt on the hearing music in keys with the minor
third, and the gaiety and hilarity excited by that in
keys with the greater third, f each key in the two
several species is possessed of this power in a different
degree, and a person endowed with a fine ear will be
* Vide ante, pag. 59, and Dr. Wallis asserts that there are passages in
Ptolemy which plainly indicate that the ancients had a several tuning for
every mode, which could not have been necessary had they followed the
above order. Farther, to this purpose Malcolm expresses himself in the
following remarkable passages :— ' If every song kept in one mode, there
*was need for no more than one diatonic series ; and by occasional
' changing the tune of certain chords these transpositions of every mode
•to every chord may be easily performed ; and I have spoken already of
the way to find what chords are to be altered in their tuning to effect
' this, by the various signatures of ^ and i? : But if we suppose that in
' the course of any song a new species is brought in, this can only be
' effected by having more chords than in the fixed system, so as from any
' chord of that, any order or species of octave may be found. On Music,
'pag, 536.
' If this be the true nature and use of the tones, I shall only observe
'here, that according to the notions we have at present of the principles
' and rules of melody, most of these modes are imperfect and incapable
' of good melody, because they want some of those we reckon the essen
' tial and natural notes of a tone mode or key, of which we reckon only
' two species, viz., that from C and A, or the Parhypate hypaton and
' Proslambanomenos of the ancient fixed system. Ibid.
' Again, if the essential difference of the modes consists only in the
' gravity or acuteness of the whole octave, then we must suppose there
'is one species or concinnous division of the octave, which being applied
' to all the chords of the system, makes them true fundamentals for
' a certain series of successive notes. These applications may be made in
'the manner already mentioned, by changing the tune of certain chords
' in some cases, but more universally by adding new chords to the system,
'as the artificial or sharp and flat notes of the modern scale. But in
'this case, again, where we suppose they admitted only one concinnous
' species, we must suppose it to be corresponding to the octave a, of what
'we call the natural scale; because they all state the order of the systema
'immutatum in the diagram, so as it answers to that octave.' Ibid ^Vi.
+ Dr. Jortin has discovered a new characteristic for these two species
of keys ; he calls one the male, the other the female : the thought is
ingenious, and is thus expressed by him in a letter published at the end
of the latter editions of Avison's Remarks on Musical Expression : — ' By
' making use of the major and minor third we have two real and distinct
' tones, a major and a minor, which may be said to divide music, as nature
' seems to have intended, into male and female. The first hath strength,
' the second hath softness ; and sweetness belongs to them both.'
Chap. XIIL
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
61
variously affected by the keys A and F, each with
the lesser, as also by those of C and E with the
greater third.
Effects like these, but to a degree of extravagance
that exceeds the bounds of credibility, are ascribed
to the modes of the ancients : that the Dorian was
grave and solemn, and the Lydian mild and soothing,*
may be believed, but who can credit the relation,
though of Cicero himself, and after him Boetius,f
that by an air in the Phrygian mode played on
a solitary pipe (one of the ancient tibiae) a drunken
young man, of Tauromenium, was excited to burn
down the house wherein a harlot had been shut up
by his rival, and that Pythagoras brought him to his
reason, by directing the tibicenist to play a spondeus
in a different mode ? Or that not the fumes of wine
or a disturbed imagination, rather than the flute
of Timotheus, played on in the Phrygian mode,
provoked Alexander to set fire to Persepolis.
CHAP XIII.
Havikg thus collected into one point of view the
sentiments of the ablest writers on those two most
important desiderata in the ancient music, the genera
and the modes, in order to trace the successive
improvements of the science, it is necessary to recur
to those only genuine sources of intelligence, the
writings of the Greek harmonicians. And here we
alia est pars
Theoretica :
cujus rursus partes duae,
cannot but applaud the ingenuity and industry of
those learned men, their remote successors, who from
ancient manuscripts, dispersed throughout the world,
have been able to settle the text of their several
works ; and who with a great degree of accuracy
have given them to the public, together with Latin
versions, illustrated with their own learned anno-
tations.
Those whom we are most obliged to in this
respect are, Marcus Meibomius, a German ; and our
countryman Dr. John Wallis : the former of these
has given to the world seven of the ancient Greek
writers, namely, Aristoxenus, Euclid, Nicomachus,
Alypius, Gaudentius, Bacchius Seniori, and Aris-
tides Quintilianus ; as also a Discourse on Music,
which makes the ninth book of Martianus Capella's
Latin work, entitled De Nuptiis Philologije et Mer-
curii ; and the latter a complete translation of the
harmonics of Ptolemy, with notes, and a most
valuable appendix ; as also translations of Porphyry
and Manuel Bryennius in like manner.
Concerning these writers, it is to be observed that
the Greeks are by far of the greatest authority ; and
that their division of music into several branches,
as being more scientific than that of the Latin
writers, is entitled to the preference. The most
ample of these is the division of Aristides Quin-
tilianus, which is thus analyzed by his editor Mei-
bomius, in his notes on that author, pag. 207 : —
Musicas 1
Physica :
quae dividitur in
iArithmeticum.
Ir nysicam, generi cognominem.
alia
Practica :
cujus item partes dus,
Nevertheless, the most general is that threefold
division of music into Harmonica, Rhythmica, and
Metrica ; the two latter of which, as they relate
chiefly to poetry, are but superficially treated of by
the harmonic writers. Upon this division of music
it is observable that the more ancient writers were
very careful in the titles of their several treatises :
such of them as confined their discourses to the
elementary part of the science, as namely, Aris-
* Milton adopts these characteristics of the Dorian and Lydian modes :
Anon they move
In perfect phalanx to the Dorian mood
Of flutes and soft recorders ; such as rais'd
To height of noblest temper heroes old
Arming to battle. Paradise Lost, B. I. line 549.
And ever against eating cares
Lap me in soft Lydian airs. L'AtLEORO.
And Dryden describes the Lydian by its effects, in these words :
Softly sweet in Lydian measures
Soon he sooth'd his soul to pleasures. Alexander's Feast.
From which passage it is to be suspected that the poet thought with
Cornelius Agrippa and some others, that the epithet Lydian referred to
the measure, whereas it clearly relates to the harmony, but Dryden knew
little about music.
Usualis :
cujus partes
t De Musica, lib. I. cap, i.
iHarmonicam.
Rythmicam.
Metricam.
IMelopoeia.
Rhythmopoeia.
Poesis.
IOrganica.
Odica.
TT •!.•
Hypocritica.
toxenus, Euclid, Nicomachus, Gaudentius, Ptolemy,
and Bryennius, call the several treatises written by
them Harmonica ; whereas Aristides, Bacchius, and
Martianus Capella entitle theirs Musica ; as does
Boetius, although he was a strict Phythagorean.
Porphyry indeed, who professes nothing more than
to be a commentator on the harmonics of Ptolemy,
institutes another mode of division, and, without
distinguishing the speculative part of the science
from the practical, divides it into six general heads,
namely. Harmonica, Rythmica, Metrica, Organica,
Poetica, and Hypocritica; Rythmica he applies to
dancing, Metrica to the enunciative, and Poetica to
verses. I The branch of the science, which has been
t Malcolm has taken notice of this division, but prefers to it that of
ftuintilian, upon whose analysis he has given the following concise and
perspicuous commentary : — ' Aristides considers music in the largest
' sense of the word, and divides it into contemplative and active. The
' first he says is either natural or artificial ; the natural is arithmetical,
' because it considers the proportion of numbers ; or physical, which
' disputes of everything in nature ; the artificial is divided into har-
' monica, rythmica (comprehending the dumb motions) and metrica : the
' active, which is the application of the artificial, is either, enunciative
•{as in oratory) organical, (or instrumental performance) ndical (for
' voice and singing of poems) hypocritical (in the motions of the
62
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book it.
most largely treated by the ancients, is the Har-
monica, as will appear by the extracts hereinafter
given from their works.
From the relation hereinbefore given of the in-
vention of, and successive improvements made in,
music, a very accurate judgment may be formed of
the nature of the ancient system, whicli, together with
the ratios of the consonances, and the doctrine of the
genera and the modes, constituted the whole of the
harmonical science as it stood about the year of the
World 3500. After which Aristoxenus, Euclid,
Nicomachus, and other Greek writers, made it a
subject of Philosophical enquiry, and composed those
treatises on harmonics which are severally ascribed
lo them, and of which, as also of their respective
authors, a full account will hereafter be given.
What was the state of the science previous to the era
above-mentioned, can only be learned from those
particulars relating to music, which are to be met
with in the several accounts extant of the life and
doctrines of Pythagoras, who, for any thing that can
how be collected to the conti'ary, seems indisputably
intitled to the appellation of the Father of Music.
Pythagoras, according to the testimony of the
generality of 'writers, was born about the third year
of the fifty-third Olympiad, which answers to the
year of the world 3384, and to about 560 years
before the birth of our Saviour ; and although he
was of that class of philosophers called the Italic
sect, he is supposed to have been a native of Samos,
and in consequence of this opinion is usually stiled
the Samian sage or philosopher. His father, named
Mnesarchus, is reported to have been a merchant, or,
as some say, an engraver of rings. Of his travels
into various parts of the world for the acquiring of
knowledge ; of the wonders related of him, or of
his doctrines in general, it is needless to give an
■account in this place. It seems to be agreed that he
left not any thing behind him of his writing, and all
that is to be known of his doctrines is grounded on
the testimony of his disciples, who were very many,
■and were drawn to hear him from the most distant
parts of Greece and Italy. Of these Nicomachus
was one, who because he himself has written on the
science of harmonics, may well be supposed to under-
stand the doctrines of his master ; from him there-
fore, as also from others, as namely, Ptolemy,
Macrobius, and Porphyry, who, though they lived
many years after Pythagoras, were of his sect, we
may with some degree of confidence determine
as to the tenets of his school. A summary of these
is given by his learned biographer Stanley, in the
passages here cited ; and first as to those respecting
music in general, he gives them in these words : —
' The Pythagoreans define music an apt com-
' position of contraries, and an union of many, and
' consent of differents ; for it not only co-ordinates
* rythms and modulation, but all manner of systems.
* Its end is to unite and aptly conjoin. God is the
* pantomimes). To what purpose some add hydraulical I do not under-
' stand, foi this is but a species of the organical, in which water is someway
'used, for producing or modifying the sound. The musical faculties, as
' they call them, are Melopceia, "which gives rules for the tones of the
' voice or instrument ; RythmoptEia, for motions ; and Poeais for making
'of verse.' Treatise of Music, Edinb. 1721, pag. 455.
reconciler of things discordant, and this is his
chiefest work, according to music and medicine,
to reconcile enmities. In music, say they, consists
the agreement of all things, and aristocracy of the
universe. For what is harmony in the world, in
a city is good goverment ; in a family, temperance.'
* Of many sects, saith Ptolemy, that were con-
versant about harmony, the most eminent were
two, the Pythagoric and Aristoxenean ; Pythagoras
dijudicated it by reason, Aristoxenus by sense.
The Pythagoreans, not crediting the relation of
hearing, in all those things wherein it is requisite,
adapted reasons to the differences of sounds, con-
trary to those which are perceived by the senses •
so that by this criterion (reason) they gave occasion
of calumny to such as were of a different opinion.
' Hence the Pythagoreans named that which we
now call harmonic Canonic, not from the canon or
instrument, as some imagine, but from rectitude ;
since reason finds out that which is right by using
harmonical canons or rules even of all sorts of in-
struments framed by harmonical rules, pipes, flutes^
and the like. They call the exercise Canonic, which
although it be not canonic, yet is so termed, because
it is made according to the reasons and theorems of
canonics; the instrument therefore seems to be
rather denominated from its canonic affection. A
canonic in general is a harmonic who is conversant
by ratiocination about that which consists of har-
mony. Musicians and harmonics differ ; musicians
are those harmonics who begin from sense, but
canonics are Pythagoreans, who are also called
harmonics ; both sorts are termed by a general
name musicians.' *
As touching the human voice, the same author
delivers the following as the Pythagorean tenets : —
' They \Vho were of the Pythagorean school said
* that there are (as of one genus) two species. One
* they properly named Continuous, and the other
* Diastematic (intermissive) framing the appellations
' from the accidents pertaining to each. The Dia-
' stematic they conceived to be that which is sung
' and rests upon every note, and manifests the muta-
' tion which is in all its parts, which is inconfused
' and divided, and disjoined by the magnitudes,
' which are in the several sounds as coacerved, but
' not commixt, the parts of the voice being applied
'mutually to one another, which may easily be
' separated and distinguished, and are not destroyed
' together ; such is the musical kind of voice, which
' to the knowing manifests all sounds of- what magni-
' tude every one participates : For if a man use it
' not after this manner, he is not said to sing but to
* speak.f
' Human voice having in this manner two parts,
' they conceived that there are two places, which
' each in passing possesseth. The place of con-
' tinuous voice, which is by nature infinite in magni-
' tude, receiveth its proper term from that wherewith
' the speaker began until he ends, that is the place
' from the beginning of his speech to his conclusive
' silence. So that the variety thereof is in our power,
• Hist, of Philos. by Thomas Stanley, Esq. folio edit. 1701, pag. 385.
t Ibid.
Chap. XIII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
63
' but the place of diastematic voice is not in our
' power, but natural ; and this likewise is bound by
* different effects. The beginning is that which is
' first heard, the end that which is last pronounced ;
* for from hence we begin to perceive the magnitudes
' of sounds, and their mutual commutations, from
' whence first our hearing seems to operate ; whereas
* it is possible there may be some more obscure
' sounds perfected in nature which we cannot perceive
' or hear : as for instance, in things weighed there
' are some bodies which seem to have no weight, as
' straws, bran, and the like ; but when as by appo^
' sition of such bodies some beginning of ponderosity
' appears, then we say they first come within the
' compass of static. So when a low sound increaseth
* by degrees, that which first of all may be perceived
' by the ear, we make the beginning of the place
* which musical voice requireth.' *
These were the sentiments of the Pythagoreans,
with respect to music in general, and of voice in
particular. Farther, they maintained an opinion
which numbers, especially the poets, have adopted,
and which seems to prevail even at this day, namely,
that music, and that of a kind far surpassing mortal
conception, is produced by the motion of the spheres
in their several orbits. The sum of this doctrine
is comprised in the following account collected by
Stanley from Nicomachus, Macrobius, Pliny, and
Porphyry : —
' The names of sounds in all probability were
derived from the seven stars, which move circularly
in the heavens, and compass the earth. The cir-
cumagitation of these bodies must of necessity cause
a sound ; for air being struck, from the intervention
of the blow, sends forth a noise. Nature herself
constraining that the violent collision of two bodies
should end in sound.'
* Now, say the Pythagoreans, all bodies which are
carried round with noise, one yielding and gently
receding to the other, must necessarily cause sounds
different from each other, in the magnitude and
swiftness of voice and in place, W'hich (according to
the reason of their proper sounds, or their swiftness,
or the orbs of repressions, in which the impetuous
transportation of each is performed) are either more
fluctuating, or, on the contrary, more reluctant.
But these three differences of magnitude, celerity,
and local distance, are manifestly existent in the
planets, which are constantly with sound circum-
agitated through the setherial diffusion ; whence
■every one is called dc/)p, as void of (rrdaiQ, station,
and ati €ea>v, always in course, whence God and
^ther are called Qeog and At'6>/p.'f
* Moreover the sound which is made by striking
the air, induceth into the ear something sweet and
musical, or harsh and discordant : for if a certain
observation of numbers moderate the blow, it effects
a harmony consonant to itself ; but if it be teme-
rarious, not governed by measures, there proceeds
a troubled unpleasant noise, which offends the ear.
Now in heaven nothing is produced casually, no-
thing temerarious ; but all things there proceed
according to divine rules and settled proportions :
whence irrefragably is inferred, that the sounds
which proceed from the conversion of the celestial
spheres are musical. For sound necessarily proceeds
from motion, and the proportion which is in all
divine things causeth the harmony of this sound.
This Pythagoras, first of all the Greeks, conceived
in his mind ; and understood that the spheres
sounded something concordant, because of the
necessity of proportion, which never forsakes ce-
lestial beings.' I
' From the motion of Saturn, which is the highest
and farthest from us-, the gravest sound in the
diapason concord is called Hypate, because virarov
signifieth highest ; but from the lunary, which is
the lowest, and nearest the earth, Neate ; for vearov
signifieth lowest. From those which are next these,
viz., from the motion of Jupiter who is under
Saturn, Parypate ; and of Venus, who is above the
moon, Paraneate. Again, from the middle, which
is the sun's motion, the fourth from each part Mese,
which is distant by a diatessaron, in the heptachord
from both extremes, according to the ancient way ;
as the sun is the fourth from each extreme of the
seven planets, being in the midst. Again, from
those which are nearest the sun on each side from
Mars, who is placed betwixt Jupiter and the sun,
Hypermese, which is likewise termed Lichanus ;
and from Mercury, who is placed betwixt Venus
and the sun, Paramese.'§
' Pythagoras, by musical proportion, calleth that
a tone, by how much the moon is distant from the
earth : from the moon to Mercury the half of that
space, and from Mercury to Venus almost as much ;
from Venus to the sun, sesquiple ; from the sun
to Mars, a tone, that is as far as the moon is from
the earth : from Mars to Jupiter, half, and from
Jupiter to Saturn, half, and thence to the zodiac
sesquiple. Thus there are made seven tones, which
they call a diapason harmony, that is an universal
concent, in which Saturn moves in the Doric mood,
Jupiter in the Phryfjian, and in the rest the like.'||
' Those sounds which the seven planets, and the
sphere of fixed stars, and that which is above
us, termed by them Antichton, make, Pythagoras
affirmed to be the nine Muses ; but the composition
and symphony, and as it were connexion of them
all, whereof, as being eternal and unbegotten, each
is a part and portion, he named Mnemosyne.'^}
That the above notion of the music of the spheres
was first entertained by Pythagoras, seems to be
agreed by most writers. The reception it has met
with has been different, according as the temper of
the times, or the different opinions of men have
contributed to favour or explode it. Cicero mentions
it in such a way as shews him inclined to adopt it,
as does also Boetius, lib. I. cap. ii. Macrobius, in
his Commentary on the Somnium Scipionis, lib. II.
cap. iii. speaks of it as a divine and heavenly notion.
Valesius, on the contrary, treats it as an ill-grounded
conceit. Sacr. Philosoph. cap. xxvi. ifec. pag. 446.
edit. 1588.
Notwithstanding which it has ever been
Ibid.
f Ibid. 386.
X Ibid.
§ Ibid.
II Ibid.
•ff Ibid.
64
HISTOKY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IJ.
favoured by the poets : Milton, who was a great
admirer of music, while at college composed and
read in the public school, a small tract De Sphgerarum
Concentu, which with a translation thereof is pub-
lished in Peck's Memoirs of him. Mr. Fenton, in
his notes on Waller, suggests that Pythagoras might
possibly have grounded his opinion of the music of
the spheres upon a passage in the book of Job, the
reasons for this conjecture are very ingenious, and
will be best given in his own words, which are
these : —
' Pythagoras was the first that advanced this doc-
* trine of the music of the spheres, which he probably
' grounded on that text in Job, understood literally,
' " When the morning stars sang together," &c.
' chap. xxix. ver, 7. For since he studied twelve
' years in Babylon, under the direction of the learned
* impostor Zoroastres, who is allowed to have been
' a servant to one of the prophets, we may reasonably
' conclude that he was conversant in the Jewish
' writings, of which the book of Job was ever
' esteemed of most authentic antiquity. Jamblicus
* ingenuously confesseth that none but Pythagoras
* ever perceived this celestial harmony ; and as it
' seems to be* a native of imagination, the poets have
' appropriated it to their own province, and our
' admirable Milton employs it very happily in the
' fifth book of his Paradise Lost : —
That day, as other solemn days, they spent
In song and dance about the sacred hill :
Mystical dance ! which yonder starry sphere
Of planets and of fix'd,in all her wheels
Resembles nearest, mazes intricate,
Eccentric, intervolv'd, yet regular
Then most, when most irregular they seem ;
And in their motions harmony divine
So smooths her charming tones, that God's own ear
Listens delighted *
Censorinus suggests a notable reason why this
heavenly music is inaudible to mortal ears, viz., its
loudness, which he says is so great as to cause deaf-
ness. De Die Natal, cap. xi, which Butler has thus
ridiculed : —
Her voice, the music of the spheres.
So loud it deafens mortal ears.
As wise philosophers have thought.
And that's the cause we hear it not.
HuDiBRAs, Part II. Cant. i. line 617.
After all, whether the above opinion be philo-
sophically true or not, the conception is undoubtedly
very noble and poetical, and as such it appears
in the passage above-cited from the Paradise Lost,
and in this other of Milton, equally beautiful and
sublime : —
Ring out, ye chrystal spheres,
Once bless our human ears,
If ye have power to touch our senses so ;
And let your silver chime
Move in melodious time,
And let the base of heav'n's deep organ blow.
Hymn on the Nativity.
Touching the division of the diapason, the follow-
ing is the doctrine of the Pythagoreans : —
* One of the earliest editors of Milton has the following note on this
passage, which Dr. Newton has retained : —
' There is a text in Job xxxviii. 37. that seems to favour the opinion
of the Pythagoreans, concerning the musical motion of the spheres,
' The diatonic genus seems naturally to have thes i
' degrees and progresses, hemitone, tone and tone,
' (half note, whole note and whole note) ; this is the
* system diatessaron, consisting of two tones, and that
' which is called a hemitone ; and then, another tone
' being inserted, diapente is made, being a system of
' three tones and a hemitone. Then in order after
' this, there being another hemitone, tone and tone,
' they make another diatessaron, that is to say,
' another Sesquitertia : so that in the ancienter
* heptachord, all fourths from the lowest, sound a
' diatessaron one to another, the hemitone taking
' the first, second, and third place, according to tlie
' progression in the tetrachord. But in the Pytha-
' goric octochord, which is by a conjunction a system
* of the tetrachord and the pentachord, and that either
'jointly of two tetrachords, or disjointly of two tetra-
' chords separated from one another by a tone, the
' procession will begin from the lowest, so that every
' fifth sound will make diapente, the hemitone passing
' into four places, the first, the second, the third, and
'the fourth.'!
It appears also that Pythagoras instituted the canon
of the Monochord, and proceeded to a subdivision of
the diatessaron and diapente into tones and semitones,
and thereby laid the foundation for the famous Sectio
Canonis, which Euclid afterwards adjusted, and is
given in his Introduction, as also in a foregoing
chapter of this work. Duris, an author cited by
Porphyry, mentions a brazen tablet, set up in the
Temple of Juno by Arimnestus, the son of Pytha-
goras, near two cubits in diameter, on which was
engraven a musical canon, which was afterv^'ards
taken away by Simon, a Thracian, who arrogated
the canon to himself, and published it as his own. J
Stanley speaks farther of Pythagoras in those
words : ' Pythagoras, saith Censorinus, asserted that
' this whole world is made according to musical pro-
' portion, and that the seven planets betwixt heaven
' and the earth, which govern the nativities of mortals,
' have an harmonious motion, and intervals corres-
* pondent to musical diastemes ; and render various
* sounds, according to their several heights, so con-
' sonant that they make most sweet melody ; but to
' us inaudible, by reason of the greatness of the noise,
' which the narrow passage of our ears is not capable
' to receive. For, as Eratosthenes collected that the
' largest circumference of the earth is 252000 stadia,
' so Pythagoras declared how many stadia there are
' betwixt the earth and every star. In this measure
' of the world we are to understaiid the Italick sta-
' dium, which consists of G25 feet, for there are others
' of a different length, as the Olympic of 600 feet, the
' Pythic of 500. From the Earth, therefore, to the
' Moon Pythagoras conceived it to be about 12G000
* stadia ; and that distance, (according to musical
' proportion) is a tone. From the Moon to Mercury,
' though our translation differs therein from «rther versions. " Con-
' centum Cceli quis dormire faciet ? " Who shall lay asleep, or still the
'concert of the heaven? But this is to be understood metaphorically
' of the wonderful proportions observed by the heavenly bodies iu their
' various motions.' — Hume.
The above is the Vulgate translation ; that of Beza is less to thi»
purpose, as is also that of Tremelius.
t Stanl. Hist, of Philos. pag. 387.
J Ibid 388, 366.
Chap. XIV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
65
'who ia called a-TiXftcoy, half as much, as it were
' a hemitone. From thence to Phosphorus, which is
'the star Venus, almost as much, that is another
' hemitone : from thence to the Sun twice as much,
' as it were a tone and an half. Thus the Sun is
' distant from the Earth three tones and a half, which
' is called Diapente ; from the moon two and a half,
' which is Diatessaron. From the Sun to Mars, who
* IS called Uvpoeie, there is the same interval as from
' the Earth to the Moon, which makes a tone. From
'thence to Jupiter, who is called ^ae^wv, half as
* much, which makes a hemitone. From thence to
* the supreme heaven, where the signs are, a hemitone
' also ; so that the diasteme from the supreme heaven
' to the Sun is Diatessaron, that is two tones and a
' half : from the supreme heaven to the top of the
' earth six tones, a diapason concord. Moreover
' he referred to other stars many things which the
'masters of music treat of, and shewed that all
' this world is enarmonic' * Thus Censorinus : ' but
' Pliny, delivering his opinion of Pythagoras, reckons
' seven tones from the earth to the supreme heaven ;
' for whereas Censorinus accounts but a hemitone from
' Saturn to the zodiac, Pliny makes it Sesquiple.'f
Stanley represents the intervals of the spheres in
the following diagram : —
CHAP. XIV.
* These positions of the Pythagoreans, that the universe is framed
according to musical proportion, and that all this world is enarmonic
refer to the general frame and contexture of the whole. But there are
arguments in favour of music, deducible from the properties and affec-
tions of matter, discoverable in its several parts : in short, it may be said
in other words, that the whole world is in tune, inasmuch as there are
few bodies but are sonorous. The skin of an animal may be tuned to
any given note, as is observable in the drum : a cable distended by a
sufficient power is as much a musical chord as a lute string or one of
wire. And Strada somewhere mentions six great guns in a fortification
at Groningen, which from the sounds uttered by them in their explosion
had the names of ut, re, mi, fa, sot, la. The percussion of all metals'
of stones, nay of timber, or of the trunks of trees when felled, produces
a musical sound : hollow vessels, as well of wood, as earth and metal
when struck do the same. Of this fact the Indian Gong, as it is called'
is a surprising instance; it is an instrument of brass, er some other
factitious metal, in form like a sieve, and about two feet in diameter.
The late duke of Argyle had one in his observatory at Whittoii, near
Twickenham, in Middlesex, which being susjiended edgeways by a cord,
and struck with a stick muffled at the end, many times, till the quickest
vibrations it could make were excited, yielded not only a clear musical
sound, but the whole harmony of a diapason, namely, the unison third,
fifth, and octave, so clearly and distinctly, that each was obvious to the
ear. This instrument is mentioned by Capt. Dampier in one of his
voyages, and is thus described by him :—
' In the sultan's mosque [at Mindanao] there is a great drum with but
one head, called a Gong, which is instead of a clock. This gong is
I beaten at twelve o'clock, at three, six, and nine, a man being appointed
for that service. He has a stick as big as a man's arm, with a great
knob at the end bigger than a man's fist, made with cotton, bound fast
' with small cords ; with this he strikes the gong as hard as he can about
twenty strokes, beginning to strike leisurely the first five or six strokes
' then he strikes faster, and at last strikes as fast as he can ; and then he
strikes agam slower and slower so many strokes : thus he rises and falls
three times a-day, and then leaves off till three hours after.' Dampier's
Voyages, vol. I. pag. 388. ^
Glass, and many other bodies, affected by the voice, or the vibrations
of chords, return the sounds that agitate them. It is credibly reported
of old Smith, the organ-maker, that he could not tune a certain iiipe in
St. Pauls organ till he had broken a pane of glass in the sash that
incloses it.
t Stanl. Life of Pythag. pag. 393.
In what manner Pythagoras discovered the con-
sonances, and adjusted the system, has already been
mentioned. The particulars of his life are related
by Jamblichus and other authors ; and a summary
of his doctrines is contained in the account given
of him by the learned Stanley, in his history of
Philosophy. Pythagoras lived to the age of eighty,
or, according to some writers, ninety years. The
manner of his death, which all agree was a violent
one, is as variously reported ; some say, that being
with others at the house of his friend Milo, one who
had been refused admittance among them set it on
fire, and that Pythagoras, running to escape the
flames, was overtaken and killed, together with
forty of his disciples, among whom was Aichytas of
Tarentum.J Others say that he fled to the Temple
of the Muses at Metapontum, and died for want of
food, having lived forty days without eating. § He
had for one of his disciples Philolaus, a Crotonian
(although he is classed among those of Tarentum,
his followers) whose system of a septenary is herein-
before inserted ; and who was also the inventor of
that division of the sesquioctave tone into commas,
which Boetius has recognized, and is approved of
even at this day. This Philolaus is said to have
been the first that asserted the circular motion of the
earth, and to have written of the doctrines of the
Pythagorean school. One of his books was pur-
chased by Plato of his relations, at forty Alexandrian
Min», an immense price. ||
Among many tenets of the Pythagoreans, one was
that there is a general and universal concent oi
harmony in the parts of the universe, and that
the principles of music pervade the whole material
world ; for which reason they say that the whola
world is enarmonic. And in the comparison they
assert that those proportions into which the con-
sonances in music are resolvable, are also to be found
in those material forms, which from the symmetry
of their parts excite pleasure in the beholder. The
effect of this principle is in nothing so discoverable
as in the works of the architects of ancient times,
in which the proportions of 2 to 1, answering to the
diapason; of 3 to 2, or Sesquialtera, 4 to 3, or
Sesquitertia, are perpetually resulting from a com-
parison between the longitude and latitude of the
whole or constituent parts, such as porticos, pedi-
ments, halls, vestibules, and apertures of all kinds,
of every regular edifice.
At a time when philosophy had derived very
little assistance from experiment, such general con-
clusions as these, and that the universe was founded
on harmonic principles, had little to recommend
them but the bare probability that they might be
well grounded ; but how great must have been the
astonishment of a Pythagorean or a Platonist, could
he have been a witness to those improvements which
a more cultivated philosophy has produced ! And
how would he who exulted in the discovery that the
I Stanley in the Life of Pythagoras, chap. xix. „
§ Ibid. ^
i Ibid. pag. 436.
66
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book II.
consonances had a ratio of 12. 9. 8. 6, have been
pleased to hear the consonances at the same instant
in a sonorous body ; or been transported to find, by
the help of a prism, a similar coincidence of pro-
portions among colours, and that tlie principles of
harmony pervaded as well the objects of sight as
hearing ? For Sir Isaac Newton happily discovered,
that the breadths of the seven primary colours in the
sun's image, produced by the refraction of his rays
through a prism, are proportional to the seven differ-
ences of the lengths of the eight musical strings,
D, E, F, G, A, B, C, d, when the intervals of their
sounds are T, H, t ; T, t, H, T.*
The earliest of the harmonic writers, whose works
are now extant, was Aristoxenus; he was the son
of a musician of Tarentum, in Italy, called also
Spintharus. Aristoxenus studied music first under
his father at Mantinea, and made a considerable
proficiency therein : he had also diverse other tutors,
namely, Lamprius, Erythrasus, Xenophilus the Pytha-
gorean, and lastly Aristotle, whom, as some say, he
greatly reviled after his death, for having left his
school to Theophrastus, which Aristoxenus expected
to have had, he being greatly applauded by his
hearers : though others on the contrary assert, that
he always mentioned Aristotle with great respect.
He lived in the time of Alexander the Great, viz.,
about the hundred and eleventh Olympiad, which
answers nearly to a.m. 3610. There are extant of
his writing Elements of Harmonics, in three books.
He is said to have written on music, philosophy,
history, and other branches of learning, books to the
number of four hundred and fifty-three, and to have
expressly treated on the other parts of music, namely,
the Rythmic, the Metric, and the Organic ; but
that above-mentioned is the only work of his now
remaining.
Touching the elements of Aristoxenus, there is
great diversity of opinions : Cicero, who, as being
a philosopher, we may suppose to have studied the
work with some degree of attention, in his Treatise
de Finibus, lib. V. 19, pronounces of it that it is
utterly unintelligible. Meibomius, on the other hand,
speaks of it as a most valuable relique of antiquity,
and scruples not to style the author the Prince of
Musicians. And the principal end of Euclid's Intro-
duction is to reduce the principles of the Aristox-
eneans into form. Notwithstanding all this, a very
learned writer, namely. Sir Francis Stiles, of whom
mention has already been made, hesitates not to say,
that the whole three books of harmonics ascribed
to Aristoxenus are spurious. On what authority
this assertion is grounded he has forborne to mention ;
however, as the work is recognized by Ptolemy, and
is constantly appealed to by him, as the test of the
Aristoxenean doctrine, its authenticity will at this
day liardly bear a question.
In the first book of the Elements of Harmonics
of Aristoxenus, is contained that explanation of the
genera, and also of their colours or species, which
has already been given from him. The rest of that
* Vide Smith's Harmonics, pag. 31, in a note. And Sir Isaac Newton's
Optics, book I. part ii. prop. 3. pag. 91 of the quarto edition.
book consists of some general definitions of terms,
particularly those of Sound, Interval, and System,
which, though in some respects arbitrary, all the
subsequent writers seem to have acquiesced in.
In his second book we meet with an assertion of
the author, which at this day must doubtless appear
unintelligible, namely, that music has a tendency to
improve or corrupt the morals. This notion, strange
as it may seem, runs through the writings of all the
ancient philosophers, as well those who did not, as
those that did, profess to teach music. Plutarch
insists very largely on it ; and it is well known what
effects the Spartans attributed to it, when they made
it an essential in the institution of their youth.
Aristophanes, in his comedy of The Clouds, puts
into the mouth of Justice, whom he represents as
engaged in a contest with Injustice, a speech so very
pertinent to this subject, that it is here inserted at
length, as Mr. Theobald has translated it : — ' I'll tell
' you then what was the discipline of old, whilst
' I flourished, had liberty to preach up temperance
' to mankind, and was supported in it by the laws ;
' then it was not permitted for the youth to speech it
' in public, but every morning the young people of
' each borough went to their music school, marched
' with a grave composed countenance through the
' streets, decent and lightly clothed, even when the
' snow fell thick. Before their master they sat with
' modesty, in proper ranks, at distance from each
' other ; there they were taught to sing in lofty
' strains some hymn to the great and formidable
' Pallas, or other canto of that kind, in concert with
' the strong and masculine music of their country,
' without pretending to alter the tones that had been
' derived down to them by their forefathers. And
' if any one were observed to wanton it in his
' performance, and sing in an effeminate key, like
' those that now sing your corrupted airs of Phrynis,
' he was immediately chastised as one that depraved
' and ruined music. You would not then have seen
' a single instance of one that should dare commit
' the least immodesty, or discover ought that honesty
' enjoined him to hide : they were so scrupulously
' nice in this respect, that they never forgot to sweep
' up the sand on which they had sat. None then
' assumed the lawless minion, or defiled himself with
' wanton glances ; none were suff'ered to eat what
' was an incentive to luxury, or injured modesty :
' radishes were banished from their meals ; the anise
' and rock-parsley that are proper for old constitu-
' tions, were forbid them, and they were strangers
' to high and seasoned dishes : they sat with gravity
' at table, never encouraged an indecent posture,
' or the tossing of their legs lazily up and down.'f
+ Polybius in his fourth hook, chap. iii. has given a description of
the ancient Arcadian discipline of youth, nearly corresponding with
that of the Spartans above cited, in a passage, which, as it is often
alluded to by the writers on music, is here inserted in the words of his
elegant translator Mr. Hampton :—
'All men know that Arcadia is almost the only countrv in whicli
'children, even from their most tender age, are taught to sing in
' measure the songs and hymns that are composed in honour of tlieir
'gods and heroes: and that afterwards when tliey have learned the
' music of Timotheus and Philoxenus, tliey assemble once in every year
' in the public theatres, at the feast of Hacchus, and tliere dance with
'emulation to the sound of llutes, and celebrate according to their
' proper age, the children those that are called the puerile, and the
Chap. XIV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
€.7
It has already been said that this philosopher did
by no means acquiesce in the opinion of Pythagoras
and his followers, that the understanding is the
ultimate judge of intervals ; and that in every system
there must be found a mathematical coincidence
before such system can be said to be harmonical : this
position Aristoxenus and all of his school denied.
The philosopher himself, in this second book of his
Elements, expressly asserts, that ' by the hearing v^^e
' judge of the magnitude of an interval, and by the
' understanding v^^e consider its several powers.' And
again he says, ' that the nature of melody is best
' discovered by the perception of sense, and is re-
* tained by memory ; and that there is no other way
' of arriving at the knowledge of music ; ' and though,
he says, ' others affirm that it is by the study of
' instruments that we attain this knowledge ; ' this, he
says, is talking wildly, ' for that as it is not necessary
* for him who writes an Iambic to attend to the
' arithmetical proportions of the feet of which it is
* composed, so it is not necessary for him who writes
* a Phrygian Cantus to attend to the ratios of the
* sounds proper thereto.' The meaning of this
passage is very obvious, and may be farther illus-
trated by a comparison of music with painting,
the practice whereof is so little connected wit'h the
theory of the art, that it requires not the least skill
in the former to make a painter. The laws of vision,
or the theory of light and colours, never suggest
themselves to him who is about to design a picture,
whether it be history, landscape, or portrait : the
common places in his mind are ideas of eff"ect and
harmony, drawn solely from experience and observa-
tion ; and in like manner the musical composer
adverts to those harmonies or melodies, those com-
binations, which from their effect alone he has found
to be the most grateful, without recurring to the
ratios that subsist among them.
Aristoxenus then proceeds to a general division
of music into seven parts, which he makes to be,
1. The Genera. 2. Intervals. 3. Sounds. 4. Sys-
tems. 5. Tones or Modes. 6. Mutations. And
7. Melopoeia ; and in this method he is followed by
Aristides, Nicomachus, and most other ancient writers.
The remainder of the above-mentioned work, the
Elements of Aristoxenus, is taken up with a dis-
cussion of the several parts of music according to the
order which he had prescribed to himself. But it
must be owned, so great is the obscurity in which his
doctrines are involved, that very little instruction is
to be obtained from the most attentive perusal of
him ; nor will the truth of this assertion be ques-
tioned, when the reader is told that Cicero himself
has pronounced his work unintelligible.* The use,
however, proposed to be made of it is occasionally to
'young men the manly games. And even in their private feasts and
' meetings they are never known to employ any hired bands of music
' for their entertainment, but each man is himself obliged to sing in turn.
' For though they may without shame or censure disown all knowledge
'of every other science, they dare not, on the other hand, dissemble or
' deny that they are skilled in music, since the laws require that every
' one should be instructed in it ; nor can they, on the other hand, refuse
' to give some proofs of their skill when asked, because such refusal
' would be esteemed dishonourable. They are taught also to perform in
' order all the military steps and motions to the sound of instruments ;
' and this is likewise practised every year in the theatres, at the public
' charge, and in sight of all the citizens.' Hampton's Polybius, pag. 359.
* De Finibus, lib. V. 19.
refer to such parts of it as are least liable to this
censure, and this will be done as often as it shall
appear necessary.
The next in order of time of the writers on music
is Euclid, the author of the Elements of Geometry.
He lived about the year of the world 3617, and
wrote an Introduction to Harmonics, which he begins
with some necessary definitions, particularly of the
words Acumen and Gravitas, terms that frequently
occur in the writings of the ancient harmonicians :
the first of these he makes to be the effect of intension
or raising, and the other of remission or falling the
voice. He then proceeds to treat of the genera and
the modes ; what he has said of each is herein-before
mentioned. His Isagoge or Introduction is a very
small tract, and little remains to be said of it, except
that it contains the famous Sectio Canonis, a geo-
metrical division of a chord for the purpose of
ascertaining the ratios of the consonances, herein-
before inserted. In this, and also in his opinion
touching the diatessaron and diapente, namely, that
the former is less than two tones and a hemitone, and
the latter less than three tones and a hemitone, he is
a Pythagorean, but in other respects he is apparently
a follower of Aristoxenus.f The fundamental prin-
ciple of Euclid's preliminary discourse to the Sectio
Canonis is, that every concord arises either from
a multiple or superparticular ratio ; the other ne-
cessary premises are, 1. That a multiple ratio twice
compounded, that is multiplied by two, makes the
total a multiple ratio. 2. That if any ratio twice
compounded makes the total multiple, that ratio is
itself multiple. 3. A superparticular ratio admits of
neither one nor more geometrical mean proportionals.
4. From the second and third propositions it follows,
that a ratio not multiple, being twice compounded
the total is a ratio neither multiple nor superpar-
ticular. Again, from the second it follows that if
any ratio twice composed make not a multiple ratio,
itself is not multiple. 5. The multiple ratio, 2 to 1,
which is that of the diapason, and is the least of the
kind and the most simple, is composed of the two
greatest superparticular ratios 3 to 2, and 4 to 3, and
cannot be composed of any other two that are super-
particular. |
The foregoing account of the nature and design of
Euclid's division is contained in a series of theorems
prefixed to the Sectio Canonis, and are reduced to
a kind of Summary by Malcolm, who appears to
have been extremely well versed in the mathematical
part of music.
+ Wallis. Append, de Vet. Harm. pag. 307.
t Malcolm on Music, pag. 508.
The above turnis were used by the old arithmetical writers before the
invention of fractional arithmetic, since which they have in a great
measure been laid aside. What is tn be understood by those kinds of
musical proportion to which they are severally applied, will hereafter be
shewn ; however it may here be necessary to give a short explanation of
terms, and such a one follows : —
Multiple proportion is when the antecedent being divided by the con-
sequent, the quotient is more than unity ; as 25 being divided by 5, it
gives 5 for the quotient, which is the multiple proportion.
SupenJarticu'^r proportion is when one number or quantity contains
another one, and an aliquot part, whose radical or least number is one;
so that the number which is so contained in the greater, is said to be to
it in a superparticular proportion
To these may be added superpartient proportion, which is when one
number or quantity contains another once, and some number of aliquot
parts remainmg, as one ^, one ^, kic.
68
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book II.
It was not till the time of Meibomius that the
world was possessed of a genuine and accurate edition
of the Isagoge of Euclid ; it seems that a MS. copy
of a Treatise on Harmonics in the Vatican had written
in it * Incerti Introductio Harmonica ; ' and that
some person has written therein the name of Cleonidas,
and some other, with as little reason, Pappus Alex-
andrinus. Of this MS. Georgius Valla, a physician
of Placentia, published at Venice, in 1498, a Latin
translation, with the title of Cleonidse Harmonicum
Introductorium ; which after all appears to be a brief
compendium of Euclid, Aristides Quintilianus, and
Manuel Bryennius, of very little worth : and as to
Cleonidas, the reader is as much to seek for who he
was, and where he lived, as he would have been had
Valla never made the above translation.
DiDYMUs of Alexandria, an author to be reckoned
among the scriptores perditi, inasmuch as nothing
of his writing is now extant, must nevertheless be
mentioned in this place : he flourished about the year
of the world 4000, and is said to have first discovered
and ascertained the difference between the greater
and lesser tone. Ptolemy takes frequent occasion to
mention him, and has given his division of the dia-
tessaron in each of the three genera.
CHAP. XV.
Marcus Vitruvius Pollio, the architect, has
usually been ranked among the writers on music ;
not so much because he appears to have been skilled
in the art, but for those chapters in his work De
Architectura, in ten books, written in Latin, and
dedicated to the emperor Augustus, in which he
treats of it. He flourished in the time of Julius
Csesar, to whom he says he became known by his
skill in his profession, which it is agreed was super-
latively great ; though, to consider him as a writer.
it is remarked that his style is poor and vulgar.
In some editions of his work, particularly that of
Florence, 1496, and in another published at Venice
the year after, by some .unaccountable mistake he is
called Lucius, whereas his true name was Marcus,
and so by common consent he is called. In the fifth
book of the above-mentioned treatise, chap. iii. entitled
De Theatro, he takes occasion to treat of sound,
particularly that of the human voice, and of the
methods practised by the ancients in the construction
of their theatres, to render it more audible and
musical : the various contrivances for this purpose
will doubtless appear strange to modern apprehension,
and give an idea of a theatre very different from any
that can be conceived without it. His words are as
follow : — ' The ancient architects having made very
' diligent researches into the nature of the voice,
' regulated the ascending gradations of their theatres
' accordingly, and sought, by mathematical canons
' and musical ratios, how to render the voice from the
' stage more clear and grateful to the ears of the
' audience.' Chap. iv. harmony, he says, is a musical
literature, very obscure and difficult to such as under-
stand not the Greek language ; and, if we are desirous
to explain it we must necessarily use Greek words.
some whereof have no Latin appellations ; where-
fore, says he, ' I shall explain it as clearly as I am
' able from the writings of Aristoxenus, whose dia-
' gram I shall give, and shall define the sounds so as
' that whoever diligently attends may easily conceive
' them.' He then proceeds, ' For the changes of the
' voices, some are acute and others grave. The genera
' of modulations are three ; the first, named in Greek
' Harmonica, the second Chroma, the third Diatonon ;
' the harmonic genus is grave and solemn in its
' effect ; the chromatic has a greater degree of
' sweetness, arising from the delicate quickness and
* frequency of its transitions ; the diatonic, as it is
* the most natural, is the most easy.' He then pro-
ceeds to describe the genera in a more particular
manner. Chap. v. intitled De Theatri Vasis, he
speaks of the methods of assisting the voice in the
manner following : — ' Let vessels of brass be con-
' structed agreeably to our mathematical researches,
' in proportion to the dimensions of the the&tre, and
' in such manner, that when they shall be touched
' they may emit such sounds as shall be to each
' other a diatessaron, diapente, and so on in order,
' to a disdiapason ; and let these be disposed among
' the seats, in cells made for that purpose, in a musical
* ratio, so as not to touch any wall, having round
* them a vacant place, with a space overhead. They
' must be placed inversely : and, in the part that
* fronts the stage, have wedges put under them, at
' least an half foot high ; and let there be apertures
' left before these cells, opposite to the lower beds ;
* these openings must be two feet long, and half a foot
* high, but in what places in particular they are to
* be fixed is thus explained. If the theatre be not
' very large, then let the places designed for the
* vases be marked quite across, about half way up
' its height, and let thirteen cells be made therein,
' having twelve equal intervals between them. In
' each of these, at the extremes or corners, let there
' be placed one vase, whose echo shall answer to
' Nete hyperboleon ; then on each side next the
' corners place another, answering to the diatessaron
' of Nete synemmenon. In the third pair of cells,
' reckoning, as before, from the angles, place the
* diatessaron of Nete parameson ; in the fourth pair
' that of Nete synemmenon ; in the fifth the dia-
' tessaron of Mese ; in the sixth the diatessaron of
' Hypate meson ; and in the middle the diatessaron
' of Hypate hypaton. In this ratio, the voice, which
' is sent out from the stage as from a centre, undu-
' lating over the whole, will strike the cavities of
* every vase, and the concords agreeing with each of
' them, will thereby return clearer and increased ; but
' if the size of the theatre be larger, then let its height
' be divided into four parts, and let there be made
' three rows of cells across the whole, one whereof is
' designed for Harmonia, another for Chroma, and the
' other for Diatonos. In the first or lower row, which
' is for Harmonia, let the vases be placed in the same
' manner as is above directed for the lesser theatre ; but
' in the middle row let those be placed in the corners
' whose sounds answers to the Chromaticon hyperbo-
leon ; in the pair next to the corners the diatessaron,
Chap. XV. AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC. 69
' to the Chromaticon diezeugmenon ; in the third the Flaccus, a freed-man of Claudius ; and that it was
* diatessaron to the Chromaticon synemmenon ; in the played in some instances, as at the Andria, tibiis
' fourth the diatessaron to the Chromaticon meson ; in paribus, dextris et sinistris ; and in others, tibiis
* the fifth the diatessaron to the Chromaticon hypaton; paribus generally ; and at the Phormio tibiis impa-
* and in the sixth the diatessaron to the Chromaticon ribus, that is to say, by flutes or pipes right-handed
' Parameson ; for the Chromaticon hyperboleon dia- and left-handed, in pairs, or of unequal lengths. This
' pente has an agreement of consonancy with the was not at a time when the ancient music was in its
* Chromaticon meson diatessaron. But in the middle infancy : the system had been adjusted many ages
' cell nothing need be placed, by reason that in the before ; and we may look on this refinement men-
' chromatic genus of symphony no other quality of tioned by Vitruvius as the last that the art was
' sounds can have any concordance. As to the upper thought capable of. It is not here meant to anticipate
' division or row of cells, let vases be placed in the a comparison, which will come more properly here-
' extreme corners thereof, which answers to the sounds after ; but let any one take a view of the ancient
' Diatonon hyperboleon ; in the next pair to them the music at the period above referred to, with even the
' diatessaron to Diatonon diezeugmenon ; in the third advantage of this improvement drawn from the
* the diatessaron to Diatonon synemmenon ; in the doctrine of Phonics, and compare it with that of
* fourth the Diatessaron to Diatonon meson ; in the modern times ; let him reflect on the several im-
' fifth the diatessaron to Diatonon hypaton ; in the provements which distinguish the modern from the
' sixth the diatessaron to Proslambenomenos : the ancient music, such as the multiplication of parts, the
diapason to Diatonon hypaton has an agreement of introduction of instruments, some to extend the com-
' symphony with the diapente. But if any one would pass of sounds, others to increase the variety of tones,
' easily arrive at perfection in these things, let him and others more forcibly to impress the time and
' carefully inspect the diagram at the latter end of the measure, as the drum and other instruments of the
' book which Aristoxenus composed with great care pulsatile kind are manifestly calculated to do ; the
' and skill, concerning the divisions of modulations,* use of a greater and lesser chorus ; that enchanting
' from which, if any one will attend to his reasoning, kind of symphony, known only to the moderns,
' he will the more readily be able to effect the con- called thorough bass ; and those very artful species
' structions of theatres according to the nature of the of composition, fugue and canon. Let this com-
' voice, and to the delight of the hearers.' Thus far parison be made, and the preference assigned to that
Vitruvius. sera which has the best claim to it.
We are too little acquainted with the nature of the Although this work of Vitruvius is professedly
ancient drama to be able to account particularly for written on the subject of architecture, it is of a very
the effects of this singular invention : to suppose that miscellaneous nature, and treats of matters very little
in their theatrical representations the actors barely allied to that art, as namely, the construction of the
pronounced their speeches, accompanying their utter- balista, the catapulta, and other warlike engines ;
ance with correspondent gesticulations, and a proper clocks and dials, and the nature of colours. In chap,
emphasis, as is practised in our times, would render xi. lib. X, intitled De Hydraulicis, he undertakes to
it of no use ; for the vases so particularly described describe an instrument called the hydraulic or water-
and adjusted by this author, are evidently calculated organ, but so imperfectly has he described it, that to
to reverberate, not the tones used in ordinary speech, understand his meaning has given infinite trouble
which have no musical ratio, but sounds absolutely and vexation to many a learned enquirer. |
musical : and on the other hand, that the actor For the existence of this strange instrument we
should, instead of the lesser inflexions of the voice have not only the testimony of Vitruvius, but the
proper to discourse, make use of the consonances following passage in Claudian, which cannot by any
diatessaron, diapente, and diapason, and consequently kind of construction be referred to any other : —
sing, as well the familiar speeches proper to comedy, Vel qui magna levi detrudens murmura tactu,
as those of the more sublime and exalted kind which Innumeras voces segetis modulatur ahenee ;
distinguish tragedy, is utterly impossible for us to Intonat erranti digito, penitusque trabali
conceive. Vecte laborantes in carmina concitat undas.
If it was for the purpose of reverberating the music It is said by some that the hydraulic organ was
used in the dramatic representations of the ancient invented by Hero, of Alexandria ; others assert that
Romans, that this disposition of hollow vessels, di- Ctesibus, about the year of the world 3782, invented
rected by Vitruvius, was practised, we may fairly an instrument that produced music by the compres-
pronounce that the end was not worthy of the means ; sion of water on the air ; and that this instrument,
for however excellent the musical theory of the which answers precisely to the hydraulic organ, was
ancients might be, yet in the number and perfection improved by Archimedes and Vitruvius, the latter of
of their instruments they were greatly behind the whom has given a very particular description of it.
moderns ; and were it a question, we need look no Ctesibus the inventor of it w\as a native of Alex-
farther for a proof of the fact than the comedies of andria, and the son of a barber. He was endowed
Terence, where we are told that the music performed + Mersennus, speaking of this machine, says it is much more complex
at the acting of each of them was composed bv than the common pneumatic organ, and that he has laboured to describe
o vYcio v.uiiijjvjocti u^/ a thmg very obscure, and the meanms of wliicli he could not come at.
. . though assisted by the commentary of i)aiiiel Barbaro. De Instrumentis
* This diagram is inserted in Grassineau's Dictionary, article Harmonicis, pag. 138. He farther says tliat Politian in his Panepistcmon
Genera. jiag i^ ^/^xn attempted to explain it.
70
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book II.
with an excellent genius for mechanic inventions,
which he soon discovered in the contrivance of a
looking-glass for his father's shop, so hung as that it
might be easily pulled down or raised higher hy
paeans of a hidden rope. The manner of this inven-
tion is thus related by Vitruvius. He put a wooden
tube under a beam where he had fastened some
pullies, over which a rope went that made an angle
in ascending and descending into the tube, which was
hollow, so that a little leaden ball might run along it,
which ball, in passing and repassing in this narrow
cavity, by violent motion expelled the air that was
inclosed, and forced it against that without ; these
oppositions and concussions made an audible and
distinct sound, something like the voice. He there-
fore on this principle, invented engines which re-
ceived motion from the force of water inclosed, and
others that dejjended upon the power of the circle or
lever ; and many ingenious inventions, particularly
clocks that move by water. To set these engines at
work he bored a plate of gold or a precious stone,
and chose such kind of materials, as not being subject
to wear by constant passing of the water, or liable to
contract filth and obstruct its passage ; this being
done, the water, which ran throiigh the small hole,
raised a piece of cork, or little ship inverted, which
workmen call Tympanum, upon which was a rule
and some wheels equally divided, whose teeth mov-
ing one another made these wheels turn very leisurely.
He also made other rules and wheels, divided after
the same manner, which by one single motion in
turning round produced divers effects ; made several
small images move round about pyramids, threw
up stones like eggs, made trumpets sound, and
performed several other things not essential to clock-
work. Vitruvius de Architectura, lib. IX. cap. viii.
But to return : The following is the description
given by Vitruvius of the hydraulic organ : —
' Autem quas habeant ratiocinationes, quam bre-
' vissime proxime que attingere potero : et scriptura
' consequi, non prsetermittam. De materia compacta
' basi area in ea ex sere fabricata collocatur. Supra
' basin eriguntur regulse dextra ac sinistra scalari
' forma compactse : quibus includuntur serei modioli
' fundulis ambulationibus ex torno subtiliter subactis
'habentibus infixos in media ferreos an cones ; et
* verticulis cum vectibus conjunctos pellibusque lana-
* tis involutos. Item in summa planitie foramina cir-
' citer digitorum ternum, qiiibus foraminibus proximfe
' in verticulis collocati ajrei delphini, pendentia habent
' catenis cymbalia ex ore in fra foramina modiorum
* celata. Intra aream : quo loci aqua sustinetur in
' est in id genus uti infundibulum inversum : quern
'super traxilli alti circiter digitorum ternum sup-
* positi librant spatium imvim. Ima inter labra phi-
* gaeos et arae fundum. Supra autem cerviculum ejus
* coagmenta arcula sustinet caput machinaj quae Grece
' Canon Musicus appellatur : in cujus longitudine si
' canalis tetrachordos est fiunt quatuor. Si exachordos
* sex. Si octochordos octo. Singulis autem canalibus
* singula epithonia sunt inclusa manubriis ferreis
' collocata. Quae manubria cum torquentur ex area
<patefaciunt nares in canales Ex canalibus autem
' canon habet ordinata in transverso foramina res-
' pondentia in naribus ; qute sunt in tabula summa :
'quae tabula Greece Pinas dicitur. Inter tabulara
' et canona regular sunt interpositaj ad eundem modum
' foratai ex oleo subactaj : ut laciliter impellantur :
' et rursus introrsus reducantur : quae obturant ea
' foramina : plinthidesque appellantur, Quarum itus
' et reditus alias obturat : alias operit terebrationes.
' Hae regulae habent ferrea choragia fixa et juncta
'cum pinnis quarum tactus motiones efficit. Regu-
' larum continentur supra tabulam foramina quae
'ex canalibus habent egressum spiritus sunt annuli
' agglutinati : quibus lingulae omnium includuntur
' organorum. E modiolis autem fistulae sunt conti-
' nentes conjunctaj ligneis cervicibus : pertinentesque
' ad nares : quae sunt in arcida : in quibus axes sunt
' ex torno subacti : et ibi collocati. Qui cum recipit
'arcula animam spiritum non patientur obturantes
' foramina rursus redire. Ita cum vectes extolluntur
' ancones educunt fundos modiolorum ad imum. Del-
'phinique qui sunt in verticulis inclusi calcantes
' in eos cymbala replent spatia modiolorum : atque
' ancones extollentes fundos intra modiolos vehementi
' pulsus cerebritate ; et obturantes foramina cymbalis
' superiora. Aera qui est ibi clausus pressionibus
'coactum in fistulas cogunt : per quas in ligna
' concuri'it : et per ejus cervices in arcam. Motione
' vero vectium vehementiores spiritus frequens com-
' pressus epithoniorum aperturisinfluit,et replet animae
' canales itaque cum pinae manibus tactae propellunt
' et reducunt continenter regulas alterius obturant
' foramina alterius aperiendo ex musicis artibus multi-
' plicibus modulorum varietatibus sonantes excitant
' voces.* Quantum potui niti, ut obscura res, per
' scripturam diludice pronunciaretur ; contendi. Sed
' hajc non est facilis ratio : neque omnibus expcdita
'ad intelligendum praeter eos, qui in his generibus
'habent exercitationem. Quod si qui parum intel-
' lexerint e scriptis cum ipsam rem cognoscent : pro-
' fecto invenient curiose et subtiliter omnia ordinata.' f
This description, which to every modern reader
must appear unintelligible, Kircher has not only
undertaken to explain, but the strength of his imagi-
nation co-operating with his love of antiquity, and
his desire to inform the world, he has exhibited in
the Musurgia an instrument which no one can con-
template seriously ; and, after all, he leaves it a
question whether it was an automaton, acted upon
by that air, which by the pumping of water was
forced through the several pipes, or whether the
hand of a skilful musician, sitting at the front of
it, with the quantity of some tons of water in
a reservoir under him, was not necessary to produce
that music which the bigoted admirers of antiquity
ascribe to this instrument, and affect to be so fond of.
Isaac Vossius, in his treatise De Poematum Cantu et
Viribus Rythmi, pag. 100, has given a representa-
tion of the hydraulic organ, no way resembling that
of Kircher, but which he yet says is almost exactly
conformable to the words of Vitruvius ; after which
follows a description thereof in words not less
" Vitruvius de Architectura, lib. X. cap. xi.
+ Ibid. cap. xii.
Chap. XV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
71
o1i?cure than those of Vitruvius and Kircher : neither
one nor the other of the diagrams will bear the test
of an impartial examination, or is worthy to be in-
serted in any work intended to convey information to
a sober enquirer after truth ; but the confidence with
which Vossius speaks of his discovery will make
it necessary to give his delineation of the hydraulic
organ, together with a description of it in his own
words.
Kircher indeed, after all the pains he had taken,
has the modesty to confess the inferiority of the
ancient hydraulic to the modern organ ; for he says
that if the former be compared to the latter it must
seem a very insignificant work, for, adds he, ' I can-
' not perceive what harmony a disposition of four,
' five, six, or eight pipes could produce, and I very
'much wonder how Nero should be so exceedingly
' affected by so small and poor an hydraulic, for
' Vitruvius testifies that when his life and empire were
' both in danger, and every thing at the last hazard
' by a sedition of his generals and soldiers, he did not
' relinquish his great care and affection, or desire
' thereof. We may from hence easily form a judg-
* ment what great pleasure he must have taken in our
' modern organs, not composed of four, five, six,
' or eight pipes, but such as our greater organs of
' Germany, consisting of eleven Imndred and fifty-two
'double pipes, animated by the help of twenty-four
' different registers ; or had he seen our automata, or
' engines of this kind which move of their own
'accord without the help of any hand. Certainly
* these most enlightened ages have invented several
' things to which the inventions of the ancients can
'in no manner be compared.'*
Of a very different opinion is the before-cited
Vossius, who declares himself not ashamed to assert,
not only that the tibise alone of the ancients are by
very far to be preferred to all the instruments of his
age, but that, if we except the pipes of the organs,
commonly used in churches, it will be found that
scarce any others are worthy to be called by the
name of tihisQ. And he adds, ' even those very
' organs which now please so much, can by no means
' be compared to the ancient hydraulics. And the
' modern Organarii, to speak after the manner of the
'ancients, are not in reality Organarii, but Ascaulse
' or Utricularii, that is to say, Bag-pipers, for by
' that name were those called who furnish wind to
' the tibise by the means of bags or wallets, and
' bellows, as is done in churches.' He farther says
that 'those are ridiculous who suppose the above
' appellations to belong to those mendicants who
' go about the streets with a Cornamusa, and with
'their arms force out continued and unpleasing
' so\;nds.' No, says this sagacious writer, ' the
' Ascaulaa or Utricularii did not in the least differ
'from our modern organists; and the ancient Or-
' ganarii were those only who played on the hydraulic
'organ, and they were so called from Organum, a
' brazen vessel, constructed like a round altar, out of
' which the air by the help of the incumbent water is
' pressed with great force, which yet flows equally
» Musurg. Univ. torn. II. pap. 333.
' into the tibise. 'f After remarking on the bad suc-
cess of many who had attempted to find out the
meaning of Vitruvius in his description of this
instrument, and to restore it to practice, he says very
confidently that he himself has done it, and accord-
ingly exhibits it in the following form : —
And describes it in these words : ' fiat basis lignea
A B C D E F, et in ea constituatur ara rotunda
G H I K ex sere fabricata et torno fideliter expolita.
Fiat quoque clibanus seu hemisphserium jereum
L M N O, quam exactissime huic adaptatum. Sit
vero in medio perforatus hie clibanus, et insertum
habeat tubum et ipsum sereum et utrinque apertum
M P. Habeat quoque clibanus alterum foramen, cui
insertus sit siphon N I Q, cujus nares pertingunt ad
modiolum jereum Q R S T. Siphon hie habeat
assarium seu platysmation ad N. Modiolo vero
Q R S T aptetur embolus V cui affixa sit regula
firmiter admodum compacta V X, ita ut a vecte
X Y Z embolus V commode moveri possit. Mo-
diolus autem Q R S T habeat in superiori superficie
aliud foramen 3, 4, cum platysmatio per quod aer
ingredi possit. Iste vero ingredietur cum vectis
X Y Z in Z attollitur. Quando vero idem de-
primitur, platysmation hoc clauditur, et ingressus
aer per siphonem Q I N, aperto platysmatio ad N,
exprimitur in clibanum L M N O, unde per tubum
M P influit in arcam A a C c E e, cujus aflilatu
tibise animantur. Clibano vero L M N O, quamvis
magni sit ponderes, veluti aeneo, quo tamen fortius
subjectum premat aerem et fidelius ne efflnat cus-
todiat, superinfunditur aqua, puta ad f f, vel altius
si fortiores velimus efficere sonos. Fiat itaque ex
continua vectis agitatione, ut attollatur tandem
clibanus L M N 0, immoto interim perstante tube
M P, et siphone N I Q, et notandum simulac
vehementia ingressi spiritus attollitur clibanus, tum
quoque sequalem fieri compressionem aeris qui in
area continetur. Licet enim efifluente per tibias
aere clibanus descendat, idemque rursus agitatione
vectis attollatur, quamdiu tamen clibanus suspensus
et a fundo separatus manet, tandiu propter sequali-
tatem prementis ponderis, sequalis etiam manet, in-
clusi aeris constipatio, ipsaque clibani et superinfussB
t Voss. de Poemat. pag. 98.
72
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IL
' aquas inconstans et mobilis altitude efficit ajqualitatem
' flatus, quo tibije aspirantur.' *
The same author affects to be very merry with
those who have asserted that this organ was mounted
only with six or eight tibise, and cites the foregoing
verses of Claudian, and the following exclamation of
TertuUian, to prove the contrary : — ' Specta porten-
' tosam Archimedis (Ctesibii rectius dixisset) muni-
' ficentiam : organum hydraulicum dico, tot membra,
* tot partes, tot compagines, tot itinera vocum, tot
' compendia sonorum, tot commercia modorum, tot
' acies tibiarum, et una moles erunt omnia. Spiritus
' ille qui de tormento aquae anhelat, per partes ad-
' ministratur, substantia solidus, opera divisus.' f He
says that the use of the hydraulic organ ceased be-
fore the time of Cassiodorus; and that the same ap-
pears from a passage in a discourse of that author on
the hundred-and-fiftieth Psalm, wherein, without
making the least mention of the hydraulic, he bestows
the following very high commendations on the pneu-
matic organ, then in common use : — ' An organ is as
' it were a tower composed of several different fistulas
* or pipes, in which the most copious sound is furnished
' by the blowing of bellows : and that it may be com-
' posed of a graceful modulation, it is constructed with
' certain wooden tongues in the inner part, which
* being skilfully pressed down by the fingers of the
* master, produce a great sounding and most sweet
* cantilena.' |
He notwithstanding asserts that the hydraulic
organ continued in use lower down than the time of
Cassiodorus ; for that in the French annals of a
certain anonymous writer, he is informed that in the
year 826, a certain Venetian, called Georgius, or rather
Gregorius, constructed a hydraulic organ for Lewis
the Pious, at Aix la Chapelle, and that after the
manner of the ancients.§ He elsewhere says that tlie
hydraulic organ of Daniel Barbaro, described in his
Commentary on Vitruvius, is with great reason ex-
ploded by all ; II and that those who in his time had
in their writings concerning music, inserted the con-
struction of the Vitruvian organ, while they de-
preciate the inventions of the ancients, may serve as
an example to shew how customary a thing it is for
men to despise what they themselves do not under-
stand. This passage is manifestly intended as a
censure on Kircher's description of the hydraulic
organ, and proves nothing but the extreme bigotry
* l)e Poemat. pa^. 101.
In the cabinet of Christina, queen of Sweden, was formerly a beautiful
and large medallion of Valentinian ; having on the reverse one of these
hydraulic organs, with two men, one on the right, the other on the left
side thereof, seeming to pump the water which plays it, and to listen to
the sound of it. It had only eight pipes, and those were placed on
a round pedestal ; the inscription Placea Spetri.
t Ibid. pag. 105. In English thus : Behold the wonderful munificence
of Archimedes ! (he should have said of Ctesibius) I mean the hydraulic
organ ; so many numbers, so many parts, so many joinings, so many
roads or passages for the voices, such a compendium of sounds, such an
intercourse of modes, such troops of tibiae, and all composing one great
whole ! The spirit or air wliich is breathed out from this engine of
water, is administered through the parts, solid in substance, but divided
in operation.
X Organum itaque est quasi turris diversis fislulis fabricata, quibus
flatu follium vox eopiosissima destinatur, et tit earn modulatio decora
componat. Unguis quibusdam ligneis ab interiore parte con.stmitur, quas
disoiplinabiliter magistrorum digiti reprimentes grandisouem efficiunt
et iuavissimum caatilenani. Do Poemat. pag. 106.
§ De Poemat. 106.
ij Ibid pag. 9y.
of Vossius.^ As to the hydraulic organs of modern
Italy of which Grassineau says there are several in
the grottos of vineyards, particularly one belonging
to the family d'Este, near the Tiber, described by
Baptista Porta, he says they are very different, and
no way resemble the ancient hydraulic organ. These
perhaps will be found to be nothing more than the
common organ played on by a barrel, which by
a very easy contrivance is set in motion by a small
stream of water : and that these for more than a
century past have been in use in various parts of
Italy there is additional evidence. In a book
supposed to be written by one Dr. Thomas Powell,
a canon of St. David's, entitled Human Industry, or
a History of the Manual Arts, it is said that Pope
Sylvester II. made an organ which was played on by
warm water ; and that such hydraulics, frequent in
Italy, are sounded with cold water. Oldy's British
Librarian, No. I. pag. 51. And in an old English
comedy of Webster, printed in 1(323, intitled the
Devil's Law-Case, Romelia, a w^ealthy merchant of
Naples, speaking of the greatness of his income says,
My factors' wives
Weare sliaperoones of velvet; and my scriveners,
Meerely through my employment, grow so rich
They build their palaces and belvidears
With musical water-workes.
Comedy, which in general exhibits a very just repre-
sentation of contemporary manners and characters, is,
in cases of this sort, authority : and the poet, in the
passage above-cited, would hardly have pointed out
this instance of Italian profusion, had he not had
some example in his eye to warrant it.
CHAP. XV L
But to return to the ancient hydraulic organ,
a hundred questions might be asked touching the
use and application of its several parts, as also what
system it was adapted to ; and particularly whether
those who have undertaken to delineate it with such
exactness, have not formed an idea of it from the
organ of our own times, and done a violence to
historical truth by incorporating two instruments,
which cannot possibly exist in a state of union.
And after all that can be said in favour of it, the
censure of Kircher above-cited, must undoubtedly
appear to be very just, and may serve to show what
IT The enthusiastic attachmemt to antiquity of this author is strongly
evinced by the sentiments he entertains of the energy of the ancient
Tibia, which he scruples not to prefer to every instrument of modem
invention. His words are these : — ' As to what belongs to the cantus of
'the Tibia which is blown upon by the mouth, I think it may be truly
' said that the tibicinists know no more concerning that instrument than
' the ancient shepherds, and perliaps not so much. This most excellent
' art is banished among the mendicants ; and the Tibia, which was by
'far preferred to all stringed instruments, and to all other instruments
' of music, is now silenced to such a degree, that, if you except the
'Chinese alone, who excel in this part, you will find none in this age
' that can even please a moderate ear ; and the very name of the Tibia
' is justly despised by the European nations. That the Tibia was
' formerly held in greater esteem, and accounted sweeter than the lyre,
' is not only evinced by Aristotle, in his problems, but also by the very
' punishment of Marsyas. How great the care and diligence of the
'ancients was in improving this instrument, sufficiently appears from
' what both Theophrastus and Pliny have written conceniing the reeds of
'the lake Orchomenius. It was not sufficient that they were cut at
'certain periods of years, when the lake became dry; unless they
' were also macerated by the sun, rain, and frost, and afterwards softened
'by long use; and, remaining without any defect, satisfied the wish of
' the artists. He who reads and considers those things, will the less
' wonder that sometimes Tibiae have been sold for seven talents, as
' Lucian testifies.' Vossius De Poemat. 107.
Chap. XVI. AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC. 73
little reason there is to lament the loss of many in- The sounds and their names, continues this author,
ventions of the ancients, particularly those in which are probably taken from the seven planets in the
the knowledge of mechanics is any way concerned, heavens which surround this earth ; for it is said that
The hydraulic organ is one of those ancient inventions all bodies which are carried round with any great
mentioned by Pancirollus as now lost,* a misfortune degree of velocity, must necessarily, and by reason of
which at this day we lament perhaps with as little their magnitude, and the celerity of their motions,
reason as we should have for saying that the loss of cause a sound, which sound will vary in proportion
the ancient Clepsydras f is not amply compensated to the degrees of magnitude in each, the celerity of
by the invention of clocks and watches. With their motions, or the repression of the orb wherein
respect to this instrument, it cannot so properly be they act. These differences, he says, are manifest in
said to be lost, as to have given way to one of a more the planets, which perpetually turn round, and pro-
artificial construction, and nobler in its effects, as un- duce their proper sounds : for example, the motion of
questionably the modern organ is. It is remarkable Saturn, the planet most distant from us, produces
that those who would infer the debility of the later a sound the most grave, in which it resembles the
ages, from the few remaining monuments of ancient consonance diapason ; as does Hypate, which signi-
ingenuity, generally confine themselves to poesy, fies the same as principal. To the motion of the
sculpture, and other arts, which owe their perfection moon, the lowest of the planets, and nearest the earth,
rather to adventitious circumstances, than to the we apply the most acute term, called Nete, for
vigorous exertion of the powers of invention : but, Neaton is the same as low.
with respect to instruments, machines, and engines He then proceeds to declare the supposed analogy
of various kinds, it is not in the nature of things between the rest of the planets and the intermediate
possible but that mankind must continue to improve chords, as mentioned in the foregoing account of
as long as the world shall last. Pythagoras. But here it may be proper to take
NicoMACHUs Gerasenus, SO Called from his having notice that the ancient writers were not unanimous
been born in Gerasa, a city of Arabia, lived about in opinion that the graver sounds were produced
a. c. 60. He was a philosopher, and wi'ote an In- by the bodies of greatest magnitude : Cicero, in
troduction to Harmony, at the request, as it should particular, is by Glareanus| said to have maintained
seem by the beginning of it, of some learned female that the lesser bodies produce the graver sounds, and
contemporary. He w\as a follower of Pythagoras ; the greater the more acute. And from this dictum
and it is by this work alone that we know how, and of Cicero, Glareanus has been at the pains of forming
by what means, his master discovered the consonances, a diagram, intended to represent this fanciful coinci-
He begins his work with an address to his female dence of revolutions and harmonies, which is given
friend, whom he styles the most virtuous of women ; in a subsequent page of this work,
and reflects with some concern on the difference in In the Somnium Scipionis, which is what Glareanus
sentiment of the several writers on the elements of means when he refers to Cicero de Republica, lib. VI.
harmony. He excuses his inability to reconcile them is a great deal concerning the music of the spheres
by reason of the long journeys he is obliged to take, in general ; and Macrobius, in his commentary
and his want of leisure, which he prays the gods to on that fragment, has made the most of it. Never-
vouchsafe him, and promises to complete a work theless the general sentiment of mankind seems till
which he has in contemplation, of which what he now very lately§ to have been that the whole doctrine
gives seems to be but a part. Professing to follow is to be regarded as a poetical fiction ; and as to
the Pythagoreans, he considers the human voice as the fact, that it has no foiuidation in reason or
emitting sounds, which are either commensurable by philosophy.
intervals, as when we are said to sing ; or incom- But to return to our author Nicomachus, and his
mensurable, as when we converse by speech. In opinion of the harmony of the planets : it is true,
this latter use of the voice, he says, we are not says he, that it is inaudible to our ears, but to our
obliged by any rule ; but in the former we are bound reason it is clear.
to an observance of those intervals and magnitudes Nicomachus proceeds to define the terms made
in which harmony does consist. use of by him, distinguishing, as others of the
. „ . . „ . ,, „ „ v,-i- ^ A-. ancients do, between sound and noise. Speaking
* Guido Pancirollus De Rerum memorabilium sive deperditarum, "">^ >- > n -i • ^ •
lib. I. cap. ii. of instruments, he says they are oi two kmds, viz.,
t Clepsydra, an hour-glass made with water. The use of Clepsydrae i hlnwn as avp thp flnfp trnmnpt nrcraTi
■was very ancient, and among the Romans there were several sorts of ^UCU aS aiC DlOWn, aS aiC ine nUtC, irumpet. Organ,
them ; in general they resembled a sand hour-glass, which is composed and the like ; Or SUCh aS are Stl'Ung, to wit, the lutC,
of two vessels, so joined at top and bottom, as that which is contained -, JT, fillj.il'1 Til,
in the upper may run into the under of them. The ClepsydrcB contained lyre, aUQ narp ; 01 tlie latter KinCl are alSO tne
w-ater, which passing through a small hole, imperceptibly raised a piece mouochord, by many Called the Paudora,!] and by
of cork with an mdex fixed thereto that pomted to the hours marked on ^ j j mi .;
the under glass. They were all subject to two inconveniences : the first j Dodecachordon, lib. II. cap. xiu.
was that which Plutarch takes notice of, to wit, that the water passed
through with more or less difficulty, according as the air was more or § See a subsequent note, in the present book, containing the senti-
less thick, cold, or hot, for that hindered the hours from being equal ; ments of Dr. Gregory and Mr. Maclaurin on this subject.
the other was, that the water ran faster at first, when the vessel from || An appellative from which the English word Bandore seems clearly
whence the water came was full, than at last. to be derived. Meibomius gives the following note on this passage: —
These ClepsydrfE were chiefly used in a city called Achanta, beyond the '4>ai'58p8C;. [Phandourous.] Hesychius speaks of it thus: "Pandura
Nile. In this city there was a huge vessel of this kind, into which " or Panduris is a musical instrument ; Pandurus he who plays on
three hundred and sixty-five priests daily brought water from the Nile, 'that instrument." Monochords were also by some called Phanduras.
which running out of the vessel again, declared the hours. The use of ' Nicomachus here says the same, and seems as if he approved of the
the Clepsydra was to tell the hour in the night, or in cloudy weather ' practice. These instruments are various ; Pollux, lib. IV. cap. ix.
when it could not he found by the sun-dial. ' says , " The monochord was invented by the Arabians, and the trichord
74
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book II.
the Pythagoreans the Canon, and also the Trigon
or triangular dulcimer. He also mentions crooked
and other flutes made of the box-tree, of which
he proposes to speak again. Of the stringed species
he says those with the greater tensions express the
more acute sounds ; on the contrary, those with the
lesser give the more languid and grave ; and in
instruments that are blown, the more hollow and
long, the more languid and grave are their sounds.
He then proceeds to relate how Pythagoras dis-
covered the consonances, and to give that account
of his system which Stanley has taken into his life
of that philosopher, and is inserted in the foregoing
part of this work, together with some remarks, the
result of late experiments, which in some degree,
though not essentially, weaken the credit of the
relation.
But vnthout enquiring farther into the weight
of the hammers, and other circumstances attending
the discovery of the consonances, we may very
safely credit Nicomachus, so far as to believe that Py-
thagoras, by the means of chords of different lengths,
did discover them ; that the philosopher to the sound
produced by the first number six, gave the name
Hypate ; to eight he gave Mese, which is sesqui-
tertian thereto ; to nine Paramese, which is a tone
more acute, and therefore sesquioctave of the last ;
and to the last number, twelve, he gave the name
Nete ; and afterwards filled up the intermediate
spaces with sounds in the succession proper to the
diatonic genus, and thereby completed the system
of eight chords. The diatonic genus, as this author
describes it, is a natural progression to the system
of a diatessaron by a semitone, tone, and tone ; and
to a diapente by three tones and a semitone. This
is the manner in which it is said the ancient system
was adjusted and extended to that of a complete
octave, an improvement so much the more to be
valued, as we are told that in the ancient or pri-
mitive lyre, all the sounds from the lowest were
fourths to each other ;* whereas in the Pythagorean
lyre, composed of a tetrachord and pentachord con-
joined ; or, which is the same, of two tetrachords
disjoined by an intervening tone, we have a continued
progression of sounds.
Nicomachus proceeds to relate that the magnitude
of the scale in the diatonic genus is two diapasons,
for that the voice cannot easily extend itself either
upwards or downwards beyond this limit ; and for
this reason, to the ancient lyre formed of seven
strings, by the conjunction of two tetrachords,
each extending from Hypate to Mese, and thence
to Nete, were adjoined two tetrachords at the
outward extremity of the former ; that which began
at Nete was called Hyperboleon, signifying ex-
cellent. This tetrachord, he says, consists of three
" by the Assyrians, who gave it the name of Pandura." He justly says
' that Pandura was an Assyrian word. But the most learned of the
' Hebrews do not seem sufficiently to understand the sifjnification of it ;
' they explain it by a twig or rod, whip, thong of leather, as appears
' from Buxtorf in the Talraudical Lexicon, from Talmud Hierosol.
' I imagine the true origin of this appellation to be this, the instrument
' was mounted or stretched with thongs of bull's hides, in the same
' manner as the pentachord of the Scythians, concerning which the
'same Pollux speaks thus: — "The pentachord is an invention of the
"Scythians, it was stretched or mounted with thongs made of the raw
" hides of oxen, but their plectra were the jaw bones of she-goats."
* Nicomach. Harmonic. Manual, pag. 5, ex vers. Mcibom.
adjoined sounds, whose names are worthy to be
remembered; as first, Trite hyperboleon, then Para-
nete hyperboleon, and lastly, Nete hyperboleon. The
other tetrachord was joined to the chord Hypate,
and was thence called Hypaton ; and each of the
three adjoined sounds had the addition of Hypaton
to distinguish it from the chord of the same denomi-
nation in the lower of the two primitive tetrachords ;
thus Hypate hypaton, Parhypate hypaton, Diatonos
hypaton, or Lychanos hypaton, for it matters not
which it is called ; and this system from Hypate
hypaton to Mese is seven chords, making two con-
joint tetrachords ; and that from Hypate hypaton
to Nete is thirteen ; so that Mese having the middle
place, and conjoining two systems of a septenary
each, reckoning either upwards from Hypate hypaton,
or downwards from Nete hyperboleon, each system
contained seven chords.
From this it is evident that the additional tetra-
chords were originally adapted to the system of
Terpander, which did not separate Mese from Trite
by a whole tone, as that of Pythagoras did. What
advantages could be derived from this addition it is
not easy to say ; nor is it conceivable that that
system could be reducible to practice which gave
to a nominal diapason four tones and three hemitones,
instead of five tones and two hemitones.
But the addition of the new tetrachords to the
two disjunct tetrachords of Pythagoras was very
natural, and made way for what this author next
proceeds to mention, the tetrachord synemmenon,
which took place in the middle of that interval of
a tone, by which Pythagoras had divided the two
primitive tetrachords. The design of introducing
this tetrachord synemmenon, which placed Trite but
a hemitone distant from Mese, was manifestly to give
to Parhypate meson what it wanted before, a perfect
diatessaron for its nominal fourth ; and this opinion
of its use is maintained by all who have written on
the subject of music.
The author then proceeds to a verbal enumeration
of the several chords, which by the disjunction made
by Pythagoras, and the addition of Proslambano-
menos, it appears were encreased to fifteen, with
their respective tonical distances : it has already
been mentioned, that, contrary to the method now
in use, the ancients gave the most grave sounds the
uppermost place in their scale ; he therefore begins
with Proslambanomenos and reckons downwards to
Nete hyperboleon.
He gives the same kind of enumeration of the
several sounds that compose the tetrachord synem-
menon, having first Trite synemmenon at the distance
of a hemitone from Mese, then after a tone Paranete
synemmenon, and after another tone Nete synem-
menon of the same tenor and sound as Paranete
diezeugmenon.
Mese
Hemitone
Trite
Tone
Paranete
Tone
Nete
Cpap. X\T.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
75
So that there exist five tetrachords, Hypaton,
Meson, Synemmenon, Diezeugmenon, and Hyper-
boleon ; though it is to be remembered that the
third of these is but auxiliary, and whenever it is
used it is only in the room of the fourth, for reasons
before given ; and in these tetrachords there are
two disjunctions and three conjunctions ; the dis-
junctions are between Nete synemmenon and Nete
diezeugmenon, and between Proslambanomenos and
Hypate hypaton : the conjunctions are between Hy-
paton and Meson, and, which is the same, Meson
and Synemmenon, and between Diezeugmenon and
Hyperboleon.
We must understand that the foregoing is a repre-
sentation of the tetrachords as they are divided in
the diatonic genus, the characteristic whereof is a
progression by a hemitone, tone, and tone ; for as
to the other genera, the chromatic and enharmonic,
this author professes not to deliver his sentiments,
but promises to give them at large, together with
a regular progression in all the three in his Commen-
taries, a work he often speaks of, as having undertaken
it for the information of his learned correspondent :
he also engages to give the testimonies of the ancients,
the most learned and eloquent of men on this subject,
and an exposition of Pythagoras's section of the canon,
not as Eratosthenes or Thrasyllus badly understand
it, but according to Locrus Timseus, the follower of
Plato, although nothing of his on the subject is re-
maining at this day ; however he has given an idea
of the genera in the following words : — ' The first
' and most simple of consonances is the diatessaron.
' The diatonic tetrachord proceeds by a hemitone, tone,
' and tone, or four sounds and three intervals ; and
' it is called diatonic, as proceeding chiefly by tones.
' The chromatic progression in the tetrachord is by
' a hemitone, hemitone, and an incomposite trihemi-
' tone, and therefore, though not constituted as the
' other, it contains an equal number of intervals.
' The enharmonic progression is by a diesis, which
' is half a hemitone, another diesis, also half a hemi-
' tone, and the remainder is an incomposite ditone ;
' and these latter are also eqi;al to a hemitone and
' two tones. Amongst these it is impossible to adapt
' sound to sound, for it is plain that the difference of
' the genera does not consist in an interchange of the
* four sounds, but only of the two intermelliate ones ;
* in the chromatic the third sound is changed from
' the diatonic, but the second is the same, and it
' has the same sound as the enharmonic ; and in
' the enharmonic the two intermediate sounds are
' changed, with respect to the diatonic, so as the
' enharmonic is opposite to the diatonic, and the
' chromatic is in the middle between them both ; for
* it differs only a hemitone from the diatonic, whence
' it is called chromatic, from Chroma, a word sig-
' nifying a disposition flexible and easy to be changed :
' in opposition to this we call the extremes of each
' tetrachord Stantes, or standing sounds, to denote
' their immovable position. This then is the system
' of the diapason, whether from Mese to Proslam-
' banomenos, or from Mese to Nete hyperboleon ;
* and as the diatessaron is two tones and a hemitone.
' and the diapente three tones and a hemitone, the
' diapason should seem to be six whole tones ; but in
' truth it is only five tones and two hemitones, which
' hemitones are not strictly complete ; and therefore
' the diapason is somewhat less than six complete
' whole tones : * and with this agree the words of
' Philolaus when he says that harmony hath five
' superoctaves and two dieses ; now a diesis is the
' half of a hemitone, and there is another hemitone
' required to make up the number six.'
His second book Nicomachus begins with an ac-
count of the invention of the lyre of Mercury,
already related, and which has been adopted by
almost every succeeding writer on music, adding
that some among the ancients ascribed it to Cadmus
the son of Agenor. He proceeds to state the pro-
portions, which he does in a way not easily recon-
cileable with the practice of the moderns : he then
reconsiders the supposed relation between the sounds
in the harmo^ilcal septenary and the motions of the
planets ; and endeavours to account for these different
denominations, which it seems were given them in
his days. He says that the chord Hypate is applied
to Saturn, as the chief of the planets, and Nete to
Luna, as the least. Mese is Sol, Parhypate is attri-
buted to Jove, Paramese not to Mercury but to
Venus, by a perverse order, says his editor, unless
there is an error in the manuscript. Paramese to
Mars, Trite to Venus, Luna or the Moon is said to
be acute, as it answers to Nete ; and Saturn grave
as is Hypate. Those that reckon contrarywise,
applying Hypate to the Moon, and Nete to Saturn,
do it, because say they the graver sounds are pro-
duced from the lower and more profound parts of
the body, and therefore are properly adapted to the
lower orbs ; whereas the acute sounds are formed in
the higher parts, and do therefore more naturally
resemble the more remote of the heavenly bodies : —
Saturn - - . - Nete
Jupiter . - - - Paranete
Mars ... - Paramese
Sol ... - Mese
Venus .... Lichanos
Mercury .... Parhypate
Luna .... Hypate
Nicomachus then proceeds to enumerate the several
persons who added to the system of the diapason,
completed as it was by Pythagoras ; but as he ex-
pressly says the additional chords were not adjusted
in any precise ratio, and as their names have already
been given, it seems needless to be more particular
about them. Speaking of the great system, viz., that
of the disdiapason, he cites Ptolemy, to show that it
must necessarily consist of fifteen chords ; but as it
is certain that Nichomachus lived a. c. GO, and that
Claudius Ptolemaius flourished about one hundred
and forty years after the commencement of the
Christian ^ra, there arises an anachronism, which is
not to be accounted for but upon a supposition that
the manuscript is corrupted. From divers passages
in this author, and others to be met with in the Greek
* This is (lemnnstrated by Ptolemy, lib I. cap. xi. of his Harmonics,
and also by Boetius, lib V. cap. xiii.
76
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE.
Book II,
writers, it is evident that the ancients were not wholly-
unacquainted with the doctrine of the vibrations of
chords : they had observed that the acute sounds
were produced by quick, and the grave by slow
motions, and that the consonances arose from a coin-
cidence of both ; but it no where appears that they
made any use of the coincidences in adjusting the
ratios of the consonances ; on the contrary, they
seem to have referred the whole to the ratio of lengths
and tensions by weights, and a division of the mono-
chord ; and in this respect it is unquestionably true
that the speculative part of music has received con-
siderable advantages from those improvements in
natural philosophy which in the latter ages have been
made. The inquisitive and acurate Galileo was the
first that investigated the laws of pendulums ; he
found out that all the vibrations of the same string,
the longer and the shorter, were made in equal time,
that between the length of a chord and the number
of its vibrations, there subsists a duplicate proportion
of length to velocity ; and that the length quadrupled
will subduple the velocity of the vibrations, and the
length subquadrupled will duple the vibrations ; for
the proportion holds reciprocally : adding to the
length will diminish, and shortening it will encrease
the frequency of vibrations. These, and numbers of
other discoveries, the result of repeated experiments,
have been found of great use, as they were soon after
the making of them applied to the measure of time,
and other most valuable purposes.
Having given an extract which contains in substance
almost the whole of what Nicomachus has given us on
the subject of harmony, it remains to observe that
his work is manifestly incomplete : it appears from
his own words to have been written while he was
upon a journey, and for the particular information of
the lady to whom he has, in terms of the greatest
respect, inscribed it ; and is no other than what he
himself with great modesty entitles it, a Manual ; it
is however to be esteemed a very valuable fragment,
as it is by much the most clear and intelligible of the
works of the Greek writers now remaining. Boetius,
in his treatise De Musica, cites divers passages from
Nicomachus that are not to be found in this discourse
of his, from whence it is highly probable that he had
seen those commentaries which are ])romised in it,
or some other tract, of which at this distance of time
no account can be given.
CHAP. XVII.
Plutarch is also to be numbered among the
ancient writers on music, for in his Symposiacs is
a discourse on that subject, which is much celebrated
by Meibomius, Doni, and others. A passage in the
French translation, by Amyot, of the works of that
philosopher, has given rise to a controversy con-
cerning the genuineness of this tract, the merits of
which will hereafter be considered. This discourse
contains in it more of the history of the ancient
music and musicians than is to be met with anywhere
else, for which reason it is here meant to give a
copious extract from it. It ia written in dialogue ;
the speakers are Onesicrates, Soterichus, and Lysias.
The latter of these, in answer to a request of One-
sicrates, gives a relation of the origin and progress
of the science, in substance as follows : —
' According to the assertion of Heraclides, in a
Compendium of Music, said to have been written by
him, Amphion, the son of Jupiter and Antiope, was
the inventor of the harp and of Lyric poesy ; and
in the same age Linus the Eubean composed elegies :
Anthes of Anthedon in Boeotia was the first author
of hymns, and Pierius of Pieria of verses in honour
of the Muses ; Philamon the Delphian also wrote
a poem, celebrating the nativity of Latona, Diana,
and Apollo ; and was the original institutor of
dancing about the temple of Delphos. Thamyris,
of Thracian extraction, had the finest voice, and
was the best singer of his time, for which reason he
is by the poets feigned to have contended with the
Muses ; he wrought into a poem the war of the
Titans against the gods. Demodocus the Corcyrean
wrote in verse the history of the destruction of
Troy, and the nuptials of Vulcan and Venus. To
him succeeded Phemius of Ithaca, who composed
a poem on the return of those who came back with
Agamemnon from the siege of Troy ; and besides
that these poems were severally written by the
persons above-named, they were also set to musical
notes by their respective authors. The same
Heraclides also writes that Terpander was the
institutor of those laws by which the metre of verses,
and consequently the musical measure, were re-
gulated ; and according to these rules he set musical
notes both to his own and Homer's words, and sun?
them at the public games to the music of the lyre.
Clonas, an epic and elegiac poet, taking Terpander
for his example, constituted rules which should
adjust and govern the tuning and melody of flutes
or pipes, and such-like wind-instruments ; and in
this he was followed by Polymnestes the Colo-
phonian.
* Timotheus is said to have made lyric preludes to
his epic poems, and to have first introduced the
dithyrambic, a measure adapted to songs in the
praise of Bacchus, which songs required a violent
motion of the body, and a certain irregularity in the
measure.
' Farther of Terpander, one of the most ancient of
musicians, he is recorded to have been four times
a victor at the Pythian games.
* Alexander the historian says, that Olympus
brought into Greece the practice of touching the
strings of the lyre with a quill ; for before his time
they were touched by the fingers : and that Hyagnis
was the first that sang to the pipe, and Marsyas his
son the next, and that both these were prior to
Olympus. He farther says that Terpander imitated
Homer in his verses, and Orpheus in his music ;
but that Orpheus imitated no one. That Clonas,
who was some time later than Terpander, was, as
the Arcadians affirm, a native of Tegea, a city of
Arcadia ; though others contend that he was born
in Thebes ; and that after Terpander and Clonas
flourished Archilochus : yet some writers afifiim
Chap. XVIL
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
77
' that Ardalus the Troezenian taught wind-music
' before Clonas.
' The music appropriated to the lyre under the
' regulations of Terpander continued without any
' variation, till Phrynis became famous, who altered
' both the ancient rules, and the form of the instru-
' ment to which they were adapted.'
Having thus discoursed concerning the ancient
musicians, and stringed and wind-instruments in
general, Lysias proceeds, and confining himself to
the instruments of the latter kind, speaks to this
effect : —
' Olympus, a Phrygian, and a player on the flute,
invented a certain measure in honour of Apollo,
which he called Polycephalus or of many heads.
This Olympus, as it is said, was descended from the
first Olympus, the son of Marsyas, who being
taught by his father to play on the flute, first
brought into Greece the laws of harmony. Others
ascribe the invention of the Polycephalus to Crates,
the disciple of Olympus. The same Olympus was
the author of the Harmatian mood, as Glaucus
testifies in his treatise of the ancient poets, and as
some think of the Orthian mood also.* There was
also another mood in use among the ancients, termed
Cradias, which Hipponax the Mimnermian greatly
delighted in. Sacadas of Argos, being himself a
good poet, composed the music to several odes and
elegies, and became thrice a victor at the Pythian
games. It is said that this Sacadas, in conjunction
with Polymnestes, invented three of the moods, the
Dorian, the Phrygian, and the Lydian ; and that
the former composed a strophe, the music whereof
was a commixture of all the three. The original
constitution of the modes was undoubtedly by
Terpander, at Sparta ; but it was much improved
by Thales the Gortynian, Xenedamus the Cytherian,
Xenocritus the Locrian, and Polymnestes the Colo-
phonian.
' Aristoxenus ascribes to Olympus the invention of
the enarmonic genus ; for before his time there
were no other than the diatonic and chromatic
genera.
' As to the measures of time, they were in-
vented at different periods and by different persons.
Terpander, amongst other improvements which he
made in music, introduced those grave -and decent
measures which are its greatest ornament ; after
him, besides those of Terpander, which he did not
reject, Polymnestes brought into use other measures
of his own ; as did also Thales and Sacadas, who,
though of fertile inventions, kept within the bounds
of decorum. Other improvements were also made
by Stesichorus and Alcmas, who nevertheless re-
* These moods, the Harmation and Orthian, were unquestionably
moods of time. The fonner, if we may trust the English translator of
Plutarch's Dialogue on Music, as it stands in the first volume of his
Morals, Lond. 1684, was the measure termed by Zarlino, La Curule, in
which it is supposed was sung the story of Hector's death, and of the
dragging him in a chariot round the walls of Troy : of the Orthian mood
the same translator gives the following description : — ' This mood con-
' sisted of swift and loud notes, and was used to inflame the courage of
' soldiers going to battle, and is mentioned by Homer in the seventh
' book of the Iliad, and described by Eustathius. This mood Arion
'made use of when he flung himself into the sea, as Aulus Gellius
' writes, lib. XVI. cap. xix. the time of it was two down and four up.'
Meibomius on Aristides.
' ceded not from the ancient forms ; but Crexus,
' Timotheus, and Philoxenus, and others of the same
' age, affecting novelty, departed from the plainness
* and majesty of the ancient music'
Another of the interlocutors in this dialogue of
Plutarch, Soterichus by name, who is represented
as one not only skilled in the science but eminently
learned, speaks of the invention and progress of
music to this effect : —
' Music was not the invention of any mortal,
but we owe it to the god Apollo. The flute was
invented neither by Marsyas, nor Olympus, nor
Hyagnis, but Apollo invented both that and the
lyre, and, in a word, all manner of vocal and
instrumental music. This is manifest from the
dances and sacrifices which were solemnized in
honour of Apollo. His statue, placed in the tem-
ple of Delos, holds in his right hand a bow, and
at his left the Graces stand with each a musical
instrument in her hand, one bearing a lyre, another
a flute, and another a shepherd's pipe ; and this
statue is reported to be as ancient as the time of
Hercules. The youth also that carries the tempic
laurel into Delphos is attended by one playing
on the flute ; and the sacred presents of the Hyper-
boreans were sent of old to Delos, attended by
flutes, pipes, and lyres ; and some have asserted
that the God himself played on the flute. Venerable
therefore is music, as being the invention of Gods ;
but the artists of these later times, contemning
its ancient majesty, have introduced an effeminate
kind of melody, mere sound without energy. The
Lydian mode, at first instituted, was very doleful,
and suited only to lamentations ; wherefore Plato
in his Republic utterly rejects it. Aristoxenus
in the first book of his Harmonics relates that
Olympus sung an elegy in that mode on the death
of Python ; though some attribute the invention of
the Lydian mode to Menalippides, and others to
Torebus. Pindar asserts that it was first used at
the nuptials of Niobe ; Aristoxenus, that it was
invented by Sappho, and that the tragedians learned
it of her, and conjoined it with the Dorian ; but
this is denied by those who say that Pythocleides
the player on the flute, and also Lysis the Athenian,
invented this conjunction of the Dorian with the
Lydian mode. As to the softer Lydian, w^hich was
of a nature contrary to the Lydian properly so
called, and more resembling the Ionian, it is said
to have been invented by Damon the Athenian.
Plato deservedly rejected these effeminate modes,
and made choice of the Dorian, as more suitable
to warlike tempers ; not that we are to suppose him
ignorant of what Aristoxenus has said in his second
book, that in a wary and circumspect government
advantages might be derived from the use of the
other modes ; for Plato attributed much to music,
as having been a hearer of Draco the Athenian,
and Metellus of Agrigentum ; but it was the con-
sideration of its superior dignity and majesty that
induced him to prefer the Dorian mode. He knew
moreover that Alcmas, Pindar, Simonides, and
Bacchylides, had composed several Parthenioi in
78
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IL
' the Dorian mode ; and that supplications and hymns
'to the Gods, tragical lamentations, and sometimes
' love-verses were also composed in it ; but he con-
* tented himself with such songs as were made in
* honour of Mars and Minerva, or those other that
' were usually sung at the solemn offerings called
* Spondalia. The Lydian and Ionian modes were
* chiefly used by the tragedians, and with these also
* Plato was well acquainted. As to the instruments
' of the ancients, they were in general of a narrow
' compass ; the lyre used by Olympus and Terpander,
•and their followers, had but three chords, which
' is not to be imputed to ignorance in them, for those
' musicians who made use of more were greatly their
' inferiors both in skill and practice.
* The chromatic genus was formerly used by those
' who played on the lyre, but by the tragedians never.
' It is certainly of greater antiquity than the enar-
* monic ; yet the preference given to the diatonic and
' enarmonic was not owing to ignorance, but was the
' effect of judgment. Telephanes of Megara was
*so great an enemy to the syrinx or reed-pipe, that
' he would never suffer it to be joined to the tibia ;
' or that other pipe made of wood, generally of the
' lote-tree, and for that reason he forbore to go to
'the Pythian games. In short, if a man is to be
' deemed ignorant of that which he makes no use of,
' there would be found a great number of ignorant
* persons in this age ; for we see that the admirers
' of the Dorian mode make no use of the Anti-
' genidian method of composition : and other musi-
' cians refuse to imitate Timotheus, being bewitched
' with the trifles and idle poems of Polyeides.
' If we compare antiquity with the present times,
' we shall find that formerly there was great variety
' in music, and that the diversities of measure were
* then more esteemed than now. We are now
' lovers of learning, they were lovers of time and
' measure ; plain it is therefore that the ancients did
' not because of their ignorance, but in consequence
' of their judgment, refrain from broken measures ;
' and if Plato preferred the Dorian to the other modes,
' it was only because he was the better musician ; and
' that he was eminently skilled in the science appears
' from what he has said concerning the procreation of
' the soul in his Timaeus.
' Aristotle, who was a disciple of Plato, thus
'labours to convince the world of the majesty and
' divine nature of music : " Harmony, saith he,
" descended from heaven, and is of a divine, noble,
" and angelic nature ; being fourfold as to its efficacy,
'• it has two mediums, the one arithmetical, the other
" harmonical. As for its members, its dimensions,
" and excesses of intervals, they are best discovered
" by number and equality of measure, the whole
" system being contained in two tetrachords."
' The ancient Greeks were very careful to have
' their children thoroughly instructed in the principles
' of music, for they deemed it of great use in forming
their minds, and exciting in them a love of decency,
' sobriety, and virtue : they also found it a powerful
' incentive to valour, and accordingly made use of
' pipes or flutes when they advanced to battle : the
' Lacedemonians and the Cretans did the same ; and
' in our times the trumpet succeeding the pipe, as
' being more sonorous, is used for the same purpose.
* The Argives indeed at their wrestling matches made
' use of fifes called Schenia, which sort of exercise
' was at first instituted in honour of Danaus, but
' afterwards was consecrated to Jupiter Schenius or
' the Mighty ; and at this day it is the custom to use
' fifes at the games called Pentathla, which consist of
' cuffing, running, dancing, hurling the ball, and
' wrestling. But among the ancients, music in the
' theatres was never known ; for either they employed
' it in the education of their youth, or confined it
' within the walls of their temples ; but now our
' musicians study only compositions for the stage.
' If it should be demanded. Is music ever to remain
' the same, and is there not room for new inventions ?
* The answer is that new inventions are allowed, so
' as they be grave and decent ; the ancients them-
' selves were continually adding to and improving
' their music. Even the whole Mixolydian mode was
* a new invention ; such also were the Orthian and
' Trochean songs ; and, if we may believe Pindar,
' Terpander was the inventor of the Scolian song, and
' Archilocus of the iambic and divers other measures,
' which the tragedians took from him, and Crexus
' from them. The Hypolydian mode was the inven-
* tion of Polymnestes, who also was the first that
' taught the manner of alternately soft and loud.
' Olympus, besides that he regulated in a great
' measure the ancient Greek music, found out and
' introduced the enarmonic geims, and also the Pro-
' sodiac, the Chorian, and the Bacchian measures ; all
' of which it is manifest were of ancient invention.
' But Lasus Hermionensis* applying these measures
' to his dithyrambic compositions, and making use of an
' instrument with many holes, by an addition of tones
' and hemitones made an absolute innovation in the
' ancient music. In like manner Menalippides, the
' lyric poet, Philoxenus, and Timotheus, all forsook
' the ancient method. The latter, until the time of
' Terpander, of Antissa, used a lyre with only seven
' strings, but afterwards he added to that number.
' The wind-instruments also received a great alter-
' ation ; and in general the plainness and simplicity
' of the ancient music was lost in that affected variety
' which these and other musicians introduced.
' In ancient times, when Poetry held the precedency
' of the other arts, the musicians who played on wind-
' instruments were retained with salaries by the poets,
' to assist those who taught the actors, till Menalip-
' pides appeared, after which that practice ceased.
' Pherecrates, the comic poet, introduces Music in
' the habit of a woman with her face torn and bruised ;
' and also Justice, the latter of whom, demanding the
' reason of her appearing in that condition, is thus
' answered by Music : — f
* Lasus Charbini, from Hermione, a city of Achaia, lived about the
58th Olympiad, in the time of Darius Hystaspes: some reckon liim
among the seven wise men, in the room of Periander. He was tlie first
who wrote a hook concerning music, and brought the dithyrambics into
the games and exercises, where he was a judge or moderator, deciding
contentious disputations. This Lasus was a musician of great fame, and
is mentioned by Plutarch as the first who changed any thing in the
ancient music. Meibom. on Anstoxenus, from Suidas.
t This Pherecrates, the comic poet, lived in tlie time of Alexander the
Chap. XVII. AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC. 79
" It is my part to speak and yours to hear, there- ' been for the tutor first to consider the genius and
* fore attend to my complaints. I hstve suffered ' inclination of the learner, and then to instruct him
' much, and have long been oppressed by that beast ' in such parts of the science as he should discover
' Menalippides, who dragged me from the fountain ' most affection for ; but the more prudent sort, as
' of Parnassus, and has tormented me with twelve ' the Lacedemonians of old, the Mantingeans, and
' strings : to complete my miseries, Cinesian, the ' Pellenians, rejected this method.'
' Athenian, a pretender to poetry, composed such Here the discourse of Soterichus grows very
' horrid strophes and mangled verses, that I, tortured obscure, and has a reference to terms of which a
' with the pain of his dithyrambics, was so distorted modern can entertain no idea. Farther on he resumes
' that you would have sworn that my right side was the consideration of the genera, which he speaks of
' my left : nor did my misfortunes end here, for to this effect : —
' Phrynis, in whose brains is a whirlwind, racked me ' Now then, there being three genera of harmony,
* with small wires, from which he produced twelve ' equal in the quantity of systems or intervals, and
' tiresome harmonies. But him I blame not so much, ' number of tetrachords, we find not that the ancients
' because he soon repented of his errors, as I do ' disputed about any of them except the enarmonic,
' Timotheus, who has thus furrowed my face, and ' and as to that they differed only about the interval
' ploughed my cheeks ; and Pyrrias, the Milesian. ' called the diapason.'
* who, as I walked the streets, met me, and with his The speaker, by whom all this while we are to
' twelve strings bound and left me helpless on the understand Soterichus, then proceeds to shew that a
'earth." mere musician is an incompetent judge of music in
' That virtuous manners are in a great measure the general ; and to this purpose he asserts that Pytha-
effect of a well-grounded musical education, Aris- goras rejected the judgment of music by the senses,
toxenus has made apparent. He mentions Telesias, and maintained that the whole system was included
the Theban, a contemporary of his, who being a in the diapason. He adds, that the later musicians
youth, had been taught the noblest excellencies of had totally exploded the most noble of the modes ;
music, and had studied the best Lyric poets, and that they made hardly the least account of the enar-
withal played to perfection on the flute ; but being monic intervals, and were grown so ignorant as to
past the prime of his age, he became infatuated with believe that the enarmonic diesis did not fall within
the corrupted music of the theatres, and the inno- the apprehension of sense.
vations of Philoxenus and Timotheus ; and when he He then enumerates the advantages that accrue
laboured to compose verses, both in the manner of from the use of music, and cites Homer to prove its
Pindar and of Philoxenus, he could succeed only in effects on Achilles in the height of his fury against
the former, and this proceeded from the truth and Agamemnon : he speaks also of a sedition among the
exactness of his education ; therefore if it be the aim Lacedemonians, which Terpander appeased by the
of any one to excel in music, let him imitate the power of his music ; and a pestilence among the same
ancients ; let him also study the other sciences, and people, which Thales, the Cretan, stopped by the
make philosophy his tutor, which will enable him same means,
to judge of what is decent and useful in music. Onesicrates, who hitherto appears to have acted
' The genera of music are three, the diatonic, the the part of a moderator in this colloquy, after be-
chromatic, and enarmonic ; and it concerns an under- stowing his commendations both on Lysias and
standing artist to know which of these three kinds Soterichus, addresses them in these terms : —
is the most pi'oper for any given subject of poetry. ' But for all this, my most honoured friends, you
' In musical instruction the way has sometimes ' seem to have forgotten the chief of all music.
Great, and attended him, as we are told, in his expeditions, [Suid. in ' PythagOraS, ArchytaS, Plato, and many OthcrS of
Pherecrates] and was contemporary with Aristophanes, Plato, Eupolis ' thc auciont philosopcrs maintain that there COuld be
and Phrynicus, all comic writers [Id. in Plato]. Phrynis, who played on c x- x- xi i -ii i. • • xi ^
the lyre, was the son of Gabon [Id. in Phrynis], and scholar of Aristo- ^^ motlOU ot the Spheres Wlthout mUSlC, SmCC that
cieides who pretended to be of the family of Terpander, and was a 'the Supreme Deity Constituted all thiuffs harmo-
favounte with Hiero, kmg of Sicily, as some accounts tell us, which , • ^ ^ i. Vt ij-l ii
would throw him back near one hundred and fifty years in time before niOUSly ; DUt nOW it WOUld DC Unseasonable tO enter
our poet Pherecrates : but if we may believe Plutarch, he should have < ■^^^^n■n a rliapnnrqp fin tint ciiibippt '
been a contemporary with the poet at least, if he personally contended ^POU a QlSCOUrse OU tliat SUDjCCt.
the music prise with Timotheus, with whose playing we are told Alex- And SO Singing a hymn tO the Gods and the
ander's spirit was so raised and animated to war. [Suid in Timotheus.] Mnqp"? OTipmVratp<? fli<?Tnis<?pc? thp pninmnv
But may it not be said that Timotheus did contend the prize against -l^^USeS, UUeSICraiCS CUSmiSSCS tUC Company.
some piece formerly composed by Phrynis, as the dramatic poets some- Thus Cuds the DialoSTUC of Plutai'ch OU mUsic,
times contested the priority against a play of some deceased poet ? If so, i- i i.i r i i ? j i p x- •. • •
Phrynis then might have lived as early as the period mentioned by whlch, though a celebrated WOrk ot antiquity, IS in
^"r'f ?.■ fr„„ ;„Ho ^ t.1 * u u ,. • .-u- ■ . . the judgment of some persons rendered still more
It is true mdeed Plutarch, where he gives us this point of hi.story, i , t i .1 p -m , i- . 1
does not mention Phrynis by name, but distinguishes him only as the Valuable by the passage f I'Oni PherCCratCS, whlch he
son of Gabon, and by his nickname lu)VOKa^irTr]Q, lonocamptes ; haS introduced iutO it. The least that CaU be Said of
which sarcastical addition he obtained, because by his effeminate modu- 1 • 1 • .i x -.i . . •. • ^ . •
lations he had corrupted the old music in the like manner as the Ionic WlllCh IS, tliat WltUOUt a Comment it IS UCXt tO im-
UbTv! Tap. i'x^1fb\'*"'''''^ *^^ °''* ™^'''"^^ '^^"'"- J"i- Po""''' possible to understand it: the following remarks.
The same Phrynis is likewise rallied by Aristophanes [in Nubibus, whicll Were COmmunicated tO the late Dr. PepUSCh
V. 967] and others of the comic poets, for the levity of his compositions! bv a learned but anouvmous Correspondent of his,
and for overdoing every thing in his performance. He was marked out, x j -i. • j • j. ^^• •^ ^
even to infamy, for his innovations in music ; for his ooft and affected ™^.V .^fO ^l^ar tO render it in SOme degree intelligible :
^»^Jc'''t?VTl''!M'Jpr.',in'?hw^°n!^''"'^"'"*^^"^^ 'The poet, speaking of the successive abuses of
music; for his internunglnig and confounding the modes; and for , • • f . S^i • 1 c i m-
debasing the science to parasitism and servile offices. mUSlC, mCUtlOUS first PhryniS, and afterwards i imO-
80 HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE Book IL
' theus ; so that Phrynis should seem to have led the ' said to be so offensive to the Lacedaemonians, it was
' way to the abuses which Timotheus is reprehended ' not the first time of their having been put in practice ;
' for, or rather gave into, to the prejudice of music ; ' for Phrynis had before done the like, and been
' and it is probable he did so, from a speech of Agis ' punished, as we shall find, in the same manner.
' made to Leonidas, which is transmitted to us by ' These accounts therefore go thus far towards an
' Plutarch in the life of Agis. * explanation of one part of the passage before us ;
' What we want the explanation of, is that passage ' that as to the five strings, we may be pretty certain
' of Pherecrates which relates to the five strings and ' that the lyre of Phrynis was not confined to that
' the twelve harmonies. ' number, nay we have particular testimonies that
* From the time of Terpander, and upwards, we ' Phrynis himself was noted for playing on the lyre
* know that the lyre had seven strings, and those ' with more than seven strings ; the system of the
* adjusted to the number of the seven planets, and as * lyre, from the time of Terpander to that of Phrynis,
* some suppose to their motions also. For though * had continued altogether simple and plain, but
' Euphorion in Athenaeus is made to say, that the use * Phrynis beginning to subvert this simplicity by
* of the instruments with many strings was of very ' adding two strings to his instrument, we are told
' great antiquity, yet the lyre was reckoned complete, ' by Plutarch, in more than one passage, that Ecprepes
* and to have attained the full measure of perfect * the magistrate cut off two of his nine strings.' §
' harmony when it had seven strings ; because, as ' The next thing therefore to be enquired into, is
* Aristotle obsei-ved, the harmonies consisted in the * what the poet could mean by playing twelve har-
' number of chords, and because that was the number * monies on five strings '?
* of old used. ' Perhaps by Harmonies we are to understand
' And therefore when Timotheus added four ' Modes ; and if so, Phrjoiis may be ridiculed for
' strings to the former seven, that innovation was so ' such a volubility of hand, and such an affectation of
' offensive to the Lacjedemonians, that he was formally ' variety, that he extracted a dozen tones from five
* prosecuted for the presumption ; and it was one of ' strings only, or that he played over the whole
* the causes for which they were said to have banished ' twelve modes within that compass. For besides
' him their state. The edict by which they did so, * the seven principal modes, it is said that Aristoxenus
* still extant, is transmitted to us as a curiosity by ' by converting five species of the diapason, intro-
* Boetius ; * some however have said that Timotheus ' duced five other secondary modes ; and that the
' cleared himself from this sentence by producing a ' intermingling of the modes is the sense of ap/xoj'iae
* very ancient statue of Apollo found at Laceda^mon, ' here, seems plain from another passage in Plutarch,||
' holding a lyre with nine strings. f But if he ' where he says, " That it was not allowed to compose
* avoided this sentence of banishment, he did not " for the lyre formerly, as in his time, nor to inter-
' wholly escape censure ; for Pausanias, who wrote " mingle the modes apfioviaq and measures of time,
* as early as Athenaeus, tells us where the Lacedae- " for they observed one and the same cast peculiar to
* monians hung up his lyre publicly, having pimished " each distinct mode, which had therefore a name to
* him for superadding four strings, in compositions " distinguish it by ; they were called No^ot or rules
' for that instrument, to the ancient seven ; and " and limitations, because the composers might not
* Plutarch likewise tells us that before this, when the " transgress or alter the form of time and measure
* above-mentioned Phrynis was playing on the lyre " appointed to each one in particular."
' at some public solemnity, one of the Ephori, Ec- ' For we are certain that both the Athenians and
* prepes by name, taking up a knife, asked him on ' Lacedaemonians had their laws by which the
' which side he should cut off the strings that ex- ' particular species of music were designed to be
' ceeded the number of nine.J ' preserved distinct and unconfused ; and their hymns,
' But though these innovations of Timotheus were * threni, paeans, and dithyrambs kept each to their
« Boetius, in his treatise De Musica, Lib. I. cap. i. has given it in the ' several SOrt of odc ;_ and SO the COmpOSCrs for the
original Greek ; and the author of a book lately published, entitled ' lyre Were not permitted tO blend One mclody With
Principles and Power of Harmony, has given the following translation ,■ .i i x xi i j. „ j „,„„„ „„,,„. ,„„;!
of it ._ J ' b o t another, but they who transgressed were censured
Whereas Timotheus, the Milesian, coming to our city, has deformed < and fined for it.'
the ancient music ; and laying aside the use of the seven-stringed lyre, _- , ,', . jj.ii.ii
and introducing a multiplicity of notes, endeavours to corrupt the ears It has already been mentioned that the genuineness
of our youth by means of these his novel and complicated conceits, f ^j | dialogue has been questioned, some Writers
which he calls chromatic, by him employed in the room of our established, ^ . . " , . ^ t . j i.
orderly, and simple music; and whereas, &c. It therefore seemeth good affirming it tO be a SpuriOUS productlOU, and OthcrS
to us the King and Ephori, after having cut off the superfluous strings pniifpriflino- if tn bp fl crpnuinp WOrk of Plutarch
of his lyre, and leaving only seven thereon, to banish the said Timotheus COntenQing It tO DC a genuine WOrK OI .TUIUIICU,
out of our dominions, that every one beholding the wholesome severity WOrtliy of llimsclf, and in merit UOt inferior tO the
of this city, maybe deterred from bringing in amongst us any unbe- ^ , c ±^ j. x* j. • i • ii, Q . ;„„„
coming customs, &c. Infra page u8. best of the treatises Contained m the bymposiacs.
t Casaub. ad Athenseum, Ub. VIII. cap. xi. It is therefore neccssary to take a view of the con-
X This fact is alluded to by Agis king of Sparta, in a speech of his to trovcrsv, and to state the arguments of the Contending
Leonidas, thus recorded by Plutarch : — , • • , /• ii • i • • Tj.
' And you that use to praise Ecprepes, who being Ephore, cut off two parties in support 01 their several opmions. it SCems
•of the nine strnigs from the instrument of Phrynis the musician, and that the Orit^inal OTOUud of this dispute WaS a llOte
'to commend those who did afterwards imitate him in cutting the strings o o r_ r i-i • T
'of Timotheus's harp, with what face can you blame me for designing to prefixed tO AuiyOt S r rench translation OI thlS dia-
'cut off superfluity and luxury from the commonwealth? Do you think 1r,(rnP in ihp fnll.iwino- vvnrrici • ' flp trnifp n' anoarticnt
'those men were so concerned only about a fiddle-string, or intended iOgUC lU tnc lOllOWlUg V\0ras . ^^C iraiie U appaiLlCllb
' any thing else than by checking the voluptuousness of music, to keep , ,r., ., , .. . ^ x^, ^ >. • r • t *•» .-
' out a way of living which might destroy the harmony of the city ? § Vide the last preceding note, and Plutarch in Laconic. Institutio.
'Plutarch in Vita Agidis.' II De Musica.
Chap. XVIII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
81
' point, ou bien peu h la musique de plusieurs voix
' accordees & entrelacees ensemble, qui est aujourd'hui
* en usage ; ains a la fa^on ancienne, qui consistoit en
' la convenance du chant avec le sens & la mesure de
' la lettre, & la bonne grace du geste ; & le style ne
* semble point etre de Plutarque.'
Amyot's translation bears date in 1610 ; not-
withstanding which, Fabricius. in his catalogue of
the writings of Plutarch, has mentioned this dis-
course without suggesting the least doubt of its
authenticity.* But a dispute having arisen in the
French Academy of Inscriptions and Belles Lettres,
on the question, whether the ancients were ac-
quainted with music in consonance or not, this
tract of Plutarch, in which there is not the slightest
mention of any such practice, was urged in proof
that they were strangers to it. While a doubt re-
mained of the genuineness of this discourse, its
authority could not be deemed conclusive ; those
who maintained the affirmative of the principal
question, therefore insisted on the objection raised
by Amyot ; and this produced an enquiry into the
ground of it, or, in other words, whether Plutarch
was really the author of that discourse on music
which is generally ascribed to him, or not : this
enquiry is contained in three papers written by
Monsieur Burette, and inserted in the Memoirs of
the above-mentioned Academy, tome onzieme, Amst.
1736, with the following titles, Examen du Traite
de Plutarque sur la Musique — Observations touchant
I'Histoire litteraire du Dialogue De Plutarque sur la
Musique — Analyse du Dialogue de Plutarque sur la
Musique, the publication whereof has put an end to
a question, which but for Amyot had probably never
been started.
Meibomius, in the general preface to his edition
of the musical writers, and Doni, are lavish in their
commendations of this treatise : the latter of them,
in his discourse De Praestantia Musicae Veteris,
pag. 65, calls it a golden little work ; but whether it
merits such an encomium must be left to the judg-
ment of such as can truly say they understand it.
As to the historical part, it is undoubtedly curious,
except in some instances, that seem to approach too
near that species of history which we term fabulous,
to merit any great share of attention ; but as to that
other wherein the author professes to explain the
nature of the ancient music, it is to be feared he is
much too obscure for modern comprehension. The
particulars most worthy of observation in this work
of Plutarch are, the perpetual propensity to inno-
vation, which the musicians in all ages seem to have
discovered, and the extreme rigour with which those
in authority have endeavoured to guard against such
innovations : the famous decree of the Ephori against
Timotheus just mentioned, which some how or other
was recovered by Boetius, and is inserted in a pre-
ceding note,t is a proof that the state thought itself
concerned in preser\'ing the integrity of the ancient
music ; and if it had so great an influence over the
manners of the Spartan youth, as in the above trea-
* Biblioth. Graec. lib IV. cap. xi. pap. 364, N. 124.
♦ A transiation on page 80, tha original infra 118.
tise is suggested, it was doubtless an object worthy
of their attention.
CHAP. XVIII.
Aristides Quintilianus is supposed to have
flourished, a. c. 110. This is certain, that he wrote
after Cicero, for from his books De Republica he
has abridged all the arguments that Cicero had
advanced against music, and has opposed them to
what he urged in behalf of it in his oration for
Roscius. It is farther clear that Aristides must
have been prior to Ptolemy, for he speaks of Aris-
toxenus who admitted of thirteen modes, and of
those who after him allowed of fifteen, but he takes
no notice of Ptolemy who restrained the number of
them to seven. His treatise De Musica consists
of three books. The first contains an ample dis-
cussion of the doctrine of the modes : speaking of
the diagi'am by which the situation and relation of
them is explained, he says it may be delineated in
the form of wings, to manifest the difference of
the tones among themselves ; but he has given no
representation of it.
All that has been hitherto said of the modes is to
be understood of melody, for there is another and
to us a more intelligible sense of the word, namely
that, where it is applied to the proportions of time,
or the succession and different duration of sounds,
of which whether they are melodious, or such as
arise from the simple percussion of bodies, the modes
of time, for by that appellation we. choose to dis-
tinguish them from the modes of tone, are as so
many different measures. The effect of the various
metrical combinations of sounds is undoubtedly what
the ancients, more particularly this author, meant by
the word Rythmus. Of time he says there are two
kinds, the one simple and indivisible, resembling
a point in geometry ; the other composite, and that
of different measures, namely, duple, treble, and
quadruple.:}: The rythmic genera he makes to be
three in number, namely, the equal, the sesquialteral,
and the duple ; others he says add the supertertian :
these are constituted from the magnitude of the
times ; for one compared to itself begets a ratio of
equality, two to one is duple, three to two is ses-
quialteral, and four to three supertertian : He speaks
of the elation and position of some part of the body,
the liand or foot perhaps, as necessary to the rythmus,
probably as a measure ; and this corresponds with
the practice of the moderns in the measuring of time
by the tactus or beat. The remainder of the first
book of this work of Quintilian contains a very
laborious investigation of measures, with all their
various inflexions and combinations, in which the
author discovers a profound knowledge.
The second book treats of music as a means to
X This passage in Aristides ftuintilianus has drawn on him a severe
censure from the late Dr. Pemberton, the Greshara professor of physic,
who says that he here endeavours to make out four different measures
of time in verse also. This, says the Dr., is talking nonsense. But,
adds he, this writer is apt to amuse himself with fanciful resemblances ;
and having first imagined I know not what analogy between these four
measures of time, and the four dieses, into which a tone was considered
as divisable, he must needs try at making out the like in relation to
words. Observations on Poetry especially the Kpic. Lond. 1738. page 110.
G
82 HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE Book IL
regulate the external behaviour, as that of philosophy sonances ; a method whi-ch this author seems to
is to improve the mind. Music, he says, by its approve ; and to recommend this practice, he cites
harmony polishes the manners, and its rythmus the authority of Pythagoras, who he says, when he
renders the body more agreeable ; for youth being departed this life, exhorted his disciples to strike
impatient of mere admonition, and capable of in- the monochord, and thereby rather inform their
struction by words alone, require such a discijiline understandings than trust to their ears in the measure
as without disturbing the rational part of their of intervals. He speaks also of an instrument for
natures shall familiarly and by degrees instruct them: the demonstration of the consonances, called a heli-
he adds that it is easily perceived that all boys are con, which was of a square form, and on which were
prompt to sing and ready for brisk motions, and that stretched, with an equal tension, four strings.* For
it is not in the power of their governors to hinder the reason above given, it seems no way necessary
them from the pleasure which they take in exercises to follow this author through that series of geome-
of this sort. In human things, continues this author, trical reasoning, which he has applied for the inves-
there is no action performed without music ; it is tigation of his subject in the succeeding pages of his
certain that divine worship is rendered more solemn book, wherefore a passage relating to the tetrachords,
by it, particular feasts and public conventions of remarkable enough in its kind, shall conclude this
cities rejoice with it, wars and voyages are excited extract from his very learned but abstruse work,
by it, the most difficult and laborious works are ' The tetrachords are agreed to be five in number,
rendered easy and delightful by it, and we are 'and each has a relation to one or other of the
excited to the use of music by divers causes. Nor ' senses ; the tetrachord hypaton resembles the touch,
are its eff"ects confined to the human species ; irra- ' which is affected in new-born infants, when they
tional animals are affected by it, as is plain from the 'are impelled by the cold to cry. The tetrachord
use which is made of pipes by shepherds, and horns ' meson is like the taste, which is necessary to the
by goatherds. Of the use of music in war, as ' preservation of life, and hath a similitude to the
practised by the, ancients, he has the following pas- ' touch. The third, called synemmenon, is compared
sage : — ' Numa has said, that by music he corrected 'to the smell, because this sense is allied to the taste;
' and refined the manners of the people, which before ' and many, as the sons of art say, have been restored
' were rough and fierce : to that end he used it ' to life by odours. The fourth tetrachord, termed
' at feasts and sacrifices. In the wars where it is ' diezeugmenon, is compared to the hearing, because
'and will be used, is there any need to say how 'the ears are so remote from the other organs of
' the Pyrrhic music is a help to martial discipline ? ' sense, and are disjoined from each other. The
* certainly it is plain to every one, and that to issue ' tetrachord hyperboleon is like the sight, as it is the
' commands by words in time of action would intro- ' most acute of the systems, as the sight is of the
' duce great confusion, and might be dangerous by ' senses.' Farther, this author tells us that ' the five
'their being made known to the enemies, if they 'tetrachords do in like manner answer to the five
' were such as use the same language. To the ' primary elements, that is to say, hypaton to the
' trumpet, that martial instrument, a particular cantus ' earth, as the most grave ; meson to the water, as
' or melody is appropriated, which varies according ' nearest the earth ; synemmenon to the air, which
' to the occasion of sounding it, so as for the attack * passes through the water remaining in the profun-
' by the van or either wing, or for a retreat, or ' dities of the sea and the caverns of the earth, and
' whether to form in this or that particular figure, ' is necessary for the respiration of animals, which
' a different cantus is requisite ; and all this is so ' could not live without it ; diezeugmenon to the fire,
' skilfully contrived, as to be unintelligible to the ' the motion whereof, as tending upwards, is against
' enemy, though at the same time by the army it * nature ; lastly, the tetrachord hyperboleon answers
' is plainly understood.' ' to the aether, as being supreme and above the rest.'
Thus much of this author is intelligible enough There are, he says, also analogies between the three
to a reader of this time ; but when he speaks, as he several systems of diapente and the senses ; but we
does immediately after, of the efficacy of music in hasten to dismiss this fanciful doctrine. Moreover,
quieting tumults and appeasing an incensed multi- adds he, 'in discoursing of the human soul, systems 'are
tude, it must be owned his reasoning is not so clear : ' not improperly compared to the virtues. Hypaton
as little can we conceive any power in music over ' and meson are to be attributed to temperance, the
the irascent and concupiscent affections of the mind, ' efficacy whereof is double, and consists in an ab-
which he asserts are absolutely under its dominion. ' stincnce from unlawful pleasures, resembling the
The remainder of this second book consists of a chain ' most grave of these two systems ; as also in a mo-
of very abstruse reasoning on the nature of the human ' derate use of lawful enjoyments, not improperly
soul, no way applicable to any conception that we at ' signified by the tetrachord meson ; but the tetra-
this time are able to form of music, and much too ' chord synemmenon is to be attributed to justice,
refined to admit of a place in a work, in which it is ' which being joined with temperance, exerts itself
proposed not to teach, but to deliver a history of, 'in the discharge of public duties, and in acts of
the science. ' private beneficence : the diezeugmenon has the
The third book contains a relation of some experi- * resemblance of fortitude, which virtue delivers the
ments made with strings, distended by weights in ' soul from the dominion of the body ; lastly, the
given proportions, for finding out the ratios of con- • See it in a subsequent chapter of this second book.
Chap. XVIII. AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC. 83
' hyperboleon emulates the nature of prudence, for Gaudentius, the philosopher, according to Fabri-
*that tetrachord is the end of the acumen, and cius, || seems to have written before Ptolemy, and
'this virtue is the extremity of goodness. Again, treading in the steps of Aristoxenus, composed an
* these virtues may be assimilated to the three systems introduction to harmonics, v^hich Cassiodorus com-
* of diapente ; * the two first, justice and temperance, mends as an elegant little vi'ork ; though he does not
' which are always placed together as being a check pretend to say who he was, or where he lived :
' to the concupiscent part of the mind, resemble the however upon his authority Cassiodorus relates that
'first of these systems; fortitude may be compared Pythagoras found out the original precepts of the
' to the second, as that virtue denotes the irascent art by the sound of hammers and the percussion of
' part and refers to each of our two natures ; and extended chords ; and indeed as to this matter
* prudence to the third, as declaring the rational Gaudentius is very explicit. For his work in general,
' essence. Add to this, that the two species of excepting a few definitions and a representation of
' diapason answer to the twofold division of the mind ; the musical characters in the method of Alypius, it is
' the first resembling the irrational, and the second little more than an abridgement of Aristoxenus, and
' the rational part thereof.' that so very short and obscure, that little advantage
It has been remarked of Quintilian that he is ex- can be derived from the perusal of it.
tremely fond of analogies, vide pag. 81, in a note; Claudius Ptolemeus was an Egyptian, born at
and the above passages are a proof that this charge Pelusium ; not one of the Ptolemies, kings of Egypt,
against him is not ill-grounded. with some one of whom he has been confounded ;
Alypius, the next in succession of the authors now nor the same with Ptolemy, the mathematician and
remaining to him above cited, or, as some suppose, a astronomer, who, as Plutarch relates in his life of
contemporary of his, as flourishing about a.c. 115,f Galba, was the constant companion of that emperor,
compiled a work, entitled an Introduction to Music, and was also attendant on the emperor Otho, in
which seems to be little else than a set of tables Spain, and foretold that he should survive Nero, as
explaining the order of the sounds as they arise in Tacitus tells us, lib. I. cap. xxii. The Ptolemy here
the several modes of their respective genera in the spoken of flourished in the reign of the emperor
ancient method of notation. The musical characters Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, as Suidas testifies ; and
used by the ancients were arbitrary ; they were also himself in his Magnae Syntaxis, where he says
nothing more than the Greek capitals mutilated, that he drew up his astronomical observations at
inverted, and variously contorted, and are estimated Alexandria, for which reason he is by Suidas and
at no fewer than twelve hundred and forty. A others called Alexandrinus, in the second year of
specimen of them is herein-before inserted in two Antoninus Pius, which answers to the year of Christ
plates from Kircher. (Appendix, Nos. 35 and 36.) 139.^ He was the author of a treatise on harmonics
Manuel Bryennius, another of the Greek writers in three books, a work much more copious than any
on music, is supposed to have flourished under the of those above-mentioned ; and it must be allowed
elder Palaeologus, viz., about the year of Christ 120. that he of all the ancient writers seems to have entered
He wrote three books on harmonics, the first whereof the most deeply into the subject of harmonics. In
is a kind of commentary on Euclid, as the second the first chapter of his first book, he assigns the
and third are on Ptolemy.;}: He professes to have criteria of harmony, which he makes to be sense and
studied perspicuity for the sake of young men, but reason : the former of these, he says, finds out what
has given very little more than is to be found in one is nearly allied to truth, and approves of what is
or other of the above authors. Meibomius had given accurate, as the latter finds out what is accurate and
the public expectations of a translation of this work, approves of what is nearly allied to truth. Chap. iii.
but not living to complete it, Dr. Wallis undertook speaking of the causes of acuteness and gravity, he
it, and it now makes a part of the third volume of takes occasion to compare the wind-pipe to a flute ;
his works, published at Oxford in three volumes in and to remark as a subject of wonder, that power or
folio, 1699. faculty which enables a singer readily and instan-
Bacchius Senior was a follower of Aristoxenus ; taneously to hit such degrees of dilatation and
Fabricius supposes him to have been tutor to the contraction as are necessary to produce sounds, grave
emperor Marcus Antoninus, and consequently to have or acute, in any given proportion,
lived about a.c. 140. § He wrote in Greek a very In the sixth chapter of the same book he condemns
short introduction to music in dialogue, which, with the method of the Pythagoreans, and in the ninth
a Latin translation thereof, Meibomius has published. that of the Aristoxeneans, in the adjusting of the
It seems it was first published in the original by consonances, but thinks the former the less erroneous
Mersennus, in his Commentary on the six first of the two : the Pythagoreans, he says, not sufficiently
chapters of Genesis ; and that afterwards he published attending to the ear, often gave harmonic proportions
a translation of it in French, which Meibomius, in the to incongruous sounds ; on the contrary, the Aris-
preface to his edition of the ancient musical authors, toxeneans, ascribing all to the ear, applied numbers,
censures as being grossly erroneous. the images of reason, not to the differences of sound,
* The varieties or different systems of diapente are four, and therefore but to their intervals. To COrrect the CrrorS of theSG
U may be questioned why in this place the autlior has limited them to ^^^ ^^^^ different mCthods, lie COUtrlved au iustru-
+ Fabr. Biblioth. Grac. lib. III. oap. x.
j Ibid. II Biblioth. Graec. lib. III. cap. x.
} Ibid. ^ Ibid. cap. xiv.
84
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book II.
ment very simple and inartificial in its constrnction.
but of singular use in the adjusting of ratios, which,
though in truth but a monochord, as consisting of one
string only, he with great propriety called the Har-
monic Canon, by which appellation it is constantly
distinguished in the writings of succeeding authors.
His description of the instrument and its use, as also
the reasons that led him to the invention, are con-
tained in the eighth chapter of the same first book,
and are to the following effect : — ' We omit to explain
' what is proposed, by the means of pipes or flutes, or
'by weights affixed to strings, because they cannot
'make the necessary demonstrations with sufficient
' accuracy, but would rather occasion controversy ;
' for in pipes and flutes, as also in the breath which is
' injected into them, there is great disorder ; and as
' to strings with weights affixed to them, besides that
' of a number of such strings, we can hardly be sure
' that they arc exactly equal in size, it is almost im-
' possible to accommodate the ratios of the weights
'to the sounds intended to be produced by them;
' for with the same degree of tension two strings of
' different thickness would produce sounds differently
' grave or acute : and farther, which is more to the
* present purpose, a string, at first of an equal length
* to others, by the affixing to it a greater weight than
' is affixed to the rest, becomes a longer string, from
'whence arises another difference of sound besides
' what might be deduced from the ratio of weight
'alone. The like will happen in sounds produced
' from hammers or quoits of unequal weights ; and
' we may observe the same in some vessels that are
' first empty, and afterwards filled ; and certainly it
' is difficult in all these cases to provide against the
* diversity of matter and figure in each ; but in the
'canon, as I term it, the chord most readily and
'accurately demonstrates the ratios of the several
'consonances :' —
E
K
G
if from the points A D a chord be strained over the
middle points E and G of the said curved super-
ficies, the part E G will be parallel to the right line
A B, 0 D, because of the equal height of the magades,
and will have its limits at E and G. Transfer then
the line E G to the line A B C D, and having first
bisected the whole length at K, and the half of that
distance at L, place under the chord other magades,
which must be very thin, and somewhat higher, but
in every other respect like the former, so that both
the intermediate magades may be straight with the
middle of the external ones ; now if the part of the
chord E K be found equitonal to K G, and the part
K L to L G, then are we convinced that the chord
is equable and perfect as to its constitution and make,
and consequently fit for the experiment ; but if it
should not prove so, the trial is to be transferred to
another jjart, or even to a new chord, till we obtain
this condition of equability under the circumstances
of similar moveable magades, and a similar length
and tension of the parts of the chord. This being
done and the chord divided according to the pro-
portions of the consonances, we shall by the appli-
cation of the moveable magades prove by our ears
the rations of corresponding sounds ; for giving to
the distance E K four of such parts whereof K G is
three, the sounds on both sides will produce the
consonance diatessaron, and have a sesquitertian
ratio ; and giving to E K three parts whereof K G
is two, the sounds on both sides will make the con-
sonance diapente, which is in sesquialteral ratio.
Again, if the whole length be so divided as that
E K may be two parts and K G one of them, it shall
be the unison diapason, which consists in a duple
ratio. If it be so that E K be eight parts whereof
K G is three, it will be the consonance diapason and
diatessaron, in the ratio of eight to three ; farther if
it be divided so as that E K be three parts and K G
one of them, it will be diapente and diapason, in
a triple ratio ; and lastly if it be so divided as that
E K be four and K G one, it will be the unison dis-
diapason in a quadruple ratio.
A B C D The line of the canon.
A E G D The chord.
A E, G D The ligament or place where it is
fastened.
E B, G C Perpendiculars of the immoveable ma-
gades or bridges.
K K, L L The moveable magades.
B K, L 0 The canon or rule divided.
Suppose A B C D to be a right line, at each end
thereof apply magades or little bridges, equal in
height, and having surfaces as nearly spherical as
possible ; as suppose the surface B, E to be described
round the center F, and the surface C, G round the
center H. Let then the points E, G be taken in the
middle or bisection of these curved superficies, the
magades being so placed as that lines E, F, and
G, H, drawn from the said bisections E and G, may
be perpendicular to the right line A B, C D. Now
RATIOS. THE PROOF. CONSONANCES.
■f- E 4 K 1 G Disdiapason
f E
3
K 1
G Diapason and
1 E
8
K 3
diapente
G Diapason and
f E
2
K 1
diatessaron
G Diapason
f E
3
K 2
G Diapente
1 E
4
K 3
G Diatessaron
E
1
K
1
G
Z'
; i
~\
A B K CD
How the monochord of Pythagoras was con-
structed, or in what manner he divided it, we are
Chap. XIX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
85
no where told : it seems difficult to conceive that
for producing the consonances it could be divided in
any other manner than this of Ptolemy, and yet this
author censures the followers of Pythagoras for not
knowing how to reason about the consonances, which
one would think they could not fail to do from prin-
ciples so clear as those deducible from experiments
on the monochord. But as to the Aristoxeneans,
he censures them for rejecting the reasonings of the
Pythagoreans, at the same time that they would not
endeavour to find out better. To understand these
and other invectives against this sect, it is to be
observed that they measured the intervals by the
ear as our practical musicians do now, that is to say,
the greater by fourths or fifths, and the less by tones
and semitones ; thus to ascertain the measure of an
octave, they applied that of a diatessaron or fourth
above the unison, and another below the octave, and
between the approximating extremities of these two
intervals they found the distance of a tone, which
furnished a common measure for the less intervals
of a fourth, a fifth, and the rest ; and enabled them
to say that a tone is the difference between the
diatessaron and the diapente : this Ptolemy calls
remitting one question to another, and he adds that
the ear, when it would judge of a tone needs not the
help of a comparison of it with the diatessaron or
any other consonance, and yet adds he, ' if we would
' ask of the Aristoxeneans what is the ratio of a tone,
' they will say, perhaps, that it is two of those in-
* tervals, tliat is to say, hemitones, of which the dia-
' tessaron contains five, and in like manner that the
' diatessaron is five, of those of which the diapason is
' twelve, and so of the rest, till at last they come to
' say that the ratio of a tone is two, which is not de-
' finintr those ratios.'
Ptolemy, lib. I. cap. x. farther denies the assertion
of the Aristoxeneans, that the diatessaron contains
two tones and a half, and the diapente three and a
half ; as also that the diapason consists of six tones,
as the several contents of those two systems of two
and a half, and three and a half, supposing this
estimation of them to be just, woiald make un-
doubtedly six ; but by his division of the mono-
chord, he clearly demonstrates that the term by
which the diatessaron exceeds the diatone, and which
he calls a limma, is less than a hemitone, in the same
proportion as 1944 bears to 2048, a difference how-
ever much too small for the ear to distinguish. His
demonstration of this proposition is given in a pre-
ceding chapter of this work.
To enter into a discussion of that very abstruse
suV)ject, the division of the diapason, would require
a much more minute investigation of the doctrine of
ratios than is requisite in this place ; it must how-
ever be observed, that supposing the ear alone to
determine the precise limits of any system, that of
the diatessaron for example, and that such system
were transferred to the monochord, a repetition of the
system so transferred would fail to produce a series
of systems consonant in the extremities. Thus let
a given sound be, as we should now call it G, and let
the monochord be divided by a bridge according to
the rules above prescribed, so as to give its fourth C ;
and let a tone, D, be set on by another bridge in like
manner, and after that another fourth, which would
terminate at G, and would seem to make what we
should call a diapason : we should find upon taking
away the intermediate bridges at C and I), that the
interval from G to G would be more than a diapason ;
and that were this method of ascertaining: the terms
of the consonances repeated through a series of
octaves, the dissonance would be increased in pro-
portion to the number of repetitions. Ptolemy has
taken another method, chap. xi. of this his first
book, and by an accumulation of sesquioctave tones
has clearly demonstrated that six such exceed
the consonance diapason. This deficiency, if it
may be so called, in the intervals of which the
diapason is compounded, and the difference between
timing by the ear and by numbers, has suggested to
mathematicians what is called a temperament, which
]n'oposes a certain number of integral parts for the
limit of the diapason, and the division of the amount
of the several limmas that occur in the progression to
it, in such a manner as to make the consonances con-
tained in it as nearly perfect as possible.
The remainder of Ptolemy's first book treats of the
genera. Chap. xii. exhibits the division of Aris-
toxenus, which he condemns ; and chap. xiii. that of
Archytas of Tarentum, whom he censures for defining
the genera by the interjacent intervals rather than by
the ratios of the sounds among themselves, and
charges him with rashness and want of thought.
The use and application of the genera is at this
day so little understood, that we are greatly at a loss
to account for any . other division of the tetrachord
than that which characterizes the diatonic genus :
Nor does it seem possible, with the utmost strength
of the imagination, to conceive how a series of sounds
so extremely ungrateful to the ear as those of which
the chromatic and enarmonic genera are said to be
formed, could ever be received as music in the sense
in which that word is now understood.
CHAP. XIX.
In the first Chapter of his second book, Ptolemy
undertakes to shew by what means the ratios of the
several genera may be received by the sense, in the
course of which demonstration he points out the
different offices of sense, or the ear, and reason, in
the admeasurement of intervals, by which it should
seem that the former is previously to adjust the con-
sonances, and that these being transferred to the
canon, become a subject of calculation ; and this
position of his is undoubtedly true ; for the de-
termination of the senses in all subjects where har-
mony or symmetry are concerned is arbitrary, and it
is the business of reason, assisted by numbers, to
enquire whether this determination has any founda-
tion in nature or not ; and if it has not, we pronounce
it fantastical and capricious ; for example, we perceive
by the ear a consonance between the unison and its
octave, and we are conscious of the harmony resulting
from those two sounds ; but little are we aware of
86
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book II.
the wonderful relation that subsists between them, or
that if an experiment be made by suspending weights
to the chords that produce it. whose lengths are by
the laws of harmony required to be in the proportion
of 2 to 1, that the shorter would make two vibrations
to one of the longer, and that the vibrations would
exactly coincide in that relation as long as both chords
should continue in motion. Again with respect to
the forms of bodies, when we prefer that of a sphere
to one less regular, we never attend to the properties
of a sphere, but reason will demonstrate a perfection
in that figure which is not to be found in an irregular
polygon.
In the second chapter of his second book he de-
scribes an instrument or diagram called the Helicon,
invented as it should seem by himself, for demon-
strating the consonances, so simple in its construction
that its very figure seems to speak for itself, and to
render a verbal explanation, though he has given a
very long one of it, unnecessary. It is of this form : —
X.
\ l.|N
K
M
""--,,
F
o
C G II D E
The side of the square A 0 12 shews the diapason :
the half of B D, that is to say B F or F D 6 the unison.
The line G M 8, terminated by the diagonal B 0, the
diatessaron. The line E K divides the quadrangle
equally, and H K 9, terminated by the line A F,
shews the diapente. The lines L G and E H are in
the ratio of 4 to 3, which is that of the diatessaron ;
and lastly the lines H K 9 and G M 8 shew the ses-
quioctave tone.
To this diagram Ptolemy has added another not
less easy to be comprehended than the former, in
which the lines B D, N H, L G, and A C, are supposed
to be chords of equal lengths but bisected by the line
A F in the direction A E : this line may be supposed
to be a bridge, or subductorium, stopping the four
chords at A K M F, and thereby giving the pro-
portions 12 9 8 6 ; which proportions will also re-
sult from a subductorium placed in the direction X E,
for X C will be duple of 0 D, and the two inter-
mediate chords sesquialtera and sesquitertia, and with
respect to each other, sesquioctave ; in all agreeing
with the ratios in the former diagram.
In the ninth chapter of book II. Ptolemy takes
occasion to say that there are only seven tones or
modes, for that there are but seven species of dia-
pason ; a position that wall be easily granted him by
the moderns who suppose the word, tone or mode,
when applied to sound, to answer to what we term
the key or fundamental note. What he says farther
concerning the modes has already been mentioned in
a preceding chapter of this book.
Chapter xii. the same author speaks of the mono-
chord ; and here he proposes, but not for the purpose
of experiments, a different method of dividing it, not,
says he, according to one tone or mode only, but ac-
cording to all the tones together ; by which one
would imagine he meant somewhat like a tempera-
ment of its imperfections, and a design to render it
an instrument not of speculation but practice ; and
indeed besides exhibiting it in a form more adapted
to practice, and more resembling a musical instru-
ment than its primitive one : — *
He speaks, though not very intelligibly, of the
manner of performing on it, and recommends, to con-
ceal its defects, the conjunction with it, either of
a pipe or the voice. A little after, he speaks of
Didymus a musician, who endeavoured to correct this
instrument by a different application of the magades ;
but for the greater imperfections he says Didymus
was not able to find out a cure. Towards the close
of this second book he exhibits a short scheme of the
three genera, according to five musicians, namely,
Archytas, Aristoxenus, Eratosthenes, the same Didy-
mus, and himself; and a little farther on, tables
of the section of the canon in all the seven modes
according to the several genera.
In the third book chap. iv. he speaks in general of
the faculty of harmony, and of mathematical reasoning
as applied to it ; the use whereof he says is to con-
template and adjust the ratios. In the next ensuing
chapter he proceeds, in the manner of Quintilian, to
state the analogy of music with the affections of the
human mind, the system of the universe, and in short
with every other subject in which number, proportion,
or coincidence are concerned. In the course of this
his reasoning, he mentions that Pythagoras advised
his disciples at their rising in the morning to use
music, whereby that perturbation which is apt to
affect the mind at the awakening from sleep, might
be prevented, and the mind be reduced to its wonted
state of composure : besides which he says, that it
seems the Gods themselves are to be invoked with
hymns and melody, such as that of flutes or Egyptian
trigons, to shew that we invite them to hear and be
propitious to our prayers.
Upon a very careful review of this work of Ptolemy,
it will appear that the doctrines contained in it, so
far as they are capable of being rendered intelligible,
are of singular use in the determination of ratios, and
his very accurate division of the monochord carries
demonstration with it. It was doubtless for this
reason that our countryman Dr. Wallis, a man to
whom the learned world are under high obligations,
undertook the publication of it from a manuscript in
the Bodleian library, in ihe original Greek, with a
Latin translation of his own, together with copious
notes, and an appendix by way of commentary,
* There is very little doubt but that the instrument here delineate^
is the pandura of the Arabians, mentioned in a note of Meibomius on
a passage in Nicomachus, for among the Arabian and Turkish instriv
ments described bv Mersennus are many in this form.
3hap. XIX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC
87
which the Doctor was the better qualified to give, as
it abundantly appears, as well by divers other of his
writings in the Philosophical Transactions, as the
work we are now speaking of, that he was very pro-
foundly skilled in the science of music. How far
he is to be depended on when he undertakes to
render the ancient modes in modern characters seems
very questionable, for were the Doctor's opinion
right in that matter, all that controversy which has
subsisted for these many centuries, not only touching
the specific differences between them, but even as to
their number, must necessarily have ended ages ago ;
whereas, even at this day, the ablest writers on the
subject do not hesitate at saying that the doctrine of
the modes is absolutely inscrutable ; and perhaps it
is for this reason only that so many have imagined
that with them we have lost the most valuable part
of the art ; but on the contrary it is worth remarking
that the Doctor, though he was perhaps the ablest
geometer of his time, and had all the prejudices in
favour of the ancients that a man conversant with the
best of their writers could be supposed to entertain,
never intimates any such matter ; nay, so far is he
from adjudging a preference to the ancient music
over that of the moderns, that he scruples not to
ascribe the relations that are given of the effects of
the former to the ignorance of mankind in the earlier
ages, the want of refinement, the charms of novelty,
and other probable causes. Dr. Wallis gave two
editions of this work of Ptolemy, the one published
in quarto at Oxford in 1682 ; another, as also the
commentary of Porphyry, and a treatise of Manuel
Bryennius, makes part of the third volume of his
works, published in three volumes in folio, 1699.
Censorinus, a most famous grammarian, lived at
Rome about a.c. 238,* and wrote a book entitled De
Die Natali. It was published by Erycius Puteanus,
at Louvain, in 1628, who styles it Doctrinae rarioris
Thesaurus ; and it is by others also much celebrated
for the great light it has thrown on learning. It is
a very small work, consisting of only twenty-four
chapters ; the tenth is concerning music ; and the
subsequent chapters, as far as the thirteenth inclusive,
relate to the same subject.
He professes to relate things not known even to
musicians themselves. He defines music to be the
science of well modulating, and to consist in the voice
or sound. He says that sound is emitted at one time
graver, at others acuter; that all simple sounds, in
what manner soever emitted, are called phthongoi;
and the difference, whereby one sound is either more
grave or more acute than another, is called diastema.
The rest of his discourse on music is here given in
his own words : — ' Many diastemata may be placed
* in order between the lowest and the highest sound,
' some whereof are greater, as the tone, and others
' less, as the hemitone ; or a diastem may consist of
' two, three, or more tones. To produce concordant
' effects, sounds are not joined together capriciously,
' but according to rule. Symphony is a sweet concent
' of sounds. The simple or primitive symphonies
' are three, of which the rest consist ; the first, having
» Fabricius. Biblioth. Lat. torn. I. pag. 537.
a diastem of two tones, and a hemitone, is called a
diatessaron ; the second, containing three tones and
a hemitone, is called a diapente ; the third is the
diapason, and consists of the two former, for it is
constituted either of six tones, as Aristoxenus and
other musicians assert, or of five tones and two
hemitones, as Pythagoras and the geometricians say,
who demonstrate that two hemitones do not com-
plete the tone ; wherefore this interval, improperly
called by Plato a hemitone, is truly and properly a
diesis or limma.
' But to make it appear that sounds, which are
neither sensible to the eyes, nor to the touch or
feeling, have measures, I shall relate the wonderful
comment of Pythagoras, who, by searching into the
secrets of nature, found that the sounds of the
musicians agreed to the ratio of numbers ; for he
distended chords equally thick and equally long, by
different weights, these being frequently struck, and
their sounds not proving concordant, he changed
the weights ; and having frequently tried them one
after another, he at length discovered that two
chords struck together produced a diatessaron ;
when their weights being compared together, bore
the same ratio to each other as three does to four,
which the Greeks call i-KirpiTOQ, epitritos, and the
Latins supertertium. He at the same time found
that the symphony, which they call diapente, was
produced when the weights were in a sesquialtera
proportion, namely, that of 2 to 3, which they called
hemiolium. But when one of the chords was
stretched with a weight duple to that of the other,
it sounded a diapason.
' He also tried if these proportions would answer
in the tibiae, and found that they did ; for he pre-
pared four tibiae of equal cavity or bore, but unequal
in length ; for example, the first was six inches
long, the second eight, the third nine, and the
fourth twelve ; these being blown into, and each
compared with the others, he found that the first
and second produced the symphony of the diates-
saron, the first and third a diapente, and the first
and fourth the diapason : but there was the difference
between the nature of the chords and that of the
tibiae, that the tibiae became graver in proportion
to the increase of their lengths, while the chords
became acuter by an additional augmentation of
their weights ; the proportion however was the
same each way.
' These things being explained, though perhaps
obscurely, yet as clearly as I was able, I return to
shew M^hat Pythagoras thought concerning the
number of the days appertaining to the partus. First,
he says there are in general two kinds of birth, the
one lesser, of seven months, which comes forth from
the womb on the two hundred and tenth day after
conception ; the other greater, of nine months, which
is delivered on the two hundred and seventy-fourth
day.' Censorinus then goes on to relate from Plato
that in the work of conception there are four periods,
the first of six days, the second of eight, which two
numbers are the ratio of the diatessaron ; the third
of nine, which answers to the diapente, and the
88
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book II
fourth, at the end whereof the foetus is formed, of
twelve, answering to the diapason in duple propor-
tion. After this he proceeds to declare the relations
of the above numbers in these words : —
' These four numbers, six, eight, nine, and twelve,
' being added together, make up thirty -live ; nor is
' the number six undeservedly deemed to relate to
* the birth, for the Greeks call it reXeioc, teleios, and
' we perfectum, because its three parts, a sixth,
* a third, and a half, that is one, two, three, make up
' itself ; but as the first stage in the conception is
' completed in this number six, so the former number
' thirty-five being multiplied by this latter six, the
' product is two hundred and ten, which is the
* number of days required to maturate the first
' kind of birth. As to the other or greater kind,
' it is contained under a greater number, namely,
' seven, as indeed is also the whole of human life,
* as Solon writes : the practice of the Jews, and the
' ritual books of the Etruscans, seem likewise to
' indicate the predominancy of the number seven
' over the life of man ; and Hippocrates, and other
' physicians, in the diseases of the body account the
•' seventh as a critical day ; therefore as the origin of
' the other birth is six days, so that of this greater
' birth is seven ; and as in the former the members
' of the infant are formed in thirty-five days, so here
* it is done in almost forty, and for this reason, forty
* days are a period very remarkable ; for instance,
* a pregnant woman did not go into the temple till
* after the fortieth day ; after the birth women are
' indisposed for forty days ; infants for the most part
' are in a morbid state for forty days ; these forty
' days, multiplied by the seven initial ones, make
' two hundred and eighty, or forty weeks : but
' because the birth comes forth on the first day of
' the fortieth week, six days are to be subtracted,
* which reduces the number of days to two hundred
' and seventy-four, which number very exactly cor-
' responds to the quadrangular aspect of the Chal-
' deans ; for as the sun passes through the zodiac
' in three hundred and sixty-five days and some
* hours ; if the fourth part of this number, namely,
' ninety-one days and some hours, be deducted there-
' from, the remainder will be somewhat short of two
' hundred and seventy-five days, by which time the
* sun will arrive at that place where the quadrature
' has an aspect to the beginning of conception. But
' let no man wonder how the human mind is able to
' discover the secrets of human nature in this respect,
' for the frequent experience of physicians enables
' them to do it.
' It is not to be doubted but that music has an
' effect on our birth ; for whether it consists in the
' voice or sound only, as Socrates asserts, or, as
* Aristoxenus says, in the voice and the motion of
* the body, or of both these and the emotion of
' the mind, as Theophrastus thinks, it has certainly
' somewhat in it of divine, and has a great influence
'on the mind. If it had not been grateful to the
' immortal Gods, scenical games would never have
* been _ instituted to appease them ; neither would
' the tibiiB accompany our supplications in the holy
' temples. Triumphs would not have been celebrated
' with the tibia ; the cithara or lyre would not have
' been attributed to Apollo, nor the tibia, nor the
' rest of that kind of instruments to the Muses ;
' neither would it have been permitted to those who
' play on the tibia, by whom the deities are appeased,
' to exhibit public shows or plays, and to eat in the
* Capitol, or during the lesser Quinquatria,* that
' is on the ides of June ; to range about the city,
' drunk, and disguised in what garments they pleased,
' Human minds, and those that are divine, though
' Epicurus cries , out against it, acknowledge their
' nature by songs. Lastly, symphony is made use
' of by the commanders of ships to encourage the
' sailors, aud enable them to bear up under the
' labours and dangers of a voyage ; and while the
' legions are engaged in battle the fear of death is
* dispelled by the trumpet ; wherefore Pythagoras,
' that he might imbue his soul with its own divinity,
' before he went to sleep and after he awaked was
' accustomed, as is reported, to sing to the cithara ;
' and Asclepiades the physician relieved the dis-
' turbed minds of frenetics by symphony. Etophilus,
' a physician also, says that the pulses of the veins
' are moved by musical rhythmi ; so that both the
' body and the mind are subject to the power of
' harmony, and doubtless music is not a stranger
* at our birth,
' To these things we may add what Pythagoras
' taught, namely, that this whole world was con-
* structed according to musical ratio, and that the
' seven planets which move between the heavens and
' the earth, and predominate at the birth of mortals,
' have a rythmical motion and distances adapted to
' musical intervals, and emit sounds, every one dif-
' ferent in proportion to its height, which sounds are
' so concordant as to produce a most sweet melody,
' though inaudible to us by reason of the greatness
' of the sounds, which the narrow passages of our
' ears are not capable of admitting.' Then follows
the passage declaring the Pythagorean estimate of
the distances of the planets and their supposed
harmonical ratio, herein-before cited from him.f
Censorinus concludes his Discourse on Music with
saying that Pythagoras compared many other things
which musicians treat of to the other stars, and de-
monstrated that the whole world is constituted in
harmony. Agreealdy to this he says Dorylaus writes
that this world is the instrument of God : and others,
that as there are seven wandering planets, which have
regular motions, they may fitly be resembled to a
dance. I
» A feast in honour of Minerva.
+ See it in page 65, with a diagram.
t The general opinion of the learned in former ages, touching the
harmony of tlie spheres, has been mentioned in a preceding page, but
there appears a disposition in the modern philosophers to revive the
notion. It seems that Dr. Gregory thought it well founded ; and
Mr. Maclaurin, in conformity with his opinion, Phil. Discov. of
Newton, pag. 35, explains it thus: — 'If we should suppose musical
'chords extended from the sun to each planet; that all these chords
' might become unison, it would be requisite to encrease or diminish
' their tensions in the same proportions as would be sufficient to render
' the gravities of the planets equal ; and from the similitude of these
' proportions the celebrated doctrine of the harmony of the spheres
'is supposed to have been derived.'
The author of a book lately published, entitled Principles and Powei
of Harmony, has added his suffrage in support of the opinion. ' Certain,
Chap. XIX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
89
PoRPHYRius, a very learned Greek philosopher, of
the Platonic sect, and who wrote a commentary on the
Harmonics of Ptolemy, lived about the end of the
third centm-y. His preceptors in philosophy were
Plotinus and Amolius ; he was a bitter enemy to the
Christian religion, which perhaps is the reason why
St. Jerome will have him to be a Jew ; but Eunapius
affirms that he was a native of Tyre, and that his true
name was Malchus, which in the Syrian language
signifies a king ; and that Longinus the Sophist, who
taught him rhetoric, gave him the name of Porphyrins,
in allusion to the purple usually worn by kings.
Besides the commentary on Ptolemy he wrote the
lives of divers philosophers, of which only a frag-
ment, containing the life of Pythagoras, is now
remaining ; a treatise of abstinence from flesh, an
explication of the categories of Aristotle, and a trea-
tise, containing fifteen books, against the Christian
religion, which he once professed, as St. Augustine,
Socrates, and others assert : this latter was answered
by Methodius, bishop of Tyre, and afterwards by
Eusebius. He died about the end of the reign of
Dioclesian, and in 388 his books were burned.
With regard to his commentary, it is evidently
imperfect; for whereas the treatise of Ptolemy, is
divided into three books, the second whereof contains
fifteen chapters. Porphyry's commentary is continued
no farther than to the end of chapter seven of that
book, concluding with the series of sounds through
each of the three genera. He seems to have been
a virulent opposer of the Aristoxeneans, and like his
author adheres in general to the tenets of Pythagoras.
Porphyry has given a description of the harmonic
canon much more intelligible than that of Ptolemy,
and has delineated it in the following form : —
7\
A B
E
C D
By which it appears that a chord A D, strained
over the immoveable magades B and C, which are
nothing more than two parallelograms, with a semi-
circular arch at the top of each, together with a
moveable bridge of the same form E, but somewhat
higher, will be sufficient for the demonstration of the
consonances, and this indeed is the "representation
which Dr. Wallis in his notes on Ptolemy has thought
proper to give of it.
Dr, Wallis has contented himself with publishing
a bare version of this author, without the addition of
' says he, as this harmonic coincidence is now become, till Sir Isaac
' Newton demonstrated the laws of gravitation in relation to the planets,
' it must have passed for the dream of an Utopian philosopher.' Pag. 146
The same author, pag. 145, agreeably to what Censorinus above asserts,
says that ' there are traces of the harmonic principle scattered up and
' down, sufficient to make us look on it as one of the great and reigning
' principles of the inanimate world.' Some of these have hereinbefore
been pointed out. Vide pag. 65, in note. To the instances there men-
tioned, the following may not imjjroperly be added. The web of a spider
formed of threads is of an hexaiigular figure, and each of the threads
that divide the whole into six triangles, may be considered as a beam
intended to give firmness and stability to the fabric ; from one to the
other of tiiese beams the insect conducts lines in a parallel direction,
which, supposing them to be ten in number, do, in consequence of their
different lengths, constitute a perfect decachord. Kircher, who made
this discovery, says, that were these lines or chords capable of sustaining
a force sulhcient to make them vibrate, it must necessarily follow from
the ratios of tht-lr lengths, that between the sound of the outer and the
innermost, the interval would be a diapason and semidiione ; and that
the rest of the chords, in proportion to their lengths, would produce the
other consonances. Musurg. torn. I. pag. 441.
notes, except a few such short ones as he thought
necessary to correct a vicious reading, or explain a
difficult passage.
The works of the several authors above-named
declare very fully the ancient Greek theory ; their
practice may in a great measure be judged of from
the forms of the ancient instruments, and of these it
may be thought necessary in this place to give some
account.
The general division of musical instruments is into
three classes, the pulsatile, tensile, and inflatile ; and
to this purpose Cardinal Bellarmine, in his Exposition
of the OLth psalm, verse 3, says : ' Tria sunt instru-
' mentorum genera, vox, flatus, et pulsus ; omnium
* meminit hoc loco propheta.'
Of the first are the drum, the sistrum, and bells.
Of the second, the lute, the harp, the clavicymbalum,
and viols of all kinds. Of the third are the trumpet,
flutes, and pipes, whether single or collected together,
as in the organ.
And Kircher, in his Musurgia, preface to book VI.,
has this passage : — ' Omnia instrumenta musica ad
* tria genera, ut plurium revocantur : Prioris generis
' dicuntur ey^op^a sive evraTa., quae nervis, seu
' chordis constant quaeque plectris, aut digitis in har-
' monicos motus incitantur, ut sunt Testudines,
' Psalteria, Lyrae, Sambucae, Pandorae, Barbita,
' Nablia, Pectides, Clavicymbala, aliaque hujus
* generis innumera. Secundi generis sunt efK^vawfieim,
' wvsvfxariKa, vel ejXTrvEHQa, quae inflata, seu spiritu,
* incitata sonum edunt ut Fistulae, Tibiae, Cornua,
' Litui, Tubae, Buccinae, Classica. Tertii generis
' sunt KpHQa, sive pulsatilia uti sunt Tympana, Sistra,
' Cymbala, Campanse, &c.'
This division is adopted by a late writer, Fran-
ciscus Blanchinus of Verona, in a very learned and
curious dissertation on the musical instruments of the
ancients ; * which upon the authority of ancient
medals, intaglias, bass-reliefs, and other sculptures of
great antiquity, exhibits the forms of a great variety
of musical instruments in use among the ancient
Greeks and Romans, many whereof are mentioned,
or alluded to, by the Latin poets, in such terms as
contain little less than a precise designation of their
respective forms. He has deviated a little from the
order prescribed by the above division of musical
instruments into classes, by beginning with the
inflatile species instead of the tensile ; nevertheless
his dissertation is very curious and satisfactory, and
contains in it a detail to the fol- Fig. i. rig. 2.
lowing effect : —
One of the most simple musical
instruments of the ancients is the
Calamus pastoralis, made of an
oaten reed ; it is mentioned by
Virgil and many others of the
Latin poets, and by Martianus Ca-
pella. See the form of it fig. 1.
Other writers mention an instru-
ment of very great antiquity by the
name of Ossea tibia, a pipe made
of the leg-bone of a crane.
Fig. 2.
* De tribus Generibus Instrumentorum Musicae veterum Organic^,
Dissertatio ; Roma;, 1742.
90
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book II.
The Syringa or pipe of Pan is
described by Virgil, and the use of it
by Lucretius, lib. V.
Et supra calamos unco percurrere labro.
The figure of it occurs so frequently
on medals, that a particular description
of it is unnecessary. Fig. 3.
The Tibife pares, mentioned by
Terence to have been played on,
the one with the right, and the other
with the left hand, are diversely
represented in Mersennus De In-
Btrumentis harmonicis, pag. 7, and
in the Dissertation of Blanchinus
now citing ; in the former they
are yoked together towards the
bottom, and at the top, as fig. 4.
In the latter they are much slen-
derer, and are not joined. Fig. 5.*
The ancient Buccina or horn-trumpet, fig. 10, is
mentioned by Ovid, Vegetius, Macrobius, and others.
Kg. 10.
The author last men-
tioned speaks also of
other pipes, namely,
the Tibiae bifores, fig.
6, the Tibiae gemine,
fig. 7, instruments used
in theatrical repre-
sentations ; the latter
of these seem to be
the Tibiae imparos of
Terence : he also de-
scribes the Tibife utri-
culari^, or bag-pipes,
fig. 8, anciently the entertainment of shepherds and
other rustics.
The Horn, fig. 9, was anciently used at funeral
solemnities ; it is alluded to by Statins. Theb. lib. VI.
Fig. 8. Fig. 9.
* The tibiae of the ancients, and especially those mentioned in the
titles of Terence's comedies, have been the subject of much learned
enquiry. Caspar Bartholinus the anatomist has written a whole volume
l)e Tibiis Veterum. jElius lionatus, a Latin f^rammarian, and the
preceptor of St. Jerome, says that the tone of the tibiae dextra; was
grave, and adapted to the serious parts of the comedy : and that that of
the tibiae sinistrse, and also of the tibiae sarranse, or Tyrian pipes, was
light and cheerful. ' Dextra tibiae sua gravitate seriam comedeE dic-
' tinnem pronunciabant. Sinistrae et sarranae hoc est Tyriae acuminis
' suavitate jocum in comedia ostendebant. Ubi aiitem dextra et sinistra
' acta fabula inscribebatur mistira jocos et gravitatem denunciabnt.'
Donat. Frasm. de Traged. & Corned. The abbe du Bos says that this
passage explains that other in Pliny, where it is said that the ancients
to make left-handed pipes, took the bottom of that very reed, the top
whereof they had before used for the right-handed. The sense of this
passage is manifest ; but it does not strictly agree with what Donatus
gays, unless it can be supposed that, contrary to the order of nature, the
reeds were small at bottom, and grew tapering upwards.
The Tuba communis, seu recta, so called in con-
tradistinction to the Tuba ductilis, is of very ancient
original ; it was formerly, as now, made of silver or
brass, of the form fig, 11. Blanchinus hesitates not to
Fig. u.
Fig. 12.
Fig. 13.
assert that the two trumpets of silver which God
commanded Moses to make in the wilderness were of
this form.f It seems that the trumpet has retained
this figure without the least external diversity, so low
down as the year 1520 ; for in a very curious picture
at Windsor, supposed to be of Mabuse, representing
the interview between Ardres and Guisnes, of Henry
VIII. and Francis I. are trumpets precisely cor-
responding in figure with the Tuba recta above
referred to.
Of the instruments of the second class, compre-
hending the tensile species, the Monochord is the
most simple. This instrument is mentioned by
Aristides Quintilianus, and other ancient WTiters, but
we have no authentic designation of it prior to the
time of Ptolemy, it nevertheless is capable of so
many forms, that any instrument of one string only
answers to the name ; for which reason some have
not scrupled to represent the monochord like the bow
of Diana.
Figures 12 and
13, are the Lyre
of three and four
chords, ascribed to
Mercury, by Ni-
comachus, Macro-
bins, Boetius, and
a number of other
writers, the forms
whereof are here
given from ancient
sculptures in and
about Rome,
referred to
by Blanchi-
nus ; as are
also those
figures 14
and 15, repre-
senting the
one a Lyre
with seven
chords, and
the other one
with nine.
t ' Make thee two trumpets of silver ; of a whole piece shalt thou
' make them, that thou mayest use them for the calling of the assembly,
' and for the journeying of the camps. Numbers, chap. x. verse 2.
Chap. XIX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
91
Fig. 16 is the Lyre of Amphion,
and 17 the plectrum, with which
not only this, but every species
Fig. 16. Fig. 17.
Fig. 18.
Fig. 21.
Fig. 22.
of the lyre was struck, as may be collected from the
following passage in Ovid : —
Instructamque fidem gemmis et dentibus Tndis
Sustinet a laeva : tenuit manus altera plectrum.
Artificis status ipse fuit, turn stamina docto
Pollice soUicitat : quorum dulcedine captus
Pana iubet Tmolus citherse submittere cannus.
Met. lib. xi. 1. 167.*
Figures 19 and 20 are other forms of the Lyre in
a state of improvement.
Fig. 19. Fig. 20.
♦ It is very probable that the use of the bow, with which the viol
Bpeeies of instruments is sounded, was borrowed from a practice of the
ancients. Of the many kinds of lyre among them, it seems that they
had one, in which the fingers of one hand were employed in stopping
the strings, at the instant that they were striokeq with a stick held in
the other.
Virgil intimates a practice somewhat like this in the following passage
of Uie jEneid:—
Nee non Threicus longa cum veste sacerdos
Obloquitur numeris septem discrimina vocum :
Jamque eadem digitis, jam pectine pulsat ebumo.
Lib. VI. 1. 645.
The Thracian bard, surrounded by the rest,
There stands conspicuous in his flowing vest,
His flying fingers, and harmonious quill.
Strike sev'n distinguish'd notes, and sev'n at once they fill.
Dryden's translation, book VI. 1. 877.
From which it at least appears, that the instrument was placed in
a horizontal position, and that the strings were struck, not by the fingers,
but with a plectrum, which might be a quill or a bow, or almost any
other thing fit for the purpose.
Plato, in his treatise de Legibus VII. 794. Ed. Serr. advises to train
up children to use the right and the left hand indifferently. In some
things, says he, we can do it very well, as when we use the lyre with the
left hand and the stick with the right. Dr. Jortin says it may be col-
lected from this, that the fingers <if the left hand were occupied in some
manner upon the strings, el.se barely to tiold a lyre shewed no very free
use of the left hand; and it appears from Ptolemy. II. 12, that they
used both hands at once in playing upon the lyre, and that the fingers of
the left were employed, not in stopping, but in striking the string.
But see the figure of an ancient statue, representing Apollo playing on
Figures 21, 22,
are two different
representations of
the Lyra triplex,
the one from Blan-
chinus, the other
from a writer of
far less respect-
able authority ;
concerning this in-
strument it is ne-
cessary to be some -
what particular.
Athenaeus lib.
VIV. cap. XV. de-
scribes an instrument of a very singular construction,
being a lyre in the form of a tripod, an invention, as
it is said, of Pythagoras Zacynthius. This person is
mentioned by Aristoxenus, in his Elements, page 36 ;
and Meibomius, in a note on the passage, says, on the
authority of Diogenes Laertius, that he was the
author of Arcana Philosophise, and adds, that it was
from him that the proverbial saying, ipse dixit, had
its rise ; with respect to the instrument, it is ex-
hibited, in two forms (see above), the first taken from
a sarcophagus at Rome, referred to by Blanchinus,
the other from an engraving in the Histoire de la
Musique, of Monsieur de Blainville, for which it is to
be suspected he had no other authority than the bare
verbal description of Athenseus, who has said, that it
comprehended three distinct sets of chords, adjusted to
the three most ancient of the modes, the Dorian, the
Phrygian, and the Lydian.
The Trigon, an instrument mentioned by Nicho-
machus, among those which were adjusted by Pytha-
goras, after he had di.- covered and
settled the ratios of the consonances.
It was used at feasts, and it is said,
was played on by women, and struck
either with a quill, or beaten with
little rods of different lengths and
weights, to occasion a diversity in the
sounds. The figure 23 is taken from
an ancient Roman anaglyph, mentioned
by Blanchinus.
Figure 24 is also
a Trigon, de-
scribed by the
same author ;
figure 25 is the
reverse of an an-
cient medal, and
shews the man-
ner of playing
on it.
The Cymbals
the lyre, fig. 18, which seems very clearly to evince the practice above
spoken of. .,,,,- ^v i
Upon this relic of antiquity, a drawing whereof was found m the col-
Icclion of the late Mr. N. Haym, it is observable that the lyre is of a form
verv marly resembling the violin, as having a body, and also a neck,
which is held in the left hand ; the instrument in the right, undoubtedly
answers to the modern bow, with this difference, that its use was per-
cussion and not friction, which latter is a modern and noble improve-
ment ; the position of the instrument deserves to be remarked, as it
corresponds exactly with the viol di braccio.
Fig. 23.
Fig. 24.
Fig. 25.
92
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE.
Book XL
Fig. 27.
Fig. 29.
of Bacchus, figure 26, were two ^'&- se-
aman brass vessels, somewhat in
the form of a shield, which being
struck together by the hands, gave
a sound. The well-known statue
of the dancing faun has one of
these in each hand.
The Tympanum leve,
figure 27, an instrument yet
known by the name of the '
Tambouret, and frequently
used in dancing, was also used
to sing to ; it is distinguished
by Catullus, Ovid, Suetonius,
St. Augustine, and Isidore,
of Sevil, from the great brazen drum, properly so
called, this above-mentioned, was covered with the
skin of some animal, and was struck either with a
short twig or with Fig. 2s.
the hand, as fig. 28.
Crotala, figure 29.
These were instru-
ments also of the
pulsatile kind. The
Crotalum was made
of a reed, divided
into two by a slit
from the top, ex-
tending half way
downwards : the sides
thus divided being
struck one against
the other with dif-'
ferent motions of the hands, produced M
a sound like that which the stork ^
makes with her bill, wherefore the
ancients gave that bird the epithet of Crotalistria, i.e.,
Player upon the Crotalum ;* and Aristophanes calls
a great talker a Crotalum.
* Pausanias relates, that Hercules did not kill the Stymphalides with
his arrows, but that he frighted, and drove them away with the noise of
the crotala, the consequence whereof, supposing the relation to be true,
is, that the crotalum must be a very ancient instrument. Ovid joins the
crotalum with the cymbals.
Cymbala cum crotalis prurientiaque arma Priapo
Ponit, et adduclt tympana pulsa manu.
It appears by an ancient poem, entitled Copa, by some ascribed to
Virgil, that those who played with the crotala danced at the same time.
It farther appears, that in these dances, which were chietly of women,
S. 31.
such a variety of
wanton gesticu-
lations and in-
decent attitudes
and postures
were practised,
that Clemens Al-
exandrinus says,
that the use of
these instru-
ments ought to
be banished from
the festivals of all
Christians. And
the same might
have been said
of the cymbals.
See figures 30
and 31.
Some authors
resemble the cmtala to the castanets of the Spaniards, or perhaps of the
Moors; for castanets are supposed to be of Moorish invention ; but of
these the crumata of the ancients seem more nearly to approach. These
were made of bones, or the shells of fish. Scaliger observes, upon the
above-mentioned poem, that they were very common among the Spaniards,
Mention is made by some writers on music, of an
instrument of forty chords, called, from the name of
its inventor, the Epigonium. Epigonius was a
native of Ambracia, a city of Epirus, and a citizen of
Sicyon, a town of Peloponnesus. He is mentioned
together with Lasus Hermionensis, by Aristoxenus,
in his Elements, pag. 3. And Porphyry makes him
the head of one of those many sects of musicians that
formerly subsisted, giving him the priority even of
Aristoxenus, in these words : — ' There were many
' sects, some indeed before Aristoxenus, as the Epi-
' gonians, Damonians, Eratocleans, Agenorians, and
' some others ; which he himself makes mention of ;
' but there were some after him, which others have
' described, as the Archestratians, Agonians, Philis-
* cians, and Hermippians.'
Julius Pollux, in his Onomasticum, lib. IV. cap. ix.
speaking of the instruments invented by certain
nations, says, that the Epigonium obtained its name
from Epigonius, who was the first that struck the
chords of musical instruments without a plectrum. "{■
The same author' adds, that the Epigonium had forty
chords, as the Simicum had thirty-five. Athenajus,
lib. IV. speaks to the same purpose.
As to the Simicum, nothing more is known about
it, than that it contained thirty-five chords. Vincentio
Galilei, with good reason, supposes it to be somewhat
more ancient than the Epigonium. Of both these
instruments he has ventured to give a representation,
in his dialogue on ancient and modern music ; but it
is very much to be doubted, whether he had any
authority from antiquity for so doing. The form
which he has assigned them severally, resembles
nearly that of an upright harpsichord, which seems
to indicate, that when played on, it was held between
the legs of the musician, different perhaps from the
harp, with the grave chords near and the acute re-
mote from him. -
The foregoing account comprehends the principal
instruments in use among the ancient Greeks and
Romans, so far as the researches of learned and in-
quisitive men have succeeded in the attempts to re-
cover them ; their forms seem to be thereby ascer-
tained beyond the possibility of a doubt, and these it
may be said, declare the state of the ancient musical
practice, much more satisfactorily than all the hyper-
bolical relations extant, of its efficacy and influence
over the human passions ; and leave it an un-
especially the inhabitants of the province of Bcetica [Andalusia} about
Cadiz, to which Martial alludes.
Nee de Gadibus improbis puella;
Vibrahunt sine fine prurientes
Lascivos docili tremore lumbos. Lib. V. epigr. Ixxix.
The same poet elsewhere speaks of the crumata in these words : —
Edere lascivos ad Bcetica crusmata gestus,
Ed Gaditanis ludere docta modis. Lib. VI. epigr. Ixxi.
From which two passages, it appears clearly, that the above censure
of Clemens Alexandrinus was well grounded.
+ Plutarch in his dialogue before cited, relates that Olympus intro-
duced the plectrum into Greece, which it is supposed was then deemed
a useful invention. Certainly the lyre was originally touched by the
fingers, and all that can be meant here, is, that Epigonius recurred to
the primitive method, and played on his instrument, as the harp is now
played on with the fingers ; between which, and the touch of a plectrum
or quill, the difference is very wide, as may be discovered by a com-
parison of the lute or harp with the harpsichord.
Chap. XIX.~BooK in, Chap. XX. AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
93
questionable fact, that the discovei'ies of Pytliagoras, were adapted, as would have disgraced any perform-
and the improvements made by the Greeks, his ance, even in the least enlightened period, since the
successors, terminated in a theory, admirable in invention of that species of harmony, which has been
speculation it is true, but to which such instruments the delight of later ages.
BOOK III.
The gradual declension of learning which had
begun before the time of Porphyry, the last of the
Greek musical writers, and above all, the ravages of
war, and the then embroiled state of the whole
civilized world, put an end to all farther improve-
ments in the science of harmonics ; nor do we find,
that after this time it was made a subject of philo-
sophical enquiry : the succeeding writers were chiefly
Latins, who, as they were for the most part followers
of the Greeks, contributed but very little to its ad-
vancement ; and, for reasons which will hereafter be
given, the cultivation of music became the care of tlie
clergy ; an order of men, in whom the little of
learning then left, in a few ages after the establish-
ment of Christianity, centered.
But before we proceed farther to trace the progress
of the science, it is proper to remark, that the
writings of the Greeks not only leave us in great
uncertainty as to the state of music in other countries,
but that they do not exclude the possibility of its
having arrived at a great degree of perfection, even
before that discovery of the consonances, which is by
all of them allowed to be the very basis of the Greek
system. For let it be remembered, that Pythagoras
is supposed to have lived so late as a.m. 3384,
which is about 560 years before the birth of Christ ;
and that long before his time, such effects were
ascribed to music, as well by the sacred as profane
historians, as are utterly inconsistent with the sup-
position, that it was then in its infancy. It were
endless to enumerate the many passages in sacred
writ, declaring the power of music : the story of
David and Saul, and the effects attributed to the
harp ; but more especially the frequent mention of
instruments with ten strings, would lead us to think,
that the art had arrived to a state of greater perfection
than the writers above-mentioned suppose. Here
then arises a question, the solution whereof is attended
with great difficulty ; namely, whether the Jews, not
to mention the various other nations, that had sub-
sisted for many ages, previous to the times from
whence we begin our account, in a state of very im-
proved civilization, had not a musical theory ? or is
it to be conceived, that mankind, with whose frame
and structure, with whose organs and faculties, har-
mony is shewn to be connatural, could remain for so
many centuries in an almost total ignorance of its
nature and principles ?
To this it is answered, that the knowledge of the
state and condition of past times, is deducible, with
any degree of certainty, only from history ; that the
information communicated by the means of writing,
must depend on an infinite variety of circumstances,
such as a disposition in men of ability to communicate
that information which is derived from a long course
CHAP. XX.
of study, the permanency of language, a faithful and
uncorrupt transmission of facts, and an absence of all
those accidents, that in the course of events hinder
the propagation of knowledge ; and wherever these
fail, the progress of human intelligence must neces-
sarily be intercepted. To obstructions arising from
one or other of these causes, is to be imputed that
impenetrable obscurity in which the events of the
earlier ages lie involved ; an obscurity so intense,
that no one presumes to trace the origin of any of the
arts, and a vast chasm is supplied by the mythologists,
the poets, and that species of history which we dis-
tinguish from what is truly authentic and worthy of
credit by the epithet of fabulous ; even antiquity
itself, which stamps a value on some sort of evidence,
will in many cases diminish the credit of an historian ;
and mankind have not yet settled what degree of
assent is due to the testimony of the most ancient of
all profane historians, the venerable Herodotus.
Admitting as a fact, that Egypt in the infancy of
the world, was as well the seat of learning as of
empire ; and admitting also the learning of the
Persian Magi, the Indian Brachmans, and other peo-
ple of the east, not to mention the Phoenicians and
the Chinese, to be as great as some pretend, who
have magnified it to a degree that exceeds the bounds
of moderate credulity ; nevertheless, the more sober
researchers into antiquity, have contented themselves
with a retrospect limited by the time when philoso-
phy began to flourish in Greece ; and it is only on
the writers of that country that we can depend.
An investigation of the Jewish theory would be
a fruitless attempt, but of their practice we are en-
abled to form some judgment, by the several passages
in the Old Testament that declare the names and
number of the Hebrew instruments, and mention the
frequent use of them in sacrifices, and other religious
solemnities ; but it is to be observed, that the cor-
respondence of the names of their instruments, with
the names of those in use in modern times, is a cir-
cumstance from which no argument in their favour
can be drawn, for a reason herein before given.
Mersennus, and after him Kircher, whose elaborate
researches into the more abstruse parts of ancient
literature, render him in some particulars a re-
spectable authority, have exhibited the forms of many
of the ancient Jewish musical instruments : the
latter of these authors professes to have gone to the
fountain head for his intelligence ; and the result
of an attentive perusal of as many of the Rab-
binical writers and commentators on the Talmud
as he could lay his hands on, he has given to the
public in the Musurgia, torn. I. pag. 47. How
far the authorities adduced by him will warrant
such a precise designation of their respective forms,
94
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book III.
as verges in some instances too near our own times,
is left to the decision of those who shall have cu-
riosity enough to peruse them ; but lest it should
be said that the subject is too important to be passed
over in silence, the substance of what he has de-
livered on this head is here given.
He says that the author of a treatise entitled
Schilte Haggiborim, i. e. the Shield of the Mighty,
who he elsewhere makes to be Rabbi Hannase, treats
very accurately on the musical instruments of the
Hebrews, and reckons that they were thirty-six in
number, and of the pulsatile kind, and that David
was skilled in the use of them all. Kircher however
does not seem to acquiesce altogether in the first of
these opinions, for he proceeds to a description
de instrumentis Hebreorum Polychordis sive Neghi-
noth ; these it seems, according to his author above-
named, were of wood, long and round, consisting
of three strings made of the intestines of beasts ;
the instruments had holes bored underneath them ;
and, to make them sound, the strings were rul)bed
with a bow composed of the hairs of a horse's tail,
well extended and compacted together. Kircher
speaks particularly of the Psaltery, or Nabliura, the
Cythara, or, which is the same thing, the Assur,
Nevel, Chinnor, the Machul, and the Minnin. He
says that no one has rightly described the Psaltery
of David, and that some have thought that the word
rather denoted certain genera of harmony, or modu-
lations of the voice, than any kind of instrument :
that according to Josephus it had twelve sounds,
and was played on with the fingers ; that Hilarius,
Didymus, Basilius, and Euthymius call it the straitest
of all musical instruments — that Augustine says
it was carried in the hand of the player, and had
a shell or concave piece of wood on it that caused
the strings to resound — that Hieronymus describes
this instrument as having ten strings, and resembling
in its form a square shield — that Hilarus will have
it to be the same with the Nablium. Kircher him-
self is certain that it was a stringed instrument, and
cites Suidas to prove that the word Psalterium is
derived from Psallo, to strike the chords with the
ends of the fingers. He farther says, that many
writers suppose it to have had a triangular form, and
to resemble the harp of David, as commonly painted
in pictures of him ; and that some are express in the
opinion that the Psalterium and the Nablium, as
being struck with the fingers of both hands, were
one and the same instrument ; and to this purpose
he cites the following passage from Ovid : —
Disce etiam duplici genialia Naulia palma
Verrere : conveniunt dulcibus ilia modis.
Art. Amat. lib. III. 1. 327.
The Nevel, notwithstanding the resemblance be-
tween its name and that of the Nablium, and the
confusion which Kircher has created by using them
promiscuously, clearly appears to have been a differ-
ent instrument ; for he says it was in the form
of a trapezium ; and the Nablium, which he has
taken great pains to prove to be the same with the
Psalterium, he shows to have been of a square form.
Of the Assur, he onlv savs that it had ten chords;
the Chinnor he supposes to have had thirty -two, the
Machul six, and the Minnin three or four ; and
that in their form they resembled, the one the Viol
and the other the j,. ^^
Chelys. To give a
clearer idea, he has
exhibited, from an
old book in the Va-
tican library, several
figures representing
the Psalterium,
figure 32; the Chin-
nor, figure 33 ; the
Machul. figure 34; the Minnin, fig. 35; and the
Nevel, figure 36.*
Fig. 35.
Fig. 34.
Fig. 36.
Fig. 37.
Kircher speaks
also of another
instrument men-
tioned by Rabbi Hannase, who it seems was the
author of the book before cited, Schilte Haggiborim,
and also in the Targum, called Haghniugab, consisting
of six strings, and resembling the greater Chelys or
Viol di Gamba, differing from it only in the number
of its chords : he says it is often confounded with the
Machul.
He next proceeds to treat of the pulsatile instru-
ments of the Hebrews, in contradistinction to those
of the fidicinal or
stringed kind ; and
first he speaks of
the Thoph or Tym-
panum, figure 37,
an instrument of
Egyptian original,
and used by the
priests of that country in their piiblic worship. He
relates on the authority of Rabbi Hannase that it had
the likeness of a ship ; and that by the Greeks it was
also called Cymbalum, from cymba, a boat : he adds
that it was covered with the skin of an animal, and
was beat on with a pestle or rod of iron or brass.
He proceeds to say that though the Machul is
ranked among the fidicinal or stringed instruments,
this name was given to an instrument of a very
different form, and of the pulsatile kind ; nay, he
adds that Rabbi Hannase asserts that it was precisely
the same with the Sistrum of the Egyptians, or the
Krousma of the Greeks ; and that it was of a circular
* The truth of this representation, so far as it relates to the Machul
and Minnin, is strongly to be suspected ; they both seem to require the
aid of the hair bow, a kind of plectrum to which the ancients seem to
have been absolute strangers. Besides their near resemblance to the
lute and viol, instruments which it is supposed had their origin in
Provence, is a strong argument against their antiquity.
Chap. XX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
95
form, made of iron, brass, silver, or gold, with little
bells hung round it. Kircher corrects this descrip-
tion, and instead of little bells, supposes a number of
iron rings, strung as it were on a rod or bar in a
lateral position that went across the circle. Fig. ss.
He says that a handle was affixed to it, by
means whereof the instrument was flung
backwards and forwards, and emitted a kind
of melancholy murmur, arising from the
collision of the rings, as well against each
other as against the sides, the circle, and
the bar on which they moved, figure 38.
He adds, that the Thoph, or rather Sistrum
of the Hebrews was thus
constructed, and that the
virgins every where made
use of it in the dances of the
Sistri, as we read in the
books of Exodus and Judges,
that Mary, the sister of
Moses, and the daughter of Jephthf
did : and he farther says, that
according to accounts which he has
received from credible witnesses,
the Syrians in his time preserved
the use of the Sistrum in Palestine.*
Gnets Berusim was another of the
Hebrew pulsatile instruments ; it
seems by Kircher that there was some controversy about
the form of it, but that Rabbi Hannase represents it
as nothing more than a piece of fir in shape like a
mortar. He says there belonged to it a pestle of the
same wood, wath a knob at each end, and in the
middle thereof a place for the hand to grasp it : that
those that beat on the instrument held it in the left
hand and struck with the Fig. 4o.
right on the edge and in the ^'^^^i^%. Fig- -ii.
middle, using the knobs alter-
nately. Figures 40, 41. Kir-
cher compares this instrument ^
to the Crotalum already de-
scribed, but seemingly with little propriety ; and to
the Gnaccari of the Italians, of which word, con-
sidered as a technical term, it is hard to find the
meaning.
Minagnghinim was the name of another of the
Hebrew pulsatile instruments, which, according to
Rabbi Hannase, was a certain square Fig. 42.
table of wood, having a handle so
fitted as conveniently to be held by
it. On the table were balls of wood
or brass, through which was put either
an iron chain or an hempen chord,
and this was stretched from the bottom
to the top of the table. When the
instrument was shaken, the striking of
the balls occasioned a very clear sound,
which might be heard at a great dis-
tance. See the representation which
Kircher gives of it, figure 42.
* The invention of the Sistrum is not to be ascribed to the Jews :
it is generally supposed to be of Egyptian original. There are some
fonn« of it, as that in particular, figure 39, which bears on it a figure
of one of those many brute animals to which this superstitious and idol-
atrous people paid divine honours.
fj^^^.-wJF^-l^ — ^
Magraphe Tamid, another of the pulsatile instru-
ments of the Hebrews, is conjectured by Kircher to
have been used for convoking the priests and Levites
together into the. temple : it is said to have emitted
prodigious sound ; and though Rabbi Hannase says
no one can describe the form of it, Kircher thinks it
must have been like one of our largest bells.
We are now to declare what instruments of the
pneumatic kind were in use amongst the ancient
Hebrews ; and. first we meet wath the Masrakitha,
which consisted of pipes of various sizes, fitted into
a kind of wooden chest, open at the top, but at the
bottom stopped with wood covered with a skin ;
by means of a pipe fixed to the chest, wind was
conveyed into it from the lips : the pipes were
of lengths propdi-tioned musically to each other, and
the melody was varied at pleasure by the stopping
and unstopping with the fingers the apertures at the
upper extremity. *■ Kircher Fig. 43.
thinks it differed but little
from the instrument which
Pan is constantly repre-
sented as playing on ; there
seems however to be a dif-
ference in the manner of
using it. See fig. 43:
Of the Sampunia, derived, as Kircher conjectures,
from the Greek Symphonia, as also of the preceding
instrument, mention is made, as Kircher asserts, in
the Chaldaic of the book of Daniel, chap. iii. He
says also that it is described in the Schilte Haggi-
borim, as consisting of a round belly, made of the
skin of a ram or wether, into which two pipes
were inserted, one to fill the belly with wind, the
other to emit the sound ; the lower pipe had holes
in it, and was played on by the fingers. In short,
it seems to have been neither more nor less than the
Cornamusa, or common bag-pipe ; and Kircher says
that in Italy, even in his days, it was known by the
name of the Zampugna.
The Hebrews had also an instrument, described in
the Schilte Haggiborim, called Macraphe d'Aruchin,
consisting of several orders of pipes, which were
supplied with wind by means of bellows ; it had
keys, and would at this time without hesitation be
called an organ.
See fig.
44.t
t This instrument is delineated by Kircher, but the figure of it above
referred to, is taken from the Musica Historica of Wolfgang Caspar
Printz, written in the German language, and printed at Dresden in 4to.
anno. 1690, who cites the Collectaneis Philologicis of Johannes Sehiitterus,
to justify his deviations from Kircher, in the form of some of the instru-
ments described in the Musurgia. But it is to be feared, that his author
has erred in giving to the Machul and Minnin above described, the hair
bow, of which not the least trace is to be found in the writings of any of
the ancients.
96
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book III.
Of Fistulse it seems the
Hebrews had sundry kinds ;
they were chiefly the horns
or bones of animals, straight or
contorted, as nature fashioned
them : the representations of
sundry kinds of them, in
figures 45, 46, 47, 48, are
taken from Kircher.
Fig. 47.
Fig. 45. Fig. 46.
Fig. 48.
In the account which Blanchinus has given of the
Jewish musical instruments, he mentions a mallet of
wood used by them in their worship, and Fig. 49.
which at certain times is beaten by the people ,r-^
on the beams, seats, and other parts of the
synagogue, in commemoration of the tumult
preceding the Crucifixion, or, as the modern
Jews say, at the hanging of Haman, figure 49.
Instruments of this kind, and which produce
noise rather than sound, are improperly
classed among instruments of music.
Of the Hebrew musicians no very satisfactory
account can be given. This of Kircher, extracted
from the Rabbinical writers, is, perhaps, the best
that can be expected : ' Asaph, according to the
'opinion of the interpreters, was the composer of
' certain psalms ; he is said also to have been a singer,
* and to have sung to the cymbals of brass, and to
' have praised the Lord, and ministred in the sight
' of the ark.
' Eman Ezraita, the singer, the son of Joel, of the
' children of Caath, was most skilful in the cymbal,
'and was in a manner equal in knowledge and
' wisdom to Ethan ; he is the supposed author of the
' Psalm, beginning Domine Deus salutis meaj, which,
'because he gave it to be sung by the sons of Coreh,
'he inscribed both with his own and their name.
' Ethan of Ezrachus, the son of Assaia, the son
'of Merari, played on the brass cymbal, and was
'endued with so much vdsdom, that, according to
' the Book of Kings, no mortal, except Solomon, was
' wiser. The three sons of Coreh, Asir, Elcana, and
' Abiasaph, were famous singers and composers of
' Psalms.'
' Idithus was an excellent singer, and player on
'the cythara; many confound him with Orpheus.'
Kircher supposes, that he and the other Hebrew
musicians were inspired with the knowledge of vocal
and instrumental music, and that their performance
was equal to their skill. He says, he doubts not but
that there were many other men, especially in the
time of king Solomon, who were well skilled in
divine music, for that the most excellent music was
fittest for the wisest of mortals, and that of the
Hebrews must have been more efficacious in exciting
the affections than that of the Greeks, or of later
times, but of what kind in particular it was, and by
what characters expressed, he says, its antiquity
prevents us from knowing.*
A much later writer than him above cited, and who
is now living, Giambatista Martini, of Bologna, has
entered very deeply into the music of the Hebrews ;
and it were to be wished, that he had been able to
give a more satisfactory account of it than is to be
found in his very learned work, the Storia della
Musica, now publishing, but of which, as yet [in this
year, 1771] the public are in possession of only one
volume. Having few other sources of intelligence
than the Talmud, and the writing of the Rabbins, we
are not to expect much information in this particular.
CHAP. XXL
From accounts so vague, and so abounding with
conjectures, as are given of the ancient Hebrew music
and musicians, and more especially of their instru-
ments, even by writers of the best authority, it is
very difficult to collect any thing whereon an in-
quisitive mind may rest. With regard to the Hebrew
instruments, it is evident from the accounts of Kircher,
and others, that some of them approach so nearly to
the form of those of more modern times, as to give
reason to suspect the authenticity of the representa-
tion : others appear to have been so very inartificially
constructed, that we scarce credit the relation given
of their effects. It is clear, that Kircher and
Sch utter us had from the Rabbinical writers little
more than the bare names of many of the instruments
described by them ; yet, have they both, in some in-
stances, ventured to represent them by forms of
a comparatively late invention. Who does not see,
that the Minnin, as represented by the former, and
the lute, are one and the same instrument ? and what
difference can be discerned between the Machul and
the Spanish Guitar ? or can we believe, that the
Macraphe d' Aruchin, and such rude essays towards
melody as the Gnets Berusim, the Sistrum, or the
Minagnghinim, could subsist among the same people,
in any given period of civilization ?
As to Martini's account, it speaks for itself : it is
extracted from the sacred writings, which, at this
distance of time, even with the assistance of the most
* The confusion of Idithus with Orpheus, suggests a remark on the
endeavours of some, to establish tlie identity of eminent persons of
different names and countries, and perhaps of different ages, upon hardly
any other ground, than some one particular in their history common to
them both : how far it is possible to extend a hypothesis of this kind,
the present bishop of Gloucester has shewn in his Divine Legation of
Moses. In the course of that work, the author has thought it necessary
to controvert an assertion of Sir Isaac Newton ; namely, that Osiris and
Sesostris, both kings of Egypt, were one and the same person ; in order
to do this, he has undertaken to prove that the British king Arthur and
William the Conqueror were not two distinct beings, but identically one
person ; and, as far as the method of reasoning usual in such kind of
arguments will serve him, he has established his proposition.
The conclusion from this correspondence of such a variety of circum-
stances, is mucli stronger in favour of the identity of Arthur and William,
than could liave been imagined, and yet, it has no other effect on the
mind, than to discredit this method of reasoning, which is fraught with
fallacy, and must terminate in scepticism.
What tlicn can we say to the opinion of those, who confound the
Hebrew musician Idithus with the ancient Orpheus; what rather can
we tliink of him, who has attempted to show that this latter, and the
royal prciphet David, were one and the same person. See the Life of
David, by Dr. Delany.
Chap. XXI.
AND PKACTICE OF MUSIC
97
learned comments, fall short of affording tliat satis-
faction, which is to be wished for in an enquiry of
this kind.
Under these disadvantages, which even an enquiry
into the instruments of the Hebrews lies under, an
attempt to explain their musical theory must seem
hopeless. Nor is it possible to conceive any thing
like a system, to which such instruments as the
Thoph, or the Gnets Berusim could be adapted : if
the strokes of the pestle against a mortar, like those
of the latter, be reducible to measure ; yet, surely the
rattling of a chain, like the music of the Minagng-
hinim, is not ; or what if they were, would the sounds
produced in either case make music ? To speak
freely on this matter, whatever advantages this peo-
ple might derive from the instructions of an inspired
law-giver, and the occasional interpositions of the
Almighty, it no where appears that their attainments
in literature were very great : or that they excelled
in any of those arts that attend the refinement of
human manners ; the figure they made among the
neighbouring nations appears to have been very in-
considerable ; and with respect to their music, there
is but too much reason to suppose it was very bar-
barous. The only historical relation that seems to
stand in the way of this opinion, is, that of the effects
wrought by the music of David on the mind of Saul,
a man of a haughty irascible temper, not easily sus-
ceptible of the emotions of pity or complacency, and,
at the time when David exercised his art on him,
under the power of a demon, or, at best, in a frenzy.
Kircher has taken upon him to relate the whole
process of the dispossession of Saul, by David, and
has done it as circumstantially as if he had been
present at the time ; his reasoning is very curious,
and it is here given in his own woi-ds : —
' That we may be the better able to resolve this
' question, how David freed Saul from the evil spirit,
' I shall first quote the words of the Holy Scripture,
' as found in the first book of Samuel, chap. xvi. ver.
' 23.' " And it came to pass when the evil spirit from
" God was upon Saul, that David took an harp,
" and played with his hand : so Saul was refreshed,
" and was well, and the evil spirit departed from him."
' The passage in the holy text informs us very clearly,
' that the evil spirit, whatsoever it was, was driven
' away by music ; but how that came to pass is
* differently explained. The Eabbins on this place
* say, that when David cured Saul, he played on
' a cythara of ten strings ; they say also, that David
* knew that star, by which it was necessary the music
' should be regulated, in order to effect the cure :
* thus Rabbi Abenezra. But Picus of Mirandola says,
' that music sets the spirits in motion, and thereby
' produces the like effects on the mind, as a medicine
' does on the body ; from whence it may seem, that
' the comment of Abenezra is vain and trifling, and
' that David regarded not the aspects of the stars ;
' but trusting to the power of his instrument, struck
' it with his hand as his fancy suggested.
' And we, rejecting such astrological fictions, assert,
' that David freed Saul, not with herbs, potions, or
'other medicaments, as some maintain, but by the
sole force and efficacy of music. In order to de-
monstrate which, let it be observed, that those appli-
cations which unlock the pores, remove obstructions,
dispel vapours and cheer the heart, are best calculated
to cure madness, and allay the fury of the mind ;
now music produces these eftects, for as it consists
in sounds, generated by the motion of the air, it
follows that it will attenuate the spirits, which by
that motion are rendered warmer, and more quick
in their action, and so dissipate at length the
melancholy humour. On the contrary, where it is
necessary to relax the spirits, and prevent the
wounding or affecting the membranes of the brain ;
in that case, it is proper to use slow progressions of
sound, that those spirits and biting vapours, which
ascend thither from the stomach, spleen, and hypo-
condria, may be quietly dismissed. Therefore, the
music of David might appease Saul, in either of
these two ways of attenuation or dismission : by the
one, he might have expelled the melancholy from
the cells of the brain, or he might by the other have
dissolved it, and sent it off in thin vapours, by in-
sensible perspiration. In either case, when the
melancholy had left him, he could not be mad
until the return of it, he being terrestial, and as it
were, destitute of action, nnless moved thereto by
the vital spirits, which had led him here and there ;
but they had left him, when for the sake of the har-
mony they had flown to the ears, abandoning, as
I may say, their rule over him. And though, upon
the cessation of the harmony they might return, yet,
the patient having been elevated, and rendered
cheerful, the melancholy might have acquired a
more favourable habit. From all which, it is mani-
fest, that this effect proceeded not from any casual
sound of the cythara, but from the great art and ex-
cellent skill of David in playing on it ; for, as he
had a consummate and penetrating judgment, and
was always in the presence of Saul, as being his
armour-bearer, he must have been perfectly ac-
quainted with the inclination and bent of his mind,
and to what passions it was most subject : hence,
without doubt, he being enabled, not so much by
his own skill, as impelled by a divine instinct, knew
so dexterously, and with sounds suited to the humour
and distemper of the king, to touch the cythara, or
indeed any other instrument ; for, as has been
mentioned, he was skilled in the use of no fewer
than thirty-six, of different kinds. It might be,
that at the instant we are speaking of, he recited
some certain rhythmi, proper for his purpose, and
which Saul might delight to hear ; or, that by the
power of metrical dancing, joined to the melody of
the instrument, he wrought this effect : for Saul was
apt to be affected in this manner, by the music and
dancing of his armour-bearer ; as he was a youth of
a very beaiitiful aspect, these roused up the spirits,
and the words, which were rhythmically joined to
the harmony, tickling the hearing, lifted up the
mind, as from a dark prison, into the high region
of light, whereby the gloomy spirits which oppressed
the heart were dissipated, and room was left for
it to dilate itself, which dilation was naturally
II
98
HISTORY OF HE SCIENCE
Book III.
' followed by tranquillity and gladness.' Musurgia,
'torn. II. pag. 214, et seq.
Whoever will be at the pains of turning to the
original from \\lience this very circumstantial relation
is taken, will think it hardly possible for any one
to compress more nonsense into an equal number of
words than this passage contains, for which no better
apology can be made than that Kircher, thougli
a man of great learning, boundless curiosity, and
indefatigable industry, was less happy in forming
conclusions than in relating facts ; his talents were
calculated for the attainment of knowledge, but they
did not qualify him for disquisition ; in short he was
no reasoner. With regard to the dispossession of
Saul, supposing music to have been in any great
degree of perfection among the Hebrews in his time,
there is nothing incredible in it ; and besides it has
the evidence of sacred history to support it : it
would therefore have argued more wisdom in the
Jesuit to have admitted the fact, without pretending
to account for it, than by so ridiculous a theory
as he has endeavoured to establish, to render the
narration itself doubtful.
After this censure above passed on the music
of the Hebrews, it would argue an unreasonable
prejudice against them, were it not admitted that
their poetry carries with it the signatures of a most
exalted sublimity : to select instances from the pro-
phets might be deemed unfair, as there are good
reasons to believe that something more than mere
human genius dictated those very energetic com-
positions ; but if we look into those of their writings
which the canon of our church has not adopted,
we shall find great reason to admire their poetical
abilities. It is true that the boldness of their tigures,
and those abrupt transitions, which distinguish the
oriental compositions from those of most other coun-
tries, are not so well relished by a people with
whom the false refinements on life and manners
have taken place of the original simplicity of nature ;
but in the more regular and less enthusiastic spirit
of expression, we feel and admire their excellence.
Not to mention the numberless instances of this sort
that occur in the Psalms, there is one poem among
them, which for its truly elegiac simplicity, pathetic
expression of the woes of captivity, and the lamen-
tations for the sufferings of an afflicted people, has
perhaps not its fellow in any of the dead or
living languages. The poem here meant is the
CXXXVilth Psalm.*
From the manner in which it appears the ancients
treated music, we may observe that they reasoned
very abstractedly about it ; the measure of intervals,
either by their ratios, or by their ear, was in their
judgment a very important branch of the science,
and we are not to wonder at that close connection,
which in the writings of the Pythagoreans at least,
" It has nlrendi/ been mentioned, page 93, that nmnnij the Jews the chief
use of music was in, sacrifices and other religious ceremonies. To this mail
be added that it also accompanied the celebration of the funereal rites.
When Je.ius approached the Ruler's house, in order to revive his daughter,
we arc told by the Evangelist, Matthew, chap ix., v. 23., that he saw " the
Minstrels and People making a noise." Dr. Hammnnd. in a very learned
■note on this passage, informs us that the custom of having tnusic at funerals
came to the latter Jews from the Gentiles.
is discoverable between the three sciences, music,
arithmetic, and geometry. In this view it mav
perhaj^s be said that the study of music had an
influence on the minds and tempers of men, as we
say that the study of the mathematics has a tendency
to induce a habit of thinking, to invigorate the
jiowers of the understanding, and to detect the fallacy
of specious and delusive reasoning, but in what other
way it could ai¥ect the manners, or indeed the mind,
unless in that very obvious one of an address to the
passions, which we at this day are all sensible of,
is utterly impossible to determine.
And indeed the investigation of proportions and
the properties of numbers may be said to be very
different from the art of combining sounds, so as to
excite that pleasure which we ascribe to music ; and
perhaps it may not be too much to say that the
understanding has little to do with it, nay, some
have carried this matter so far as to question whether
the delight we receive from music does not partake
more of the sensual than the intellectual kind ; f
however this at least may be said, that it is some
faculty, very different from the understanding, that
enables us to perceive the eifects of harmony, and
to distinguish between consonant and dissonant sounds,
and in this respect, the affinity between music, and
that other art, which for more reasons than all are
aware of, has ever been deemed its sister, is very
remarkable. That painting has its foundation in
mathematical principles, is certain, nay, that there
is a harmony between colours, analogous to that
of sounds, is demonstral)le ; now the laws of optics,
the doctrine of light and colours, and the principles
of perspective, connected as they are with geometry,
all of which painting has more or less to do with,
are things so different from the representation of cor-
poreal objects, from the selection and artful arrange-
ment of beautiful forms, from the expressions of
character and passion as they appear in the human
countenance, and, lastly, from that creative faculty
in which we suppose the perfection of painting to
consist, that we scruple not to say that a man may
be an excellent painter with a slender knowledge
of the mathematics ; and the examples of the most
eminent professors of the art, are a proof of the
assertion.
But the reason why the ancient writers treated
the subject in this manner is, that they used the
word Harmony to express relation and coincidence
in general ; nay, so extensively was this appellation
used, that many authors of treatises on this subject
have thought it previously necessary to a discussion
of mu.sic in its three most obvious divisions of
rythmic, metric, and harmonic, to treat of mundane,
humane, and political music ; the three last of which
species, if at all intitlcd to the name of music,| must
t This metapliysical question is discussed and determined in the
negative, i. e. that music is an intellectual pleasure, by the ingenious
Jlr. John Norris, of Bemerton. See his Miscellanies, paj?. 309, 12mo.
t Aristoxenus's division is rhythmic, metric, organic, lib. 11. That of
Boetius. mundane, humane, and instrumental. By the first is to be un-
derstood the harmony of the spheres, before spoken of; by the second, the
harmony suhsistinf; between the body and the rational soul as united
together, each being actuated by the other ; and also that other kind of
harmony, consent, relation, or whatever else it may be called, between
the parts of the body, with respect to each; and again between those
Chap. XXL
AND PRACTICE OF ^lUSIC.
99
owe it to a metaplior, and that a very bold one :
Aristides Quintiliauus uses another method of divi-
sion, which it must be confessed is the more natural
of the two, and says that music is of two kinds, the
contemplative and the active ; the first of these he
subdivides into natural and artificial ; which latter
he again divides into the harmonic, the rhythmic,
and the metric ; the active he divides into the usual
and the enunciative ; the usual, containing melopoeia,
rhythmopoeia, and poesia ; and the enunciative the
organic, the odiac, the hypocritic*
Thus we see that the ancients, when they treated
of music, used the word Harmony in a sense very
different from that in which it is understood at
this day ; for there is doubtless a harmony between
sounds emitted in succession, which is discernible
as long as the impression of those already struck
remains uneffaced ; yet we choose to distinguish this
kind of relation by the word Melody, and that of
Harmon}^ is appropriated to the coincidence of dif-
ferent sounds produced at the same instant : if it be
asked why the ancients used the word Harmony in
a sense so very restrained, as is above represented,
the answer is easy, if that position be true which
many writers have advanced, namely, that their
music was solitary, and that they were utter strangers
to symphoniac harmony. This the admirers of an-
tiquity will by no means allow; and, to say the
truth, there are very few questions which have more
divided the learned world than this. In order that
the reader may be able to form a judgment on
a matter of so great curiosity, the authorities on
both sides shall now be produced, and submitted to
his consideration.
To avoid confusion, it will be necessary first to
reduce the proposition to the form of a question,
which, to take it in -the sense in which it has
generally been discussed, seems to be, \Yhether the
ancients had the knowledge of music in symphony
or consonance, or not ?
The advocates for the affirmative are Franchinus,
or, as he is frequently named, Gaffurius, Zarlino,
Gio. Battista Doni, Isaac Vossius, and Zaccaria
affections of the human mind, which, opposed to, or counterbalancing
>each other, and aided by reason, produce a kind of moral harmony, the
effects whereof are visible in an orderly and well-regulated conduct.
To these Kircher and otliers have added musica politica, which, say
they, consists in that harmonical proportion, which in every well-regu-
lated government subsists between the three several orders of the people,
the high, the low, and the middle state.
Kircher, whose inventive faculty never fails him, has given scales
demonstrating each oi these supposed kinds of harmony ; but whoever
would be farther informed as to the nature of mundane music, as it is
above called, or is desirous of knowing to what extravagant lengths the
human imagination may be led, may consult the writings of our country-
man Dr. Robert Fiudd, or de I'luctibus, a physician, and a Rosicrusian
philosopher; and who, though highly esteemed for ii:s learning by
Selden, was perhaps one of the greatest mystics that ever lived. In
a work of his entitled, Utriusque Cosml majoris scilicet et minoris
metaphysica, physica, atque technica Historia, printed at Oppenheim
1617, folio, is one btiok intitled De Musica mundana, wherein the author
exhibits the form of what he calls Monochordum mundanum, an instru-
ment lepresenting a monochord, with the string screwed up by a hand
that issues from the clouds. Fludd supposes the sound of the chord,
when open, to answer to terra or tlie earth, and to correspond with the
note gamut in the scale of music : from thence he ascends bv tones and
semitones, in regular order, to water, and the other elements, through
the planets, and so to the empyrsean, answering to g g in the ratio of the
disdiapason.
Mersennus has thought this diagram worthy of a place in his Latin
■wcrk ; and, to say the truth, most of the plates in this and other of
Fludd's works, and by the way they abound with them, are to the last
degree curious and diverting. There will be farther occasion to speak of
this extraordinary man, Fludd, in the course of this work.
* See the Analysis of Quint ilian, in cliap. x viii. of the next preceding book.
Td^o, all, excepting Vossius, musicians, and he con-
fessedl}^ a man of learning, but a great bigot, and of
little judgment : the sum of their arguments is, that
it appears by the writings of the ancients that their
skill in harmony was very profound, and that they
reasoned upon it with all the accuracy and precision
which became philosophers ; that the very first dis-
coveries of the nature of musical consonance, namely,
those made by Pythagoras, tended much more natu-
rally to establish a theory of harmou)^ than of mere
melody or harmony in succession, that supposing
Pythagoras never to have lived, it could not have
happened, but that the innumerable coincidences of
sounds produced by the voice or by the percussion
of different bodies at the same instant, which must
necessarily occur in the course of a very few years,
could not fail to suggest a trial of the effects of
concordant sounds uttered together, or at one and
the same point of time : that those passages of sacred
writ that mention commemoration of remarkable
events, or the celebration of public festivals, as that
of the dedication of Solomon's temple, with a great
number of voices and instruments, hardly allow of
the supposition that the music upon these occasions
was unisonous.
All this it may be said is mere conjecture, let us
therefore see what farther evidence there is to coun-
tenance the belief that the ancients were acquainted
with the use of different parts in music ; Aristotle
in his treatise concerning the world, lib. V. has
tliis question, ' If the world is made of contrary
' principles, how comes it that it was not long ago
* dissolved ? ' In answer to this he shows that its
beauty, perfection, and duration are owing to the
admirable mixture and temperament of its parts,
and the general order and harmony of nature. In
his illustration of this argument he introduces music,
concerning which he has this passage : Mmnic)] ce
b^tiQ iijia Kj €apeic, fia^pvc re ic. ^po^alc (pBuyyuq
fxi^aaa, kv Ciacpopaig dxovaic, fJiiciy aTrtrt'XecrfV upnoriav.
* Music, by a mixture of acute and grave, and of
' long and short sounds of different voices, yields an
' absolute or perfect concentus or concert.' — Again,
lib. VI. explaining the harmony of the celestial
motions, he says, that ' though each orb has a motion
' proper to itself, yet is it such a motion as tends to
' one general end, proceeding from a principle com-
' mon to all the orbs, which produce, by the concord
' arising from tlieir motions, a choir in the heavens :'
and he pursues the comparison in these words :
KaQctTTEp he kv xopw tcopvcpaia KaTapL,avreg, avveirrf'^^el
vaQ o xopoQ a.vCpo)v 'iQ\ ore Kj yvvaiKwv ev cia^vpaic
(piovaic 6t,VTEpaiQ icj €apvTipaiQ f-iiav apuoviav tfifXEXij
Kepuvi'vi'Tuii'.
Seneca, in his Epistles, has this passage. ' Do you
' not see of how many voices the chorus consists,
' yet they make but one sound ? In it some are acute,
' others grave, and others in a mean between both ;
' women are joined with men, and pipes are also
' interposed among them, yet is each single voice
' concealed, and it is the whole that is manifest.' |
t ' Non vides quam multorum vocibus chorus constet? unus tamen ex
'omnibus sonus redditur. Aliqua illic acuta est, aliqiia gravis, aliqua
' media. Accedunt viris femina', interponuntur tibia;, singulorum
' latent voces, omnium apparent.' Seneca Epist. 84.
100
HISTORY .OF THE SCIENCE
Book III.
Cassiodorus lias the following passage, wliich may
seem somewhat sti-onger : ' Symphony is the adjust-
* ment of a grave sound to an acute, or an acute to
' a grave sound, making a melody.'
From the several passages above-cited it appears,
that the ancients were acquainted with symphonetic
music of a certain kind, and that they employed
therein voices differing in degrees of acuteness and
gravity ; and thus far the affirmative of the qnestiou
in debate may seem to be proved.
But in support of the negative we have the au-
thorities of Glareanus, Salinas, Bottrigari, Artusi,
Cerone, Kircher, Meibomius, Kepler, Bontempi, our
countrymen Morley, ^Yallis, and others, a numerous
band, who infer an absolute ignorance among the
ancients of harmony produced by different and con-
cordant sounds, affecting the sense at the same instant,
from the general silence of their writers about it, for
the exceeding skill and accuracy with which they
discussed the other parts of music, leave no room to
imagine but that they would have treated this in the
same manner had they been acquainted with it : what
discoveries accident might produce in that long series
of years prior to the tirde of Pythagoras no one can
say ; history mentions none, nor does it pretend that
even he made any use of his discovery, other than to
calculate the ratios of sounds, regulate the' system,
and improve the melody of his time.
That voices and instruments, to a very great
number, were employed at public solemnities is not
denied, but it is by no means a consequence that
therefore the music produced by them consisted of
different parts ; at this day among the reformed
churches singing by a thousand different voices of
men, women, and children, in divine worship is no
very unusual thing ; and yet the result of all this
variety of sound is hardly ever any thing more than
mere melody, and that of the simplest and most art-
less kind. Thus much in answer to the arguments
founded on the improbability that the ancients could
be ignorant of symphonetic harmony, in the sense
wherein at this day the term is understood.
^\ ith respect to the several passages above-cited,
they seem each to admit of an answer ; to the first,
produced from Aristotle, it is said that the word
Symphony, by which Ave should understand the har-
mony of different sounds uttered at one given instant,
is used by him to express two different kind of con-
sonance, symphony and antiphony ; the first, ac-
cording to him, is the consonance of the unison^ the
other of the octave. In his Problems, § xix. prob.
16. he asks why symphony is not as agreeable as
antiphony ? the answer is, because in symphony the
one voice being altogether like the other, they eclipse
each other ; tlie symphony can therefore in this place
signify nothing but unisonous or integral harmony :
and he elsewhere explains it to be so, by calling that
species of consonance, Omophony ; as to Antiphony,
it is clear that he means by it the harmony of an
octave, for he constantly uses the word in that sense ;
and lest there should any doubt remain about it, he
says that it is the consonance between sounds pro-
duced by the different voices of a boy and a man, that
are as Nete and Hypate ; and that those sounds form
a precise octave is evident from all the representations
of the ancient system that have ever been given.
The sum of Aristotle's testimony is, that in his time
there was a commixture of sounds, which produced
a concinnous harmony : no doubt there was, but what
is meant by that concinnous harmony his own words
sufficiently explain.
As to Seneca, it must be confessed that the vox
media must imply two extremes ; but wdiat if in the
chorus W'hich he speaks of, the shrill tibiai were a
disdiapason above the voices of the men, and that the
women sung, as they ever do, an octave above them,
would not these different sounds produce harmony ?
Certainly they would ; but of w'hat kind V Why the
very kind described by him, such as seems to make
but one sound, which can be said of no harmony but
that of the unison or octave.
Lastly, as to Cassiodorus, his words are 'Sym-
' phonia est temperamentum sonitus gravis ad acutum
' vel acuti ad gravem, modulamen efficiens, sive in
* voce, sive in percussione, sive in flatu : ' * as to the
word Temperamentum, it can mean only an adjust-
ment ; and Modulamen was never yet applied to
sounds but as they followed each other in succession :
to modulate is to pass, to proceed from one key or
series to another ; the very idea of modulation is
motion : the amount then of this definition is, that
the attemperament or adjustment of a grave to an
acute sound, or of an acute to a grave one, constitutes
such a kind of symphony as nothing wdll answer to
but melody ; which is above shewii to be not in-
stantaneous, but successive symphony or consonance.
There is yet another argument to the purpose.
The ancients did not reckon the' third and sixth
among the consonances ; this is taken notice of by
a very celebrated Italian writer, Giov. Maria Artusi,.
of Bologna, wlio, though he has written expressly on
the imperfections of modern music, scruples not
therefore, and because the third and sixth are the
beauty of symphoniac music, to pronounce that the
ancients must have been unacquainted with the
harmony of music in parts, in the sense in which the
term is now understood :f ar.d an author w-hom we
shall presently have occasion to cite more at large,
says expressly that they aclaiowledge no other con-
sonances than the diapason, diapente, and diatessaron,.
and such as were composed of them ; | nor does it
any where appear that they were in the least ac-
quainted with the use of discords, or with the pleasing-
effects produced by the preparation and resolution of
the dissonances ; and if none of these were admitted
into the ancient system, let any one judge of its
fitness for composition in different parts.
In Morley's Introduction is a passage from whence
his opinion on this question may be collected ; and,
as he was one of the most learned musicians that this
nation ever produced, some deference is due to it ;
speaking of Descant, § he uses these words : • \^'Tien
' descant did begin, by whom, and where it was in-
* M. Aur. Cassiodor. Opera. De Musica.
+ Artusi delle Imperfettioni della Moderna Musica. Ragioiiam. primo,
Cart. 14.
t Musurg. torn. I. pag. 540.
5 DebCant, as used by this author, has two significations ; the one
answers precisely to music in consonance, the other ■will be explained
hereafter.
Chap. XXII.
AND PRACTICE OF jMUSIC.
101
' vented, is iincertaine ; for it is a great controversie
* amongst the learned if it were knowne to the
' antiquitie, or no ; and divers do bring arguments to
' prove, and others to disprove the antiquitie of it ; and
' for disproving of it, they say that in all the workes
* of them who have written of musicke before Fran-
* chinus, there is no mention of any more j^arts then
' one ; and that if any did sing to the harpe (which
' was their most usual instrument) they sung the same
^ which they plaied. But those who would affirme
•■ that the ancients knew it, sale. That if they did not
' know it, to what ende served all those long and
' tedious discourses and disputations of the conso-
' nantes, wherein the moste part of their workes are
' consumed ; but whether they knew it or not, this
' I will say, that they had it not in halfe that variety
' wherein we now have it, though we read of much
' more strange effects of their musicke then of ours.'
Annotations on Morley's Introduction, part II.
CHAP. XXII.
The suffrage of Kircher, in a question of this
nature, will be thought to carry some weight : this
author, whose learning and skill in the science are
universally acknowledged, possessed every advantage
that could lead to satisfaction in a question of this
nature, as namely, a profound skill in languages, an
extensive correspondence, and an inquisitive dis-
position ; and for the purpose had been indulged
with the liberty of access to the most celebrated
repositories of literature, and the use of the most
valuable manuscripts there to be met with ; and who,
to sum up all, was at once a philosopher, an antiquary,
an historian, a "Scholar, and a musician, has given his
opinion very much at large in nearly the following
words : —
' It has for some time been a question among
' musicians whether the ancients made use of several
^ parts in their harmony or not : in order to determine
' which, we are to consider their polyodia as three-
■' fold, natural, artificial, and unisonous ; I call that
'' natural which is not regulated by any certain rules
' or precepts, but is performed by an extemporary and
■* arbitrary symphony of many voices, intermixing
' acute and grave sounds together ; such as we observe
' even at this time, happens amongst a company of
' sailors or reapers, and such people, who no sooner
' hear any certain melody begun by any one of them,
' than some other immediately invent a bass or tenor,
' and thus is produced an harmony extemporary, and
' not confined by any certain laws, and which is very
' rude and imperfect, as it is almost always unison,
' containing nothing of harmony, except in the closes,
'' and therefore of no worth ; that the Greeks had
* such a kind of music none can doubt. But the
* question is not concerning this kind of polyodia,
' but whether they had compositions for several
' voices, framed according to the rules of art. I have
* taken great pains to be satisfied in this matter ; and
' as in none of the Greek and Latin writers I have
' met with, any mention is made of this kind of music,
* it seems to me that either they were ignorant of it,
or that tliey did not make use of it, as imagining
perhaps that it interrupted the melody, and took
away from tlie energy of the words ; as to the term
Harmonici concentns, it is only to be understood of
the agreement between the voice and the sound of
the instrument.
' Those who attempt to prove from Euclid that the
ancients did compose music in really different parts,
do not seem to understand his meaning ; for when
he mentions the four parts of a song, ayuj-yi), roi'i),
TiETTda, irXoKYj, he does not thereby mean the four
polyodical parts of cantus, altus, tenor, and bass,
but so many different affections of the voice, certain
harmonical figures or tropes, whefeby the song-
acquired a particular beauty and grace ; for what
else can the word ' Ay wy;7 mean than a certain transi-
tion of the voice from some given sound to another
that is related to it. Toj'j) signifies a certain stay or
dwelling on a sound ; XlXofo), or implication, is a
particular species or colour of the 'Aywyz/.as litTrda,
frisking or playing on, is of Tor;) : what the'Aywyj/
is to Tovj), such is the UXoo) to the Jlerreia.
' Some imagine that the ancients had a polyodical
instrumental music from the diversity of their pipes ;
and are of opinion that at least an organical or
instrumental harmony or symphony, regulated by
art, was in use among the ancients, because their
authors make mention of certain pipes, some of
which were termed YlapBevioi, or fit for girls ; some
XlaioiKoi, or fit for boys ; some TeKioi, as being in a
mean between the acute and grave sounds ; and
others 'TTreprtXtot, as agreeing with the grave. The
better to clear up this doubt, we must consider the
organical polyodia as twofold, natural and artificial ;
and both these I make no doubt were in i;se as well
as the vocal polyodia ; for it is very probable that
such as played on those pipes, becoming skilful by
such practice, invented certain symphonies adapted
to their purpose, and which they played on their
public festivals, distributing themselves into certain
chorusses. Symphonies of this sort are at this time
to be heard among the country people, who, though
ignorant of the musical art, exhibit a symphony,
such a one as it is, on their flutes and pipes of
different sizes, and this merely through the judgment
of their ear ; and it is also probable that the ancient
Hebrews by this means alone became enabled to
celebrate the praises of God on so many Cornua,
Fistulae, Litui, Tubae, Buccinse, as they are said to
have been used at once in their temple ; and I
remember to have heard the ^Mahometan slaves in
the island of Malta exhibit symphonies of this kind.
An affection therefore of the polyodia is implanted
in the nature of man ; and I doubt not but that the
ancients knew and practised it in the manner above
related : but though I have taken great pains in my
researches, I could never find the least sign of their
having any artificial organical Melothesia of many
parts ; which, had they been acquainted with it,
they would doubtless have mentioned, it being so
remarkable a thhig. What Boetius, Ptolemy, and
others speak concerning harmony, is to be under-
stood only as to a single voice, to which an instru-
102
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book III.
* ment was joined ; add to this that the ancients
acknowledged no other concords than the diapason,
' the diapente, and the diatessaron, and such as wei'e
' composed of them ; for they did not reckon as now,
* the ditone, semiditone, and hexachord among the
' consonances. It tlierefore follows that the ancient
' Greeks acknowledged nothing more than the Mo-
' nodia, adapted, it must be confessed, with much care
' and the greatest art to the sound of the lyre or the
' tibia ; so that nothing was deficient either in the
* variety of the modulation, the sweetness of the
* singing, the justness of the pronunciation, or the
' gracefulness of the body in all its gestures and
' motions : and I imagine that the lyre of many
' strings was sounded in a harmonical concentus to
* the voice, in no other manner than is used in our
' days.' *
Dr. Wallis has given his opinion on this important
question in terms that seem decisive ; for speaking
of the music of the ancients he makes use of these
words : —
' "We are to consider that their music, even after it
' came to some good degree of perfection, was much
' more plain and simple than ours now-a-days. They
' had not concerts of two, three, four, or more parts
' or voices, but one single voice, or single instrument
' a-part, which to a rude ear is much more taking
' than more compounded music ; for that is at a pitch
* not above their capacity, whereas this other con-
' founds it with a great noise, but nothing distingtiish-
* able to their capacity.' f And again in the same
paper he says : ' I do not find among the ancients
' any footsteps of what we call several parts or voices
' (as bass, treble, mean, &c. sung in concert), answering
' to each other to complete the music' And in the
Appendix to his edition of Ptolemy, pag. 317, he
expresses himself on the same subject to this pur-
pose : — ' But that agreement which we find in the
' modern music, of parts (as they term it) or of two,
' tliree, four, or more voices (singing together sounds
' which are heard altogether), was entirely unknown
* to the ancients, as far as I can see.'
From the several passages above-cited, it appears
that the question, whether the ancients were ac-
quainted with music in consonance or not, has l)een
fre(|uently and not unsuccessfully agitated, and that the
arguments for the negative seem to preponderate.
Nevertheless the author of a book lately published,
entitled ' Principles and Power of Harmony,' after
taking notice that Dr. AYallis, and some others, main-
tained that the ancients were strangers to symphoniac
music, has, upon the strength of a single passage in
Plato, been hardy enough to assert the contrary : his
words are these : —
' The strongest passage which I have met with in
' relation to this long-disputed point, is in Plato ; a
' passage which I have never seen quoted,' and which
' I shall translate : " Young men should be taught to
" sing to the lyre, on account of the clearness and
" precision of the sounds, so that they may learn to
" render tone for tone. But to make use of different
♦ Musurn;. torn. 1. pa^. 537, et seq.
+ Abridgment of Philosoph. Transactions by Lowthorp and Jones,
vol. I. pag. 618.
" simultaneous notes, and all the variety belonging to
" the lyre, this sounding one kind of melody, and the
" poet another — to mix a few notes with many, swift
" with slow, grave with acute, consonant with dis-
" sonant, &c. must not be thought of, as the time
" allotted for this part of education is too short for
" such a work." Plat. 895. I am sensible that
' objections may be made to some parts of this trans -
' lation, as of the words TrvKrorrj^, jxavorrjc, and
' avrt(piovoic, but I have not designedly disguised
' what I took to be the true sense of them, after duo
' consideration. It appears then upon the whole, that
' the ancients were acquainted with music in parts,
' but did not generally make use of it.' |
"V\Tioever will be at the pains of comparing the
discourse of Dr. Wallis, above-cited, and his appendix
to Ptolemy, with the several paragraphs in the
Principles and Power of Harmony, relating to the
question in debate, and calculated, as the author pro-
fesses, to vindicate the Greek music, will discover in
the one the modesty of a philosopher, and in the
other the arrogance of a dogmatist.
Opinions delivered in terms so jiositive, and indeed
so contemptuous, as this latter writer has chosen to
make use of,§ are an affront to the understandings of
mankind, who are not to be supposed ready to
acquiesce in the notions of others merely because
they are propagated with an unbecoming confidence :
and as to the judgment of this author on the question
in debate, the least that can be said of it is, that it is
founded in mistake and ignorance of his subject ; for,
first, it is very strange, seeing how much the powers
of harmony exceed those of mere melody, that the
ancients, when once they had found themselves in
possession of so valuable an improvement as sym-
phoniac music, should ever forego it. The moderns
in this respect were wiser than their teachers, for no
sooner did they discover the excellence of music in
parts than they studied to improve it, and have culti-
vated it with great care ever since. Secondly, this
writer, in support of his opinion, has been driven to
the necessity of translating those words of his author
which he thinks make most for his purpose, in a
manner which he confesses is liable to objections, and
into such English phrase as, in the opinion of many,
t Principles and Power of Harmony, p. 133. The speech in the
original, containing the passage of which it is pretended that above is
a translation, is here given at lenfjth, as it stands in the edition of Plato,
by Marsilins Ficinus ; which is what this author appears to have made
use of: — Thtiov To'tvvv ?n xn|Oij' toIq <p96yyoig r»)c Xvpag
•TrpocTxprjaQaL, cra^jyj'Ei'af 'iviKa rwi' xopSojv, rov Tt KiOapi'^iiv
K] Tuv TraiSsvofiivov, cnroSidovrac irpoaxopSa ru (pOey/iara
Totg (pOiy^afff rijv S' tnpo^ioi'iai' K/ TroiKiXiav tTiq Xvpag,
ciWa ptv j^dXr] tmv xopSiov tiKjuiv, ciXXa H th tiiv fitXipSiav
'^vi'OivTog TTonjTH' icj S)) (Jj TTVKVoTrira {.lat'oTTiTi, K) ra^oc
PpaSyTTiri, kj o^vtijth fiapvTi)Ti, avp<j>u)Vov Ki civt'kjiwvov
vapixofth'sg, Kf Tuiv pvd^iojv, waavTiog ■KavToScnra ttoikiX-
fiara TrpoaapfiOTTovrag rdiai <pQ6yyoic tTjq Xrpag' TTavTa BV
Ta ToiavTa p>) 'rrpo(r(peptn' roTg /(eXasctiv h' rpialv 'inai to
Ti'ig fxaaiicTjQ xP'I'^'l^ov tKXijiperjQai Old ra%8C' ''« yup ii'avTia,
aXXr)\a rnpciTTOvra ?vff^a6iav Trapsxii' ^il ^t oTi finXiffa
ii'ifiaOtlg ilvai rag 7'ksg.
§ As where he insinuates a resemblance between those who doubt the
truth of his assertions and the most ignorant of mankind, in these
words: ' If all these circumstances are not sufficient to gain our belief,
' merely because we moderns have not the same musical power, then
' have the Kamschatcans a right to decide that it is impossible to foretel
' an eclipse, or to represent all the elements of speech by about twenty-
' four marks.'
Chap. XXIL
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
103
is not intelligible. Thirdly and lastly, this very
passage of Phito, npon which he lays so much stress,
was discovered about fifty years ago, and adduced
for the very purpose for which he has cited it, by
Mons. I'Abbe Fraguier, a member of the Academy
of Inscriptions and Belles Lettres, and occasioned
a controversy, the result whereof will presently be
related.
INIonsieur Fraguier had entertained a high opinion
of the Greek music, and a belief that the ancients
were acquainted with music in consonance ; in
support of which latter opinion he produced to the
academy the passage above-cited, which is to be
found in Plato de Legibus, lib. VII.* He also pro-
duced for the same purpose a passage in Cicero de
Republica, and another from Macrobius, both which
are given in the note subjoined.f
The arguments deduced by Mons. Fraguier from
these several passages, were learnedly refuted by
Mons. Burette, a member also of the academy : and
as to the interpretations which Mons. Fraguier had
put upon them, the same Mons. Burette demonstrated
that they were forced and imwarranted, either by the
context or the practice of the ancients.
The substance of these argiiments is contained in
a paper or memoir entitled Examen d'un Passage de
Platon sur la Musique, which may be seen in the
History of the Academy of Inscriptions, tom. III.
pag. 118. This question was farther prosecuted by
the same parties, as appears by sundry papers in the
subsequent volumes of the History and Memoirs of
the above Academy ; and in the course of the con-
troversy the passages above-cited from Aristotle,
Seneca, Cassiodorus, and others, were severally insisted
on. As to those from Cicero and Macrobius, and
this from Horace,
Sonante mistum tibiis carmen lyra,
Hac Dorium, illis Barbarum.
Ad Mecaenat. Epod. ix.
which had formerly been adduced for the same pur-
pose, they went but a very little way towards proving
the affirmative of the question in debate. Mons.
Burette took all these into consideration ; he admits,
that the ancients made use of the octave and the
fifteenth, the former in a manner resembling the
drone of a bag-pipe ; and he allows th^at they might
accidentally, and without any rule, use the fourth and
fifth ; but this is the farthest advance he will allow
the ancients to have made towards the practice of
symphoniac music ; for as to the imperfect con-
sonances and the dissonances, he says they were
ignorant of the use and application of all of them in
harmony : and finally he demonstrates, by a variety
* In Stephens's edition it is pag. 812, and in that of Marsilius Ficinus
895.
+ ' Ut in fidibus, ac tibiis atque cantu ipso, ac vocibus concentus est
' quidam tenendus ex distinctis sonis, quem immutatum ac discrepantem
' aures eruditae ferre non possunt ; isque concentus ex dissimilimarum
' vocum moderatione concors tamen efficitur et congruens : sic ex sum-
' mis, et infiinis, et niediis interjectis ordinibus, ut sonis, moderata
' ratione civitas, consensu dissimilimorum concinit ; et qu:e liarmonia a
' niusicis dicitur in cantu, ea est in civitate concordia.' Cicer. lib. ii. de
Kepub. Fragm. pag. 527, tom. III.
' Vides quam multorum vocibus chorus constet una tamen ex omnibus
' redditur. Aliqua est illic acuta, aliqua gravis, aliqua media : accedunt
' viri.i feminffl : interponuntur fistula. Ita singulorum illic latent voces,
'omnium apparent, et fit concentus ex dissonis.'— Macrob. Saturnalior
Proero.
of arguments, that the ancients were absolute strangers
to music in parts. :j:
IMartini, in his Storia della INIusica, vol. I. pag. 172,
haa given an abridgement of this controversy, as it lies
dispersed in the several volumes of the Memoirs of
the Academy of Inscriptions, and acquiesces in the
opinion of Mons. Burette, who, upon the whole,
appears to have so much the advantage of his op-
ponents, that it is highly probable this dispute will
never be revived.
To speak of the ancient Greek music in general,
those who reflect on it will be inclined to acquiese
in the opinion of Dr. Wallis, who says, he takes it
for granted, ' that much of the reports concerning the
' great effects of music in former times, beyond what
' is to be found in latter ages, is highly hyperbolical,
* and next door to fabulous ; and therefore, he adds,
' great abatements must be allowed to the elogies of
' their music' Certainly many of the relations of
the effects of music are either fabulous or to be in-
terpreted allegorically, as this in Horace : —
Silvestres homines sacer interpresque Deorum,
Cfedibus & victu fcedo deterruit Orpheus ;
Dictus ob hoc lenire tigres rabidosque leones.
Dictus & Amphion, TliebaniB conditor Arcis,
Saxa movere sono testudinis, & prece blanda.
Ducere quo vellet.
Arte Poetica, lib. II. 1. 391.
The wood-born race of men, when Orpheus tam'd,
From acorns and from mutual blood reclaim'd,
This priest divine was fabled to assuage
The tiger's fierceness, and the lion's rage.
Thus rose the Theban wall ; Amphion 's lyre
And soothing voice the list'ning stones inspire.
Francis.
Hyperbolical expressions of the power and efficacy
of music signify but little ; for these convey nothing
more than the ideas of the relator : and every man
speaks in the highest terms he can invent of that,
whatever it be, that has administered to him the
greatest delight. How has the poet, in the Prolusions
of Strada, laboured in describing the contest between
the nightingale and the lutenist 1 and what does that
celebrated poem contain, but a profusion of words
without a meaning ?
To conclude, every one that understands music is
enabled to judge of the utmost effects of a single
pipe, by hearing the flute, or any other single stop,
finely touched on the organ : and as to the lyre,
whether of three, four, seven, or ten strings, it is
impossible but that it must have been greatly in-
ferior to the harp, the lute, and many other instru-
ments in use among the moderns.
Havins: taken a view of the state of music in the
I The learned Dr. Jortin, who, Avith the character of a very worthy
man and a profound scholar, possessed that of a learned musician, has
deliverrd his sentiments on this question in the following terms : — ' One
' would think that an ancient musician, who was well acquainted with
' concords and discords, who had an instrument of many strings or many
' keys to play upon, and two hands and ten fingers to make use of, would
' try experiments, and would fall into something like counterpoint and
' composition in parts. In speculation nothing seems more probable,
' and it seemed more than probable to our skilful musician Dr. Pepusch,
' when I once conversed with him upon the subject; but in fact it doth
' not appear that the ancients had this kind of composition, or rather it
' appears that they had not ; and it is certain, that a man shall overlook
• discoveries which stand at his elbow, and in a manner intrude them-
' selves upon him.' Letter to Mr. Avison, published in the second edi-
tion of his Essay on Musical Expression, pag. ^G.
104
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book III.
earlier ages of the world, and traced the ancient
system from its rudiments to its perfection, and
thereby brought it down to nearly the close of the
third century, we shall proceed to relate the several
subsequent improvements that have from time to
time been made of it, in the order in which they
occurred ; and shew to whom we owe that system,
which for its excellence is now universally adopted
by the civilized world.
We have seen that hitherto the science of music,
as being a subject of very abstracted speculation,
and as having a near affinity with arithmetic and
geometry, had been studied and taught by such only
as were eminent for their skill in those sciences :
of these the lar greater number were Greeks, who,
in the general estimation of mankind, held the rank
of philosophers. The accounts hereafter given of the
Latin writers, such as Martianus Capella, Macrobius,
Cassiodorus, and others, will shew how little the
Romans contributed to the improvement of music ;
and in general tlieir writings are very little more
than abridgements of, or short commentaries on the
works of Nicomachus, Euclid, Aristides Quintilianus,
Aristoxenus, and others of the ancient Greeks. As to
Boetius, of whom we shall speak hereafter, it is clear
that his intention was only to restore to those barba-
rous times in which he lived, the knowledge of the
true principles of harmony, and to demonstrate, by
the force of mathematical reasoning, the proportions
and various relations to each other, of sounds ; in the
doing whereof he evidentlj'^ shews himself to have
been a Pythagorean. As this was the design of his
treatise De Musica, we are not to wonder that tlie
author has said so little of the changes that music
underwent among the Latins, or that he does but
just hint at the disuse of the enarmonic and chro-
matic genera, and the introduction of the Roman
characters in the room of the Greek.
It must however be admitted, that for one im-
provement of the system we are indebted to the
Latins, namely, the application of the Roman capital
letters to the several sounds that compose the scale,
whereby they got rid of that perplexed method of
notation invented by the Greeks : we have seen, by
the treatise of Alypius, written professedly to explain
the Greek musical characters, to what an amazing
number they amounted, 12iO at the lowest computa-
tion ; and after all, they were no better than so many
arbitrary marks or signs placed on a line over the
words of the &ong, and, having no real inherent or
analogical signification, must have been an intole-
rable burthen on the memory. These the Latins re-
jected, and in their stead introduced the letters of
their own alphabet. A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I, K, L,
M, N, 0, P, fifteen in number, and sufficient to ex-
press every sound contained in the disdiapason. If
it be asked, how could this small number serve the
purpose of more than 1200? the answer is, that this
amazing multiplicity of characters arose from the ne-
cessity of distinguishing each sound with respect to the
genus, and also the mode in which it was used ; and
before this innovation of the Romans, we are assured,
that both the enarmonic and chromatic genera were
grown out of use, and tliat the diatonic genus, on
'account of its sweetness and conformity to nature,
was retained amongst them : and as to the modes,
there is great reason to susj^ect, that even at the time
when Ptolemy wrote, the doctrine of them was but
ill understood ; fifteen characters, we know, are at
this time sufficient to denote all the sounds in a dia-
tonic disdiapason, and consequently must have been
so then.
It has already been observed, that the science ot
harmony was anciently a subject of philosophical
enquiry ; and it is manifest, from the account herein
before given of them and their writings, that the
Greeks treated it as a subject of very abstract specu-
lation, and that they neither attended to the physical
properties of sound, nor concerned themselves with
the practice of nmsic, whether vocal or instrumental.
Ptolemy was one of the last of the Greek harmo-
niciaus ; and from his time it may be observed, that
the cultivation of music became the care of a set of
men, who, then, at least, made no pretensions to the
character of philosophers. This may be accounted
for either by the decline of philosophy about this
jieriod, or by the not improbable supposition, that
the subject itself was exhausted, and that nothing re-
mained but an improvement in practice on that foun-
dation which the ancient writers, by their theory, had
so well laid. But whatever may have been the cause,
it is certain, that after the establishment of Chris-
tianity the cultivation of music became the concern
of the church : to this the Christians were probably
excited by the example of the Jews, among whom
music made a considerable part of divine worship,
and the countenance given to it in the writings of
St. Paul. Nor is it to be wondered at by those who
consider the effects of music, its influence on the pas-
sions, and its power to inspire sentiments of the most
devout and affecting kind, if it easily found admit-
tance into the worship of the primitive Christians :
as to the state of it in the three first centuries, we are
very much at a loss; yet it should seem from the
information of St. Augustine, that in his time it had
arrived at some degree of perfection ; possibly it had
been cultivating, both in the Eastern and Western
empire, from the first propagation of Christianity.
The great number of men who were drawn off from
secular pursuits by tlieir religious profession, amidst
the barbarism of the times, thought themselves laud-
ably employed in the study of a science which was
found to be subservient to religion : while some were
engaged in the oppugning heretical opinions, others
were taken up in composing forms of devotions,
framing liturgies ; and others in adapting suitable
melodies to such psalms and hymns as had been re-
ceived into the service of the church, and which made
a very considerable part of the divine offices : all
which is the more probable, as the progress of human
learning was then in a great measure at a stand.
But as the introduction of music into the service
of the church seems to be a new ^ra, it is necessary
to be a little more particular, and relate the opinions
of the most authentic writers, as well as to the recep-
tion it at first met with, as its subsequent progress
Chap. XXII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
lOo
among tlie converts to Christianity. If among the
accounts to be given of these matters, some should
carry the appearance of improbability, or should even
verge towards the regions of fable, let it be remem-
bered, that very little credit would be due to history,
were the writer to suppress every relation against
the credibility whereof there lay an objection. His-
tory does not propose to transmit barely matters of
real fact, or opinions absolutely irrefragable ; false-
hood and error may very innocently be propagated,
nay, the general belief of falsehood, or the existence
of any erroneous opinion, may be considered as facts ;
and then it becomes the duty of a historian to relate
them. WTioever is conversant with the ecclesiastical
historians must allow that the superstition of some,
and the enthusiasm of others of them, have some-
what abated the reverence due to their testimony.
But notwithstanding this, the characters of Eusebius,
Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, and Evagrius, for
veracity and good intelligence, stand so high in the
opinion of all sober and impartial men, that it is im-
possible to withhold our assent from the far greater
part of what they have written on this subject.
The advocates for the high antiquity of church-
music urge the authority of St. Paul in its favour,
who, in his Epistle to the Ephesians, chai'ges them
to speak to themselves in psalms, and hymns, and
spiritual songs, singing and making melody in their
hearts to the Lord;* and who exhorts the Colos-
sians to teach and admonish one another in psalms,
hymns, and spiritual songs.f Cardinal Bona is one
of these ; and he scruples not to assert, on the autho-
rity of these two passages, that songs and hymns
were, from the very establishment of the church, sung
in the assemblies of the faithful. Johannes Damas-
cenus goes farther back ; and relates, that at the
funeral of the Blessed Virgin, which was celebrated
at Gethsemane, tlie apostles, assisted by angels, con-
tinued singing her requiem for three whole days
incessantly. The same author, speaking of the an-
cient hymn called the Trisagion, dates its original
from a miracle that was performed in the time of
Proclus, the archbishop : his account is, that the
people of Constantinople being terrified with some
portentous signs that had appeared, made solemn
processions and applications to the Almighty, be-
seeching him to avert the calamities that seemed to
threaten their city, in the midst whereof a boy was
caught from among them, and taken up to heaven ;
who, upon his return, related, that he had been taught
by angels to sing the hymn, in Greek,
Ayiog 0 fc)£Oc,aytoc iffx^poe^aytoe adayaroc, eXerjaov rj/jiac.
Holy God, holy and strong, holy and immortal, have mercy
upon us.
The truth of this relation is questioned by some,
who yet credit a vision of St. Ignatius; of which
Socrates, the ecclesiastical historian, gives the fol-
lowing account : ' St. Ignatius, the third bishop of
' Antioch, in Syria, after the apostle Peter, who also
' conversed familiarly with the apostles, saw the
' blessed spirits above singing hymns to the Sacred
Chap. V. verse 19.
t Chap. iii. verse IG.
' Trinity alternately, which method of singing, says
* the same historian, Ignatius taught to his church ;
' and this, together with an account of the miracle
* which gave rise to it, was communicated to all the
' churches of the East.' J Nicephorus, St. Chrysos-
tom, Amalarius, and sundry others, acquiesce in this
account of the origin of antiphonal singing ; as do
our countrymen, Hooker, Hammond, Beveridge, and
Dr. Comber.
By the Apostolical Constitutions, said to have been,
if not compiled by the apostles themselves, at least
collected by Clement, a disciple of theirs, the order of
divine worship is prescribed ; wherein it is expressly
required, that after the reading of the two lessons,
one of the presbyters should sing a psalm or hymn
of David ; and that the people should join in singing
at the end of each verse. It would be too little to
say of this collection, that the authority of it is
doubted, since it is agreed, that it did not appear in
the world till the fourth century ; and the opinions
of authors are, that either it is so interpolated as to
deserve no credit, or that the whole of it is an abso-
lute forgery.
Hitherto, then, the high antiquity of church-music
stands on no better a foundation than tradition,
backed with written evidence of such a kind as to
have scarce a pretence to authenticity : there are,
however, accounts to be met with among the writers
of ecclesiastical history, that go near to fix it at about
the middle of the fourth century.
In short, the aera from whence we may reasonably
date the introduction of music into the service of
the church, is that period during which Leontius
governed the church of Antioch ; that is to say, be-
tween the years of Christ 347 and 35G, when Flavi-
anus and Diodorus, afterwards bishops, the one of
Antioch and the other of Tarsus, divided the choris-
ters into two parts, and made them sing the Psalms
of David alternately, Theodoret. Hist. Eccl. lib. II.
cap. xxiv. ; a practice, says the same author, which
began first at Antioch, and afterwards spread itself
to the end of the world. Valesius acquiesces in this
account, and professes to wonder whence Socrates
had the story of Ignatius's vision, Vales, in Socrat.
lib. VI. cap. viii. The occasion of antiphonal singing
seems to have been this : Flavianus and Diodorus,
although then laymen, but engaged in a monastic
life, were in great repute for their sanctity ; and
Leontius, their bishop, was an avowed Arian, whom
they zealously opposed : in order to draw off the
people from an attendance on the bishop, who, in the
opinion of Flavianus and Diodorus, was a preacher
of heresy, they set up a separate assembly for reli-
gious worship, in which they introduced antiphonal
singing, which so captivated the people, that the
bishop, to call them back again, made use of it also
in his church. Flavianus, it seems, had a high
opinion of the efficacy of this kind of music ; for it
is reported, that the cit}'' of Antioch having, by a
popular sedition, incurred the displeasure of the Em-
peror Theodosius, sent Flavianus to appease him, and
implore forgiveness ; who, upon his first audience,
I Hist. Eccles. lib. VI. cap viii.
lOG
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book III.
though in the imperial palace, directed the usual
church-service to be sung before hiin : the emperor
melted into pity, wept, and the city was restored to
his favour. Other instances are to be met witli in
history, that show the fondness of the people of An-
tioch for this kind of music ; and which favour tlie
supposition, that amongst them it took its rise.
Antioch was the metropolis of Syria ; the example
of its inhabitants was soon followed by the other
churches of the East ; and in a very few ages after its
introduction into the divine service, the practice of
singing in churches not only received the sanction of
public authority, but those were forbidden to join in it
who were ignorant of music. For at the council of
Laodicea, held between the years of Christ, 3G0 and
370, a canon was made, by which it was ordained,
That none but the canons, or singing men of the
church, which ascend the Ambo,* or singing-desk,
and sing out of the parchment, [so the words are]
should presume to sing in the church. Balsamon
seems to think that the fathers intended nothing
more than to forbid the setting or giving out the
hymn or psalm by the laity : but the reason assigned
by Baronius for the making of this canon, shews that
it was meant to exclude them totally from singing in
the church-service ; for he says that when the people
and the clergy sang promiscuously, the former, for
want of skill, destroyed the harmony, and occasioned
such a discord as was very inconsistent with the
order and decency requisite in divine worship. Zo-
nanus confirms this account, and adds, that these
canonical singers were reckoned a part of the clergy .f
Balsamon, in his scholia on this canon, says, that
before the Laodicean council, the laity were wont, in
contempt of the clergy, to sing, in a very rude and
inartificial manner, hymns and songs of their own
invention ; to obviate which practice, it was ordained
by this canon that none should sing but those whose
office it was. Our learned countryman, Bingham,
declares himself of the same opinion in his Anti-
quities of the Christian Church, book III. chap. vii.
and adds, that from the time of the council of Lao-
dicea the psalmistae, or singers, were called icaroriKOL
xpoKrai, or canonical singers, though he is inclined to
think the provision in the canon only temporary.
CHAP. XXIIL
Great stress is also laid on the patronage given
to church-music by St. Basil, St. Ambrose, and St.
Chrysostom ; as to the first, he had part of his edu-
cation at Antioch, where he was a continual spectator
of that pompous worship which prevailed there. He
* The Ambo was what we now call the reading-desk, a place made on
purpose for the readers and singers, and such of the clergy as ministered
in the first service called Missa Catechumenorum. It had the name of
Ambo, not as Walafridus Strabo imagines, ' ab anibiendo,' because it
surrounded them that were in it, but from avaiaivtiv, because it was
a place of eminency. to which they went up by degrees or steps. Bing-
ham's Antiquities of the Christian Church, book VIII. chap. v. § 4.
+ It seems they were one of the many orders in the primitive church,
and that they received ordination at the hands, not of the bisliop or
choriepiscopus, but of a presbyter, using this form of words, prescribed
by the canon of the fourth council of Carthage : ' See that thou believe
'in thy heart wliat thou singest with thy mouth ; and approve in thy
'works wliat tliou believest in thy heart." Bingh. Antiq. book 111.
chap. vii. § 1.
w^as first made a deacon l)y Meletius, and afterwards,
that is to say about the year 371, was promoted to
the bishopric of Csesarea in Cappadocia, his own
country ; and in this exalted station he contracted
such a love for church-music, as drove him to the
necessity of apologizing for it.J In his epistle to the
Neocaesarian clergy, still extant, he justifies the prac-
tice, saying, that the new method of singing, at which
they were so offended, was now become common in
the Christian church, the people rising before day
and going to church, wliere, having made their con-
fessions and prayers, they proceeded to the singing
of psalms : and he adds, that in his holy exercise,
the choir being divided into two parts, mutually
answered each other, the i^recentor beginning, and
the rest following him. He farther tells them, that
if to do thus be a fault, they must blame many
pious and good men in Egypt, Lybia, Palestine,
Arabia, Phoenicia, and Syria, and sundry other places.
To this they urged that the practice was otherwise
in the time of their bishop Gregory Thaumaturgus ;
in answer to which Basil tells them, that neither was
the Litany u.sed in his time ; and that in objecting
to music, while they admitted the Litany, they
strained at a gnat and swallowed a camel.
St. Chrysostom, whose primitive name was John,
was a native of Antioch, and received his education
there, ho was ordained a deacon by Meletius, and
presbyter by Flavianus ; and having been accustomed
to the pompous service introduced by the latter into
the Church of Antioch, he conceived a fondness for
it. When he became bishop of Constantinople, which
was about a. c. 380, he found occasion to introduce
music among his people : the manner of his doing
it is thus related : The Arians in that city were
grown very insolent : they held conventicles at a
small distance without the walls ; but on Saturdays
and Sundays, which were set apart for the public
assemblies, they were wont to come within the city,
where, dividing themselves into several companies,
they walked about the porticos, singing such words
as these : ' Where are they who affirm three to
be one power ? ' and hymns composed in defence
of their tenets, adding petulant reflexions on the
orthodox ; § this they continued for the greatest part
J Vales, in Socrat. lib. IV. cap. xxvi.
§ It seems that the orthodox could in their turns not only be petulant,
but industrious in provoking their enemies to wrath, as may be collected
from the following relation of Thcodoret : —
' Publia, the deaconess, a woman admired and celebrated for her
' piety, was the mother of the famous John, who for many years was first
' presbyterofthe church ofthe Antioch, and though often and unanimously
' elected to the apostolic tlirone, refused that dignity. She, aiid a chorus
' of consecrated virgins with her, spent great part of their time in singing
'anthems and divine songs; and once when the emperor [Julian] had
' occasion to pass by them, they sung psalms chosen purpoSf-ly to expose
' and ridicule the extravagancies of heathenism and idolatry, singing
' them with an exalted voice ; and among tlie rest they applied, very
'properly to the occasion, the hundred and fifteenth, from the fourth to
' the eighth verse, "Their idols are silver and gold, even the work of
" men's hands, &c." " Let those that make them be like unto them, and
" also all such as put their trust in them." This so disturbed the empe-
' ror, that he commanded silence should be kept whenever he came by
' that place, but to so little purpose, that upon his returning, at the
' motion of Publia tliey gave him another welcome in these words : —
"Let God arise, and let his enemies ne scattered." And now his anger
'was raised so high, that he ordered the cliantress to be brout;ht before
' him, and had her beat on the face till her cheeks were stained with,
'blood; which efl^orts of the tyrant's unmanly passion the aged good
'woman received with pleasure, went home, and, as often as an oppor-
' tunity offered, entertained liim still with the very same sort of dis-
' agreeable compositions.' Hist. Eccles.
Chap. XXIII.
AND PEACTICE OF MUSIC.
107
of the night ; in the morning they marched through
the heart of the city, singing in the same manner,
and so proceeded to the place of their assembly.
In opposition to these people, St. Chrysostom caused
hymns to be sung in the night ; and to give his
performance a pomp and solemnity, which the other
wanted, he procured crosses of silver to be made at
the charge of the empress Eudoxia, which, with
lighted torches thereon, were borne in a procession,
at which Briso, the empress's eunuch, officiated as
precentor ; this was the occasion of a great tumult,
in which Briso received a wound in the forehead
with a stone, and some on both sides were slain.*
This was followed by a sedition, which ended in the
expulsion of the Arians. This manner of singing,
thus introduced by them, was, as Sozomen relates,t
used in Constantinople from that time forwards ;
however, in a short time it was performed in such
an unseemly way as gave great offence ; for the
singers, affecting strange gestures and boisterous
clamours, converted the church into a mere theatre ;
for which Chrysostom reproved them, by telling
his people that their rude voices and disorderly
behaviour were very improper for a place of worship,
in which all things were to be done with reverence
to that Being who observes the behaviour of every
one there.
St. Ambrose, who had entertained a singular vene-
ration for St. Basil, like him was a great lover of the
church-service : it is true he was not originally an
ecclesiastic, but having been imexpectedly elected
bishop of Milan, he applied himself to the duties of
the episcopal function. Justina, whom the emperor
Valentinian had married, proving an Ai'ian, com-
menced a prosecution against Ambrose and the ortho-
dox ; during which the people watched all night in
the church, and Ambrose appointed that psalms and
hvmns should be suns: there after the manner of the
oriental churches, lest the people shoiild pine away
with the tediousness of sorrow ; and from this event,
which happened about 374, we may date the intro-
duction of singing into western churches.
But the zeal of St. Ambrose to promote this
practice, is in nothing more conspicuous than in his
endeavours to reduce it into form and method ; as
a proof whereof, it is said that he, jointly with St.
Augustine, upon occasion of the conversion and
baptism of the latter, composed the hymn Te Deum
laudamus, Avhich even now makes a part of the
liturgy of our church, and caused it to be sung in
liis church at Milan ; but this has been discovered
to be a mistake: I this however is certain, that he
instituted that method of singing, known by the
name of the Cantus Ambrosianus, or Ambrosian
* Socrat. Hist. Eccles. lib. VI. cap. viii.
+ Hist. Eccles. lib. VIII. cap. viii.
I The very learned Dr Usher, upon the authority of two ancient
manuscripts, asserts the Te Deum to have been made by a bishop of
Triers, named Nicetlus or Nicettus, and that not till about the year 500,
which was almost a century after the death both of St. Ambrose and
St. AuRustine. L'Estrange's Alliance of Divine Offices, 79. The Bene-
dictines, wlio published the works of St. Ambrose, judge him not to
have been the author of it ; and Dr. Cave, though at one time he was
of a different judgment, and bishop Stillinglleet, concur in the opinion
that the Te Deum was not tlie composition of St. Ambrose, or of him
and St. Augustine jointlv. Bingham's Antiquities of the Christian
Church, book XIV. chap'ii. § •).
Chant, a name, for ought that now appears, not
applicable to any determined series of notes, but
invented to exj^ress in general a method of singing
agreeable to some rule given or taught by hira>
This method, whatever it was, is said to have had
a reference to the modes of the ancients, or rather
to those of Ptolemy, which we have shewn to have
been precisely coincident with the seven species of
the diapason ; but St. Ambrose conceiving all above
four to be superfluous, reduced them to that number,,
retaining only the Dorian, the Phrygian, the Lydian,
and the Mixolydian,§ which names he rejected,
choosing rather to distinguish them by epithets of
number, as protos, deuteros, tritos, tetrartos. His
design in this was to introduce a kind of melody
founded on the rules of art, and yet so plain and
simple in its nature, that not only those whose
immediate duty it was to perform the divine service,
but even the whole congregation might sing it ;
accordingly in the Romish countries the people now
join with the choir in chanting the divine offices ;
and if we may credit the relations of travellers in
this respect, this distinguished simplicity of the
Ambrosian Chant is even at this day to be remarked
in the service of the church of Milan, where it was
first instituted.
A particular account of the ecclesiastical modes,
as originally constituted by St. Ambrose, with the
subsequent improvement of them by Gregory the
Great, is reserved for another place : in the interim
it is to be noted that the ecclesiastical modes are also
called tropes, but more frequently tones ; which latter
appellation was first given to them by Martianus
Capella, as we are informed by Sir Henry Spelman,
in his Glossary, voce FRiGDORiE. The following'
scheme represents the progression in each : —
d e f
c
h
a
G
F
E
D
d
c
h
a
G
P
E
6
d
c
h
a
G
F
o
i
e
d
c
h
a
G
And this was the original institution of what
are called, in contradistinction to the modes or
moods of the ancients, the ecclesiastical modes or
tones. These of St. Ambrose, however well cal-
culated for use and practice, were yet found to be
too much restrained, and not to admit of all that
variety of modulation which the several offices in
the church-service seemed to require ; and accord-
ingly St. Gregoiy, surnamed the Great, the first
pope of that name, with the assistance of the most
learned and skilful in the music of that day, set
about an amendment of the Cantus Ambrosianus,
and instituted what became known to later times by
the name of the Cantus Gregorianus, or, the Gre-
gorian Chant : but as this was not till near two
hundred and thirty years after the time of St.
Ambrose, the account of this, and the other improve-
§ Sir Henry Spelman in his Glossary, voce Frigsors, in the place ot
the Mixolydian puts the jEolian.
108
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book III.
ments made in music by St. Gregory, must be re-
ferred to another place.
With respect to the music of the primitive church,
though it consisted in the singing of psalms and
hymns, vet was it performed in sundry different man-
ners, that is to say, sometimes the psalms were sung
by one person alone, the rest hearing with attention ;
sometimes they were sung by the whole assembly ;
sometimes alternately, the congregation being for
that purpose divided into separate choirs; and, lastly,
by one person, who repeated the first part of the
verse, the rest joining in the close thereof.*
Of the four different methods of singing above
•enumerated, the second and third were very properly
distinguished by the names of symphony and anti-
phony, and the latter was sometimes called respon-
.saria;f and in this, it seems, women were allowed
to join, notwithstanding the apostle's injunction on
them to keep silence.
The method of singing in the last place above
mentioned, clearly suggests the origin of the office
of precentor of a choir, whose duty, even at this day,
it is to govern the choir, and see that the choral
service be reverently and justly performed.
It farther appears, that almost from the time
when music was first introduced into the service
of the church, it was of two kinds, and consisted in
a gentle inflection of the voice, which they termed
plain-song, and a more artificial and elaborate kind
of music, adapted to the hymns and solemn offices
■contained in its ritual ; and this distinction has been
maintained through all the succeeding ages, even to
this time.
Besides the reverend fathers of the church above-
mentioned, we are told, and indeed it appears from
many passages in his writings, that Saint Augustine
was a passionate lover of music ; this which follows,
taken from his Confessions, lib. IX. cap. vi. is the
most commonly produced as an evidence of his ap-
probation of music in the church-service, though, it
must be owned, he lived to recant it: 'How abundantly
* did I weep before God, to hear those hymns of
* thine ; being touched to the very quick, by the
' voices of thy sweet church song. The voices flowed
' into my ears, and thy truth pleasingly distilled into
' my heart ; which caused the affections of my dc-
' votion to overflow, and my tears to run over ; and
' happy did I find myself therein.' From hence
there is little reason to doubt, that he enjoined the
use of it to the clergy of his diocese. He wrote
a treatise De Musica, in six books, chiefly, indeed, on
the subject of metre and the laws of versification, but
interspersed with such observations on the nature
of the consonances, as shew him to have been very
well skilled in the science of music.
It is not necessar}' to enter into a particular
character, either of St. Augustine or of this his work :
' Bingham's Antiq. book XIV. chap. i.
t In this distinction between symphoniac and antiphonal psalmody,
v,e may discern the origin of the two different methods of singiiiR
practised in tlie Romish and Lutheran churches, and of those that
follow the rule of Calvin, and others of the reformers ; in the former
the singinp is antiphonal, in the latter it is a plain metrical psalmody,
in which all join ; so that for each practice the authority of the primitive
■ church may be appealed to.
those who are acquainted with ecclesiastical history
need not be told, that he was a man of great learning,
for the time he lived in, of lively parts, and of exem-
plary piety. To such, however, whose curiosity is
greater than their reading, the following short ac-
count of this eminent father of the church may not be
unpleasing : —
He was born at Thagaste, a city of Numidia, on
the 13th of November, 354. His father, a burgess of
that city, was called Patricius ; and his mother,
Monica, who he'mg a woman of great virtue, instructed
him in the principles of the Christian religion. In
his early youth he was in the rank of the catechumens,
and falling dangerously ill, earnestly desired to be
baptized ; but the violence of the distemper ceasing,
his baptism was delayed. His father, who was not
yet baptized, made him study at Thagaste, Madaura,
and afterwards at Carthage. St. Augustine, having
read Cicero's books of philosophy, began to entertain
a love for wisdom, and applied himself to the study
of the Holy Scriptures ; nevertheless, he suffered
himself to be seduced by the Manicheans. At the
age of nineteen, he returned to Thagaste, and taught
grammar, and also frequented the bar : he afterwards
taught rhetoric at Carthage, with applause. The
insolence of the scholars at Carthage made him take
a resolution to go to Rome, though against his
mother's will. Here also he had many scholars ; but
disliking them, he quitted Rome, and settled at
Milan, and was chosen public professor of rhetoric in
that city. Here he had opportunities of hearing the
sermons of St. Ambrose, which, together with the
study of St. Paul's Epistles, and the conversion of
two of his friends, determined him to retract his
errors, and quit the sect of the Manicheans : this was
in the thirty-second year of his age. In the vacation
of the year 38G, he retired to the house of a friend of
his, named Verecundus, where he seriously applied
himself to the study of the Christian religion, in order
to prepare himself for baptism, which he received at
Easter, in the year 387. Soon after this, his mother
came to see him at Milan, and invite him back to
Carthage ; but at Ostia, Avhither he went to embark,
in order to his return, she died. He arrived in
Africa about the end of the year 388, and having
obtained a garden-plot without the walls of the city
of Hippo, he associated himself with eleven other
persons of eminent sanctity, who distinguished them-
selves by wearing leathern girdles, and lived there in
a monastic way for the space of three years, exercising
themselves in fasting, prayer, study, and meditation,
day and night : from hence sprang up the Augustine
friars, or eremites of St. Augustine, being the first
order of mendicants ; those of St. Jerome, the Car-
melites, and others, being but branches of this of St.
Augustine. About this time, or as some say before,
Valerius, bishop of Hippo, against his will ordained
him priest : nevertheless, he continued to reside in
his little monastery, with his brethren, who, re-
nouncing all property, possessed their goods in
common. Valerius, wlio had appointed St. Augustine
to preach in his place, allowed him to do it in his
presence, contrary to the custom of the churches in
Chap. XXIIl.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
10^
Africa. He explained the creed, in a general council
of Africa, held in 393. Two years after, Valerius,
fearing he might be preferred to be bishop of another
church, appointed him his coadjutor or colleague, and
caused him to be ordained bishop of Hippo, by
Megalius, bishop of Calame, then primate of Numidia.
St. Augustine died the 28th day of August, 430,
aged seventy-six years, having had the misfortune to
see his country invaded by the Vandals, and the city
where he was bishop besieged for seven months.
The works of St. Augustine make ten tomes ; the
best edition of them is that of jMaurin, printed at
Antwerp, in 1700; they are but little read at this
time, except by the clergy of the Greek church and
in the Spanish universities ; our booksellers in
London receive frequent commisions for them, and
indeed for most of the fathers, from Russia, and also
from Spain.
About this time flourished Ambrosius Aueelius
Theodosius IMacrobius, an author whose name ap-
pears in almost every catalogue of musical writers
extant ; but whose works scarcely entitle him to a
place among them. He lived in the time of Theo-
dosius the younger, who was proclaimed emperor of
the East, anno 402. He was a man of singular
dignity, and held the office of chamberlain to the
emperor. Fabricius makes it a question whether
he was Christian or a Pagan. His works are a com-
mentary on the Somnium Scipionis of Cicero, in two
books, and Saturnalia Convivia, in seven books ; in
both which he takes occasion to treat of music, and
more especially the harmony of the spheres. The
chief of what he says concerning music in general is
contained in his Commentary on the Somnium
Scipionis, and is taken from Nicomachus, and others
of the followers of Pythagoras. ]\Iartini mentions
also a discourse ou mundane music of his, which was
translated into Italian by Ercole Bottrigari, with
notes ; but he speaks of it as a manuscript, and by
the list of the works of Macrobius, it does not appear
to have ever been printed.
Of such writers as Macrobius, and a few other of
the Latins who will shortly be mentioned, that have
written not professedly on music, but have briefly or
transiently taken notice of it in the course of a work
written with some other view than to explain it,
little is to be said. There is nevertheless a Greek
writer of this class, who lived some considei-able time
before Macrobius, and indeed was prior to Porphyry,
the last of the Greek musical writers that deserves to
be taken notice of, not so much because he has con-
tributed to the improvement of the science, as because
in a voluminous work of his there are interspersed
a great variety of curious particulars relating to it,
not to be found elsewhere. The author here meant
is Athenajus the grammarian, called, by way of
eminence, the Grecian Varro ; he was born at
Naucratis in Egypt, and flourished in the third
century ; of many works that he wrote, one only
remains, intitled The Deipnosophists, that is to say,
the Sophists at Table, where he introduces a number
of learned luen of all professions, who converse iipou
various subjects at the table of a Roman citizen
named Larensius. In this work there are many
very pleasant stories, and an infinite variety of facts,
citations, and allusions, which make the reading of it
extremely delightful. The little that he has said of
music lies scattered up and down in this work, which,,
with the Latin translation of it, makes a large folio
volume.
In his fourth book, pag. 174, he gives the names
of the supposed inventors of the ancient musical in-
struments, and, among others, of Ctesibus, and of
tlie hydraulic organ constructed by him ; and it is
supposed that this is the most ancient and authentic
account of that instrument now extant. He says,
pag. 175, that the Barbiton or lyre, or, as Mersennus
will have it, the viol, was the invention of Anacreon ;
and the 3Ionaulon, or single pipe, of the Egyptian
Osiris.
Elsewhere, viz., in his fourteenth book, he speaks
of the power of music, and of the fondness which the
Arcadians, above all other people, entertained for it :
and in the same book, pag. 637, he describes that
strange instrument, invented by Pythagoras Zacyn-
thius, called the tripod lyre, corresponding in every
particular with the description of it hereinbefore
given from Blanchinus ; to which may be added, that
Athenasus expressly says that the three several sets
of chords between the legs, were in their tuning^
adjusted to the three primitive modes, the Dorian,
the Lydian, and the Phrygian.
Of this learned, curious, and most entertaining
work, the best edition is that of Dalechamp, with the
Greek original and Latin translation in opposite
columns. To this are added the animadversions of
Isaac Casaubon, which are very curious, and make
another volume. In these it is said that the Music-
orum ciayco-fjLfxara, or Tablatura, i. e., the art of
writing or noting down of music, was invented by
Stratonicus of Rhodes. Is. Casaub. Animadvers. in
Athenaeum, lib. VIII. cap. xii.
Martianus Mineus Felix Capella was born, as
Cassiodorus testifies, at Madaura, a town in Africa,,
situated between the countries of Getulia and
Numidia, lived at Rome under Leo the Thracian,
viz., aboi;t the year of Christ 457 ; he was the author
of a woi'k intitled, De Nuptiis Philologise et Mercurii,
the style whereof, in the opinion of some, is harsh,
and rather barbarous, though others, and Fabricius
in particular, who terms it a delightful fable,* think
it in nowise deserves such a character : this work,
which consists of prose and verse intermixed, is in
fact a treatise on the seven liberal sciences, and con-
sequently includes a discourse on music, which makes
the ninth book thereof, and is introduced in the
following manner : the author supposes the marriage
of Philologia, a virgin, to Mercury, and that Venus
and the other deities, as also Orpheus, Amphion, and
Arion, are assembled to honour the solemnity; the
Sciences, who, to render the work as poetical as may
be, are represented as persons, also attend, among
whom is Harmonia, described as having her head
decked with variety of ornaments, and bearing
symbols of the faculty over which she is feigned to
* Biblioth. Lat. Art. Capella.
110
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE.
Book III.
preside. She is made to exhibit the power of sounds
by such melody as Jupiter himself commends, which
is succeeded by a request of Apollo and Minerva to
unfold the mysteries of harmony. She first craves
leave to relate that she formerly was an inhabitant
of the earth, and that through the inspirations of
Pythagoras, Aristoxenus, and others, she had taught
men the use of the lyre and the pipe ; and by the
singing of birds, the wliistling of tlie winds, and the
murmuring of water-falls, had instructed even the
artless shepherds in the rudiments of melody. That
by the power of her art she had cured diseases,
quieted seditions, and composed and attempered the
irregular affections of mankind ; notwithstanding all
which, she had been contemned and reviled by those
sons of earth, and had therefore sought the heavens,
where she found the motions of the orbs regulated by
her own principles. She then proceeds to explain
the precepts of harmony in a short discourse, which,
if we consider the substance and method rather than
the style of it, must be allowed to be a very elegant
composition, and by much the most intelligible of
an}^ ancient treatise on the science of music now
extant.
Capella concludes this ninth book of his treatise
De Nuptiis thus : ' When Harmonia had run over
* these things concerning songs, and the sweetness of
* verse, in a manner both august and persuasive, to
' the gods and heroes, who were very intent, she de-
cently withdrew ; then Jupiter rose up, and Cymesis
modulating in divine symphonies, came to the
''chamber of the virgin,. to the great delight of all.'
The above discoiu'se of Martianus Capella is mani-
festly taken from Aristides Quintilianus, of which,
to say the truth, it is very little more than an abridg-
ment, but it is such a one as renders it in some
respects preferable to the original ; for neither is it
so prolix as Quintilian's treatise, nor does it partake
of that obscurity which discourages so many from
the study of his work ; and when it is said, as it has
been by some, that the style of Capella is barbarous,
this must be taken as the opinion of grammarians,
who, without regarding the intrinsic merit of any
work, estimate it by certain rules of classical elegance,
which they themselves have established as the test
of perfection. It is by these men, and for this
reason, and perhaps because he had not the good
fortune to be born at Rome, that Capella is termed
a semi-barbarian, and his writings reprobated as
unworthy the perusal of men of science.*-' But,
notwithstanding these opinions, one of the best gram-
marians of the present age, the learned and ingenious
* The learned bishop of Avranches is somewhat less severe in his
censure. He gives the foUowinfr character of Capella and his work: —
' Martianus Capella has piven the name of satire to his work because it
* is written in verse and prose, and the profitable and entertaining parts
'are agreeably interwoven. His design is to treat of the arts, which
'have the appellation of liberal; and these he represents by certain
' allegorical personages, with attributes proper to each. The principal
* action in this fable is the marriage of Mercury and Philology, a feigned
' being, intended to signify the love of literature. The artifice of this
'allegory is not very subtle, and as to the style it is barbarism itself ;
'and for the figures, they are unpardonably' bold and extravagant;
'besides all which it is so obscure as hardly to be intelligible; otherwise
'it is learned, and full of notions not common. Some write that the
' author was an African ; if he was not, his harsh and forced style would
* induce one to believe he was of that country. The time he lived in is
' unknown ; it only appears that he was more ancient than Justinian.'
Huetius de I'Origine des Remains.
author of Hermes, or a Philosophical Inquiry con-
cerning Universal Grammar, has forborne to pass
a censure of barbarity on the style of this author :
his sentiment of him is, that he was rather a philo-
logist than a philosopher ; a testimony that leaves
him a better character than some of those deserve
who have been so liberal in their censures of him.
It has been said above, that Fabricius has given to
the treatise De Nuj^tiis the character of a delightful
fable ; and Gregorj^ of Tours delivers his opinion
of it at large in the following words: 'In gram-
' maticis docent legere, in dialecticis altercationum
' propositiones advertere, in rhetoricis persuadere, in
' geometricis terrarum linearumque mensuras col-
' ligere, in astrologicis cursus siderum contemplari,
' in arithmeticis numerorum partes colligere, in har-
' moniis sonorum modulationes suavium accentuum
' carminibus concrepare.' Hence it may seem that
Mr. IMalcolm was rather too hasty in condemning
this work ; and that in pronouncing of its author as
he has done in his Treatise on Music, pag. 498, that
he was but a sorry copier from Aristides, he has
done him injustice. Of Capella's work, De Nuptiis
Philologife et Mercurii, there have been many edi-
tions ; that of Meibomius is the most useful to
a nmsician ; but there is a very good one, with
corrections and notes, by Grotius, in octavo, published
in 1559, when he was but fourteen years of age.
CHAP. XXIV.
The several works hereinbefore enumerated con-
tain the whole of what, in the strict sense of the
term, we are to understand by the ancient system
of music ; and as many of them appear to be of
very great antiquity, we are to esteem it a singular
instance of good fortune that they are yet remaining;
that they are so, is owing to the care and industry
of very many learned men, who, from public li-
braries, and other repositories, have sought out the
most correct manuscripts of the respective authors,
and given them to the world in print ; As to Aris-
toxenus, the first in the list of the harmonical writers,
it is doubtful whether his Elements ever appeared
in print, till near the middle of the seventeenth
century, inasmuch as Morley, who lived in the reign
of our queen Elizabeth, and was a very learned and
inquisitive man in all matters relating to musical
science, professes never to have seen the Elements
of Aristoxenus ; Euclid indeed had been published
in the year 1498, in a Latin translation of Georgius
Valla, of Placentia, but under the name of Cleonidas,
It was also, in 1557, published at Paris in Greek,
with a new Latin translation by Johannes Pena,
mathematician to the French king, but in a very
incorrect manner ; other editions were also published
of it, in which the errors of the former were multi-
plied. At length, ynih the assistance of our countiy-
nien Selden, and Gerard Langbaine, Marcus Mei-
bomius, a man well acquainted with the science, and
well skilled in Greek literature, published it, to-
gether with Aristoxenus Nicomachus, Alypias, Gau-
dentius, Eacchius Senior, Aristides Quintilianus,
Chap. XXIV. AND PRACnCE OF MUSIC. Ill
and the ninth book of the fable de Nuptiis Philo- a design of giving it to the workl, he generously sent
logise et Mercurii of Martianus Capella, with a Latin him his papers, and remitted the care of publishing
translation of the first seven of the above-named them to him.
writers, a general preface replete vv^ith excellent Bacchius Senior was first published in the original
learning, and copious notes on them all. Greek, and with a French translation by Mersennus,
Besides the general preface, Meibomius has given in a commentary on certain chapters in the book of
a particular one to each author as they stand in his Genesis, written by him to explain the music of the
edition, which prefaces, as they contain a variety of ancient Hebrews and Greeks, intitled ' Questiones et
particulars relating to the respective authors and ' Explicatio in sex priora capita Geneseos, quibus
their works, and are otherwise curious, are well ' etiam Graecorum et Hebrajorum Musica instauratur.'
worthy of attention. The Manual of Nicomachus Of this translation Meibomius, in his general preface,
was first published and translated into Latin by speaks in very severe terms ; he says he did not know
Meibomius, who gives the author a very great cha- that any such was extant, till he was informed thereof
racter, and with great ingenuity fixes the time when by his friend Ismael Bullialdus ; he says that he then
he lived ; for he observes that Nicomachus in the had it brought to him from Paris by the courier, and
course of his work mentions Thrasyllus, who he that if he had seen it before he had published his
says he thinks to be the same with one of that name notes on that author, they would have been made
mentioned frequently by Suetonius in Augustus and much fuller by observations on his errors. However
Tiberius, and by the old commentator on Juvenal, the only error that Meibomius here charges Mer-
Sat. VI. as a famous mathematician ; and from hence sennus with, is that of having confounded the Stantes
he infers that he lived after the time of Augustus. with the Mobiles in his representation of the Systema
To the Isagoge of Alypius the preface is but very maximum,
short, but in that to Gaudentius, which follows it next Aristides Quintilianus is taken from a manuscript
in order Meibomius cites a passage from Cassiodorus, which Meibomius frequently mentions as belonging
a Latin writer on music, who flourished in the fifth to Joseph Scaliger, in which was contained Alypius,
century, and will presently be spoken of, from whence Nicomachus, Aristoxenus, Aristides, and Bacchius.
he thinks the age when Alypius lived may in some This manuscript was deposited in the library of Ley-
measure be learned. He observes also that it appears den, and communicated to him by Daniel Heinsius,
from the same passage of Cassiodorus that Gaudentius together with two manuscripts of Martianus Capella.
had been translated into Latin by a Roman, a friend With the assistance of the several manuscripts
of his, named Mutianus ; * the whole passage, to above-mentioned, and a correspondence with the
give it together as it stands in Cassiodorus, is in most learned men of his time, namely, Selden, Lang-
these words : ' Gratissima ergo nimis utilisque cog- baine, Salmasius, Leo Allatius, and many others,
' nitio, quae et sensum nostrum ad superna erigit, et Meibomius completed his edition of the ancient mu-
' aures modulatione permulcet : quam apud Graecos sical authors, and published it at Amsterdam in the
' Alypius, Euclydes, Ptolemaeus, et caeteri probabili year 1G52, with a dedication to Christina, queen of
* institutione, docuerunt. Apud Latinos autem vir Sweden.
' magnificus Albinus librum de hac re, compendio, With respect to the other Greek writers, namely,
* sub brevitate conscripsit, quem in bibliotheca Romse Ptolemy, Manuel Bryennius, and Porphyry, the
* non habuisse atque studiose legisse retinemus. Qui former of these was published, together with Por-
' si forte gentili incursione sublatus est, habetis hie phyry's Commentary, by Antonius Gogavinus, at
' Gaudentium Mutiani Latinum : quem si solicita Venice, with a Latin version in 1562, but, as it
' intensione legitis, hujus scienti* vobis atria patefacit. should seem from Dr. Wallis's censure of it, in a very
' Fertur etiam latio sermone et Apuleium Madauren- inaccurate manner : Meibomius somewhere says that
* sam instituta hujus operis eflicisse, scripsit etiam et he had intended to publish both Porphyry and
' pater Augustinus de Musica sex libros, in quibus Manuel Bryennius, but he not having done it. Dr.
' humanam vocem, rhythmicos sonos, et harmoniam Wallis imdertook it, and has given it to the world in
' modulabilem in longis syllabis atque brevibus the third volume of his works. Most of the manu-
' naturaliter habere monstravit. Censorinus quoque scripts that were made use of for the above pub-
' de accentibus voci nostrse ad necessarise subtiliter lications, had been carried to Constantinople upon
' disputavit, pertinere dicens ad musicam disciplinam : the erection of the eastern empire, to preserve them
' quem vobis inter cseteros transcriptum reliqui.' from the ravages of the northern invaders : and as
Cassiod. de Musica. that city continued to be the seat of learning for
Gaudentius is published from a manuscript, which some centuries, they, together with an immense col-
the editor procured of his friends Selden and Lang- lection of Greek and Latin manuscripts, containing
baine, who collated it for him, with two others which the works of the most valuable of the Greek and
had been presented to the Bodleian library, the one Roman writers, were preserved there with _ great
by Sir Henry Savil, and the other by William, Earl care. But the taking and sacking of Constantinople
of Pembroke, formerly chancellor of the university by the Turks, in the year 1453, was followed by an
of Oxford. It seems that our countryman Chilmead emigration of learning and learned men, who,
had undertaken to publish an edition of Gaudentius, escaping from the destruction that threatened them,
but being informed that Meibomius had entertained settled chiefly in Italy, and became the revivers of
* Mutianus also translated the Homilies of St. Chrysostom. Fabr. literature in the western parts of Europe.
Eiblioth. Uraec. lib. III. cap. x.
112
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book III.
These men upon their removal from Constantinople
brought with them into Italy an immense treasure of
learning, consisting of ancient manuscripts in all the
several branches thereof, which they disseminated by
lectures in the public schools : many of these manu-
scripts have at different periods been printed and
dispersed throughout Europe, and others of them
remain unpublished, either in public libraries, or in
the collections of princes and other great persons.*
These men are also said to have introduced into
Italy the knowledge of ancient music, which they
could no otherwise do than by public lectures, and by
giving to the world copies of the several treatises of
the Greek harmonicians, hereinbefore particularly
mentioned ; and the effects of these their labours to
cultivate that kind of Ivuowledge were made apparent
by Gaffurius, or Franchinus, as he is otherwise
called, who, before the end of the fifteenth century,
published those several works of his, which have
justly entitled him to the appellation of the Father of
Music among the moderns.
Before the migration of learning from the East, all
that was known of the ancient music in the western
parts of Europe was contained in the writings of
Censorinus, Macrobius, Martianus Capella, Boetius,
Cassiodorus, and a few other Latin writers, who, as
Meibomius says of Capella, might very justly be
termed Pedarians, inasmuch as they were strict fol-
lowers of the ancient harmonicians ; or else in the
works of a very learned and excellent man, to whom
this censure cannot be extended, namely, Boetius, of
whom, and of whose inestimable work De Musica a
very particular account will shortly be given ; in the
interim it will be necessary to mention some inno-
vations that had been made in music subsequent to
Ptolemy, and before Boetius, of whom we are about
to speak ; and first it is to be noted that in this in-
terval, if not before the commencement of it, the
genera, at least in practice, were reduced to one,
namely, the diatonic : and next it is to be remarked,
that the method of notation used by the ancients, the
explanation whereof is almost the sole purpose of
Alypius's book, was totally changed by the Romans,
who to the great system, which consisted, as has been
shewn, of a bisdiapason, containing fifteen sounds,
applied as many letters of their own alphabet ; so
that assigning to Proslambanomenos the letter A, the
system terminated at P. It does not appear that at
this time, nor indeed till a long time after, any marks
or characters had been invented to denote the length
or duration of musical sounds ; nor, notwithstanding
* The manuscripts relatins to music -which Kircher procured access to
for the purpose of compiling his Musurgia, are by him said to be extant in
the library of the Roman College ; and he speaks of one huge tome in
particular, in which he says are the several works of Aristides Quin-
tilianus, Bryennius, Plutarch, Aristotle, Callimachus, Aristoxenus,
Alvpius, Ptolemy, Euclid, Nicomachus, Boetius, Martianus Capella,
Valla, and some others. In the account of the late discoveries in the
ruins of Herculaneum, given by the Abbe Winckelman, mention is
made of an ancient Greek treatise on music found there, written by
one Philodemus, an author who has escaped the researches of the
industrious Fabricius. Nevertheless, a philosopher of that name occurs
among the Locrians, in Stanley's list of tlie Pythagorean School. Hist,
of Philosophy, Pythagoras, chap. xxiv. This manuscript the anti-
quaries employed by the King of Naples, though it is burned to a crust,
have begun to unroll ; but the condition of it, and the -nature of the
process made use of for developing it, render it almost impossible that
the world can ever be the better for its contents. See the Letter of the
Abbe AVinckelman to Count Bruhl on this subject.
all tliat has been said about the rhythmiis of the an-
cients, does it in the least appear that they had any
rule for determining the length of the sounds, other
than that Avhich constituted the measure of the versesf
to which those sounds were severally applied ; which
consideration leaves it in some sort a question whe-
ther among the ancients there was any such thing as
merely instrumental music.
In this method of notation by the first fifteen let-
ters of the Latin alphabet, a modern will discover a
great defect ; for, being in a lineal position, they by
their situation inferred no diversity between grave
and acute, whereas in the stave of the moderns the
characters by a judicious analogy are made to ex-
press, according to their different situations in the
stave, all the diifcrences of the acute and grave from
one extremity of the system to the other.
Anitius Manlius Torquatus Severinus Boetius,"}"
Avas the most considerable of all the Latin writers on
music ; indeed his treatise on the subject supplied for
some centuries the want of those Greek manuscripts
which were supposed to have been lost ; for this
reason, as also on account of his superior eminence in
literature, he merits to be very particularly spoken
of. He was by birth a Ptoman, descended of an an-
cient family, many of whom had been senators, and
some advanced to the dignity of the consulate : the
time of his birth is related to have been about that
period in the Roman history when Augustulus, whose
fears had induced him to a resignation of the empire,
was banished, and Odoacer, king of the Herulians,
began to reign in Italy, viz., in the year of Christ 47G,
or somewhat after. The father of Boetius dying
while he was yet an infant, his relations undertook
the care of his education and the direction of his
studies ; his excellent parts were soon discovered,
and, as well to enrich his mind with the study of
philosophy, as to perfect himself in the Greek lan-
guage, he was sent to Athens. Returning young to
Rome, he was soon distinguished for his learning and
virtue, and promoted to the principal dignities in
the state, and at length to the consulate. Living in
great affluence and splendour, he addicted himself to
the study of theology, mathematics, ethics, and logic ;
and how great a master he became in each of these
branches of learning appears from those works of his
now extant. The great offices which he bore in the
state, and his consummate wisdom and inflexible
integrity, procured him such a share in the public
councils, as proved in the end his destruction ; for as
t In the Chronology of Sir Isaac Newton, pag. 14, is the following
passage: — 'In the year 1035 [before Christ] the Idtei Dactyli [a people
' supposed to have come from Numidia, vide Heyl. Cosm. pag. 555. edit.
' 1703J find out iron in mount Ida in Crete, and work it into armour and
' iron tools, and thereby give a beginning to the trades of smiths and
' armourers in Europe ; and by singing and dancing in their armour,
' and keeping time by striking upon one another's armours with their
' swords, they bring in music and poetry, and at the same time they
' nurse up the Cretan Jupiter in a cave of the same mountain, dancing
' about him in their armour.'
The origin of metrical numbers, and of the rhythmus, as it is called,
is by some referred to this event ; but admitting this as a fact, it docs
not a.«certain the time when the characters declaring the length or dura-
tion of sounds were first invented ; and the truth is that these are, com-
paratively speaking, a modern improvement in music.
* The name of this eminent person is sometimes icritten Boethius. Hoff-
man, in his lexicon, determines in favour of Boeti/is, and it is to be noted,
that in the edition of the works nf Boetius, printed at Venice in 1499, the
same reading is uniformly adhered to.
Chap. XXIV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
113
he ever employed his interest in the king for the
protection and encouragement of deserving men, so
he exerted his utmost efforts in the detection of
fraud, the repressing of violence, and the defence of
the state against invaders. At this time Theodoric
the Goth had attempted to ravage the Campania;
and it was owing to the vigilance and resolution of
Boetius that that country was preserved from de-
struction. At length, having murdered Odoacer,
Theodoric became king of Italy, where he governed
thirty -three years with prudence and moderation,
during which time Boetius possessed a large share of
his esteem and confidence. It happened about this
time that Justin, the emperor of the East, upon his
succeeding to Anastasius, made an edict condemning
all the Arians, except the Goths, to perpetual banish-
ment from the eastern empire : in this edict Hor-
misda, bishop of Rome, and also the senate concurred;
but Theodoric, who, as being a Goth, was an Arian,
was extremely troubled at it, and conceived an aver-
sion against the senate for the share they had borne
in this proscription. Of this disposition in the king,
three men of profligate lives and desperate fortunes,
Gaudentius, Opilio, and Basilius, took advantage ;
for having entertained a secret desire of revenge
against Boetius, for having been instrumental in the
dismission of the latter from a lucrative employment
under the king, they accused him of several crimes,
such as the stifling a charge, the end whereof was to
involve the whole senate in the guilt of treason ; and
an attempt, by dethroning the king, to restore the
liberty of Italy ; and, lastly, they suggested that, to
acquire the honoiirs he was in possession of, Boetius
had had recourse to magical arts.
Boetius was at this time at a great distance from
Rome ; however Theodoric transmitted the com-
plaint to the senate, enforcing it with a suggestion
that the safety, as well of the people as the prince,
was rendered very precarious by this supposed design
to exterminate the Goths : the senate perhaps fearing
the resentment of the king, and having nothing to
hope from the success of an enterprize, which, sup-
posing it ever to have been meditated, was now ren-
dered abortive, without summoning him to his defence,
condemned Boetius to death. The king however,
apprehending some bad consequence frpm the exe-
cution of a sentence so flagrantly unjust, mitigated
it to banishment. The place of his exile was Ti-
cinum, now the city of Pavia, in Italy : being in
that place separated from his relations, who had not
been permitted to follow him into his retirement, he
endeavoured to derive from philosophy those com-
forts which that alone was capable of affording to
one in his forlorn situation, sequestered from his
friends, in the power of his enemies, and at the
mercy of a capricious tyrant ; and accordingly he
there composed that valuable discourse, entitled De
Consolatione Philosophias. To give a more par-
ticular account of this book would be needless, it
being well known in the learned world : one re-
markable circumstance relating to it is, that, by those
under affliction it has in various times been applied
to. as the means of fortifying their minds and re-
conciling them to the dispensations of Providence,
almost as constantly as the scriptures themselves.
Our Saxon king Alfred, whose reign, though happy
upon the whole, was attended with great vicissitudes
of fortune, had recourse to this book of Boetius, at
a time when his distresses compelled him to seek
retirement ; and, that he might the better impress
upon his mind the noble sentiments inculcated in it,
he made a complete translation of it into the Saxon
language, which, within these few years, has been
given to the world in its proper character : Chaucer
made a translation of it into English, which is
printed among his works, and is alluded to in these
verses of his : —
Adam Scrivener, yf ever it the befalle
Boece or Troiles for to write nevv',
Under thy longe lockes thou muft have the fcalle :
But after my makynge thou write more true j
So ofte a daye I mote thy werke renewe,
It to corrcfte, and eke to rubbe and fcrape,
And al is thorow thy negligence and rape.
And Camden relates, that queen Elizabeth, during
the time of her confinement by her sister Mary, to
mitigate her grief, read and afterwards translated it
into very elegant English.
It is more than probable that Boetius would have
ended his exile by a natural death, had it not been
for an event that happened about two years after the
pronouncing his sentence ; for, in the year 524,
Justin, the emperor, thought fit to promulgate an
edict against the Arians, whereby he commanded,
without excepting the Goths, as he had done lately,
on another occasion, that all bishops who maintained
that heresy should be deposed, and their churches
consecrated after the true Christian form. To avert
this decree, Theodoric sent an embassy to the emperor,
which, to render it the more splendid and respectable,
consisted of the bishop or pope himself, who at that
time was John the Second, the immediate successor
of Hormisda, and four others, of the consular and
patrician orders, who were instructed to solicit with
the emperor the repeal of this decree, with threats,
in case of a refusal, that the king would destroy
Italy with fire and sword. Upon the arrival of the
ambassadors at Constantinople, the emperor very
artfully contrived to receive them in such a manner
as naturally tended to detach them from their master,
and make them slight the business they were sent to
negociate, and he succeeded accordingly ; for as soon
as they approached the city, the emperor, the clergy,
and a great number of the people, went in procession
to meet them. In their way to the church, the upper
hand of the emperor was given to the bishop ; and
upon their arrival there, the holy father, to shew his
gratitude for the honour done him of sitting on the
right of the imperial throne, celebrated the day of
the Resurrection after the Roman use, and crowned
Justin emperor. Of the insufferable pride and arro-
gance of this John so many instances are related,
that no one who reads them can lament the fate
which afterwards befel him, viz., that he died in
a dungeon. It is recorded, that upon his arrival
at Corinth, in his way to Constantinople, great
enquiry was made for a gentle horse for him to
114
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book III.
ride on ; upon which, a nobleman of that city sent
him one that, for the goodness of its temper, had
been reserved for the use of liis lady ; the bishop
accepted the favour, and, after travelling as far as
he thought fit, returned the beast to the owner : but
behold what followed, the sagacious animal, conscious
of the merit of having once borne the successor of
St. Peter, refused ever after to let the lady mount
him ; upon which the husband sent him again to the
Pope, with a request that he would accept of that
which was no longer of any use to the owner. This
event, it is to be noted, is recorded as a miracle ; but
if we allow it the credit due to one, it will reflect
but little honour on the worker of it, since the
utmost it proves is, that the Pope had the power of
communicating to a horse a quality which had ren-
dered the primitive possessor of it to the last degree
odious.
It is not easy to see how, with any degree of pro-
priety, or consistent with justice, the misbehaviour
of the ambassadors could be imputed to Boetius, who,
all this while, was confined to the place of his exile,
and seemed to be employing his time in a way much
more suited to his circumstances and character than
in the abetting the misguided and malevolent zeal of
either of two enthusiastic princes ; nevertheless, we
are told, that Theodoric no sooner heard of the be-
haviour of John and his colleagues, than he began to
meditate the death of Boetius : he however suppressed
his resentment, till he had received a formal complaint
from his people of the infidelity of those trusted by
him. Immediately on his arrival, he committed the
bishop to close confinement, wherein he shortly after
ended his days. Had his revenge stopped here, his
conduct might have escaped censure, but he completed
the ruin of his character by sentencing Boetius to
death, who, together with Symmachus, the father of
his wife, was beheaded in prison on the tenth of the
kalends of November, 525. In order to palliate the
cruelty of the king, it has been insinuated, that the
treachery of his ambassadors was a kind of evidence
that the conspiracy had a foundation in truth ; and
that fact once established, the intimacy which had
subsisted for several years between Boetius and the
bishop, before the banishment of the former, furnished
a ground for suspicion that he was at least not
ignorant of it. It is farther said, that, as if he
believed the conspiracy to be real, the king sent to
Boetius, in prison, offers of pardon, if he would dis-
close the whole treason ; but the protestations which
he made upon that occasion of his innocence, afford
the strongest evidence that could be given that he
was not privy to it.
But the causes of this severe resolution of Theo-
doric are elsewhere to be sought for : he was arrived
at the age of seventy-two, and for some years had
been infected with the vices usually imputed to old
age : he had reigned more than thirty-three years ;
and though the mildness and prudence of his govern-
ment, and that paternal tenderness with which he had
ruled his people, were greater than could be expected
from a prince who had made his way to dominion
by the murder of the rightful sovereign, the dis-
appointments he had met with, the insults that had
been offered him, one particularly in the person of
his sister, who had received some indignities from
the African Vandals, the contempt that had been
shewn him in this late embassy, and, above all, his
utter inability to resent these injuries in the way he
most desired, these misfortunes concurring, deprived
him of that equanimity of temper which had been
the characteristic of his reign : in short, he grew jea-
lous, timid, vindictive, and cruel ; and after this,
nothing he did was to be wondered at.* But to
return to Boetius.
The extensive learning and eloquence of this great
man are conspicuous in his works ; and his singular
merits have been celebrated by the ablest writers that
have lived since the restoration of learning. His first
wife, for he was twice married, was named Helpes, a
Sicilian lady of great beauty and fortune, but more
eminently distinguished by the endowments of her
mind, and her inviolable affection for so excellent a
man. She had a genius for poetry, and wrote with
a degree of judgment and correctness not common to
her sex. He desired much to have issue by her ;
but she dying young, he embalmed her memory in
the following elegant verses : —
Helpes dicta fui, Siculte regionis alumna,
Quam procul a patria, conjugis egit amor.
Quo sine, mcesta dies, nox anxia, flebilis hora
Nee solum caro, sed spiritus unus erat.
Lux mea non clausa est, tali remanente marito,
Majorique anima;, parte superstes ero.
Porticibus sacris tarn nunc peregrina quiesco,
Judicis eterni testificata thronum.
Ne qua manus bustum violet, nisi forte jugalis,
Haec iterum cupiat jungere membra suis.
Ut Thalami cumuHq ; comes, nee morte revellar.
Et socios vitse nectat uterque cinis.
His other wife, Rusticiana, was the daughter of
Quintus Aurelius Menius Symmachus, a chief of the
senate, and consul in the year 485 : with her he
received a considerable accession to his fortune. He
had several children by her ; two of whom arrived
to the dignity of the consulate. His conjugal tender-
ness was very exemplary ; and it may be truly said,
that, for his public and private virtues, he was one of
the great ornaments of that degenerate age in which
it was his misfortune to be born.
The tomb of Boetius is to be seen in the church of
St. Augustine, at Pavia, near the steps of the chancel,
with the following epitaph : —
Moeonia et Latia lingua clarissimus, et qui
Consul eram, hie perii, missus in exilium ;
Et quia mors rapuit? Probitas me vexit ad auras,
Et nunc fama viget maxima vivit opus.
Many ages after his death the emperor Otho the
Third enclosed his bones, then lying neglected
• Procopius relates that he was frighted to death ; the following is his
account of that strange accident : —
' Symmachus and his son-in-law, Boetius, just men and great relievers
' of the poor, senators and consuls, had many enemies, by whose false
' accusations Theodoric, being persuaded that they plotted against him,
'put tliem to death, and confiscated their estates. Not long after, his
' waiters set before him at supper the head of a great fish, which seemed
' to him to be the head of Symmachus, lately murthered ; and with his
'teeth sticking out, and fierce glaring eyes, to threaten him. Being
' frighted, he grew chill, went to bed lamenting what he had done to
' Symmachus and Boetius, and soon after died.' De Bello Gothico, lib. I.
Chap. XXIV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
115
amongst the rubbish, in a marble chest ; upon which
occasion Gerbert, an eminent scholar of that time,
and who was afterwards advanced to the papal chair
by the name of Sylvester the Second, did honour to
his memory in the followinf? lines : —
Roma potens, dum jura suo declarat in orbe,
Pu pater, et patriae lumen, Severine Boeti,
Consulis officio, rerum disponis habenas,
Infundis kimen studiis, et cedere nescis
Graecorum ingeniis, sed mens divina coercet
Imperium mundi. Gladio bacchante Gothorum
Libertas Romana perit : tu consul et exul,
Insignes titulos prfeclara morte relinquis.
Tunc decus Imperii, summas qui pr^gravat artes,
Tertius Otho sua dignum te judicat aula ;
jEternumque tui statuit monumenta laboris,
Et bene promeritum, meritis exornat honestis.
The writings of Boetius, the titles whereof are
given below,* seem to have been collected with great
care : an edition of them was printed at Venice, in
one volume in folio, 1499. In 1570, Glareanus, of
Basil, collated that with several manuscripts, and
published it, with a few various readings in the
margin. To render his author more intelligible, the
editor has inserted sundry diagrams of his own ; but
has been careful not to confound them with the
original ones of Boetius.
But before these, or indeed the doctrines of Boetius,
can be rendered intelligible, it is necessary first
to state the general drift and tendency of the author.
in his treatise De Musica ; and next to explain the
several terms made use of by him in the demonstra-
tion of the proportions of the consonances and
other intervals, as also the proportions themselves,
distinguishing between the several species of arith-
metical, geometrical, and harmonical proportion.
The design of Boetius in the above-mentioned
treatise was, by the aid of arithmetic, to demonstrate
those ratios which those of the Pythagorean school
had asserted subsisted between the consonances.
These ratios are either of equality, as 1 : 1, 2 : 2,
8 : 8, or of inequality, as 4 : 2, because the first con-
tains the latter once, with a remainder : and of these
ratios, or proportions of inequality, there are five
kinds, as, namely, multiplex, superparticular, super-
partient, multiplex superparticular, and miiltiplex
superpartient ; all which will hereafter be explained.
* In Porphyrium 4 Victorino translatuni, lib. II. In Porphyrium 4
se Latinum factum, lib. V. In Prsdicamenta Aristotelis, lib. IV. In
librum de Interpretatione Commentaria minora, lib. II. In eundem de
Interpretatione Commentaria majora, lib. VI. Analyticomm pri-
orum Aristotelis, Anitio Manlio Severino Boethio interprete, lib. II.
Analyticomm posteriorum Aristotelis, Anitio Manlio Severino Boethio
interprete, lib. II. Introductio ad categoricos Syllogismos, lib. I. De
Syllogismo categorico, lib. II. De Syllogismo hypothetico, lib. II. De
Divisione, lib. I. De Diffinitione, lib. I. Topicorum Aristotelis, Anitio
Manlio Severino, interprete, lib. VIII. Elenchorum Sophisticorum
Aristotelis, Anitio Manlio Severino Boethio interprete, lib. II. In
Topica Cironis, lib. VI. De Differentiis Topicis, lib. IV. De Consola-
tione PhilosophiEe, luculentissimis Johannis Murmelli (partim etiam
Rodolphi Agricolce) Commentariis illustrati, lib. V. De Sancta Trini-
tate, cum Gilbert! episopi Pictaviensis, cognemento porretae doctissimi
olim viri commentariis, jam primum ex vetustissimo scripto codice in
lucem editis, lib. IV. Quorum primus continet excellentem & piam
doctrinam, de Trinitate & Unitate Dei : quomodo Trinita sit Unus
Deus, & non Tres Dii, lib. I. Secundus tractat Questionem An Pater,
& Filius, & Spiritus Sanctus substantialiter praedicentur, lib. I. Tertius
cnmplectitur Hebdomaden : An omne quod sit, bonum sit, lib. I.
Quartus evidenter & pie doeet, in Christo duas esse Naturas, & unam
Personam, adversus Eutychen & Nestorium, lib. I. De Unitate & Uno,
lib. I. De Disciplina Scholarium, lib. I. De Arithtica, lib. II. De
Musica, lib. V. De Geometria, lib. II.
These terms are made use of by Euclid, and others
of the Greek writers, and were adopted by Boetius,
and through him have been continued down to the
Italian writers, in whose works they are perpetually
occurring ; and though the modern arithmeticians
have rejected them, and substituted in their places,
as a much shorter and more intelligible method of
designation, the immbers that constitute the several
proportions, it is necessary to the understanding of
the ancient writers, that the terms used by them
should also be understood.
Another thing necessary to be known, in order
to the understanding not only of Boetius and his
followers, but all who have written on those abstruse
parts of music the ancient modes, the ecclesiastical
tones, and their divisions into authentic and plagal,
is the nature of the three different kinds of pro-
portion, namely, arithmetical, geometrical, and har-
monical ; a'l explanation whereof, as also of the
several kinds of proportion of inequality can hardly
be given in terms more accurate, precise, and in-
telligible, than those of Dr. Holder, in his treatise
on the Natural Grounds and Principles of Harmony,
chap. V. wherein, after premising that all harmonic
bodies and sounds fall under numerical calculations,
he speaks thus of proportion in general : —
' We may compare {i. e. amongst themselves)
'either (1) magnitudes (so they be of the same
' kind) ; or (2) the gravitations, velocities, durations,
' sounds, &c. from thence arising ; or, farther, the
' numbers themselves, by which the things compared
' are explicated ; and if these shall be unequal, we
' may then consider either, first, how much one of
* them exceeds the other ; or, secondly, after what
' manner one of them stands related to the other
' as to the quotient of the antecedent (or former
* term) divided by the consequent (or latter term)
' which quotient doth expound, denominate, or shew,
' how many times, or how much of a time or times,
' one of them doth contain the other : and this by
' the Greeks is called \oyoQ, ratio, as they are wont
* to call the similitude or equality of ratios avcCkoyia
' analogic, proportion, or proportionality; but custom
' and the sense assisting, will render any over-curious
' application of these terms minecessary.
From these two considerations last mentioned, the
same author says, there are wont to be deduced three
sorts of proportion, arithmetical, geometrical, and
a mixed proportion, resulting from these two, called
harmonical. These are thus explained by him : —
' 1. Arithmetical, when three or more numbers
' in progression have the same difference ; as 2, 4,
' 6, 8, &c. or discontinued, as 2, 4, 6 ; 14, 16, 18.'
' 2. Geometrical, when three or more numbers
' have the same ration, as 2, 4, 8, 16, 32 ; or dis-
' continued, as 2, 4 ; 64, 128.'
' Lastly, Harmonical, (partaking of both the other)
' when three numbers are so ordered, that there be
' the same ration of the greatest to the least, as there
' is of the difference of the two greater to the dif-
' ference of the two less numbers, as in these three
' terms, 3, 4. 6, the ration of 6 to 3, (being the
* greatest and least terms) is duple ; so is 2, the
116
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book III.
' difference of 6 and 4 (the two greater numbers) to
' 1, the difference of 4 and 3 (tlie two less numbers)
* duple also. This is proportion harmonical, which
' diapason, 6 to 3, bears to diapente, 6 to 4, and
' diatessaron, 4 to 3, as its mean proportionals.'
' Now for the kinds of rations most properly
' so called ; i. e. geometrical : first observe, that in
' all rations, the former term or number, (whether
' greater or less) is always called the antecedent ;
' and the other following number, is called the con-
* sequent. If therefore, the antecedent be the greater
' term, then the ration is either multiplex, super-
' particular, superpartient, or (what is compounded of
' these) multiplex superparticular, or multiplex super-
' partient.'
* 1. Multiplex ; as duple, 4 to 2 ; triple, 6 to 2 ;
* quadruple, 8 to 2.'
' 2. Superparticular ; as 3 to 2, 4 to 3, 5 to 4 ;
' exceeding but by one aliquot part, and in their
' radical, or least numbers, always but by one ; and
' these rations are termed sesquialtera, sesquitertia,
' (or supertertia) sesquiquarta, or (superquarta) &c.
' Note, that numbers exceeding more than by one,
' and but by one aliquot part, may yet be super-
' particular, if they be not expressed in their radical,
' i. e. least numbers, as 12 to 8, hath the same ration
' as 3 to 2 ; i. e. superparticular ; though it seem not
' so till it be reduced by the greatest common divisor
' to its radical numbers, 3 to 2. And the common
* divisor, (i. e. the number by which both the terms
' may severally be divided) is often the difference
' between the two numbers ; as in 12 to 8, the dif-
' ference is 4, which is the common divisor. Divide
' 12 by 4, the quotient is 3 ; divide 8 by 4, the
' quotient is 2 ; so the radical is 3 to 2. Thus also,
' 15 to 10, divided by the difference, 5, gives 3 to 2 ;
' yet in 16 to 10, 2 is the common divisor, and gives
* 8 to 5, being superpartient. But in all super-
' particular rations, whose terms are thus made larger
' by being multiplied, the difference between the
' terms is always the greatest common divisor ; as in
* the foregoing examples.'
' The third kind of ration is superpartient, exceed -
' ing by more than one, as 5 to 3 ; which is called
' superbipartiens tertias, (or tria) containing 3 and
' § 8 to 5, supertripartiens quintas, 5 and |^.'
' The fourth is multiplex superparticular, as 9 to
' 4, which is duple, and sesquiquarta ; 13 to 4, which
' is triple and sesquiquarta.'
' The fifth and last is multiplex superpartient, as
' 11 to 4; duple, and supertripartiens quartas.'*
' When the antecedent is less than the consequent,
' viz., when a less is compared to a greater ; then the
' same terms serve to express the rations, only pre-
' fixing sub to them ; as, submultiplex, subsuper-
' particular, (or subparticular) subsuperpartient, (or
* subpartient) &c. 4 to 2 is duple ; 2 to 4 is subduple,
' 4 to 3 is sesquitertia ; 3 to 4 is subsesquitertia, 5 to
* The above terms were used by the ancient geometers and arithme-
ticians ; and therefore, for the understanding of such, and of Boetius in
particular, it is very necessary that their meaning should be ascertained :
but the manner now is to express the proportions by the numbers them-
selves, rather than by the terms ; and briefly to say, as 31 is to 7, or as
7 is to 31, rather than to say, quadrupla superbipartiens septimas, or
subquadmpla supertri partiens septimas. Vide Harris's Lex. Tech.
vol. I. l-'ROPOKTION.
* 3 is superbipartiens tertias ; 3 to 5 is subsuper-
* bipartiens tertias, &c.'
The same author proceeds to find how the habi-
tudes of rations are found in these words : —
' All the habitudes of rations to each other, are
found by multiplication or division of their terms,
by which any ration is added to or subtracted from
another ; and there may be use of progression of
rations or proportions, and of finding a medium,
or mediety, between the terms of any ration : but
the main work is done by addition and subtraction
of rations, which, though they are not performed
like addition and subtraction of simple numbers in
arithmetic, but upon algebraic grounds, yet the
praxis is most easy.'
' One ration is added to another ration, by mul-
tiplying the two antecedent terms together, i. e. the
antecedent of one of the rations, by the antecedent
of the other. (For the more ease, they should be
reduced into their least numbers or terms) ; and
then the two consequent terms, in like manner.
The ration of the product of the antecedents to
that of the product of the consequents, is equal to
the other two, added or joined together. Thus,
for example, add the ration of 8 to 6 ; i. e. (ia
radical numbers) 4 to 3, to the ratio of 12 to 10
i. e. 6 to 5 ; the product will be 24 and 4 — — 3
15, i.e.Q to 5; you may set them thus,
and multiply 4 by 6, they make 24; 6 —
which set at the bottom ; then multiply
3 by 5, they make 15 ; which likewise 24 15
set under, and you have 24 to 15 : which is a ration
compounded of the other two, and equal to tlienL
both. Reduce these products, 24 and 15, to their
least radical numbers, which is by dividing as far
as you can find a common divisor to them both
(which is here done by 3), and that brings them to
the ration of 8 to 5. By this you see that a third
minor, 6 to 5, added to a fourth, 4 to 3, makes
a sixth minor, 8 to 5. If more rations are to be
added, set them all under each other, and multiply
the first antecedent by the second, and that product
by the third ; and again that product by the fourth,
and so on ; and in like manner the consequents.'
' This operation depends upon the fifth proposition
of the eighth book of Euclid ; where he shows
that the ration of plain numbers is compounded of
their sides.
See these diagrams : — '
L_ 1.
12
6
' Now compound these sides. Take for the ante-
' cedents, 4, the greater side of the greater plane,
' and 3, the greater side of the less plane, and they
' multiplied give 12. Then take the remaining two
' numbers, 3 and 2, being the less sides of the planes
' (for consequents), and they give 6. So the sides ot
' 4 and 3, and of 3 and 2, compounded (by multiplying
Chap. XXV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
117
the antecedent terms by themselves and the con-
sequents by themselves) make 12 to 6 ; i. e. 2 to 1,
which being applied, amounts to this ; ratio sesqui-
altera 3 to 2, added to ration sesquitertia, 4 to 3,
makes duple ration, 2 to 1. Therefore, diapente
added to diatessaron, makes diapason.'
' Subtraction of one ration from another greater,
is performed in like manner, by multiplying the
terms ; but this is done not laterally, as in addition,
but crosswise ; by multiplying the antecedent of
the former (i. e. of the greater) by the consequent
of the latter, which produceth a new antecedent ;
and the consequent of the former by the antecedent
of the latter, which gives a new consequent ; and
therefore, it is usually done by an oblique de-
cussation of the lines. For example, if
4 3 you would take 6 to 5 out of 4 to 3, you
•^ may set them down thus : Then 4, mul-
■^ tiplied by 5, makes 20 ; and 3, by 6, gives
6 5 18 ; so 20 to 18, i. e. 10 to 9, is the re-
20 18 mainder. That is, subtract a third minor
10 9 out of a fourth, and there will remain a
tone minor.
' Multiplication of ratios is the same with their
addition ; only it is not wont to be of divers rations,
but of the same, being taken twice, thrice, or oftener,
as you please. And as before, in addition, yoii added
divers rations, by multiplying them ; so here, in mul-
tiplication, you add the same ration to itself, after
the same manner, viz., by multiplying the terms of
the same ratio by themselves ; %. e. the antecedent
by itself, and the consequent by itself, (which in
other words, is to multiply the same by 2) and will
in the operation be to square the ration first pro-
pounded (or give the second ordinal power ; the
ration first given being the first power or side) and
to this product, if the simple ration shall again be
added, (after the same manner as before) the aggre-
gate will be the triple of the ration first given ; or
the product of that ration, multiplied by 3, viz., the
cube, or third ordinal power. Its biquadrate, or
fourth power, proceeds from multiplying it by 4 ;
and so successively in order, as far as you please
you may advance the powers. For instance, the
duple ration, 2 to 1, being added to itself, dupled
or multiplied by 2, produceth 4 to 1, (the ration
quadruple) ; and if to this, the first again be added,
(which is eqiiivalent to multiplying that said first
by 3), there will arise the ration octuple, or 8 to 1.
Whence the ration, 2 to 1, being taken for a root,
its duple 4 to 1, will be the square ; its triple, 8 to 1,
the cube thereof, &c. as hath been said above. And
to use another instance ; to duple the ration of 3 to 2,
it must be thus squared :— 3 by 3 gives 9 ; 2 by 2
gives 4, so the duple or square of 3 to 2 is 9 to 4.
Again, 9 by 3 is 27, and 4 by 2 is 8 ; so the cubic
ration of 3 to 2 is 27 to 8. Again, to find the
fourth power or biquadrate, {i. e. squared square,)
27 by 3 is 81, 8 by 2 is sixteen ; so 81 to IG is the
ration of 3 to 2 quadrupled ; as it is dupled by tlie
square, tripled by the cube, &c. To apply this
instance to our present purpose, 3 to 2 is the ration
of diapente, or a fifth in harmony ; 9 to 4 is the
' ratio of twice diapente, (or a ninth, viz., diapason,
'with tone major;) 27 to 8 is the ration of thrice
' diapente, or three fifths, which is diapason, with
' sixth major, viz., 13 major ; the ration of 81 to 16
' makes four fifths, i. e. disdiapason, with two tones
* major, i. e. a seventeenth major, and a comma of 81
' to 80.'
' To divide any ration, the contrary way must be
* taken ; and by extracting of these roots respectively,
* division by their indices will be performed, E. gr.
* to divide it by 2, is to take the square root of it ;
* by 3, the cube root ; by 4 the biquadratic, &c.
' Thus, to divide 9 to 4 by 2, the square root of 9
* is 3, the square root of 4 is 2 ; then 3 to 2 is a
' ration just half so much as 9 to 4.'
CHAR XXV.
The nature of proportion being thus explained,
without a competent knowledge whereof it would be
in vain to attempt the reading of Boetius, it remains
to give such an account of his treatise De Musica
as is consistent with a general history of the science,
and may be sufficient to invite the studious inquirer
to an attentive perusal of this most valuable work.
Here therefore follow, in regular order, the titles of
the several chapters contained in the five books of
Boetius's treatise De Musica, with an abridgment of
such of them as seem most worthy of remark.
Chap. i. Musicam naturaliter nobis esse conjunc-
tam, et mores vel honestare vel evertere.
Boetius in this chapter observes, that the sensitive
power of perception is natural to all living creatures,
but that knowledge is attained by contemplation.
All mortals, he says, are endued vsdth sight, but whe-
ther the perception be effected by the coming of the
object to the sight, or by rays sent forth to it, is a
doubt. When any one, continues he, beholds a tri-
angle or a square, he readily acknowledges what he
discovers by his eyes, but he must be a mathema-
tician to investigate the nature of a triangle or a
square. Having established this proposition, he
applies it to the other liberal arts, and to music in
particular ; which he undertakes to shew is con-
nected with morality, inasmuch as it disposes the
mind to good or evil actions ; to this purpose he
expresses himself in these terms : ' The power or
' faculty of hearing enables us not only to form a
'judgment of sounds, and to discover their differ-
' ences, but to receive delight, if they are sweet and
' adapted to each other ; whence it comes to pass that,
' as there are four mathematical sciences,* the rest
* The four mathematical arts are arithmetic, geometry, music, and
astronomy ; these were anciently termed the quadrivium, or fourfold
way to knowledge ; the other three, grammar, rhetoric, and logic, com-
pleting the number of the seven liberal sciences, were termed the
trivium or threefold way to eloquence. Vide Du Cange, voce Qua-
drivium.
This scholastic division is recognized in an ancient monumental
inscription in Westminstef Abbey, in memory of Gilbert Crispin, who
died abbot of Westminster in 1117.
Mitis eras Justus prudens fortis moderatus
Doctus quadrivio nee minus in trivio.
Widmore's Hist, of Westminster Abbey.
And these are the arts understood in the academical degrees of bachelor
and master of arts, for the ancient course of scholastic institution re-
quired a proficiency in each. The satire, as it is called, of Martianus
Capella, De Nuptiis Pbilologiae et Mercurii, is a treatise on the seven
118
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book III.
labour at the investigation of truth ; but this, besides
' that it requires speculation, is connected with mo-
' rality ; for there is nothing that more peculiarly
distinguishes human nature, than that disposition
observable in mankind to be one way affected by
sweet, and another by contrary sounds; and tliis
'affection is not peculiar to particular tempers or
* certain ages, but is common to all ; and infants,
* young, and even old men, are by a natural instinct
'rendered susceptible of pleasure or disgust from
' consonant or discordant sounds. From hence we
'may discern that it was not without reason that
' Plato said, that the soul of the world was conjoined
* with musical proportion : and such is the effect^ of
' music on the human manners, that a lascivious mind
' is delighted with lascivious modes, and a sober mind
' is more disposed to sobriety by those of a contrary
' kind : and hence it is that the musical modes, for
' instance the Lydian and Phrygian, take their names
' from the tempers or distinguishing characteristics
' of those nations that respectively delight in them :
' for it cannot be that things, in their nature soft,
' should agree with such as are harsh, or contrary-
' wise ; for it is similitude that conciliates love ;
' wherefore Plato held that the greatest caution was
'to be taken not to suffer any change in a well-
' moraled music, there being no corruption of man-
' ners in a republic so great as that which follows a
' gradual declination from a prudent and modest
' music ; for, whatever corruptions are made in music,
' the minds of the hearers will immediately suffer the
' same, it being certain that there is no way to
' the affections more open than that of hearing : and
' these effects of music are discernible among different
' nations, for the more fierce, as the Getge, are de-
' lighted with the harder modes, and the more gentle
' and civilized with such as are moderate ; although
' in these days few of the latter are to be found.'
Boetius then proceeds to relate that the Lacedae-
monians, sensible of the great advantages resulting to
a state from a sober, modest, and well-regulated
music, invited, by a great reward, Taletas the Cretan
to settle among them, and instruct their youth in
music. And he relates that the Spartans were_ so
jealous of innovations in their music, that, for adding
only a single chord to those he found, they banished
Timothev;s from Sparta by a decree ; which, however
he could come by so great a curiosity, he gives in the
original Greek, and is as follows :— EHEI AE TIMO-
GEOS O MIAESIOS nAPAriMENOS EN TAN
AMETEPAN HOAIN, TAN HAAAIAN MOARHN
ATIMASAS. KAI TAN AIA HAN EHTA XOPAAN
KieAPIZEI, AnOSTPE<&OMENOS nOAYa>aNIAN
EISAFflN, AYMAINETAI TAS AKOAS TiiN
NEi2N AIA TE TAS HOAYXOPAAS, KAI TAS
KAINOTATAS TOYTON MEAE02 ATENNE KAI
nOIKIAAN ANTIAHAOAN, KAI TETATMENAN
AM«I)IAYIAN MOAnHN EHI XP^MATOS SY-
NEISTAMEN TOYTOY MEAEOS, AIASTASIN.
liberal sciences : Cassiodorus, who lived about half a century after him,
wrote also De septem Disciplinis ; and others of the learned in like man-
ner have written professedly on them all. Farther, of Jrannes Basingus
sive Basingstockius, who flourished in 1252, it is on the authority
of Matthew Paris, who knew him, related that he was, ' Vir quidem in
trivis et quadrivis experientissimus.' Tauner's Bibliotheca 431.
ANTI TAP ENAPMONm HOIAN ANTISTPE<I)ON
AMOIBAN. HAPAKAAAGEIS AE EN TON ATO-
NA TAS EAEY2INIAS AAMATPOS AIXOS AIE-
(MMISATO TAN Ti2 MYOli KIANHSIN: TAN
TAP SEMEAA OAYNAN OYK ENAEKATOS NEOS
AIAAXIIN EAIAASE. EITA HEPl TOYTON TON
BASIAEAN KAI TOY PHTOPOS MEM^ATAI TI-
MOGEON, ERANATIGETAI AE KAI TAN ENAEKA
XOPAAN EKTANiiN TA2 HEPIASTAS ERIAEI-
nOMENOS TAN EHTAXOPAON ASTOS. TO TAP
nOAIOS BAPOS AHTON TETAP BHTAI ES TAN
SnAPTAN Eni<&EPEIN : TIGON MH KAAQN NH-
TilN MHnOTE TAPATTIITAI KAEOS ATOP^N.*
He then proceeds to declare the power of music in
these words : — ' It is well known that many wonderful
' effects have been wrought by the power of music
' over the mind ; oftentimes a song has repressed
' anger ; and who is ignorant that a certain drunken
' young man of Taurominium being incited to violence
' by the sound of the Phrygian mode, was by the
' singing of a spondeus appeased ; for when a harlot
' was shut up in the house of his rival, and the young
' man, raging with madness, would have set the house
' on fire, Pythagoras, who, agreeable to his nightly
' custom, was employed in observing the motions of
' the celestial bodies, as soon as he was informed that
' the young man had been incited to this outrage by
' the Phrygian mode, and found that he would not
' desist from his wicked attempt, though his friends
' repeated their admonitions to him for that purpose,
' ordered them to change the mode, and thereby
' attemperated the disposition of the raging youth to
' a most tranquil state of mind. Cicero relates the
' same story in different words, but in nearly the same
' manner : — " When (says he) certain drunken men
" stirred up, as is often the case, by the sound of the
" tibia, would have broke open the doors of a modest
" woman, Pythagoras is said to have admonished the
" tibicinist to play a spondeus, which he had no sooner
" done than the lustfuhiess of these men was appeased
" by the slowness of the mode and the gravity of the
" performer." But to gather some similar examples
' in few words, Terpander and Arion of Methymne,
' the next city in Lesbos to Mitylene for grandeur,
' cured the Lesbians and lonians of most grievous
' diseases by the means of music ; Hismenias, the
' Theban, by his music is reported to have freed from
' their torments divers Beotians, who were sorely
' afflicted with sciatic pains, f Empedocles also, when
' a certain person in a fury would have attacked his
' guest, for having accused and procured the con-
' demnation of his father, is said to have diverted him
' by a particular mode in music, and by that means to
' have appeased the anger of the young man. And
' so well was the power of music known to the ancient
' philosophers, that the Pythagoreans, when they had
* Translation, see pay. 80, note.
+ There are many relations in history of the efficacy of music in the
cure of bodily diseases. It is reported that Thales, the Cretan, being by
the advice of the Oracle called to Sparta, cured a raging pestilence by
the power of music alone. The assertion of Boetius with respect to the
Sciatica seems to be founded on a passage in Aulus Gellius, lib. IV. chap,
xiii. who reports that persons afflicted with that disease were eased of
their pains by certain gentle modulations of the tibia; and that by the
same means many had been cured who had been bitten by serpents and
other venemous creatures.
Chap. XXV. AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC. 119
a miiid to refresh tliemselves by sleep after tlie Cap. iii. De vocibus ac de musicae elementis. —
' laboi;rs and cares of the day, made use of certain Cap. iv. De speciebus inequalitatis. — Cap. v. Quae
' songs to procure them an easy and quiet rest ; and inequalitatis species consonantiis aptentur. — Cap. vi.
' when they awaked they also dispelled the dulness Cur multiplicitas, et superparticularitas consonantiis
' and confusion occasioned by sleep by others, know- deputentur. — Cap. vii. Quae proportiones quibus con-
' ing full well that the mind and the body were con- sonantiis musicis aptentur. — Cap. viii. Quid sit sonus,
' joined in a musical fitness, and that whatever affects quid intervallum, quid concinentia. — Cap. ix. Non
' the body, will also produce a similar effect on the omne judicium dandum esse sensibus, sed amplius
' mind ; which observation it is reported Democritus, rationi esse credendum, in quo de sensuum fallacia.
' whom his fellow-citizens had confined, supposing It is the business of this chapter to show, that
' him mad, made to Hippocrates, the physician, who though the first principles of harmony are taken from
' had been sent for to cure him. To what purpose the sense of hearing, for this reason, that were it
' then are all these things ? We cannot doubt but otherwise there could be no dispute about sounds ;
* that our body and mind are in manner constituted yet, in this case, the sense is not the sole arbiter.
' in the same proportions by which harmonical modu- Boetius to this purpose expresses himself very ration-
' lations are joined and compacted, as the following ally in the following terms : — ' Hearing is as it were
* argument shall shew ; for hence it is that even ' but a monitor, but the last perfection and power of
' infants are delighted with a sweet, or disgusted with 'judging about it depends upon reason. What need
' a harsh song : every age and either sex are affected ' is there for many words to point out the error which
' by music, and though they are different in their ' the senses are liable to, since we know that neither
' actions, yet do they agree in their love of music. ' is the same power of perception given to every one
' Nay, such as are under the influence of sorrow, even ' alike, nor is it always equal in the same man ; on the
' modulate their complaints, which is chiefly the case ' other hand, it is vain to commit the examination of
' with women, who, by the sweetness of their songs, ' truth to an uncertain judgment. The Pythagoreans
* find means to alleviate their sorrows ; * and it was ' for this reason took as it were a middle way ; for
' for this reason that the ancients had a custom for the ' though they did not make the hearing the sole
' tibia to precede in their funeral processions. Pa- * arbiter, yet did they search after and try some
' pinius Statins testifies as much in the following ' things by the ears only : they measured the con-
' verse : — ' sonants themselves by the ears, but the distances by
' Cornu grave mugit adunco, ' which these consonants differed from each other they
' Tibia cui tenevos suetum producere manes. « did not trust to the ears, the judgment whereof is
' And though a man cannot sing sweetly, yet while * inaccurate, but committed them to the examination
' he sings to himself he draws forth an innate sweet- ' of reason, thereby making the sense subservient to
* ness from his heart. Is it not manifest that the ' reason, which acted as a judge and a master. For
' sound of the trumpet fires the minds of the com- ' though the momenta of all arts, and of life itself,
' batants, and impels them to battle ; why then is it ' depend upon our senses, yet no sure judgment can
' not probable that a person may be incited to fury ' be formed concerning them, no comprehension of
' and anger from a peaceful state of mind ? There is ' the truth can exist, if the decision of reason be
' no doubt but that a mode may restrain anger or * wanting ; for the senses themselves are equally de-
' other inordinate desires ; for what is the reason that ' ceived in things that are very great or very little :
' when a person receives into his ears any song with ' and with respect of that of hearing, it with great
' pleasure, that he should not also be spontaneously ' difficulty perceives those intervals which are very
' converted to it, or that the body should not form or ' small, and is deafened by those which are very great.'
' fashion some motion similar to what he hears : from Cap. x. Quemadmodum Pythagoras proportiones
' all these things it is clear beyond doubt that music consonantiarum investigaverit. — Cap. xi. Quibus
'is naturally joined to us, and that if, we would we modis varie a Pythagora proportiones consonantiarum
' cannot deprive ourselves of it ; wherefore the power perpensae sint.
' of the mind is to be exerted, that what is implanted The account delivered in the two preceding chap-
' in us by nature shoidd also be comprehended by ters, and which is mentioned in almost every treatise
'science. For as in sight it is not sufficient for on the subject of music extant, is evidently taken from
' learned men barely to behold colours and forms, Nicomachus, whose relation of this supposed dis-
' unless they also investigate their properties ; so also covery of Pythagoras is hereinbefore given at length.
' is it not sufficient to be delighted with musical songs. Cap. xii. Dedivisione vocum, earumque explana-
' unless we also learn by what proportion of voices or tione. — Cap. xiii. Quod infinitatem vocuni humana
' sounds they are joined together.' natura finierit. — Cap. xiv. Quis sit modus audiendi. —
Cap. ii. Tres esse musicas, in quibus de vi musicae Cap. xv, De ordine theorematum, id est speculati-
narratur. onum. — Cap. xvi. De consonantiis proportionum, et
The three kinds of music here meant are, mundane, tono et semitonio. — Cap. xvii. In quibis primia
humane, and instrumental ; and of each of these numeris semitonium constet. — Cap. xviii. Diatessaron
mention has been made in a preceding page. a diapente tono distare. — Cap. xix. Diapason quinque
* Modem history furnishes a curious fact to prove the truth of this
tonis, et duobus semitoniis jungi. — Cap. xx. De ad
dition
Th.
of Rodez. , given
observation ; for it is related of the princess of Navarre, mother of Henry dltlOUC Chordarum, CarumqUC nommiDUS.
IV. of France, that at the instant when she was delivered of him she sung mi KiihstauPP of this cbflntpr bfls nlrpnfl-ir liPPn
a song in the Bearnois language. Life of Henry le Grand by the Bishop J-HC SUUSldUCe 01 lUlS Cliapicr uas aireauy Deen
120
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE.
Book III.
Cap. xxi. De generibus cantilenarum. — Cap. xxii.
De ordine chordarum nominibusque in tribus gene-
ribus.— Cap. xxiii. Quae sint inter voces in singulis
generibus proportiones.
These three chapters give a brief and but a very
superficial account of the genera.
Cap. xxiv. Quid sit synaphe. — Cap. xxv. Quid
sit diezeuxis.
In these two chapters the difference between the
conjunct and disjunct tetrachords is explained.
Cap xxvi. Quibus nominibus nervos appellaverit
Albinus.
Albinus is said by Cassiodorus to have been a
great man, and to have written a brief discourse on
music, which he himself had seen and attentively
perused in one of the public libraries at Rome ; and
Cassiodorus seems to prophecy that some time or
other it would be taken away in an incursion of the
Barbarians : it has accordingly sustained that fate ;
for Meibomius, in his preface to Gaudentius, speaks
of that manuscript as irrecoverably lost.
Cap. xxvii. Qui nervi quibus syderibus com-
parentur.
The substance of this chapter is for the most part
an extract from Cicero de Repub. lib. VI. and is
a declaration of the supposed analogy between the
planets and the sounds in the septenary.
Cap. xxviii. Quag sit natura consonantiarum.
— Cap. xxix. Ubi consonantiae reperiuntur. — Cap.
XXX. Quemadmodum Plato dicat fieri consonantias.
— Cap. xxxi. Quid contra Platonem Nicomachus
sentiat. — Cap. xxxii. Quae consonantia quam merito
prsecedat. — Cap. xxxiii. Quo sint modo accipienda
quag dicta sunt. — Cap. xxxiv. Quid sit musicus.
In this, which is a very curious chapter, the author
observes that the theoretic branch of every science
is more honourable than the practical, for 'that prac-
' tice attends like a servant, but reason commands
' like a mistress ; and unless the head executes what
' reason dictates, its labour is vain.' He adds, ' the
* speculations of reason borrow no aid of the exe-
' cutive part ; but contrarywise, the operations of
' the hand without the guidance of reason are of no
' avail ; ' — that the greatness of the merit and glory
* of reason may be collected from this ; corporeal
' artists in music receive their appellations, not from
* the science itself, but rather from the instruments,
' as the citharist from the cithara ; the tibicen, or
' player on the pipe, from the tibia ; but he only is
* the tnie musician, who, weighing every thing in
* the balance of reason, professes the science of music,
' not in the slavery of execution, but in the authority
' of speculation. In like manner he says those who
' are employed in the erection of public structures,
' or in the operations of war, receive no praise except
' what is due to industry and obedience ; but to
* those by whose skill and conduct buildings are
' erected, or victory achieved, the honours of inscrip-
' tions and triumphs are decreed.' He then proceeds
to declare that three faculties are employed in the
musical art ; one which is exercised in the playing
on instruments, another that of the poet, which
directs the composition of verses, and a third which
judges of the former two ; and touching these, and
that which he makes the principal question in this
chapter, he delivers his opinion thus : ' As to the
' first, the performance of instruinents, it is evident
' that the artists obey as servants, and as to poets,
' they are not led to verse so much by reason as by
' a certain instinct which we call genius. But that
' which assumes to itself the power of judging of
' these two, that can examine into rhythmus, songs,
' and their verse, as it is the exercise of reason and
'judgment, is most properly to be accounted music;
' and he only is a musician who has the faculty of
'judging according to speculation and the approved
' ratios of soimds, of the modes, genera, and rhythmi
' of songs, and their various commixtures, and of the
' verses of the poets.'
Lib. II. cap. i. Proemium. — Cap. ii. Quid Pytha-
goras esse philosophiam constituerit. — Cap. iii. De
differentiis quantitatis, et q\iai cuique disciplinae sit
deputata. — Cap. iv. De Relatfe quantitatis diifer-
entiis. — Cap. v. Cur multiplicitas antecellat. — Cap.
vi. Qui sint quadrati numeri deque his speculatio.
— Cap. vii. Omnem inequalitatem ex equalitate pro-
cedere, ejusque demonstratio. — Cap. viii. Regula
quotlibet continuas proportiones superparticulares
inveniendi. — Cap. ix. De proportione numerorum
qui ab alias metiunter. — Cap. x. Quae ex multi-
plicibus et superparticularibias multiplicitates slant.
— Cap. xi. Qui superparticulares quos multiplices
officiant.
The nine foregoing chapters contain demonstrations
of the five several species of proportion of inequality;
of these an explanation may be seen in that extract
from Dr. Holder's Treatise on the Natural Grounds
and Principles of Harmony, hereinbefore inserted,
with a view to facilitate the study of Boetius, and
to render this very abstruse part of his work in-
telligible.
Cap. xii. De arithmetica, geometrica, harmonica,
medietate.
The three several kinds of proportionality, that
is to say, arithmetical, geometrical, and harmonical,
are also explained in the extract from Dr. Holder's
book above referred to.
Cap. xiii. De continuis medietatibus et disjunctis.
— Cap. xiv. Cur ita appellatae sint digestae superius
medietates. — Cap. xv. Quemadmodum ab ajqualitate
supradictae processerant medietates. — Cap. xvi. Que-
madmodum inter duos terminos supradictae medie-
tates vicissim coUocentur. — Cap. xvii. De conso-
nantiarum modo secimdum Nicomachum. — Cap. xviii.
De ordine consonantiarum sententia Eubulidis et
Hippasi.
Two ancient musicians, of whose writings we have
nothing now remaining.
Cap. xix. Sententia Nicomachi quae quibus con-
sonantiis apponantur. — Cap. xx. Quid oporteat prai-
mitti, ut diapason in multiplici genere demonstretui
— Cap. xxi. Demonstratio per impossibile, diapason
in multiplici genere esse. — Cap. xxii. Demonstratio
per impossibile, diapente, diatessaron, et tonum in
superparticulari esse. — Cap. xxiii. Demonstratio
diapente et diatessaron in maximis superparticularibus
Chap. XXV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
121
collocari.^ — Cap. xxiv. Diapente in sesquialtera, dia-
tessaron, in sesquitertia esse, tonum in sesquioctava.
— Cap. XXV. Diapason ac diapente in tripla pro-
portione esse ; bisdiapason in qiuadrupla. — Cap. xxvi.
Diatessaron ac diapason non esse consonantiam, se-
cundum Pythagoricos.
The two last of the foregoing chapters have an
immediate connection with each other ; in the first it
is demonstrated that the diapason and diapente con-
joined, making together the consonant interval of a
twelfth, are in triple proportion ; and that the dis-
diapason is in quadruple proportion, the ratios
whereof are severally 3 to 1 and 4 to 1 ; but with
respect to the diapason and diatessaron conjoined, the
ratio whereof is 8 to 3, the interval arising from such
conjunction is clearly demonstrated by Boetius to be
dissonant : from hence arises an evident discrimi-
nation between the diatessaron and the other perfect
consonances ; for whereas not only they but their
replicates are consonant, this of the diatessaron is
simply a consonance itself, its replicates being disso-
nant. It is true that the modern musicians do not
reckon the diatessaron in the number of the con-
sonances ; and whether it be a concord or a discord
has been a matter of controversy ; nevertheless it is
certain that among the ancients it was always looked
upon as a consonance, and that with so good reason,
that Lord Verulam* professes to entertain the same
opinion; and yet after all, the imperfection which
Boetius has pointed out in this chapter, seems to
suggest a very good reason for distinguishing be-
tween the diatessaron and those other intervals,
which, whether taken singly, or in conjunction with
the diapason, are consonant.
Cap. xxvii, De semitonio in quibus minimis nu-
meris constet.
The arguments in this chapter are of such a kind,
that it behoves every musician to be master of them.
The ratios of the limma and apotome have already
been demonstrated in those larger numbers which
Ptolemy had made choice of for the purpose. In
this chapter Boetius gives the ratio of the limma in
the smallest numbers in which it can possibly con-
sist, that is to say, 256 to 243 ; and as this is the
most usual designation of the Pythagorean limma, or
the interval, which, being added to two sesquioctave
tones, completes the interval of a diatessaron, it is a
matter of some consequence to know how these num-
bers are brought out ; and this will best be declared
in the words of Boetius himself, which are as follow : —
' The semitones seem to be so called not that they
* are exactly the halves of tones, but because they are
' not whole tones. The interval which we now call
' a semitone was by the ancients called a limma, or
diesis ; and it is thus found : if from the sesqui-
tertia proportion, which is the diatessaron, two ses-
quioctave ratios be taken away, there will be left
' an interval, called a semitone. To prove this, let
' us find out two consecutive tones ; but because
these, as has been said, are constituted in sesqui-
octave proportion, we cannot find two such, until
that multiple from whence they are derived bo first
■ found : let therefore unity be first set down, and
■ then 8, which is its octuple : from this we derive
' one multiple ; but because we want to find two,
' multiply 8 by 8, to produce 64, which will be a
second multiple, from which we may bring out two
sesquioctave ratios ; for if 8, which is the eighth
part of 64, be added thereto, the sum will be 72 ;
and if the eighth part of this, which is 9, be added
to it, the sum will be 81 ; and these will be the two
consecutive tones, in their lowest terms. Thus, set
down 64, 72, 81 :—
64
72
81
Tone. Tone.
Sesquioctave. Sesquioctave.
We are now therefore to seek a sesquitertia to 64 ;
but it is found not to have a third part : wherefore,
all these numbers must be multiplied by 3, and all
remain in the same proportion as they were in
before this multiplication by 3, Then three times
64 makes 192, to which if we add its third part, 64,
the sum will be 256 ; which gives the sesquitertia
ratio, containing the diatessaron. Then set down
the two sesquioctaves to 192, in their proper order,
that is, three times 72, which is 216, and three times
81, which is that 243 : these two being set between
the terms of the sesquitertia, the whole will stand
thus : —
Tone
Tone Semit.
192
216 1 243 256
1 1
Diatessaron.
v
-^
* Nat. Hist. Cent. II. Numb. 107.
' In this disposition of the numbers, the first con-
' stitutes a diatessaron with the last, and the first with
' the second, and also the second with the third, do
' each constitute a tone ; therefore the remaining in-
' tervals 243 and 256, is a semitone in its least terms.'
Cap. xxviii. Demonstrationes non esse, 243, ad
256, toni medietatem.
That the limma in the ratio 256 to 243 is less than
a true semitone, has been already demonstrated in the
course of this work.
Cap. xxix. De majore parte toni in quibus
minimis numeris constet.
The apotome has no place in the system, nor can
it in any way be considered as a musical interval ;
in short, it is nothing more than that portion of a ses-
quioctave tone that remains after the limma has been
taken therefrom. For this reason, its ratio is a matter
of mere curiosity ; and it seems from this chapter of
Boetius, that the smallest numbers in which it can be
found to consist, are those which Ptolemy makes use
of, that is to say, 2187 to 2048.
Cap. XXX. Quibus proportionibus diapente, dia-
pason, constent, et quoniam diapason sex tonis non
constet.
The demonstrations contained in this chapter are
levelled against the Aristoxeneans, and declare so
fully the sentiments of the Pythagoreans, with respect
122
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book III,
to the measure of the consonant intervals, that they
are worthy of particular attention, and cannot be
better sciven than in the words of Boetius himself.
' The diapente consists of three tones and a semi-
' tone, that is, of a diatessaron and a tone : for let the
' these intervals are properly disposed in numbers.
' For let six octuples be thus produced : —
1, 8, 64, 512, 4096, 32768, 262144.
' From this last number six tones, constituted in
' sesquioctave proportion, may be set down, with the
' above scheme, be set down thus : —
DIATESSARON.
' numbers 192, 216, 243, 256, comprehended in the ' octuple terms and their several eighth parts, in the
' order following : —
Octuples.
1, 8, 64, 512, 4096, 32768, 262144.
^262144
294912
331776
Sesquioctaves. { 373248
419904
472392
.531441
192 216 243 256
Tone Tone Semitone.
' In this disposition, the first number to the second
and the second to the third, bear the proportions of
' tones, and the third to the fourth that of a lesser
' semitone, has been shown above. If then for the
* purpose of ascertaining the contents of the diapente,
* 32 be added to 256, the sum will be 288, which is
' another sesquioctave tone ; for 32 is the eighth part
' of 256, and 256 to 288, is 8 to 9. The extreme
' numbers will then be 192 to 288, which is sesqui-
' altera, the ratio of the diapente : —
^32768
36864
T.. ,,, , 141472
Eighth parts.^ ^^^.^g
52488
59049
192
288
DIAPENTE
Sesquialtera.
' Finally, by comparing the first number with the
' second, the second with the third, and the fourth
' with the fifth, i. e., 288, it will plainly appear, first.
' that in the diapente are three tones, and a lesser ' diapason is less than six tones ; and the excess of
' The nature of the above disposition is this : the
' first line contains the octuple numbers ; and the
' sesquioctave proportions in the first column are de-
' duced from the last of them. The numbers con-
' tained in the second column are the eighth parts of
' those to which they are respectively opposite ; and
' if each of these be added to the number against it,
' the sum will be the number of the next sesquioctave,
' in succession. Thias, if to the number 262144
' 32768 be added, the sum will be 294912 ; and the
' rest are found in the same manner. And were the
'last number, 531441, duple to the first, 262144,
' then would the diapason truly consist of six tones ;
' but here it is found to be more ; for the duple of
' 292144 is 524288, and the number of the sixth tone
' is 531441. Hence it appears, that the consonant
' semitone. If then the diatessaron consists of two
' tones and a lesser semitone, and the diapente of three
' tones and a lesser semitone ; and if the diatessaron
' and diapente make up together the diapason, it will
' follow, that in the diapason are five tones and two
' lesser semitones, which joined together do not make
' up a full and complete tone, and therefore that the
* diapason does not consist of six tones, as Aristoxenus
' imagined, which also will evidently appear when
' the six tones above the diapason is called a comma,
which in its lowest terms is 52428 to 531441 : —
7153
524288 531441
COMMA, or the inter-
val by which six tones
exceed a diapason. *
Six Octuples.
1 1
8 64
512
4096
32768
262144
9 72
576 1
4608
36864
294912
/TTT" — -^
1 648
5184
41472
331776
729 1
5832
46656
373248
6561
52488
419904
"°^s;^$5r-^
59049
472392
531441
OJ
• JT ^ o
CJ TO
S c^ 3
^ ■»
•^■i^
o-
s »= " ^
g § © o
g ■*-> o
In the third book Boetius continues his controversy
with the Aristoxeneans, who, as they assert, that the
diatessaron contains two tones and an half, and the
diapente three tones and an half, must be supposed to
believe that the tone is capable of a division into two
equal parts, contrary to that maxim of Euclid, that
' inter superparticulare non cadit medium,' a super-
particular ration cannot have a mediety. And Boe-
tius, in the first chapter of his third book, with great
clearness and precision demonstrates, that no such
division of the tone can be made, as that which
Aristoxenus and his followers contend for.
Lib. III. cap. i. Adversus Aristoxenum demonstratio,
* This is called the Pythagorean comma, and is taken notice of by
Mersennus, vide Harmonicor. de Dissonantiis, pag. 88. It is less than
that of 81 to 80, called the comma majus, or schisma, and which is the
difference between the greater and lesser tone.
Chap. XXV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
123
superpai'ticularem proportionem dividi in sequa
non posse, atque ideo nee tonum. — Cap. ii. Ex
sesquitertia proportione sublatis duobus tonis, toni
dimidiimi non relinqui. — Cap. iii. Adversum Aris-
toxenum demonstrationes, diatessaron cousonantiam
ex duobus tonis et semitonio non constare, nee dia-
pason sex tonis. — Cap. iv. Diapason eonsonantiam a
eex tonis commate excedi, et qui sit minimus numerus
commatis. — Cap. v. Quemadmodum Philolaus, tonum
dividat.
Pythagoras found out the tone by the difference
of a fourth and fifth, subtracting one from the other ;
Philolaus, who was of his school, proceeded farther,
and effected a division of the tone into commas. The
manner of his doing it is thus related by Boetius : —
' Philolaus the Pythagorean tried to divide the tone,
* by taking the original of the tone from that number
' which among the Pythagoreans was esteemed very
' honoui'able : for as the number 3 is the first uneven
* number, that multiplied by 3 will give 9, which
' being multiplied by 3 will necessarily produce 27,
' which is distant from the number 24 by a tone, and
' preserves the same difference of 3 ; for 3 is the
' eighth part of 24, and being added thereto com-
' plotes the cube of the number 3, viz., 27. Philolaus
' therefore divided this into two parts ; one whereof
' was greater than the half, which he called the apo-
' tome ; and the other less, which he termed the
' diesis, and those that came after him denominated
' a lesser semitone ; and their difference he termed
* a comma. The diesis he supposes to consist of 13
' unities, because he supposed that to be the difference
' between 243 and 256, and because the number 13
' consisted of 9, 3, and unity ; which unity he con-
' sidered as a punctum. 3 he considered as the first
' uneven number, and 9 as the first uneven square :
' for this reason, when he fixed the diesis or semitone
* at 13, he made the remaining part of the number 27,
' containing 14 unities to be the apotome. But be-
' cause unity is the difference between 13 and 14, he
* imagined unity ought to be assigned to the place of
' the comma ; but the whole tone he made to be 27
* unities, that number being the difference between
' 210 and 243, which are distant from each other by
' a tone.'
13
14
27
Diesis
Apotome
Cap. vi. Tonum ex duobus semitoniis ac commate
constare. — Cap. vii. Demonstratio, tonum duobus
semitoniis commate distare. — Cap. viii. De mi-
noribus semitonii intervallis. — Cap. ix. De toni
partibus per cnnsonantias sumendis. — Cap. x. Regula
sumendi semitonii. — Cap. xi. Demonstratio Archytae,
superparticularem in equa dividi non posse; ejusque
reprehensio.
It seems by this chapter, that this Archytas, who
it is supposed was he of Tarentum, mentioned in the
account herein before given of the genera and their
species, was a Pythagorean. He it seems had under-
taken to demonstrate that proposition of the Pytha-
gorean school, that a superparticular ratio cannot be
divided into two equally ; but Boetius says he
has done it in a loose manner, and for this he repre-
hends him. It may he inferred from this chapter,
that some of the writings of Archytas on music were
in being in the time of Boetius ; but that there are
none now remaining is agreed by all.
Cap. xii. In qua numerorum proportione sit
comma, et quoniam in ea quae major sit quam 76
ad 74 minor quam, 74 ad 73. — Cap. xiii. Quod
semitonium minus majus quidem sit quam 20 ad 19,
minus quam 19^ ad 18J. — Cap. xiv. Semitonium
minus, majus quidem esse tribus comatibus ; minus
vero quatuor. — Cap. xv. Apotome majorem esse
quam 4 eommata, minorem quam 5. Tonem ma-
jorem quam 8, minorem quam 9. — Cap. xvi. Superius
dietorum per numeros demonstratio.
Lib. IV. cap. i. Voeum differentias in quantitate
eonsistere. — Cap. ii. Diversae de intervallis specu-
lationes.
This, as its title imports, is a chapter of a mis-
cellaneous kind. Among other things, it contains
a demonstration somewhat different from that which
he had given before, that six sesquioctave tones are
greater than a duple interval. That they are so
will appear upon a bare inspection of the following
diagram : —
Six sesquioctave proportions greater than a duple interval.
Sesqui- I Sesqui- I Sesqui- | Sesqui- I Sesqui- | Sesqui- I Sesqui-
octave. octave, octave, octave, octave, octave, octave.
A
B
C
D
E
G
K
262144.
294912.
331776.
373248.
419904.
472392.
531441.
The number A 262144. is half the undervcritten number; and
therefore the diapason is deficient of the number K by 7153.
The duple interval reaches to 524288.
Cap. iii. Musicarum per Grsecus ac Latinas literaa
notarum nuneupatio.
In this chapter are contained some of the principal
characters used b)'^ the Greeks in their musical nota-
tion. It seems, that at the time when Glareanus
published his edition of Boetius, they had been cor-
rupted, which, considering they were arbitrary, or at
best that they were the letters of the Greek alphabet
reduced to a state of deformity, is not to be wondered
at. Meibomius had the good fortune to get in-
telligence of an ancient manuscript here in England,
in which this chapter was found, in a state of great
purity. He had interest enough with Mr. Selden to
get him to collate his own by it : and the whole is
very correctly published, and prefixed to the Isagoge
of Alypius, in his edition of the ancient musical
authors.
Cap. iv. Monochordi regularis partitio in genere
diatonico. — Cap. v. Monochordi netarum hyperboleon
per tria genera partitio. — Cap. vi. Ratio superius
digestae descriptionis. — Cap. vii. Monochordi neta-
rum diezeugmenon per tria genera partitio. — Cap. viii.
Monochordi netarum synemmenon per tria genera
124
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book III
partitio. — Cap. ix. Monochordi meson per tria ge-
nera partitio. — Cap. x. Monochordi hypaton per
tria genera partitio, et totius dispositio descrip-
tionia. — Cap. xi. Ratio superius disposittc descrip-
tionis. — Cap. xii. De stantibus et mobilibus vocibus.
— Cap. xiii. De consonantiarum speciebus. — Cap. xiv.
De modorum exordiis, in quo dispositio notarum
per singulos modos ac voces. — Cap. xv. Descriptio
continens modorum ordinem ac differentias. —
Cap. xvi. Superins dispositaj modorum descriptiones.
— Cap. xvii. Ratio superius dispositaj modorum des-
criptionis. — Cap. xviii. Qnemadmodum indubitanter
musicae consonantias aure dijudicari possint.
Lib. V. Proemium.
In this Boetius gives the form of the monochord,
little differing from that of Ptolemy and Porphyry
herein before described.
Cap. i. De vi harmonicas, et quaa sint ejus instru-
menta judicii, et quo nam usque sensibus oporteat
credi. — Cap. ii. Quid sit harmonica regula, vel quam
intentionem harmonici Pythagorici, vel Aristoxenus,
vel Ptolemaeus esse dixere. — Cap. iii. In quo Aris-
toxenus, vel Pythagorici, vel Ptolemaeus gravitatem
atque acumen constare posuerint. — Cap. iv. De sono-
rum differentiis Ptolemaii sententia. — Cap. v. Quae
voces enharmonise sunt aptse. — Cap. vi. Quem nu-
merum proportionum Pythagorici statuunt. — Cap. vii.
Quod reprehendat Ptolemaeus Pythagoricos in numero
proportionum. — Cap. viii. Demonstratio secundum
Ptolemajum diapason et diatessaron consonantias. —
Cap. ix. Quae sit proprietas diapason consonantiae. —
Cap. X. Quibus modis Ptolemaeus consonantias statuat.
— Cap. xi. Quai sunt equisonae, vel quaj consonae, vel
quae emmelis. — Cap. xii. Quemadmodum Aristox-
enus intervallum consideret. — Cap. xiii. Descriptio
octochordi, qua ostenditur diapason consonantiam
minorum esse sex tonis. — Cap. xiv. Diatessaron
consonantiam tetrachordo contineri. — Cap. xv. Quo-
modo Aristoxenus vel tonum dividat vel genera
ejusque divisionis dispositio. — Cap. xvi. Quomodo
Archytas tetrachordo dividat, eorumque descriptio.
—Cap. xvii. Quemadmodum Ptolemaeus et Aristox-
eni et Archytae. tetrachordorum divisiones repre-
hendat.— Cap. xviii. Quemadmodum tetrachordorum
divisionem fieri dicat oportere.
CHAP. XXVI.
From the foregoing extracts a judgment may be
formed, not only of the work from which they are
made, but also of the manner in which the ancients,
more especially the followers of Pythagoras, thought
of music. Well might they deem it a subject of
philosophical speculation, when such abstruse reason-
ing was employed about it. To speak of Boetius in
particular, it is clear that he was upon the whole
a Pythagorean, though he has not spared to detect
many of the errors imputed to that sect ; and his
work is so truly theoretic, that in reading him we
never think of practice : the mention of instruments,
nor of the voice, as employed in singing, never
occurs ; no allusions to the music of his time, but all
abstracted speculation, tending doubtless to the per-
fection of the art, but seemingly little connected
with it. Here then the twofold nature of music is
apparent : it has its foundation in number and pro-
portion ; like geometry, it affords that kind of plea-
sure to the mind which results from the contem-
plation of order, of regularity, of truth, the love
whereof is connatural with liuman nature; like that
too, its principles are applicable to use and practice.
View it in another light, and if it be possible, con-
sider music as mechanical, as an arbitrary constitution,
as having no foundation in reason : but how exquisite
is the pleasure it affords ! how subservient are the
passions to its influence I and how much is the wis-
dom and goodness of God manifested in that relation
which, in the case of music, he has established
between the cause and the effect I
That Boetius is an obscure writer must be allowed ;
the very terms used by him, and his names for the
proportions, though they are the common language
of the ancient arithmeticians, are difficult to be
understood at this time. Guido, who lived about
five hundred years after him, scruples not to say,
that ' his work is fit only for philosophers.' It was,
nevertheless, held in great estimation for many cen-
turies, and to this its reputation many causes co-
operated ; to which may be added that the Greek
language was little understood, even by the learned,
for a much longer period than that above mentioned ;
and to those few that were masters of it, all that
treasure of musical erudition contained in the writings
of Aristoxenus, Euclid, Nicomachus, Ptolemy, and
the rest of the Greek harmonicians, was inaccessible.
So late as the time of our queen Elizabeth, it was
doubted whether the writings of some of them were
any where extant in the world.*
For these reasons, we are not to wonder that the
Treatise de Musica of Boetius was for many ages
looked upon as the grand repository of harmonical
science. To go no farther than our own country for
proofs, the writings of all who treated on the subject
before the beginning of the fourteenth century, and
whose names are preserved in the collections of
Leland, Bale, Pits, and Tanner, are but so many
commentaries on him : nay, an admission to the first
degree in music, in the universities of Oxford and
Cambridge, was but a kind of manuduction to the
study of his writings ;■]■ and in the latter the exercise
for a doctor's degree was generally a lecture on
Boetius.|
And, to come nearer to our own times, Salinas and
Zarlino have pursued the same train of reasoning that
Boetius first introduced. If it be asked how has this
contributed to the improvement of music, the answer
is not easy, if the question refers to the practice of
it; since what Mersennus and others have said is
very true, that in the division of sounds we are de-
termined wholly by the ear, and not by ratios ; and
therefore the makers and tuners of instruments are in
* Morley, in the Peroratio to his Introduction.
1- Wood, in the Fasti. Oxon. pa^. 58, says, of bachelors of music, that
they were such who were admitted to the reading; any of the musical
books of Boetius ; and in his account of John Mendus, a secular priest,
who, anno 1535, supplicated for that decree, he says, he obtained it with
the privilege of reading Boetius. Fasti. Oxon. pa'g. 56.
% Athen. Oxon. passim.
Chap. XXVI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
125
fact, though they know it not, Aristoxeneans ; but if
by Music we are to understand the Theory of the
science, this method of treating it has contributed
greatly to its improvement. This is enough to
satisfy such as are aware of the importance of theory
in every science : those whose minds are too illiberal
to conceive any thing beyond practice and mere
manual operation or energy, might perhaps demand,
What has theory, what have the ratios of numbers to
do with an art, the end whereof is to move the
passions, and not convince the understanding ; were
these considered, or even understood, by the ablest
professors of the science ; did Palestrina, Stradella,
did Corelli adjust their harmonies by the monochord,
or consult Euclid or Ptolemy when they composed
respectively their motets, madrigals, and concertos ;
or is it necessary in the performance of them that the
singers, or any of those who perform on an instru-
ment, the tuning whereof is not adjusted to their
hands, perpetually bear in mind the true harmonic
canon, and be aware of the difference between the
greater and lesser tone, and the greater and lesser
semitone ; and that what in common practice is called
a semitone, is in fact an interval in the ratio of 256
to 243, and unless so prolated is a dissonance ? And
after all it may perhaps be argued that this kind of
knowledge adds nothing to the pleasure we receive
from music.
To such as are disposed to reason in this manner
it may be said, We all know that the dog who treads
the spit-wheel ; or, to go higher, the labourer that
drives a wedge, or adds the strength of his arms to
a lever, are ignorant of all but the effects of their
labour ; but we also know that the ignorance of the
brute and of the uninstructed rational in this respect
afford no reason why others are to remain ignorant
too ; much less does it prove it fruitless and vain for
men of a philosophical and liberal turn of mind to
attempt an investigation of the principles upon which
these machines act.*
Farther, as a motive to the study of the ratios and
coincidences of harmonic intervals, it may be said
that the noblest of our faculties are exercised in it ;
and that the pleasure arising from the contemplation
of that truth and certainty which are found in them,
is little inferior to what we receive from hearing the
most excellent music. And to this purpose the
learned and ingenious Dr. Holder expresses himself
in a passage- which is inserted in a note subjoined. -f
* The reader will find this argument much better enforced by the
learned and ingenious author of a treatise intitled Hermes or a Philo-
sophical Inquiry concerning Universal Grammar. Here it was necessary
to vary it, in order to adapt it to the present subject; but the author
applies it to that of speech ; the whole passage is very beautiful, and is
as follows: — ' Methinks I hear some objector, demanding with an air of
' pleasantry and ridicule — Is there no speaking then without all this
' trouble ? Do we not talk every one of us, as well unlearned as learned,
' as well poor peasants as profound philosophers ? We may answer by
• interrogating on our part — Do not those same poor peasants use the
* lever and the wedge, and many other instruments, witli much habitual
'readiness? And yet have'they any conception of those geometrical
' principles from which those machines derive their efficacy and force ?
' And is the ignorance of these peasants a reason for others to remain
' ignorant, or to render the subject a less becoming enquiry ? Think of
' animals and vegetables that occur every day — of time, of place, and of
' motion — of light, of colours, and of gravitation — of our senses and in-
' tellects by which we perceive every thing else — That they are, we all
' know and are perfectly satisfied — What they are, is a subject of much
' obscurity and doubt; were we to reject this last question because we
' are certain of the first, we should banish all philosophy at once out of
'the world.' Hermes, pag. 293.
t 'And in searching, stating, and comparing the rations of those in-
After all, we ought not to estimate the works of
learned men by the consideration of their immediate
utility : to investigate is one thing ; to apply,
another; and the love of science includes in it a
degree of enthusiasm, which whoever is without, will
want the strongest motive to emulation and improve-
ment that the mind is susceptible of. Is it to be
conceived that those who are employed in mathe-
matical researches attend to the consequences of their
own discoveries, or that their pursuits are not ex-
tended beyond the prospect of bare utility ? - In
short, no considerable progress, no improvement in
any science can be expected, unless it be beloved for
its own sake : as well might we expect the continu-
ation of our species from principles of reason and
duty, abstracted from that passion which holds the
animal world in subjection, and to which human
nature itself owes its existence. |
Taking this for granted, the merit of Boetius vnll
appear to consist in the having communicated to the
world such a knowledge of the fundamental princi-
ples of the ancient music, as is absolutely necessary
to the right understanding even of our own system :
and this too at a period when there was little or no
ground to hope for any other intelligence, and there-
fore Morley has done him but justice in the eulogium
which he has given of him in the following words : —
' Boetius being by birth noble, and most excellent
' well versed in divinity, philosophy, law, mathe-
' maticks, poetry, and matters of estate, did notwith-
' standing write more of musick than of all the other
' mathematical sciences, so that it may be justly said,
' that if it had not beene for him the knowledge of
' musicke had not yet come into our westerne part of
' the world. The Greek tongue lying as it were dead
' tervals of sounds by which harmony is made, there is found so much
' variety and certainty, and facility of calculation, that the contemplation
' of them may seem not much less delightful than the very hearing the
' good music itself, which springs from this fountain ; and those who
' have already an affection for music cannot but find it improved and
' much enhanced by this pleasant and recreating chase, as I may call it,
' in the large field of harmonic rations and proportion, where they wUl
• find, to their great pleasure and satisfaction, the hidden causes of har-
'mony (hidden to most, even to practitioners themselves) so amply
' discovered and laid plain before them.' Natural Grounds and Prin-
ciples of Harmony, chap. v.
I For the farther illustration of this proposition, viz., that knowledge
is an object worthy to be pursued for its own sake, we must be indebted
to the author above-cited, who to this purpose thus expresses himself: —
' But a graver objector now accosts us. What (says he) is the utility,
' whence the profit, where the gain? Every science whatever (we may
'answer) has its use. Arithmetic is excellent for gauging of liquors;
' geometry for measuring of estates ; astronomy for making of alma-
'nacks ; and grammar perhaps for drawing of bonds and conveyances.
' Thus much to the sordid — If the liberal ask for something better than
'this, we may answer, and assure them from the best authorities, that
' every exercise of the mind upon theorems of science, like generous and
' manly exercise of the body, tends to call forth and strengthen nature's
' original vigour. Be the subject itself immediately lucrative or not, the
'nerves of reason are braced by the mere employ, and we become abler
' actors in the drama of Ufe, whether our part be of the busier, or of the
' sedater kind.
' Perhaps too there is a pleasure even in science itself, distinct from
' any end to which it may be farther conducive. Are not health and
' strength of body desirable for their own sakes, though we happen not to
' be fated either for porters or draymen ? And have not health and
■ strength of mind their intrinsic worth also, though not condemned to
' the low drudgery of sordid emolument ? Why should there not be a
' good (could we have the grace to recognize it) in the mere energy of our
'intellect, as much as in energies of lower degree ? The sportsman be-
' lieves there is good in his chase ; the man of gaiety, in his intrigue ;
' even the glutton in his meal. We may justly ask of these, why they
' pursue such things ; but if they answer they pursue them because they
' are good, 'twould be folly to ask them farther, why they pursue what is
'good. It might well in such case be replied on their behalf (how
' strange soever it may at first appear) that if there was not something
' good, which was in norespect useful, even things useful themselves could
' not possibly have existence. For this is in fact no more than to assert,
'that some things are ends, some things are means ; and that if there
' were no ends, there could be of course no means.' Hermes, pag. 294.
126
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book III.
' under the barbarisme of the Gothes and Hunnes, and
* musicke buried in the bowels of the Greeke works
' of Ptolcmseus and Aristoxenus, the one of which
' as yet hath never come to light, but lies in written
' copies in some bibliothekes of Italy, the other hath
' been set out in print ; but the copies are every
* where so scant and hard to come by, that many
* doubt if he have been set out or no.' *
Other improvements were reserved for a more en-
lightened age, when the study of physics began to be
cultivated, when the hypotheses of the ancients were
brought to the test of experiment ; and the doctrine
of pendulums became another medium for demon-
strating the truth of those ratios which the ancient
harmonicians had investigated merely by the power
of numbers.
To the reasons above adduced in favour of the
writings of Boetius, another may be added, which
every learned reader will acquiesce in, namely, that
he was the last of the Latin writers whose works have
any pretence to purity, or to entitle them to the
epithet of classical.
It must however be confessed that the treatise De
Musica of Boetius is but part of a much larger dis-
course which he intended on that subject : most
authors speak of it as of a fragment, and the very
abrupt manner in which it concludes shews that he
had not put the finishing hand to it. The whole of
the five books extant are little more than an in-
vestigation of the ratio of the consonances, the nature
of the several kinds of proportionality, and a de-
claration of the opinions of the several sects with
respect to the division of the monochord and the
general laws of harmony : these are, it is true, the
foundations of the science, but there remained a great
deal more to be said in order to render this work of
Boetius complete ; and that it was his design to
make it so, there is not the least reason to doubt.
The desiderata of the ancient music seem to be the
genera and the modes, and to these may be added the
measure of sounds in respect of their duration, or, in
other words, the laws of metre. It is to be observed
that music was originally vocal, and in that species
of it the voice was employed, not in the bare utterance
of iuarticulate sounds, but of poetry, to the words
whereof correspondent sounds in an harmonical ratio
were adopted, and therefore the duration of those
sounds might be, and probably was determined by
the measure of the verse, yet both were subject to
metrical laws, which had been largely discussed
before the time of Boetius, and these it became a
writer like him to have reduced to some standard.
Had Boetius lived to complete his work, it is
more than probable that he would have entered into
a discussion of the modes of the ancients, and not left
it a question, as it is at this day, whether they re-
garded only the situation of the final or dominant
note in respect of the scale, or whether they consisted
in the different position of the tones and semitones in
the system of a diapason. For the same reason we
may conclude that, had not his untimely death pre-
vented it, Boetius would have treated very largely
• See the Peroratio to his Introduction, towards the end.
on the ecclesiastical tones : he was a Christian, and,
though not an enthusiast, a devout man ; music had
been introduced into the church-service for above a
century before the time when he lived ; St. Ambrose
had established the chant which is distinguished by
his name, and the ecclesiastical tones, then but four
in number, were evidently derived from the modes of
the ancients.
These are but conjectures, and may perhaps be
thought to include rather what was to be wished than
expected from a writer of so philosophical a turn as
Boetius ; we have nevertheless great reason to lament
his silence iu these particulars, and must impute the
present darkness in which the science is unhappily
involved, to the want of that information which he of
all men of his time seems to have been the most able
to communicate.
Magnus Aurelius Oassiodorus, senator, a chris-
tian, born at Brutium, on the confines of Calabria,
flourished about the middle of the sixth century. He
had a very liberal education considering the growing
barbarism of the age he lived in, and by his wisdom,
learning, and eloquence, recommended himself to
the protection of the Gothic kings Theodoric and
Athalaric, Amalasuentha the daughter of the former,
Theodohadus her husband, and Vitiges his successor.
Theodoric appointed him to the government of
Sicily, in which province he gave such proofs of his
abilities, that in the year 490 he made him his chan-
cellor, and admitted him to his councils. After
having filled several important and honourable posts
in the state, he was advanced to the consulate, the
duties of which office he discharged without any
colleague in the year 514. He was continued in the
same degree of confidence and favour by Athalaric,
who succeeded Theodoric about the year 626 ; but in
the year 537, being dismissed from all his employ-
ments by Vitiges, he betook himself to a religious
life. Trithemius says he became a monk, and after-
wards abbot of the monastery of Ravenna ; after
which it seems he retired to the monastery of Viviers,
in the extreme parts of Calabria, which he had built
and endowed liimself. In his retirement from the
business of the world he led the life of a scholar, a
philosopher, and a Christian, amusing himself at
intervals in the invention and framing of mechanical
curiosities, such as sun-dials, water hour-glasses, per-
petual lamps, &c. He collected a very noble and
curious library, and wrote many books himself, par-
ticularly Commentaries on the Psalms, Canticles, the
Acts of the Apostles, the Epistles of St. Paul, and
the Apocalypse, and a Chronology : farther he framed,
or drew into one body, the tripartite history of
Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret, translated by
Epiphanius, the scholastic. He wrote also Institu-
tionem Divinarum Lectionum, in two books, which
Du Pin says abounds with fine remarks on the Holy
Scriptures, and a treatise De Ratione Animse, which
the same writer also highly commends. There are
extant of his, twelve books of Letters, ten of which
are written in the names of Theodoric and Athalaric,
he being it seems secretary to them both ; the other
two are in his own name, and they all abound with a
Chap. XXVI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
127
variety of curious and interesting particulars. He
was also the author of a treatise De septem Disci-
plinis, or of the Arts of Grammar, Rhetoric, Logic,
Arithmetic, Geometry, Music, and Astronomy ; *
what he says of music is contained in one chapter or
section of four quarto pages ; in this he is very brief,
referring very often to Gaudentius, Censorinus, and
other writers. His general division of music is into
three parts, harmonic, rhythmic, and metric. His
division of instrumental music is also into three parts,
namely, percussional, tensile, and inflatile, agreeing in
this respect with other writers of the best authority.
One thing worthy of remark in the treatise of
Cassiodorus De Musica is, that he makes the con-
sonances to be six, namely, the diatessaron, diapente,
diapason, diapason and diatessaron, or eleventh, dia-
pason and diapente, or twelfth, and, lastly, the dis-
diapason; in which he manifestly differs from Boetius,
whom he must have known and been intimate with,
for Boetius has bestowed a whole chapter in demon-
strating that the diapason cum diatessaron is not
a consonant but a dissonant. Cassiodorus makes the
number of the modes, or, as he calls them the tones,
to be fifteen ; from which circumstance, as also
because he here prefers the word Tone to Mode, it
may l)e concluded that he writes after Martianus
Capella.
Cassiodorus died at his monastery of Viviers,
about the year 560, aged above ninety. Father
Simon has given a very high character of his theo-
logical writings ; they, together with his other works,
have been several times printed, but the best edition
of them is that of Rohan, in the year 1679, in two
volumes folio, with the notes and dissertations of
Johannes Garetius, a Benedictine monk.f
The several improvements of music hereinbefore
• This arrangement of the liberal sciences had been made before the
time of Cassiodorus, as appears by the fable De Nuptiis Philologiae et
Mercurii of Martianus Capella, which contains a separate discourse on
each of them. This division comprehends both the trivium and the
quadrivium described in a preceding page. Mosheim censures the pro-
fessors, or schola>tics, as they were called, of that day, for teaching the
sciences in a barbarous and illiberal manner.
' The whole circle of sciences was composed of what they called the
'seven liberal arts, viz., grammar, rhetoric, logic, arithmetic, music,
' geometry, and astronomy ; the three former of which they distinguished
' by the title of trivium, and the four latter by that of quadrivium.
' Nothing can be conceived more wretchedly barbarous than the manner
'in which these sciences were taught, as we may easily perceive from
' Alcuin's treatise concerning them ; and the dissertations of St. Augustin
' on the same subject, which were in the highest repute at this time.
' In the greatest part of the schools the public teachers ventured no
'farther than the trivium, and confined their instructions to grammar,
' rhetoric, and logic ; they, however, who, after passing the trivium, and
'also the quadrivium were desirous of rising yet higher in their literary
' pursuits, were exhorted to apply themselves to the study of Cassiodorus
' and Boethius, as if the progress of human knowledge was bounded by
* the discoveries of those two learned writers.' Ecclesiast. Hist. Cent.
VIII. part ii. cap. 1.
t Upon the writings of the Latins the remark is obvious, that they
added nothing to musical science ; and indeed their inferiority to the
Greeks, both in philosophy and the more elegant arts, seems to be
allowed by the best judges of ancient literature.
Indeed in their practice of music they seem to have somewhat im-
proved on that of their predecessors, as is evident from Vitruvius's
description of the hydraulic organ, an instrument which Sidonius Apol-
linaris takes notice of in one of his epistles, where he speaks of the
amusements of Theodoric, and particularly adds that he was wont to be
entertained with the music of the hydraulic organ while he sat at dinner :
and it is in the history of the period in which Boetius and Cassiodorus
flourished, that we meet with the first intimation of such a profession
as that of a teacher of music. The following is an epitaph in the epistles
of the same Sidonius Apollinaris on one of this profession : —
Orator Dialecticus Poeta
Tractator, Geometra, Musicus
Psalmorum Modulator, Phonascus
Instructas docuit souare classes. Lib. IV. pag. 143.
enumerated, regarded chiefly the theory of the science,
those that followed were for the most part confined
to practice : among the latter none have a greater
title to our attention than those made about the end
of the sixth century, by St. Gregory the Great, tlie
first pope of that name, a man not more remarkable
for his virtues than for his learning and profound
skill in the science of music.
The first improvement of music made by this
father consisted in the invention of that kind of
notation by the Roman letters, which is used at this
day. It is true that before his time the use of the
Greek characters had been rejected ; and as the
enarmonic and chromatic genera, with all the various
species of the latter, had given way to the diatonic
genus, the first fifteen letters of the Roman alphabet
had even before the time of Boetius been found
sufficient to denote all the several sounds in the
perfect system ; and accordingly we find in his
treatise De Musica all the sounds from Proslara-
banomenos to Nete hyperboleon characterised by the
Roman letters, from A to P inclusive ; but Gregory
reflecting that the sounds after Lychanos meson were
but a repetition of those before it, and that every
septenary in progression was precisely the same,
reduced the number of letters to seven, which were
A, B, C, D, E, F, G ; but, to distinguish the second
septenary from the first, the second was denoted by
the small, and not the capital, Roman letters ; and
when it became necessary to extend the system
farther, the small letters were doubled thus, aa, bb,
CO, dd, ee, ff, gg.
But the encreasing the number of tones from four
to eight, and the institution of what is called the
Gregorian Chant, or plain song, is the improvement
for which of all others this father is most celebrated.
It has already been mentioned that St. Ambrose
when he introduced singing into the church-service,
selected from the ancient modes four, which he
appropriated to the several offices : farther it is to
be observed, tliat to these modes the appellation
of Tones was given, probably on the authority of
Martianus Capella, who, as Sir Henry Spelman re-
marks, was the first that substituted the term Tones
in the room of Modes. But we are much at a loss to
discover more of the nature of the tones instituted
by St. Ambrose, than that they consisted in certain
progressions, corresponding with different species of
the diapason ; and that under some kind of regu-
lation, of which we are now ignorant, the divine
offices were alternately chanted, and this by the
express institution of St. Ambrose himself, who all
agree was the first that introduced the practice of
alternate or antiphonal singing, at least into the
western church ; but it was such a kind of recitation
as in his own opinion came nearer to the tone of
reading than singing. |
Cardinal Bona§ cites Theodoret, lib. IV. to prove
that the method of singing introduced by St. Ambrose
was alternate; and proceeds to relate that as the
vigour of the clerical discipline, and the majesty of
t Vo.ssius De Scientiis mathematicis, cap. xxi. § II.
§ De Rebus Liturgicls.
128 HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE Book III.
the Christian religion eminently shone forth in the 582, made him one of his deacons, and sent him to
ecclesiastical song, the Roman pontiffs and the bishops Constantinople, there to reside in the court of the
of other churches took care that the clerks from emperor Tiberius, in quality of his nuncio or surro-
their tender years should learn the rudiments of gate, though his immediate business there was to
singing under proper masters ; and that accordingly solicit succours against the Lombards. Upon the
a music-school was instituted at Rome by pope death of Tiberius in 58(3, Gregory returned to Rome,
Hilary, or, as others contend, by Gregory the Great, and was there employed as secretary to Pelagius ;
to whom also we are indebted for restoring the but at length he obtained of him leave to retire
ecclesiastical song to a better form ; for though the again to his monastery, the government whereof he
practice of singing was from the very foundation had formerly bestowed on an ecclesiastic named
of the Christian church used at Rome, yet are we Valentius, whom for his great merit he had taken
ignorant of what kind the ecclesiastical modes were, from a monastery in the country. Here he thought
before the time of Gregory, or what was the dis- to indulge himself in the pleasures of a studious and
cipline of the singers. In fact the whole service contemplative life, but was soon drawn from his
seems to have been of a very irregular kind, for we retirement by a contagious disease, which at that
are told that in the primitive church the people sang time raged with such violence, that eight hundred
each as his inclination led him, with hardly any persons died of it in one hour.J To avert this
other restriction than that what they sang should calamity Gregory quitted his retreat, came forth
be to the praise of God. Indeed some certain into the city, and instituted litanies § and a sevenfold
offices, such as the Lord's Prayer and the Apostles' procession, consisting of several orders of the peojile,
Creed, had been used in the church-service almost upon whose arrival at the great church it is said the
from the first establishment of Christianity ;* but distemper ceased. Of this disease Pelagius himself
these were too few in number to prevent the intro- died, and by the joint suffrage of the clergy, the
duction of hymns and spiritual songs at the pleasure senate, and people of Rome, Gregory was chosen for
of the heresiarchs, who began to be very numerous his successor ; but he was so little disposed to accept
about the middle of the sixth century, and that to this dignity, that he got himself secretly conveyed
a degree which called aloud for reformation. The out of the city in a basket, thereby deceiving the
evil increasing, the emperor Theodosius requested guards that were set at the gates to hinder his escape,
the then pope, Damasus, to frame such a service and went and hid himself in a cave in the middle of
as should consist with the solemnity and decency a wood ; but being discovered, he was prevailed on
of divine worship ; the pope readily assented, and to return, and was consecrated on the third of Sep-
employed for this purpose a presbyter named tember, 590, and was the first of the popes that used
Hieronymus, a man of learning, gravity, and dis- the style ' Servus servorum Dei.' He was of a very
cretion, who formed a new ritual, into which he infirm and weakly constitution, but had a vigorous
introduced the Epistles, Gospels, and the Psalms,| mind, and discharged the duties of his station with
with the Gloria Patri and Alleluiah ; and these, equanimity and firmness. He possessed a great share
together with certain hymns which he thought proper of learning, and was so well skilled in the tempers
to retain, made up the whole of the service. and dispositions of mankind, that he made even the
It is very doubtful whether any thing like an anti- private interests and ambitious views of princes sub-
phonary existed at this time, or indeed whether St. serN-ient to the ends of religion. One of the greatest
Ambrose did any thing more than institute the tones, events which by his prudence and good management
leaving it to the singers, under the regulations thereby he brought about during his pontificate, was the con-
prescribed, to adapt such musical sounds to the several version of the English to Christianity, which, as
offices as they should from time to time think fit ; and related by Bede, makes one of the prettiest stories
to this the confusion that had arisen in the church- in our history. But what gives him a title to a place
service was in a great measure owing. What metliods in this work is his having effected a reformation in
were taken by Gregory to remedy this evil will be the music of the church. ||
related in the following account of him. + ,-. , *i. . r*,.- ^•
o t One of the symptoms of this disease was a violent sneezing, which
was looked upon as mortal, and upon this occasion gave rise to the
ejaculation ' God bless you ! ' in favour of such as were suddenly taken
CHAP. XXVII. '"^it'> that convulsion. Isaacson's Chronology, anno. 590.
/^ .„_-ni T J.^ n J. t,„ § ^^^ word Litany, taken in its larger setise, includes public prayers of
Gregory the J^IRST, SUrnamed the Great, was born ail kinds, hut in its limited signification it denotes that kind of prayer
at Rome of an illustrious family, about the year 550. attended with Rogations which was formerly used in the church to deprecate
•Q- J. T J '.^ . II" Ti. 3 tmpendtng judgments. Of these Mamercus, Irishop of Vienna about the
tie StUClieCl with great success, and his quality and year 450, and Sidomus bishop of Aver7m, are said to have been the insti-
merit so recommended him, that the emperor Justin %\Ti!',^iT''''iZ'l7lfZ 'rJnZtT 't 'Z""™ t" Retime of st Basil.
P/.1 • K c A Ihe Litany instituted by St. Gregory was that named Lttania Srptifornns,
the younger made him prefect of that city. After he which, as Hooker asserts, co^itains the flower of the former litanies, and with
had held' this high office for some time, he discovered S^i«S'ZV™ '':^ai!T^::':ir^,r'^^;i. ^:f?.
that it made him too fond of the world, and there- SedX. Lestrange's Alliance of Divine OJJices, Annot. on Chap. IV.
upon he retired to a convent which he had founded . ". Johannes Diaconus who wrote the life of this pope, says that he
• -1 . , , T-) 11 11 J imitated the most wise Solomon m this respect ; and that he with infinite
in niS own house at Kome ; but he was soon called. labour and great ingenuity composed an antlphonary; and other writers
out of this retirement bv none Pplao-his TT who in '"''' ''^ gradual also, not in the way of compilation, or by collecting the
uus leuneiueUL uy pope jrciaglUS Xi., WUU, lu ^^^^^^ therein contained, but that he dictated or pointed, and actually
* Nivers sur le Chant Gregorien chap. i. neumatized the musical cantus both to the antiphonary and gradual.
t Ibid. Damasus is said to have first introduced the Psalms into the Neuma is a word possibly derived from the Greek nvivfia, and, as
service. Platina in Damasus, Isaacs. Chron. anno 371. explained by Sir Henry Spelman, signifies an aggregation of as many
Chap. XXVII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
129
Maimbourg in his Histoire du Pontificat de St.
Gregoire has collected from Johannes Diaconus and
others, all that he could find on this subject. The
account given by him is as follows : —
' He especially applied himself to regulate the
' office and the singing of the church, to which
' end he composed his antiphonary — nothing can be
' more admirable than what he did on this occasion.
' Though he had upon his hands all the affairs of
' tlie universal church, and was still more burthened
' with distempers than with that multitude of business
' which he was necessarily to take care of in all parts
' of the world, yet he took time to examine with what
' tunes the psalms, hymns, oraisons, verses, responses,
' canticles, lessons, epistles, the gospel, the prefaces,
' and the Lord's Prayer were to be sung ; what were
' the tones, measures, notes, moods, most suitable to
' the majesty of the church, and most proper to inspire
' devotion ; and he formed that ecclesiastical music so
* grave and edifying, which at present is called the
* Gregorian music. He moreover instituted an aca-
* demy of singers for all the clerks to the deaconship
' exclusively, because the deacons were only to be
' employed in preaching the Gospel and the dis-
* tributing the alms of the church to the poor ; and
* he would have the singers to perfect themselves in
' tlie art of true siiiging according to the notes of his
* music, and to bring their voices to sing sweetly anel
* devoutly ; which, according to St. Isidore, is not to
' be obtained but by fasting and abstinence : for, says
' he, the ancients fasted the day before they were to
' sing, and lived for their ordinary diet upon pulse,
' to make their voices clearer and finer ; whence it is
that the heathens called those singers bean-eaters.*
- A- * * * * However, St. Gregory took care to
' instruct them himself, as much a pope as he was,
' and to teach them to sing well. Johannes Diaconus
' says, that in his time, this pope's bed was preserved
' with great veneration, in the palace of St. John of
' Lateran, in which he sang, though sick, to teach the
' singers ; as also the whip, wherewith he threatened
* the young clerks and the singing boys, when they
' were out, and failed in the notes.'
The account given by Johannes Diaconus is some-
what more particular than that of Maimbourg, and is
to this effect : — ' Gregory instituted a singing school,
' and built two houses for the habitation of the scho-
* lars, and endowed them with ample revenues ; one
' of these houses was near the stairs of the chiu'ch of
' St. Peter, and the other near the Lateran palace.
' For many ages after his death, the bed on which he
' modulated as he lay, and the whip which he used
' to terrify the younger scholars, were preserved with
' a becoming veneration, together with the authentic
' antiphonary, above said to have been compiled by
' him.'t
sounds as may be uttered in one single respiration. Spelm. Gloss, voce
Neuma : and in this sense it is used by Guido himself, Franchinus, and
other writers.
* ' Pridie quam cantandum erat cibis abstinebant psallentes, legumine
in causa vocis assidue utebantur, undeet can tores apud gentiles Fabarii
.licti sunt.' Isid. de Eccl. Ollic. lib. II. cap. xii.
t ' Deiade in domo Domini (Divus Gregorius) more sapientissimi
Salamonis propter musicaj compunctionem dulcedinis, antiphonarium
centoneni cantorum studiosissimus uiniis utiliter compilavit. Scholam
'quoque cantorum. 'lua; hactcnus tjusdeni institutionibus in Sancta
Other additions to and improvements of the service
are attributed to St. Gregory. It is said, that he
added the prayers, particularly this, ' Diesque nostros
in pace disjjonas,' and the Kyrie Eleeson, and the
Alleluia, both which he took from the Greek liturgy ;
and that he introduced many hymns, and adopted the
responsaria to the lessons and gospels : nay, some
have gone so far as to assert that he invented the
stave. Kircher speaks of a MS. eight hundred years
old, which he had seen, containing music, written on
a stave of eight lines ; but Vincentio Galilei, in his
Dialogo della Musica, shews that it was in use bef(jre
Gregory's time :| this is a matter of some uncertainty;
but the merit of substituting the Roman letters in the
room of the Greek characters, the reformation of
the antiphonary, the foundation and endowment of
seminaries for the study of music, and the intro-
duction of four additional tones, are certainly his
due ; and these are the chief particulars which
historians have insisted on, to shew Gregory's
affection for music. The augmentation of the tones
must doubtless be considered as a great improve-
ment ; the tones, as they stood adjusted by St.
Ambrose, were only four, and are defined by a series
of eight sounds, in the natural or diatonic order of
progression, ascending from D, from E, from F, and
from G, in the grave, to the same sounds in the acute.
But before the nature of this improvement can be
understood, it nmst be premised, that although th«
ecclesiastical tones, consisting merely of a varied
succession of tones and semitones, in a gradual ascent
from the lower note to its octave, answer exactly
to the several keys, as they are called by modern
musicians ; yet in this respect they differ ; for in
modern compositions the key-note is the principal,
and the whole of the harmony has a relation to it ;
but the modes of the church suppose another note,
to which that of the key seems to be but subordinate,
which is termed the Dominant, as prevailing, and
being most frequently heai'd of any in the tone ; the
other, from whence the series ascends, is called the
Final.§
Farther, to understand the nature and use of this
distinction between the dominant and final note of
every tone, it is to be observed, that at the intro-
duction of music into the service of the Christian
church, it was the intent of the fathers that the whole
should be sung, and no part thereof said or uttered
in the tone or manner of ordinary reading or praying.
' Romana Ecclesia modulatur constituit ; eiquecuni nonnulis pr.nediis duo
' habitacula ; scilicet, alterum sub gradibus Basilica' B. Petri Apostoli,
' alterum vero sub Lateranensis Ecclesije Patriarchii domibus fahricavit ;
' ubi usque hodie lectus ejus, in quo recubans modulahatur, et llagellam
' ipsius, quo jiueris minabatur veneratione congrua, cum authentico
' antiphonario reservatur.' .Tohann. Diacon. inVitaGreg.lib.il. cap. vi.
Johannes Diaconus ilour!sl\ed about the year 880 ; so that tliese relics
might have been two hundred and seventy years old at tlie time when
he wrote the life of Gregory.
X It is worthy of remark, that the musical stave has varied in its
limits since it was first invented. By the passage in Galilei above re-
ferred to, it seems to have been originally contrived to include the system
of a diapason, as containing eight lines ; on which only, and not in the
spaces, the points or notes were originally placed. Guido Aretinus, by
making use of the spaces, reduced it to five lines. After his time, that
is to say in the thirteenth century, the stave was finally settled at four
lines, in consequence, it is supposed, of that correction of the antiphonary
of the Cistercian order, which St. Bernard undertook and perfected
some years before ; and this num.ier has ever since been found sufficient
for the notation of the Catitus Gregorianus.
§ Niv. sur le ('h.-int Gregoriiii, chap. xii. g
130
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book III.
It seemed therefore necessary, in the institution of
a musical service, so to connect the several parts of
it as to keep it within the bounds of the human
voice ; and this could only be done by restraining it
to some one certain sound, as a medium for adjusting
the limits of each tone, and which should pervade the
whole of the service, as well the psalms and those
portions of scripture that were ordinarily read to the
people, as the hymns, canticles, spiritual songs, and
other parts thereof, which, in their own nature, were
proper to be sung.
Hence it will appear, that in each of the tones it
was necessary not only that the concords, as, namely,
the fourth, the fifth, and the octave, should be well
defined ; but that the key-note should so predominate
as that the singers should never be in danger of
missing the pitch, or departing from the mode in
which the service should be directed to be sung ; this
distinction, therefore, between the dominant and final,
must have existed at the early time of instituting
the Cantus Ambrosianus, and the same prevails at
this day.
The characteristics of the four primitive modes
were these : in each of them the diatessaron was
placed above the diapente, which is but one of the
two kinds of division of which the diapason is sus-
ceptible. Gregory was aware of this, and interposed
four other tones between the four instituted by St.
Ambrose, in which the diapente held the uppermost
place in the diapason : in short, the tones of St.
Ambrose arise from the arithmetical, and those of
St. Gregory from the harmonical, division of the
diapason.* The addition of the four new tones gave
rise to a distinction which all the writers on the
subject have adopted ; and accordingly those of the
first class have the epithet of Authentic, and the latter
that of Plagal : the following diagram may serve to
shew the difierence between the one and the other of
them : —
CD
G
2 4 6 8
Occasion has already been taken to remark, that
• We have no authentic fonnula of the tones in musical characters more
ancient than what is to be found in the writings of Franchinus : there is
indeed one in MS. in the British Museum, which was part of the Cotton
lihrary, Nero, A. xii. 13, beginning ' Si vis scire artem musicam ; ' but
the notes, which were written in red ink, are effaced by time.
there are three different species of diatessaron, and
four of diapente ; and that from the conjunction of
these two, there arise seven species of diapason.
Authors have differed m their manner of character-
ising these several systems, as may be seen in Bon-
tempi, who calls the comparison of them anunprofi table
operation, f That of Gaffurius seems best to
correspond with the notions of those who have
written professedly on the Cantus Gregorianus, par-
ticularly of Erculeo, who, in his treatise, intitled II
Canto Ecclesiastico, has thus defined them : —
THREE Species of DIATESSARON.
I. II. III.
£-«=ajEE=5^i5E3i!E:
Ee
Sol Mi
La Fa
Fa
FOUR Species of the DIAPENTE.
I. II.
r|=ES3IE:5EE?= ^E1EE^E?EE^
Re
III.
La Mi Mi
IV.
—
— ^ *— ■ — -^r- ^. ♦ '— ■
Fa Fa Do
SEVEN Species of DIAPASON.
I. II.
Sol.
i^E^^^^^ll^;^!
Re
La Mi
Mi
III.
IV.
...
~"
" r -
.u * ■
J. A ♦
A ♦ •
^=;
n^^^
- * * - n
_
L II. III. IV.
Sentenziose. Meste. Disdegno. Pacifiche.
— E
D E
V. VI. VII. VIII,
Allegre. Flebile. Divote. Misteriose.
i§=
F G
It now remains to show how the tones correspond
with the seven species of diapason ; and this will
+ Hist. Mus. pag. 177.
Ohap. XXVIII. AND PRACTIOB OF MUSIC. 131
most clearly appear from tlie description which Gaf- Having adjusted the number and limits of the
furius has given of them in his Practica Musicse tones, Gregory proceeded to the invention of a Oantus,
utriusque Cantus, lib. I. wherein he says, euch as he thought would be consistent with the
' The first tone is formed of the first species of gravity and dignity of the service to which it was
* diapente, between D sol re and A la mi re, and to be applied. A plain unisonous kind of melody
' the first species of diatessaron from the same A la frequently inflected to the concords of its key, seemed
' MI RE to D LA SOL RE in the acute, constituting the to him the fittest for this purpose ; and having
* fourth species of diapason, D d. prescribed a rule to himself, as well as to others,
' The second is formed of the same species of he proceeded to apply to the divine offices that kind
* diapente and diatessaron ; but so disposed as to form of Cantilena which prevails in the Roman church
' the first species of diapason, A a. even at this day ; and which is known in Italy by
' The third is formed of the second species of the name of Canto Fermo, in France by that of
' diapente, between E la mi, grave, and J] mi ; and Plain Chant, and in Germany and most other coun-
* the second species of diatessaron from the same J] tries by that of the Cantus Gregorianus. Cardinal
' MI, to E LA MI, acute, constituting the fifth species Bona gives this description of it : — ' The cantus insti-
' of diapason, E e. ' tuted by Saint Gregory was plain and unisonous,
' The fourth is formed of the same species of ' proceeding by certain limits and bounds of tones,
' diapente and diatessaron ; but so disposed as to form ' which the musicians term Modes or Tropes, and
' the second species of diapason, J] Jj. ' define by the octonary number, according to the
' The fifth is formed of the third species of dia- ' natural disposition of the diatonic genus.'
* pente, between F fa ut, grave, and C sol fa ut ; Considering that the right understanding of the
* and the third species of diatessaron, from the same ecclesiastical tones is essential to the regular per-
* C SOL FA UT to F FA UT, acute ; constituting the formance of choral service, it is not to be wondered
* sixth species of diapason, F f. at, that almost every writer on music, who professes
' The sixth is formed of the same species of dia- to treat the subject at large, has taken them under
' pente and diatessaron ; but so disposed as to form his consideration ; and though it may seem, that
' the third species of diapason, C c. after they were first established and promulgated
'The seventh is formed of the fourth species of through the church, they ceased to be an object
' diapente, between G sol re ut, grave, and D la worthy the attention of theorists in musical science,
* SOL RE ; and the first species of diatessaron from yet there is no assignable period in which it was not
' the same D la sol re, to G sol re ut, acute ; necessary to review them, and purge them from those
' constituting the seventh species of diapason, G g. errors which the levity and inattention of the singers
' The eighth is formed of the same species of were from time to time introducing ; for, for near a
' diapente and diatessaron ; but so disposed as to century after Gregory's time, innovations of this kind
' form the fourth species of diapason, D d, which is were so frequent, that it seemed hardly possible to
* the characteristic of the first tone : but the dominant, preserve the Cantus Gregorianus in any degree of
' of the one being A, and that of the other G, there purity ; and, therefore, the court of Rome was con-
* is an essential difference between them.' tinually troubled with applications from the princes
Hence it appears, that the difference between the of Europe, expressing their fears that the Cantus
Authentic and Plagal modes, arises from the different Gregorianus was in danger of being lost, and praying
division of the diapason in each ; the Authentics its interposition in order to its restoration,
being divided in harmonical, and the Plagals in A more particular account of these applications, and
arithmetical proportion. The nature of these is the success they met with, will shortly follow ; they
fully explained in the treatise De Musica of Boetius, are mentioned in this place to shew that the Cantus
lib. II. cap. xii. ; and by Dr. Holder, in his treatise Gregorianus was esteemed a matter of great import-
of the Natural Grounds and Principles of Harmony, ance in divine worship, and to account in some
chap, v.* measure for the numerous tracts that are extant in
Prom the principles laid down by the latter of the world concerning it.
these writers,! it will follow, that taking the num-
bers 12, 9, 8, 6, to express the proportion of the CHAP XXVIII
diapason, and its component intervals, the diatessaron
and diapente ; when the division of the diapason In the earlier ages the treatises written with a
is thus, 12, 9, 6, or A D a, giving to the diatessaron view to preserve the integrity of the ecclesiastical
the lowest position, the proportion is arithmetical : tones, were composed in monasteries : Guido Aretinus,
When it is 12, 8, 6, or A E a, in which the diapente a Benedictine monk, in a tract entitled Micrologus, a
holds the lowest place, it is harmonical.J very particular account whereof will hereafter be
* See an extract from it, supra, chap. xxiv. t Vide Hold. pag. 86. given, has bestowcd three chapters on the explanation
t Malcolm, in his Treatise of Musick, pag. 162, says that the arith- of the modeS Or tropeS, wllich are nO Other than the
metical division puts the 5th next the lesser extreme, and the harmonical . , , i • i- i -i\r j.i t
next the greater, as in the numbers 6, 8, 9, 12, as they certainly do. Clght CCClCSiastlC tOUeS. Many OtllCr dlSCOUrsCS OU
Again he says, page 563, that the harmonical division places the 5Ui ^J^g g^me subicct are alsO Cxtaut in maUUSCript ; and
.owest, which IS also true; hence it appears that he looks upon the lesser ..,•'. ,1 '■
extreme to be the lowest position, but in this he errs ; lor if six parts lU print they are innumerable.
give a, twelve must give the octave below it, J. e. A. Bontempi is also r\f vninimcriTlt'? nnnp ran DVPtpud to p-rpatpr an-
grossly erroneous in pages 70 and 173, et seq. of his history, and has ^} manUbCnpiS UOUe OdU preieuu IQ greater au-
made strange confusion, by giving the smaller number to the graves, thority than the MicrologUS of Guido AretiuUS, the
aSverb's \ZTo\nasolT"'' '"" '" '""' '=°"«'^i"«"' misapplication of the ^^^j^^j^^ thirteenth, and fourteenth chapters whereof
132
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book III.
contain a general description of tlie eii^ht ecclesiastical
modes, tropes, or tones, but without any distinction
of" their respective finals and dominants. In a manu-
script in the library of Baliol college, containing the
Micrologus of Guido, and several other musical tracts,
is a dialogue beginning with these words, ' Quid
est Musica ? ' in which the tones are treated with
a somewhat less degree of obscurity ; but this also
is defective in that it contains no Formula to ascer-
tain the relation between the Dominant and the Final
in each of them. But the manuscript of greatest
value and curiosity, in respect of its copiousness and
perspicuity, of any now extant, is one on vellum with
the following title, ' Hunc Librum vocitatum Musi-
' cam Guidonis scripsit Dominus Johannes Wylde,
' quondam exempti Monasterii San eta Crucis de
' Waltham Pra?,centor,' the property of Mr. West
now president of the Royal Society, and which
formerly belonged to Tallis, as appears by his hand-
writing on a blank leaf thereof.* In this book, of
which a more particular account will be given here-
after, are contained a great number of discourses on
the subject of music, composed by sundry persons,
as namely, the above-mentioned Johannes Wylde,
Kendale, Johannes Torkesey, Thomas
Walsyngham, Lyonell Power, Chilston,
and others ; and among these are several short tracts
on the tones or tropes as they are called. The first
in the book, which seems to have been not barely
copied, but composed by Wylde, is on the subject
of what he calls Guidonian music. It is divided
into two parts, the one treating of Manual, i. e., ele-
mentary music, from the figure of the left hand,
which Guido is said to have made use of for ex-
plaining his system ; and the other of Tonal music,
contiiining the doctrine of the ecclesiastical tones.
In the thirteenth chapter of this second part of
Wylde's tract it is said that all the tones are pro-
duced from the seven species of diapason ; but as
there are eight of the former, and only seven of the
latter, the author first takes upon him to explain how
the eighth tone was generated : he says that Ptolemy
considered the seventh species as produced from the
third, and thought that the fourth was also capable
of producing another tone, which he added to the
seven, making thereby an eighth : he adds, that he
disposed one after another, the fifteen letters, which
comprehended the bisdiapason ; constituting A for
the first note thereof, and P for the last ; and having
.Irawn seven semicircles, which pointed out seven
species or tones, he added the eighth, extending from
the middle letter Y] o^' H to the last letter P, which
was the only eighth that wanted a semicircle ; point-
ing out thereby the fourth species, which has its
mediation in G, in which the eighth tone is ter-
minated : and this, says he, Boetius asserted to be
* This manuscript passed through the liancis of Morley, and was of
great use to him in the annotations on his Introduction : many years
after his death it had for its owner Mr. Powle, speaker of the liouse of
commons in the reii^n of Kinp; William ; from him it came to Lord Somers ;
and after his decease to Sir Joseph Jekyll, at an auction of whose books
it was bought by a country organist, Mr. West, and he in gratitude for
some kindnesses done him, pressed the acceptance of it on its present
worthy possessor. A copy of it was found in the library of Dr. Pepusch
upon his decease, but it is from the original that this and the subsequent
extracts from it are taken.
the eighth mode or tone which Ptolemy superadded.
The same author observes that though the species
are Eight, yet the genera of tones are in truth but
Four, each being divided into authentic and plagal ;
and that each genus is by some writers termed a
Maniera, which appellation he rejects, as coming
from the French. He says that no cantus in any of
the tones can with propriety exceed the limits of
a tenth ; and so indeed do all the writers on this
subject.f
In the same manustiript are several other tracts,
one in particular composed by a certain monk of
Sherborne, in metre, tending to explain the precepts
of what was then called tonal music.
Many other manuscripts on this subject there are,
which, by the assistance of the printed catalogues
may be found ; but as a comparison of the several
definitions therein contained, might introduce a de-
gree of confusion which no diligent enquirer would
wish to encounter, it is safest to rely on those authors
who have written since the invention of printing, and
whose works have stood the test of ages.
Of these Gaffurius, as he is of the greatest anti-
quity, so is he of unquestionable authority. In his
book intitled Practica Musicae utriusque Cantus,
printed in the year 1502, he has entered into a large
discussion of the ecclesiastical tones, and has ex-
hibited them severally in the following forms : —
TONE I.
~-v
-♦— ♦
-^
^^E\r*-rm~:^£\:
' Pri- mus to-nus sic in - ci - pit sic me-dia-tur et
sic fi - ni - tur. Se-cu - lo rum a men.
i
:J^^gj-.=i=.;=pi=B=azj
' ' Tnnnnaf*. TT.nAna
Euouae
Euouae.
TONE II.
■m
-♦— ♦-
Se-cundus to-niis sic in - ci-pit sic me-di - a -tur
E
et sic fi - ni - tur. Euouae.
TONE III.
^
♦— ♦— ■— j-^—
♦— ♦-
fli=!=t
Ter-ti-us to-nus sic in -ci-pit sic me-di - a - tur
et sic fi - ni-tur. Euouae. Euouae.
TONE IV.
?-|:
^
tus to-nus sic in - ci - pit sic me-di - a-tur
rzPEfcJEte^
' et sic fi - ni - tur. Euouae.
Euouae.
t This rule must be understood as referring only to that unisonous
cantus which is used in the intonation of the psalms and other parts of
the service, and not to that of the antiphons and hymns ; for to these
Chap. XXVIIL
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
133
TONE V.
i
*
Quintus to-nus sic in - ci - pit sic me-di - a-tur
:11^
-m — I
et sic fi - ni - tur. Euouae.
TONE VI.
SEsE^i
-♦-♦-
t
^^EpE
Sex-tus to-nus sic in -ci -pit sic me-di - a - tur
m
i
' et sic fi - ni - tur.
TONE VII.
Velsic.
m:
^i^^
♦ ♦:
Sep-timus to - nus sic
in - ci - pit.
^^
5^
et sic me - dia - tur
et sic fi - ni - tur.
riBE§EE-!?E?Et^az^E?ZiE5^
Euouae Euouae. Euouae.
TONE VIII.
Vel sic solennis.
t-
^^-JT"^ ■ ♦ ♦ ■ HJ'^^^'g^^t:
Oc-tavus tonus sic in-ci-pit sic medi-a-txxr
m
-Sj=3t
3=!:
et sic fi - ni - tur. Euouae.
a double, triple, and frequently a quadruple cantus is adapted ; and in
these the interior parts have often anomalous initials and finals ; and in
the extreme parts the ambit of the grave and acute sounds wll often
necessarily exceed the interval of a tenth.
The above characters exhibit the essential parts of
each of the tones, that is to say, the beginning, the
mediation, and the close, which is generally con-
tained in the Euouae, a word, or rather a compages
of letters, that requires but little exjilanation, being
nothing more than the vowels contained in the words
Seculorum Amen ; and which whenever it occurs,
as it does almost in every page of the antiphonary,
is meant as a direction for singing those words to
the notes of the Euouae.
From Gaffurius the tones have been continued
down to this time, through all the books that have
been written on the subject of music at large, in
almost every country in Europe. Of those written
professedly on the ecclesiastical tones, there are two
that merit a particular attention, the one entitled
Armonia Gregoriana, by Gerolamo Cantone, Master
of the Novices, and vicar of the convent of 8t.
Francis, at Turin, published in 1678, oblong quarto.
The other has the title of II Canto Ecclesiastico, the
author D. Marzio Erculeo, printed at Modena in
1686, in small folio.
The first of these books contains the rudiments of
singing, and the most important rules for the Canto
Fermo, which for the most part are comprised
in short memorial verses. The author has given
a brief designation of the eight tones, but in his
twenty-second chapter, entitled De' Toni Misti, he
has assumed a licence which seems unwarranted by
anv precedent, at least in ancient practice, of com-
bining together the first and second, the third and
fourth, the fifth and sixth, and the seventh and eighth
tones, and thereby exceeded the limits pi'escribed by
the ancient writers, who all concur in restraining the
canto fermo to the atnbit of a tenth.
The latter of these books gives very ample di-
rections for the singing of all the offices in the
Roman service, and a representation of the tones
in the following order : —
The first Tone has its final in D, and its Dominant in A, the fifth above its final, and is intonated by RE, LA.
FA, SOL, LA, LA, &c.
I RE, LA,
^ \ Final in D, domi
II ^^^§=i=i^t^^^§
V RE, FA, DO, RE, FA, <fec.
EUOUAE.
dominant in F, a third above, intonated RE, FA.
:!=rtd
i
EUOUAE.
1
Final in E, dominant in C, a sixth above, intonated MI, FA.
♦-■-
iS
MI, FA, DO, RE, FA, FA, &c. EUOUAE.
Final in E, dominant in A, a fourth above, intonated MI, LA.
MI, LA, RE, DO, RE, RE, &c. EUOUAE
Final in F, dominant in C, a fifth above, intonated FA, FA
V (3=i=H=
^ ) A FA,
V FA, LA, FA,
:Hi«
*
:|:±zlrilz=jr
-»— ♦-
F
VI Irr
FA, FA, RE, FA, FA, &c. EUOUAE.
Final in F, dominant in A, a third above, intonated FA, LA.
:i=|r-
i
SOL, LA, LA, &c.
EUOUAE.
134
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IV.
Final in G, dominant in D, a fifth above, intonated UT, SOL.
i=i=g!
Xz:b;
:ni~L_B_B^B^p
iJczBr
:b— *:
VIII I ^
DO, SOL, Fa,Mi,Fa,Sol, Sol, &c. EUOUAE.
Final in G, dominant in C, a fourth above, intonated DO, FA.
t
:[:=■
^—d
DO, FA, DO, RE, FA, FA, &c.
— ^ ■ ♦ B , B ♦
EUOUAE.
In Ex - i - tu Is - ra - el
de E - gyp - to Domus.
EUOUAE.
There is also another tone used in the Romish
service, called by some of the writers on the Cantus
Gregorianus, II Tuono Pellegrino, i. e., the Wandering
Tone ; and by others Tuono Misto, or mixed ; the
manner in which it is intonated appears by the last
stave above.
The writers on the Cantus Gregorianus have
assigned to each of the eight ecclesiastical tones
a peculiar character, supposing that each is calculated
to excite different affections of the mind : this notion
is to the last degree fanciful, as will appear from
what Bontempi and Kircher severally say touching
the power and efficacy of each.* Erculeo has dis-
tinguished them in the manner represented at the
end of his scheme of the species of diatessaron, dia-
pente, and diapason, herein before inserted.")"
The consequence of these and other publications
of the same import, was that the doctrine of the
Cantus Gregorianus was rendered so perspicuous,
and the forms of the tones so well established, that
they became familiar even to children ; but the sta-
bility they had acquired was not so great, but that about
the beginning of the seventeenth century the levity
and wantonness of the singers gave reason to fear the
corruption of them. | It was about this time that
the theatric style of music began to be formed, in the
performance whereof Castrati, and others with flexible
and extensive voices, were principally employed ;
* Vide Bontempt. pag. 241. Kirch. Musurg. lib. VIII. pag. 142.
t Doctor Pepusch, in his short Introduction to Harmony, pag. 65, has
remarked of the key E that it differs from all others, as in truth it does ;
for it has for its second a semitone, for which reason, and because of
certain peculiarities in the modulation of it, and which render it very
solemn, he says it is as it were appropriated to church-music, and called
by the Italians Tuono di Chiesa.
This assertion of the Doctor may possibly be well grounded, but it is
to be remarked that no such distinction occurs in the writings of Guido
or Franchinus, or any of the other authors who have been consulted in
the course of this work, for the purpose of explaining the Cantus Gre-
gorianus, and the nature of the ecclesiastical tones.
\ Erculeo, pag. 52.
these singers, for very obvious reasons, made use of
divisions and all the other usual artifices to excite
applause ; and these were so grateful to the ears of
the vulgar, that the singers employed in the choral
service became infected with the like passion, and so
mutilated and distorted the Cantus Gregorianus, that
the dignity and simplicity of it was almost lost.
This gave occasion in the year 1683 to an excellent
French musician, Guillaume Gabriel Nivers, organist
of the chapel of Lewis XIV. and master of music to
his queen, § to publish a book entitled Dissertation
sur le Chant Gregorien. In the composition of this
learned and judicious work, the author appears to
have derived great assistance from the writings of
Amalarius Fortunatus and St. Bernard, and from
Cardinal Bona's book De Rebus Liturgicis, Durandus's
Rationale Divinorum Ofificiorum, and, above all, from
a more modern author, named Peytat, who wrote a
history of the chapel of the king of France, a book
abounding with a great variety of curious particulars.
Nivers succeeded so well in his endeavours to re-
form the cantus ecclesiasticus, that he was employed
by the king to correct the Roman antiphonary, for
the use of the churches in France ; and the editions
of that great volume since his time, bear testimony
to the skill and industry which he must have exercised
iu so laborious and important a reformation. In
short, he has not only reduced the tones to the
standard of primitive pui'ity, but has given such
directions for the performance of the Cantus Gre-
gorianus, and guarded so well against innovations in
it, that there is very little reason to fear the loss of
this precious relic of antiquity.
§ Nivers was also organist of the church of St. Sulpice, in Paris.
He was the author of a book, entitled, Traite de la Composition de
Musique, printed at Amsterdam, in octavo, 1697, and of some motets
and pieces for the organ, which are also in print.
BOOK IV. CHAP. XXIX.
The first eight chapters of Nivers's Dissertation
Bur le Chant Gregorien, contain a history of the
primitive institution of it, and a vindication of the
practice of antiphonal singing in general, from
Socrates, Theodoret, and other ecclesiastical writers,
with answers to the objections of such as either
denied its authority or had contributed to the increase
of those errors in the practice of it, which it is the
purpose of his book to detect and reform.
In the ninth chapter the author enumerates the
several characters necessary in the notation of it, and
describes them thus : —
'Twelve characters are sufficient for the plain-
'song; the first consists of four lines, upon which,
' and in the spaces between them, all the notes are
' situate ; the fifth line, which certain innovaters have
' added, is useless and embarrassing.
' The second character is the key of C sol ut fa
' or else by the method of the si ; the key of C sol
' DT made thus |^ or thus tj cannot be situate but on
Chap. XXIX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
135
' the first, the Becond, or the third, and never or very
' rarely on the fourth, because the key on the second
' line with a b soft commonly in B, has altogether
• the same effect as the same key on the fourth line
' without b soft ; for it is always said the note on
' this fourth line is always sung ut, and the other
' notes consecutively in order. This is to be under-
' stood of the song, but not of the organ or other
■ instruments.
' The third character is the key of F ut pa, made
' thus i5"S or thus IS5Z which is generally situated
' on the second line, and sometime, but very rarely,
' upon the first.
' The fourth and fifth characters are the two notes,
' the long and the breve, made thus ■ ♦, but as the
■ number of characters necessary in it is one of the
■grand questions relating to the cantus, we defer
'speaking of it till in the next chapter, to confute
' the opinion of those who admit but one of them,
namely, the long.*
* The sixth and seventh characters are the two
bars ; the great and the less, made thus zzzf IE~
which are used to denote the place where all the
choir together ought to take breath and make a little
pause. These are the same in a song as stops are
to words, wherefore we always at two points or
a colon, and sometimes at commas, put a great bar
to make the song complete, answering to a full
stop. The principal use of the lesser bar is to
give time for the whole choir together to draw
'breath, to the end that none of the singers may
' go on faster than the rest, and that the uniformity
' of the cantus may be preserved by all, and in all
* with an equal measure. At the end of every piece
* there are put two great bars to mark the end of the
* song ; these bars are the most efficacious contrivance
' that can be thought on to remedy all the cacophonies
'and contrarieties in the voices of the singers, who,
' without them, could not guess when to rest ; but
' the abuse of these bars is become almost general,
' for the markers or writers of notes and the printers
' imagine there must be one at every word ; so that
' if there are four, five, six, or seven monosyllables
'following one another, they put as many bars as
'there are notes, as if all the notes were not of
' themselves as well separated, without bars, as the
' words are. St. Bernard speaks of this confusion
* Nivers, in the subsequent chapter, undertakes the discussion of
a question which it seems had subsisted for a long time, namely, how
many characters or marks of time were necessary in the cantus ecclesi-
asticus ? He contends that not more than two, namely, the long and
the breve, are admissable into it ; for this he cites the acts of the council
of Rheims in 1564, in which it was decreed that the cantus should con-
tain but one note on a syllable, and that the quantities of each should be
observed in the notation. He seems to think that this was the very
reformation intended by the council of Trent, in that decree of it which
is mentioned by Father Paul, pag. 559. of his history, to have been made
in 1562, against over-curious and wanton singing He also cites Rabanus
Maurus to prove that all clerks should perfectly understand the nature
of the accents, and accommodate their notation to it. Farther he asserts,
on the authority of Radulphus, that in the gradual of the blessed Gregory
at Rome there are but few notes, and that there is reason to believe that
many characters in those of an hundred years after him have no warrant
for their admission.
In the course of this disquisition Nivers seems not to be in the least
aware of a reformation of the cantus ecclesiasticus made by Palestrina
and Francesco Suriano, about the year 15S0, which consisted in the
reduction of the characters to three, namely, the long, tlie breve, and
the semibreve ; and is expressly mentioned by Marzio Erculeo, in his
Discourse on the Cantus Ecclesiasticus above-cited.
' in these words : " What sort of liberty is this
" which introduces the confusion of uncertainty, &c."
' And in effect this confusion of bars is of no service,
' since all the notes are of themselves as distinct as
' the words ; and all these bars are not only useless
' and embarrassing, but they yet (which is remark-
' able) destroy the benefit of their institution, because
'tlie singers, no longer knowing where to repose
'themselves, some stop while others advance, which
'occasions the greatest disorders in the song; and
' the excess of bars puts the song again into its
' former abuse, when it had no bars, which we see in
' the more ancient manuscripts.
' The eighth character is the guidon, made upon
' the line, or in the space thus— |-^f or thus -^ ^
' to mark where the following note will be situate
' in the other line.
' The ninth character is the bemol, made thus in
' a space, but rarely on a line rfe^i which is always
' marked in B, and very rarely in E.
' The tenth is the point . between two short notes •
' the use of it is to augment the precedent one, and
' diminish that following it, to observe a certain
' regulated measure, for example, that of two times.
' Sometimes the point is also put between a long
' note and a short one ; and in such case it only
'augments the long note with the half of its own
'value, so that the point and the following breve
' considered together complete the just measure of
' a long note.
'The eleventh character is the bond or joining,
' made thus -^^, or thus /-^, which serves to tie two
' or more notes, or long ones and breves on one and
' the same syllable, to keep the regulated measure.
' The last character is the diesis, made thus ^, or
' thus X ; the use of it is to soften the following note,
' or that above or under which it is placed ; the
' dieses are rarely marked in the plain-song, because
'the voice itself naturally leads to it.|
t This is the form of the guidon in ancient missals, and other books
written or printed with musical notes ; it is an indication of the first
note in a succeeding stave, and is that note in a smaller character. This
kind of guidon is now disused, and has given place to that other above
described.
% The following directions of Nivers contain the principal rules to be
observed in the performanoe of the cantus ecclesiasticus : —
'To begin to sing or intonate an anthem, or any other part of the
' office whatsoever, the rule is to attend particularly to the dominant of
' the choir, which ought to be regulated according to the voices which
' compose it ; for it would be acting quite contrary to nature and reason
' to pretend to establish the same dominant for the low, the middle, aud
' the highest voices.
' To arrive at a perfect knowledge of these things, it ought to be
' known that the whole song consists in eight modes or tones, which may
' be reduced to four by their finals, and even to two, by only tlie difference
'of the greater third and the lesser third.
' The uneven tones, which are only so termed, as being distinguished
'by the odd numbers 1, 3, 5, 7, are called authentics or principals : the
' others are named plagals or dependents, because they have one and the
' same final each with their authentic, and thus the first and second have
' one and the same final, so the third and fourth, the fifth and sixth, the
' seventh and eighth ; all their difference consists only in the extent,
'which in the authentics is above, and in the plagals below.
' Every tone has two essential chords, called the final and the domi-
' nant, upon which all sorts of songs turn and are founded. The final is
' that by which the tone ought for the most part to begin, but always to
' end. The dominant is that which rules or prevails the oftenest in the
' song, and upon which the tenor of the psalms, oraisons, and all that is
' to be sung straight forward, or nearly straight forward, is made.
' Wherefore this dominant ought to be a little higher than the middle
' of the natural voice, and not lower, because that in ail the tones the
' extent of the notes is greater below than above the dominant ; but it is
' not a small difficulty to take it just and in a good pitch.
' For the common and ordinary voices they put the dominant of the
' choir in A of the organ ; I mean the organs which have the tone if the
136
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IV.
Having thus explained the characters, Nivers, in
his twelfth book, proceeds to a discrimination of the
tones by the finals and dominants of each in their
respective order, in the words following : —
' The first has its final in D, and its dominant in
* A, the fifth to its final ; re la.'
' The second has its final in D, and its dominant in
* F, a third to its final ; re fa.'
' The third has its final in E, and its dominant in
' C, a sixth to its final ; mi ut.' *
' The fourth has its final in E, and its dominant in
* A, a fourth to its final ; mi la.'
' The fifth has its final in F, and its dominant in
* C, a fifth to its final ; ut sol, or else fa ut with B
' J], not b.'
' The sixth has its final in F, and its dominant in
' A, a third to its final ; ut mi, or else fa la, with B
' }n, not b.'
' The seventh has its final in G, and its dominant
' in A, a fifth to its final ; sol re.'
' The eighth has its final in G, and its dominant in
' 0, a fourth to its final ; sol ut.'
The dissertation of Nivers contains also FormuljB
Cantus Ordinarii Ofiicii Divini. These he has given
in Latin, together with the musical notes : they con-
tain directions for singing the oraisons and responses,
and for reading the prophets, the epistles, and gospels,
and for the intonation of the psalms. There are
also several litanies and antiphons, and that famous
lamentation of the Virgin, in monkish rhyme : —
Stabat mater dolorosa
Juxta crucem lachrymosa.
The formula of the tones intitled Tabula tonorum,
is also given in musical characters, and contains the
following examples : —
Intonatio, Tractus Notarum, Mediatio, Tractus Terminatio.
-♦-♦-»-♦-♦-
:t^E^£t?:Li.E=Ei
Dix-it Dominus Domi-no me o : Se de ^ dextris me - is.
king's cliapel, which all the famous orf,'ans of Paris and elsewhere have,
' wherefore this tone is called the tone of the chapel, to distinguish it
' from the tone of the kin^i's chamber, which is a semitone higher, and
'so commonly are, ur ought to be, the organs in nunneries ; the nuns
'having generally an extent of voice higher by an octave than the
' common voices of men.
' For the low voices they put the dominant in G of the organ.
' For the high voices they put the dominant in B of the organ.
' For the voices of religious women they put the d(miinant in C, or even
' in D of the organ, according to the quality of the voices.
'The first thing therefore that ought to be known is the dominant of
' the choir, which is only a generical sound, or tone if you will, and not
' fixed to any note or degree, that is to any rule or interval on which this
' dominant can be placed.
'The second thing to be observed is the mode or tone of the anthem
' which is to he sung, and to regulate the dominarit of the anthem to the
'unison of the dominant of the choir which performs it, and then to
' proceed from this dominant regularly, and pass through all the degrees
' as far as the note by which the anthem ought to begin ; for example, if
'I would intonate the first anthem of the Feast of the Holy Sacrament,
" Sacerdos in aeternum," I sing slowly the dominant of this anthem,
' which is lA, to the unison of the dominant of the choir, and descend
'by degrees to tlie final of the anthem, by which it begins, singing la,
'SOI,, FA, MI, RE, to find the just tone of the/irst note of the said anthem,
"Sacerdos in ajternum," and after the same manner in other anthems
' and tones. But one should not be ignorant of the essential chords of
' every tone.'
It should seem by these several tracts of Erculeo and Nivers, and
other authors who might be named, that the doctrine of the tones is now
so well established, that there is not the least reason to fear any cor-
ruption of them. In England the little book entitled A pious Association,
published for the instruction of persons of the Romish persuasion in the
true church plain-song, contains a formula of the eight tones, exactly
corresponding with that of Nivers above given ; and it farther appears,
that in the seminaries throughout Italy it is taught to children in a way
that admits of no variation. In short, its principles seem to be as well
understood as those of arithmetic, or any other mathematical science.
« According to the French method of solmization ; but Erculeo makes
it LA.
II. aj-
Intonatio, Tractus Notarum, Mediatio, Tractus Terminatio.
1
Dix-it Dominus Domi-no me-o : Se-de k dextris me - is.
Ill,
IV,
m
-♦♦-■-♦-♦-■-
:|:Ii±JL:ti>=i
'^^
Dix-it Dominus Domi-no me-o : Se-de k dextris me - is.
feB
Ei^-»-«-^^igir' ♦-■-■-^-ii»:^g
Dix-it Dominus Domi-no me-o : Se-de k dextris me - is.
it=
-♦-♦ ■-♦-♦^-»-}^-
■♦-■-
VI.
VII.
VIII
Dix-it Dominus Domi-no me-o : Se-de k dextris me - is,
i2=
♦-♦-■-♦-♦-■ ■-!-■-♦-
ftt:
Dix-it Dominus Domi-no me-o : Se-de ^ dextris me - is
il?
I
Dix-it Dominus Domi-no me-o : Se-de a dextris me - is.
m
-♦-♦-■-♦-♦
-■-♦-♦-■-■-i-i
«-♦-■-
Dix-it Dominus Domi-no me-o : Se-de h dextris me - is.
To facilitate the remembrance of the formula of
each of the tones, and particularly to impress upon
the minds of children the finals and dominants that
characterise them, memorial verses have been com-
posed, of which the following are a specimen : —
Primus habet tonus F sol la, sextus et idem :
Ut re fa octavus : sit tertius, atque seciindus :
La sol la quartus : dant ut mi sol tibi qiiintum :
Septimus at tonus fa mi fa sol tibi monstrat.
Septimus et sextus, dant fa mi re mi qvioque primus.
Quintus et octavus, dant fa sol fa sicque secundus.
Sol fa mi re fa tertius, re ut re mi reque quartus.
Primus cum quarto dant A la mi he, quoque sextus
E fa ut secundus : C sol fa ut tertius tibi notat,
Cum eo quintus, octavusque signat ibidem :
Septimus in D la sol re suum ponit euouae.
By the foregoing deduction of the nature of the
Cantus Gregorianus, nothing more is intended than to
explain its original form, for it will be observed that
none of the authors aliove-cited presume to make any
additions to, or amendments of it ; on the contrary
they labour to represent it in its purity, and to pre-
serve it from corruption. This was evidently the
design of Nivers ; and his book, which is of the con-
troversial kind, is calculated to correct certain abuses
in the service that arose from the wantonness and
levity of the singers, and were peculiar to his time ;
but the Cantus Gregorianus suffered greatly from
corruptions tliat were the effect of ignorance, and
which took place within a century after its institution ;
and these corruptions, their nature, and causes, and
the methods taken to remove them by the several
princes of Europe, especially those of Germany,
France, and England, make a very considerable part
in the History of Music, and therefore require to be
particularly mentioned ; and if the foregoing digres-
sion may seem to deviate from the rule which
chronology prescribes in the relation of events, let it
be remembered that in this case a strict adherence to
it would have been absurd ; for who can understand
a relation of the several corruptions of the Cantus
Gregorianus, who is not first made sensible of its
Chap. XXIX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
137
nature and application ; in short, who has not a clear
conception of the thing itself, in its original state of
purity and perfection.
That the Cantus Gregorianus became corrupt in
a short time after its institution, may be gathered
from the ecclesiastical and other writers, from the
seventh century downwards. Saint Bernard, in a
preface to the antiphonary of the Cistertians, has
enumerated many abuses, disorders, and irregularities
which had crept into the church-service before his
time, and this even at Rome itself : he speaks of the
singers of his time as ignorant and obstinate to a
degree that is scarce to be credited ; for he represents
them as confounding the rules, and preferring error
to truth : and referring to an Antiphon, ' Nos qui
' vivimus,' the proper termination whereof is in D,
he adds, that those unjust prevaricators, the singers
of his time, would terminate it in G, and assert with
an oath or wager, that it was of the eighth tone.
Sir Henry Spelman (whom Gerard Vossius has
followed, in an account given by him of this matter)*
upon the authority of an anonymous commentator on
Hugo Reutlingensis, relates that the Cantus Gre-
gorianus was very much corrupted by the Germans.
The words of the author thus referred to are, ' Certain
' Germans, and particularly the clergy of the order of
' St. Benedict, who had learned perfectly and by
' heart the musical cantus, not only theoretically, bi;t
' also by practice and exercise, leaving out the keys
* and lines which are required in the musical Nenma,f
' note or character, began to note them down simply
* in their books ; and after that, their successors sang
' in the same manner, and taught their scholars, not
' theoretically, but by frequent practice and long
* exercise ; which cantus thus learned by practice,
* became various in different places, wherefore it was
' then termed practice, usus.J and not music. In this
' cantus however the scholars afterwards began to
' differ in many things from their masters, and the
' masters from their scholars ; from which difference,
' and the ignorance of the theory, the practice was
' said to be confused, which confused practice being
' despised, almost all the Germans, who were hitherto
'miserably seduced by that cantus, are returned to
* the true art.'
These corruptions, according to the author above-
cited, seem to have been peculiar to Germany ; but
there were others of an earlier date which prevailed
in France and also in Britain, for the latter of which
countries Gregory seems to have entertained such a
degree of affection, as makes it highly probable that
the inhabitants of it were some of the first people to
whom the knowledge of the Cantus Gregorianus was
communicated, and that they became Christians and
singers at one and the same period.
* Voce Frigdorae. Sed vide Ger. Voss. De Scientiis Mathematicis,
cap. xxi. § 12.
t This word, which Sir Henry Spelman has elsewhere said is syno-
nymous with the noun Note, has two significations ; that which Gaffurius
has piven of it is its primitive and true one ; and he says it is an aggre-
gation of as many sounds or notes as maybe conveniently uttered in one
single respiration. Vide Spelman's Gloss, voce Neuma ; and Gaffurius,
Pract. Mus. lib. I. cap. viii. Probably it is derived from the Greek
X For which reason, the terms Salisbury use, Hereford use, the use of
Bangor, York, Lincoln, are taken to describe the ritual of those several
cathedrals in the preface to the book of Common Prayer.
The history of the conversion of the Saxon in-
habitants of this island to Christianity in the year 585,
is related by all our historians, particularly by Bede,
whose account of it, as exhibiting a very natural
representation of the simplicity of manners which
then prevailed, is here inserted : —
'It is reported that merchants arriving at Rome,
' when on a certain day many things were to be sold
' in the market-place, abundance of people resorted
' thither to buy, and Gregory himself with the rest,
' where, among other things, boys were set to sale
' for slaves, their bodies white, their countenance
' beautiful, and their hair very fine : having viewed
' them, he asked as is said, from what country or
' nation they were brought, and was told from the
' island of Britain, whose inhabitants were of such
' a presence. § He again enquired whether those
' islanders were Christians, or still involved in the
' errors of paganism, and was informed that they
' were pagans. Then fetching deep sighs from the
' bottom of his heart, " Alas ! what pity, said he, that
" the author of darkness is possessed of men of such
" fair countenances, and that being remarkable for
" such graceful aspects, their minds should be void
" of inward grace." He therefore again asked what
' was the name of that nation, and was answered, that
' they were called Angles : " Right, said he, for they
" have an angelical face, and it becomes such to be co-
" heirs with the angels in heaven. What is the name,"
' proceeded he, " of the province from which they are
" brought ? " 'It was replied, that the natives of
' that province were called Deiri,|| " Truly Deiri^
" said he, withdrawn from wrath and called to the
" mercy of Christ. How is the king of that province*
" called ? " They told him his name was Elle ; and
' he, alluding to the name, said, " Hallelujah, the
" praise of God the creator must be sung in those
" parts." Then repairing to fli<' I ishop of the Roman
' and apostolical see (for he was not himself then
' made pope) he entreated him to send some ministers
' of the word into Britain, to the nation of the English,
' by whom it might be converted to Christ.' ^
The above relation is very characteristic of the
humanity and simplicity of the reverend father.
Fuller, who labours hard to make all mankind as
merry as himself, thinks that in his ready appli-
cation of the answers of the merchants to his purpose,
his wit kept pace with his benevolence, and having
a mind to try whether he could not be as witty as
the father, he has given the whole conversation
a dramatic turn, by putting it into the form of
a dialogue.* *
The sight of these children, and the knowledge
which Gregory tliereby acquired of this country
and its inhabitants, were the motives for sending
Augustine the monk hither, with whom, as we are
expressly told by Johannes Diaconus, who wrote
the Life of St. Gregory, singers were also sent
(Augustine then going to Britain), and afterwards
§ William Thorn, a monk, of St. Augustine's Canterbury, says there
were three of these boys : ' Vidit in foro Romano tres pueros Anglicos
lactei candoris.' Decern Scriptores, pag. 1757.
II i. I', of Deirham, or Durham.
IT Bed. Hist Kcclesiast. lib. II. cap. i.
** Church Hist, of Britain, Cent. VI. book II.
138
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE.
Book IV.
dispersed through the west, who thoroughly instructed
the barbarians in the Roman institution. The same
author proceeds to relate that after the death of
these men* the modulation of the western churches
became very corrupt, and continued so till pope
Vitalianus the First, who introduced the organ into
the choral service, sent John, a famous Roman singer,
together with Theodore, afterwards archbishop of
Canterbury, by the way of France into Britain, who
corrected the abuses that had crept into the church-
service of this, as it should seem, favourite people.
Farther he says, that afterwards the Gregorian
chant became again corrupt, particularly in France,
for which reason Charlemagne sent two clerks to
* The names of the singers who came into Britain with Augustine
are no where particularly mentioned. We learn however from Bede
that the church song was at first only known in Kent ; that afterwards,
that is to say about the year 620, when Paulinus became bishop of the
Northumbrians, a deacon of his, named James, had rendered himself
very famous for his skill in the church song ; and that Wilfrid, a suc-
ceeding bishop of the same see, about the year 664 invited out of Kent
Eddi, surnamed Stephen, for the purpose of teaching the same in the
several churches of the Northumbrians. Farther, Bede gives a particular
account of John the singer above-mentioned, whom he styles archchanter
or precentor of the church of the holy apostle Peter, and abbot of the
monastery of St. Martin, and elsewhere singer of the apostolic see: he
says he was sent into Britain by pope Agatho, that he might teach the
method of singing throughout the year, as it was practised at St. Peter's
at Rome ; and that he settled in a monastery which Ecgfrid king of the
Northumbrians had founded at the mouth of the river Wire. He farther
says that John did as he had been commanded by the pope, teaching the
singers of tliis monastery the order and manner of singing and reading
aloud, and committing to writing all that was required throughout the
whole course of the year for celebrating festivals, all which were in
Bede's time observed in that monastery, and transcribed by many others
elsewhere ; he says farther that the said John did not only teach the
brethren of that monastery, but that such as had skill in singing resorted
from almost all the monasteries of the same province to hear him.
The reverend Mr. Johnson, late of Cranbrook in Kent, lias given a
summary of this relation, with his own sentiments thereon, in a book
which hardly any one now looks into, but which abounds with a great
variety of curious learning, his Collection of Ecclesiastical Laws ; in the
general preface to which he says, upon the authorily of Bede, that pope
Agatho, above eighty years after Augustine's coming over, sent John,
the precentor of St. Peter's church in Rome, to instruct the monks of
Wirmuth in the animal course of singing ; and that he did accordingly
teach them the order and rite of singing and reading in the celebration
of feasts through the circle of the whole year, and that he wrote down
and left behind him whatever was requisite to this purpose. And that
the sum of what he taught them consisted in new tunes or modes of
music, some variations of habit, gesture, and perhaps of the series of
performing religious offices according as the fashions had been altered at
Rome since Augustine's coming hither— that he taught them viva voce,
and what he wrote down concerned only the celebration of the festivals
— that John was sent to one monastery only, and is not said to have
taught any but the Northumbrians.— That upon Theodore's first coming
to Canterbury, which was ten or twelve years before this, the Roman
way of singing was well known in Kent, and then began to be taught in
other churches— that Wilfred soon after invited Eddi, otherwise called
Stephen, out of Kent into the North, to teach his practice there. But
thirty-five years before Theodore's arrival, James, the Kentish deacon,
had been left at York by Paulinus when he retired to Rochester, on pur-
pose to teach them the way of singing used by the Romans and the
Kentish. The same author adds as a conjecture of his own, that it is
probable that neither of these Kentish singing-masters went farther than
Hexham, however not to Wirmuth.
The same Collection contains a decree of the Roman council, which
as it relates to music, and was made to reform an abuse of it that pre-
vailed about this time, it may not be improper here to mention. By this
act it is decreed that bishops, and all whosoever that profess the religious
life of the ecclesiastical order, do not use weapons, nor keep musicians of
the female sex, nor any musical concerts whatsoever, nor do allow of any
buffooneries or plays in their presence.
Of James, the deacon of Paulinus above-mentioned, he says that he
lived to his [Bede's] time. If so, and considering that Paulinus was
bishop of Northumbria, in which province Bede's monastery was situate,
it is more than probable that Bede and James were intimately acquainted.
Bede also mentions as living in the time of Theodore, Putta, a man of
great simplicity in his manners, extremely well versed in ecclesiastical
discipline, and remarkably skilful in church-music, and who, on account
of these his excellencies, was preferred to the see of Rochester. Mention
will be made of this person hereafter, in the interim it is to be observed,
that the testimony of Bede is of great weight in all matters that relate
to church discipline, and that hardly any man of his time was better
acquainted with the music of the church than himself: in a summary
of his own life, at the end of his Ecclesiastical History, he mentions his
being a priest of the monastery of Wiremouth, the very monastery where
John the precentor settled upon his arrival in Britain ; and that he there
.■ipplieri himself to the meditation of scripture, the observance of regular
discipline, and the daily care of singing in the church; and that he always
delighted in learning, teaching, and writing.
Rome with a request to Adrian, the then pope, that
they might be instructed in the rudiments of the
genuine Roman song ; these brought back the metro-
polis of Metz to its original purity of singing, and
that city communicated its example to all France.
The same author adds that the death of these two
men produced the same effect, though in a less
degree, in France, as that of the others had done
in Britain ; wherefore the king wrote again to Adrian,
who sent him two singers, who found that the church
of Metz had deviated a little from the true rule of
singing, but the other churches a great deal. The
same author adds, that this diversity was remarkable
in his time, for that the rest of the French and all
the German churches were then as much inferior
in the purity of their choral service to that of Metz,
as the latter were to the Roman ; but for the present
he says these men reduced the church of Metz to
order.
Monsieur Nivers, from Peytat, a modern writer,
and a countryman of his, who it seems wrote an
ecclesiastical history of the chapel of the king of
France, cites the following passage : —
Pope Stephen II. being constrained to seek to
Pepin king of France for protection of the holy see
against the Lombards, arrived in that kingdom so
soon after Pepin's ascent to the throne, as to perform
the ceremony of his consecration in the abbey-church
of St. Denys. From Rome the pope had brought
with him chaplains and singers, who first made it
their business to instruct the choir of St. Denys in
the Roman office ; and afterwards, for the pope made
a considerable stay in France, assisted in communi-
cating the knowledge of it to the other churches in
that kingdom. At that time the chapel of Pepin
consisted of the very flower of the clergy, and, with
the assistance of the Romans, not only the plain -
chant but the use of instruments was spread through-
out the realm. This reformation it is true did not
last long, for upon the death of Pepin, his son
Charlemagne found the choral service in as great
disorder as ever, which, says the monk of St. Cibard
of Angoulesme, was the reason that induced this
emperor to apply to Adrian for assistance from
Rome.
CHAP. XXX.
The account given of this matter by another
ancient writer, a monk of St. Gal, is that the pope
sent to France, at the request of the emperor Charle-
magne, twelve excellent singers, answering to the
number of the apostles, whose instructions were
to reform the music of the French churches, and
regulate the service, so as that there might be an
uniformity in this respect throughout the kingdom ;
but that these men, jealous of the glory of France,
in their way thither plotted to corrupt and diversify
the plain-chant in such a manner as to increase the
confusion in which it was involved, and thereby
render the people for ever incapable of performing
it correctly. As soon as they arrived in France
where they were received with great honour, they
Chap. XXX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
139
were, by order of the emperor, dispersed to different
parts of the kingdom ; but how well they answered
the purpose of sending for them, the event soon
showed ; for every man teaching a different chant
for the true one of St. Gregory, which they were
sent for to restore to its original purity and pro-
pagate, the confusion was greater than ever.*
The emperor it seems was too well skilled in
music for this deceit to pass upon him unnoticed :
he had, in the life-time of his father, heard the true
Roman chant at Treves, where he had passed the
Christmas, and at Metz also he had been present
when it was sung in its perfection ; but after the
arrival of these people, spending part of that festival
at Paris and the rest at Tours, he was surprised to
hear a melody different from that which before he
had so much admired ; his disappointment excited
in him a curiosity to hear the service as it was
performed in the other churches ; but among the
singers he found such a disagreement, that he com-
plained to the pope of the behaviour of those whom
he had sent ; the pope recalled them to Rome,
and condemned some of them to banishment, and
the rest to perpetual imprisonment. After this it
was that Adrian sent to France the two singers
who reformed the French church-music, as above
is related.
None of the historians who relate the transactions
of this period, except Baronius, assign the reason of
the emperor's application to pope Adrian for assistance
in the reformation of choral music in his kingdom
of France. It seems that that pope had established
the use of the Cantus Gregorianus by the decree of
a council, which he had summoned for that purpose,
and that his zeal to render it universal was the effect
of a miracle, which, if we may believe the writers of
those times, had then lately been wrought in its favour.
It is said, that after the death of Gregory the method
of singing instituted by him began to decline, and
the Ambrosian cantus to revive. Adrian had enter-
tained an opinion of the superior excellence of the
former, and was determined to establish the use of it
throughout the church ; for this purpose he summoned
a council above-mentioned, who being unable to de-
termine the preference between the one and the other
of the offices, referred the decision of the matter to
God, and a miracle announced that the preference was
due to the Gregorian office.
Durandus has given a very circumstantial relation of
this extraordinary event in the following words :- — "j"
' We read in the life of St. Eugenius that till his
* time the Ambrosian office was more used by the
' church than the Gregorian : pope Adrian summoned
' a council, by which it was decreed that the Gregorian
' ought to be universally observed. Moreover St.
' Eugenius coming to a certain council, summoned for
* this purpose, and finding that it had been already
* dissolved three days, he persuaded the lord pope to
' recall all the prelates who had been present thereat.
' Tlic council, therefore, being reassembled, it was the
' unanimous opinion of all the fathers, that the Am-
» Vid. Niv. sur le Chant. Greg. chap. iv. pag. 33.
+ Afterwards pope : the second of that name. Du Pin, Hist. Eccl.
vol. III. pag. 6.
' brosian and Gregorian missals should be laid upon
' the altar of St. Peter, the apostle, secured by the
' seals of most of the bishops, and the doors of the
' church shut, and that all persons present should
' spend the night in prayer that God would show by
' some sign which of these missals he chose to have
' used by the church ; and this was done in every
' respect. Accordingly, in the morning, when they
* entered the church they found the Gregorian missal
' torn to pieces, and scattered here and there, but
' they found the Ambrosian only open upon the altar,
' in the same place where it had been laid. By which
' sign they were taught from heaven that the Gregorian
' office ought to be dispersed throughout the whole
' world, and that the Ambrosian should be observed
' only in that church in which it was first instituted.
' And this regulation prevails to the present day ; for
' in the time of the emperor Charles, the Ambrosian
' office was very much laid aside, and the Gregorian,
' by the imperial authority, was brought into common
* use. Ambrose instituted many things according to
'the ritual of the Greeks.' Gulielm. Durandus
Rationale Divinorum Officiorum. Lugd. 1 574, lib. 11.
cap. ii. numb. 5.
The historians of the time take notice, that in the
year 787 a violent contest arose between the Roman
and French singers, concerning the true method of
singing divine service, which was carried on with
so much heat and bitterness, that neither side could
be made to yield. At length, the matter was brought
before the emperor ; who, after hearing the reasons
and arguments of each party, determined in favour
of the Roman practice, by declaring, that the French
singers had corrupted the Cantus Gregorianus.
Baronius has related the transaction at length in
these words : —
* In the ancient chronicle of Charles king of France,
' which Pithoeus published, these things then done at
' Rome are recorded. The most pious king Charles
' returned, and celebrated Easter at Rome with the
' apostolical lord. Behold a contention arose, during
' the time of the paschal feast, between the Roman
' and French singers : the French said that they sang
' better and more gracefully than the Romans ; the
' Romans said they performed the ecclesiastical cantus
' more learnedly, as they had been taught by St.
' Gregory, the pope ; and that the Frencli sang
* corruptly, and debased and ruined the true cantilena.
* This contention came before the emperor Charles ;
' and the Gauls relying on his favour, violently ex-
' claimed against the Roman singers ; and the Romans,
' upon the authority of their great learning, affirmed
' that the Gauls were fools and rustics, and as un-
' learned as brute beasts, and preferred the learning
' of St. Gregory to their rusticity : and the altercation
' ceasing on neither side, the emperor said to his
' singers, " Tell me plainly, which is the purer, and
" which the better, the living fountain, or its rivulets
" running at a distance." They all, with one voice,
' answered the fountain ; as the head and origin is
' the purer, and the rivulets, the farther they dejjart
* from the fountain, are by so much the more muddy,
' foul, and corrupted with impurities. " Then, said
40
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IV.
'the emperor, return ye to the fountain of St.
"Gregory, for ye have manifestly corrupted the
"ecclesiastical cantus."
' The emperor, therefore, soon after desired siug-
' ers of pope Adrian, who might reform the French
' singing ; and he sent to him Theodore and Bene-
* diet, two of the most learned singers of the Roman
' church, who had been taught by St. Gregory ; and
'he sent by them the antiphonary of St. Gregory,
' which he had marked with the Roman note. The
'emperor returning into France, sent a singer of the
* city of Metz, with orders that the masters of schools
' throughout all the provinces of France should de-
' liver their antiphonaries to them to be corrected, and
' that they should learn to sing of them. Upon this,
' the antiphonaries of the French were corrected, which
* every one had corrupted, by adding or diminish-
' iug according to his own fancy, and all the singers
' of France learned the Roman note ; except that the
' French, who, with their voices, which are naturally
' barbarous, could not perfectly express the delicate
' or tremulous, or divided sounds, in music, but broke
'the sounds in their throats, rather than expressed
' them : but the greatest singing school was that in the
' city of Metz ; and as much as the Roman school
' excels the Metensian in the practice of singing, by
, so much does the Metensian excel the other schools
' of France. In like manner, the aforesaid Roman
' singers instructed the singers of the French in the
' art of instrumental music : and the emperor Charles
' aaain brousfht with him from Rome into France,
' masters of grammar and mathematics, and ordered
' the study of letters to be every \^■here pursued ; for
* before his time, there was no attention paid to the
' liberal arts in Gaul. This account is given of these
' affairs in that chronicle. Moreover, there is an
' ordinance of Charles the Great himself concerning
' the performance of the Roman music in Gaul, in
' these words : " That the monks fully and regularly
" perform the Roman singing in the nocturnal stated
" service, according to what our father king Pepin,
" of blessed memory, decreed should be done, when
" he introduced the Galilean singing for the sake of
" unanimity in the Apostolic See, and the peaceful
" concord of the Holy Church." *
The zeal which this prince discovered through the
course of a long reign, in favour of the church, and
for the re-establishment of ecclesiastical discipline,
has proci;red him a place among those ecclesiastical
writers enumerated in Du Pin's voluminous history.
It was the good fortune of this emperor to have in
his service a secretary, named Eginhart, a man not
more eminent for his knowledge of the world, than
celebrated for his skill in the literature of those times.
To him we are indebted for a life of this great prince,
one of the most curious and entertaining works of the
kind at this day extant : in this are recorded, not
only the great events of Charlemagne's reign, but the
particulars of his life and character, a very exact
description of his person, his studies, his recreations,
and, in short, all that can gratify curiosity, or tend to
exhibit a lively portrait of a great man. Not to
• Baron. Annal. Ecclesiast. torn. IX. pag 415.
enter into a minute detail of his wars and negociations,
or the other important transactions during his govern-
ment, let this short sketch of his personal and mental
endowments, and his labours to restore the service of
the church to its original purity, suffice, as having a
more immediate relation to the subject of this work.
Charlemagne was born in the year of Christ 7(39,
at Ingelheim, a town in the neighbourhood of the city
of Liege, in Germany. His father was Pepin, king
of France, surnamed the Little, by reason of the low-
ness of his stature; who, upon his decease, made a
partition of his dominions between his two sons,
bequeathing to Charlemagne, the elder, France, Bur-
gundy, and Aquitain, and to Carloman, Austria,
Soissons, and other territorities ; but Carloman sur-
viving his father a very short time, Charlemagne
became the heir of all his dominions, and at length
emperor of the West.
The stature and person of Charlemagne are very
particularly taken notice of and described by the
writers of his history, by which it appears, that he
was as much above the ordinary size of men, as his
father Pepin was below it. Turpin, the archbishop
of Rheims, relates, that he was eight feet high, that
his face was a span and an half long, and his forehead
one foot in breadth, and that his body and limbs were
well proportioned. He had a great propensity to
learning, having had some of the most celebrated
scholars of the age in which he was born, for his
tutors ; and it is to the honour of this country that
Alcuin, an Englishman, and a disciple of Bede, sur-
named the Venerable, was his instructor in rhetoric,
logic, astronomy, and the other liberal sciences ; ■]"
notwithstanding which, there is a very curious par-
ticular recorded of him, namely, that lie never could,
though he took infinite pains for the purpose, acquire
the manual art of writing or delineating the letters of
the alphabet ; J so that whatever books or collections
are ascribed to him, must be supposed either to have
been dictated by him, or written by others under his
immediate inspection : indeed, the works attributed
to him are of such a kind as necessarily to imply the
assistance of others, and that they are to be deemed
his in no other sense than as they received his sanction
or approbation ; for they are chiefly either capitularies,
as they are called, relating to ecclesiastical matters, as
the government of the church, the order of divine
service, the observance of rites and ceremonies, and
the regulation of the several orders of the clergy ; or
they are letters to the several princes and popes, his
contemporaries, and to bishops, abbots, and other
ecclesiastical persons. § Two works in particular are
ascribed to him, and the opinion that they were of his
composition is generally acquiesced in ; these are
letters written in his name to Elipandus, bishop of
t Alcuin wa.s well versed in the liberal sciences, particularly in music,
as appears by a tract of his on the use of the Psalms, and by the preface
to Cassiodorus De septem Disciplinis, first printed in Garetius's edition
of that author, and which is expressly said by Du Pin, Fabricius, and
others, to have been written by Alcuin. It was at the instance of Alcuin
that Charlemange, in the year 790, founded the university of Paris.
I Tentabat et scribere, tabulasque et codicellos ad hoc in lectulo sub
cervicalibus circumferre solebat, et cum vacuum tenipus esset, manum
elEngendis Uteris assuefacerit. Sed parum prospere successit labor
praeposterus ac sero inchoatus. Eginhart De Vita Caroli Magni, cap. xxv.
edit. Besselii.
§ Du Pin, Nouv. Biblitth. de Auteurs Ecclesiast. Siee. VIII.
Chap. XXX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
141
Toledo, and other bishops of Spain, on certain points
of doctrine ; and four books against the worship of
images : and it is with a view to these, and some
other compositions that passed for his, that Sigebert,
Du Pin, and others, give him a phice among the
ecclesiastical writers of the eighth century.
The zeal of this emperor to introduce the Cantus
Gregorianus into his dominions, and to preserve it in
a state of purity, has drawn upon him an imputation
of severity ; and upon the authority of that single
passage in the Rationale of Durandus, above-cited, he
is censured as having forced it upon the French with
great cruelty. But there is nothing either in his
relation of the supposed miracle in its favour, or in
that of Baronius touching the contention at Rome,
which will warrant this charge ; for in that dispute
at which Eugenius was present, it does not appear
that he at all intermeddled ; and in the other, the
question which he put to his own clergy, is mani-
festly an appeal to reason, and no way indicates a
disposition to coercive measures. ' Tell me,' said the
emperor, ' which is the purer, the living fountain, or
' its rivulets '? ' They answered, ' the former.' Then
said the emperor, ' Return ye to the fountain of St.
' Gregory ; for in the rivulets the ecclesiastical cantus
' is corrupted.' Eginhart has mentioned in general
that Charlemagne laboured to rectify the disorderly
manner of singing in the church ; * but he mentions
no circumstances of bloodshed, or cruelty, to enforce
a reformation : and the fact is. that several churches
in his dominions, particularly those of Milan and
Corbetta, were suffered to retain either the Ambrosian
or a worse use, notwithstanding his wishes and efforts
to the contrary.! In short, it seems that his be-
haviour upon this occasion was that of a wise man,
or, at least, of one whose zeal had a sufficient allay
of discretion ; J and that he was possessed of a very
* Effiiihart, De Vita Carol! Magni, cap. xxvi. edit. Besselii.
t Mosh. Eccl. Hist. 8vo. vol. II. pag. 98.
The notes of Besselius and others upon this passage of Eginhart
[Legend! atque psallendi disciplinam diligentissinie emendavit] are very
curious, as they declare what were the abuses in singing which Charle-
magno laboured to reform. Quantum veteres sono vocum distincto
studuerint, vel illud argumento est, quod phonasco sedulam dederint
operam, teste etiam de AugusUj Sueton. cap. Ixxxiv. CEBterum de missa-
ticis cantiortibus et officio Ambrosiano a Carolo correctis, prolixe Sigebertus,
ad an. 774 & 790. Gobelin. Person, cetat. 6. Cosmodrom. cap. xl. p. 193.
Gwliel. Durandus, lib. V. Rathnial. Divui. Offic. cap. ii. Frid. Linden-
brogius Glossar. L L. Aniiq. fol. 13fi9, & Goldast. in Ekkebardi Junioris
casus, pag. 114. torn. I. Rer. Alamannic. Besselius. Carolus dissonantia
cantus inter Romanes & Francos oirensus,-eum conciliare & emendare
omnibus viribus studuit ; ideo a papa cantores Romanos sibi mittipetiit,
qui Francos vera psallendi ratione imbuerent. Horum duos accepit, ex
quibus unum palatio suo praefecit, alterum Metas misit, qui etiam ejus
urbis incolas ita in canendi scientia erudivit, ut sicut Roma inter omnes
cantu, sic Metse inter Francos emineret, & seminarium quasi cantorum
Cisalpinorum esset. Ab hac igitur urbe cantilena ecclesiastica Germanice
tunc temporis mete dicebatur, quia hie praecipue cantus excolebatur, cujus
denominationis vestigia adhuc hodie in vulgari locutione, die Friih mette
singen, deprehenduntur. Horisonus maxime m.^jnrum nostrorum erat
cantus, quern Monach. Egolism. in VitaKaroli M. itadescribit : Tremulas
vel vinnulos, sen cullisibilcs, sen secabiles voces in cantu non poterant per-
fectc cxprimere Franci, naturali voce barbaricafrangentes in gutture voces
potius, qtuim experimentes. Clarius Ekkchard. Minim, in vit. Notkeri,
cap. viii. Alpina siquidem corpora, ait, vocum sutirum tnnitruis altisone
perstrepenlia, suscepta: modulationis dulcedinum proprie tion resultant,
quia bibuli gutturis barbara grossitas, dum ijiflexionibiis et repercttssionibus
et diaphonarium diphtongis mitem nititur edere cantilenam, naturali quo-
dam frngorc, quasi plaustra per gradus confuse sonantia, rigidas voces
jaclut, sicque audientium auimos, quos mulcere debuerant, tales exasperando
magis ac obstrependo coiilurbant. Nemo hsc opinor, mirabitur, qui frag-
menta antiquae Germauorum linguae legit, ex quibus satis aestimari
potest, quam difficilis fuerit Teutonicae linguae pronuntiatio, ac proin
modulatio. Schmincke.
t His behaviour in this respect seems to have been widely different
from that of Alpbonsus, king of Spain, who, in the year 1080, banished
the Gothic Liturgy out of his kingdom, and introduced the Roman
considerable portion of this latter quality, and enter-
tained a mild and forgiving disposition towards those
who had offended him, may be inferred from that
very pretty story related by Mr. Addison, in the
Spectator, No. 181, of the princess Imma, his daugh-
ter, and his secretary Eginhart, and her ingenious
device, by carrying him on her back through the
snow, to prevent the discovery of an amour which
terminated in their marriage.
The purity to which the Gregorian chant was
restored by the zeal of Charlemagne, subsisted no
longer in France than to the time of Lewis the
Debonnaire, his son and immediate heir, who suc-
ceeded to the empire of the West in 814 ; for in his
reign the music of the church was again corrupted .
to that degree, that the Gregorian chant subsisted
only in the memory of certain Romans, who had
been accustomed to the singing it ; for neither were
there in France or at Rome, any books wherein it
had been written. This strange circumstance is
related by Amalarius Fortunatus, a principal eccle-
siastic in the chapel of Lewis the Debonnaire, who
himself was sent by Lewis to request of Gregory
IV. then pope, a sufficient number of singers, to
instruct the people ; by whom the pope sent to the
emperor for answer, that he could not comply with
his request, for that the last of those men remaining
at Rome had been sent into France with Walla, who
had formerly been ambassador from Charlemagne
on the same errand. The words of Amalarius, in
the preface to his book De Ordine Antiphonarii, are
these : * When I had been a long while affected
* with anxiety, on account of the difference among
* the singers of antiphons in our province, and did
* not know what should be rejected and what retained,
' it pleased him who is bountiful to all, to ease me
' of my scruples ; for there having been found in the
'monastery of Corbie, in Picardy, four books, three
' whereof contained the nocturnal, and the other the
' diurnal, office, I strove to make all the sail I could
' out of this sea of error, and to make a port of
' quiet ; for when I was sent to Rome by the holy
' and most christian emperor, to the holy and most
' reverend father Gregory, concerning these books,
'it pleased his holiness to give me the following
office, though miracles were pleaded in favour of the former. Talent,
ann. lOiSO. col. I. and vide Mariana, in his history of Spain, book IX.
pag. 152. The circumstances of this extraordinary event, and the
miracles that preceded it, are more particularly related by other his-
torians, who speak to this purpose: — Alexander II. had proceeded so far
in the year IOCS, as to persuade the inhabitants of Arragon into his
measures, and to conquer the aversion which the Catalonians had dis-
covered for the Roman worship. But the honour of finishing this
difficult work, and bringing it to perfection was reserved for Gregory VII.
who, without interruption, exhorted, threatened, admonished, and
intreated Sancius and Alphonso, the kings of Arragon and Castile, until,
fatigued with the importunity of this restless pontiff, they consented to
abolish the Gothic service in their churches, and to introduce the Roman
in its place ; Sancius was the first who submitted to this innovation, and
in the year 1080 his example was followed by Alphonso. The methods
which the nobles of Castile employed to decide the matter were very
extraordinary. First, they chose two champions, who were to determine
the controversy by single combat, the one fighting for the Roman liturgy,
the other for the Gothic. The fiery trial was next made >ise of to
terminate the dispute ; the Roman and Gothic liturgies were committed
to the flames, which, as the story goes, consumed the former, while the
latter remained unblemished and entire. Thus were the Gothic rites
crowned with a double victory, which however was not sufficient to
maintain them against the authority of the pope, and the influence of
the queen Constantia, who detennined Alphonso in favour of the Roman
service. Vide Bona De Rebus Liturg. lib. I. cap ix. pag. 216. Le Bnm,
loc. citat. pag. 292. Jo. de Ferreras, Hist, de I'Espagne, torn. III.
pag. 2^7 241. 246. Mosh. Eccl. Hist. vol. II. pag. 341.
142
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IV.
' answer : " I have no singers of antiphons, whom
" I can send to my son and lord the emperor ; the
" only remaining ones that we had, were sent from
"hence into France with Walla, who was here on
"an embassy." By means of these books, I dis-
' covered a great difference between the antiphons of
* our singers and those formerly in use ; the books
' contained a multitude of responsaria and antiphons,
' which they could not sing : among them I found
' one of those which were ordained by the apostolic
' Adrian. I knew that these books were older than
' that which remained in the Roman city, and though
* in some respects better instituted, yet they stood in
' need of some corrections, which, by the assistance
' of the Roman book, might be made of them :
' I therefore took the middle way, and corrected
' one by the other.' Notwithstanding this labour of
Amalarius to reform the antiphonary, Nivers asserts,
that the corruptions of music were then so great,
that it was very difficult to say where the Gregorian
Chant lay ; * and, after all, the corrections of it by
Amalarius Fortunatus were very ill received, as will
appear by the following account of him.
Symphosius Amalarius, or, as he is called by
most wiiters, Amalarius Fortunatus, was a deacon
of Metz, and, as some ancient manuscripts assert,
also an abbot. There seems to have been another of
the latter name, archbishop of Treves, with whom
he is often confounded ; they both flourished about
the middle of the ninth century. This of whom it
is meant here to speak was a great ritualist, and
wrote four books on the ancient ecclesiastical offices,
which he dedicated to Lewis the Debonnaire, by
whom he seems to have been greatly favoured. In
these books he gives mystical reasons for those
rites and ceremonies in divine worship, which wiser
men look on as mere human inventions. To give
a specimen of his manner of treating this subject,
speaking of the habits of the priests, he says, * The
' priest's vest signifies the right management of the
' voice ; his albe, the subduing of the passions ; his
* shoes, upright walking ; his cope, good works ;
' his stole, the yoke of Jesus Christ ; the surplice,
* readiness to serve his neighbour ; his handkerchief,
* good thoughts ; and the pallium, preaching.f
* The true causes of the first corruptions of the Cantus Gregorianus
are plainly pointed out by the interpreter of Hugo Reutlingensis, who,
in the passage cited by Sir Henry Spelman, ascribes it to the disuse of
the stave, the cliffs, and other characters, necessary in the notation of
music. To the same purpose Nivers relates, that they were not marked
by notes, but by little points and irregular claaracters ; which account is
confirmed by some manuscripts, in which the corrupt method of notation
above hinted at does most evidently appear. Martini of Bologna has
exhibited some curious examples of this kind, and has with no less
ingenuity than industry, from characters the most barbarous that can be
conceived, and which were intended to express the initial clauses, and
also the euouae of sundry antiphons, as used in particular churches,
extracted a meaning, and reconciled them to the true method of notation.
t An opinion something like this, touching the mystical signification
of habits and the manner of wearing them, seems to have been enter-
tained by the common-law judges in the reign of king James, as appears
by a solemn decree or rule, made by all the judges of the courts at
Westminster, on the fourth day of June, 1635, for the purpose of appoint-
ing what robes they should thenceforth wear, upon ordinary and special
occasions. In this decree mention is made of the scarlet casting-hood,
which is by the decree directad to be put above the tippet, for which it
is given as a reason that 'justice Walmesley and justice Warburton, and
' all the judges before, did wear them in that manner, and did declare,
" that by wearing the hood on the right side and above the tippet, was
" signified mere temporal dignity ; and by the tippet on the left side only,
" the judges did resemble priests." Dugd. Origines Juridicialcs, pag. 102.
The author from whom the above passage is cited, craves leave to
But the book of Amalarius Fortunatus which
more immediately relates to choral service, or the
music of the church, is intitled, De Ordine Anti-
phonarii. In this he vindicates the disposition of
the anthems, responses, and psalms, which he had
made in the antiphonary, for the use of the churches
in France. It seems, that in this and other of his
works, he had censured the usage of the church of
Lyons : this drew on him the resentment of two
very able men, Agobard, archbishop of that city, and
Florus, a deacon of the same church ; the former of
these wrote three treatises against his book of offices,
and his correction of the antiphonary ; and the latter
accused him, in the councils of Quierci and Thionville,
of maintaining erroneous opinions touching the moral
and mystical significations of the ceremonies, and of
insisting too strenuously on the use of the Romar
ritual, which, notwithstanding its authority, had
never been generally acquiesced in.
Agobard himself had corrected the antiphonary of
his own church ; and the treatises which he wrote
against Amalarius, were not only a defence of those
corrections, but a censure of his adversary. He says,
that the poetical compositions of vain and fantastical
men are not to be admitted into divine service, the
whole of which ought to be taken from the scriptures :
he complains, that the clergy spent more time in the
practice of singing than in the study of the holy
scriptures, and the discharge of their duty in the
ministry of the gospel.
The writings of Amalarius upon the offices had
given rise to many very captious questions ; and to
this in particular, Whether it be lawful to spit im-
mediately after receiving the eucharist ? His opinion
on this point of theology is contained in one of his
letters, wherein, after premising that he himself was
very much troubled with phlegm, he holds it lawful
to spit, when the communicant can no longer forbear
that evacuation. I
From the time of the attack on him by Agobard,
and Florus, his deacon, we hear no more of Amalarius
Fortunatus ; and there is good reason to believe, that
immediately after it, his memory sank into oblivion.
Before we dismiss this subject of the Cantus Gre-
gorianus, it may not be improper to mention, that it
has ever been held in such high estimation, that the
most celebrated musicians in every age since its first
institution, have occasionally exercised themselves in
composing harmonies upon it ; and numberless are
the antiphons, hymns, misereres, and other offices, _
which have one or other of the ecclesiastical tones for
mention a word or two concerning the collar of S S. worn by the chief
justices and chief baron, some orders of knights, the kings at arms, and
others. Touching this hadge of distinction, he, upon tlie authority of
Georgius Wicelius, relates, that it has a reference to two brethren,
Roman senators, named Simplicius and Faustinus, who suffered martyr-
dom under the emperor Dioclesian ; and gives the following description
of it from his author : — ' It was the custom of those persons (the society
'of St. Simplicius) to wear about their necks sDver collars, composed of
' double S S, which noted the name of St. Simplicius. Between these
' double S S the collar contained twelve small plates of silver, in which
' were engraved the twelve articles of the creed, together with a single
' trefoyle. The image of St. Simplicius hung at the collar, and from it
• seven plates, representing the seven gifts of the Holy Ghost.'
Dugdale adds, ' that the reason of wearing this chain was in regard
' that these two brethren were martyred, by tying a stone with a chain
' about their necks, and casting their bodies into the river Tiber."
X Du Pin. Nouv. Biblioth. des Aut. Ecclesiast. Siec. IX.
Chap. XXXI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
143
their fundamental harmony. In a collection of
madrigals, intitled Musica Divina, published by
Pietro Phalesio, at Antwerp, in 1595, is one com-
posed by Gianetto Palestina, beginning ' Vestiva
' i Colli,' in five parts, which is evidently a praxis on
the fourth tone ; and in 1694, Giov. Paolo Colonna, of
Bologna, published certain of the psalms, for eight
voices, ' Ad ritum ecclesiasticaj musices concinendi.'
CHAP. XXXI.
It is highly probable that from the time of its
original institiition the cantus ecclesiasticus pervaded
the whole of the service ; but this at least is certain,
that after the final improvement of it by St. Gregory,
all the accounts of the Romish ritual, and the manner
of celebrating divine service in the western church,
lead to the belief that, excepting the epistles and
gospels, and certain portions of scripture, and the
passional or martyrology, the whole of the service,
nay that even the prayers and penitential offices,
were sung. Among the canons of Elfric, made anno
957,* is the following : —
'Now it concerns mass -priests and all God's
* servants to keep their churches employed with
* divine service. Let them sing therein the seven
'tide-songs that are appointed them, as the synod
'earnestly requires, viz., the uht-song, the prime-
'song, the undern-song, the midday -song,f the noon-
' song, the even-song, the seventh [or night] song.'
Can. xix. What these severally are, may be seen in
a collection of ecclesiastical laws by the reverend and
learned Mr. Johnson of Cranbrook, who has bestowed
a note on the passage.
The twenty -first of the same canons is in these
words : — ' The priest shall have the furniture for his
' ghostly work before he be ordained, that is the holy
' books, the psalter and the pistol-book, gospel-book,
'and mass-book, the song-book, and the hand-book,
'the kalendar, the pasconal,:}: the penetential, and the
* lesson-book. It is necessary that the mass-priest
* have these books ; and he cannot be without them
' if he will rightly exercise his function, and duly in-
' form the people that belongeth to him.'
These injunctions may seem to regard the cele-
bration of mass, as well on festivals as on ordinary
occasions, in cathedral and other churches ; never-
theless the practice of singing, by which in this
place nothing can possibly be understood but the
Cantus Gregorianus, was not restrained either to the
solemn choral service, or to that in parish-churches,
* Elfric is supposed to have been archbishop of York about the time
above-mentioned, and Wulfin, to whom they are directed, bishop of one
of the ancient sees of Dorchester or Shirburn, but which of the two is
rather uncertain. This, as also soirue other collections of ecclesiastical
laws here cited, are to be found in Sir Henry Spelman's Councils ; but
the extracts above given are from Mr. Johnson's valuable and useful
work, wliich in some respects is preferable to the former.
t Midday-song was certainly at twelve o'clock, which we call
soon; and the canon above mentions both a midday and a noon. song;
yiis noon was the hora nona with the Latins, and our three o'clock. In
the Shepherd's Almanac noon is midday, high noon three. Vide John-
son's Canons, title King Edgar's Laws Ecclesiastical, in a note on
law V.
High noon is expressly mentioned in the old ballad of Chevy-Chase —
And long before highe noone they had
An hundrede fat buckes flaine j
t I. e. The Passional or Martyrology.
but in short it was used in the lesser offices. In the
English-Saxon homily for the birth day of St. Gre-
gory, the people are told that it was one of the in-
junctions of that father that the litany should be sung,
and upon certain occasions to the number of seven
times a-day. Among the ecclesiastical laws of king
Canute, who reigned from 1016 to 1035, is one
whereby the people are required to learn the Lord's
prayer and the creed, because, says the law, ' Christ
'himself first sang pater-noster, and taught that
' prayer to his disciples.' Mrs. Elstob in her preface
to the translation of the above homily, pag. 36, has
inserted this law, and on the words rrp.irt realr
/•an je Patep Noyteji has the following note : —
' Singing the service was so much in practice in these
' times, [i. e. about the sixth century, when Austin the
' monk was sent by Gregory into Britain] that we find
' the same word j^injan to signify both to pray and
' sing, as in the present instance.'
Farther, among the canons of Elfric above-cited is
one containing directions for visiting the sick, wherein
that rule of St. James, * And they shall pray over
' him,' is expressed in these words, "j hi him oj:eji
rinjon that is, ' they shall sing over them.' The
passage above-cited is part of the thirty-first of
Elfric's canons, and is in truth a paraphrase on the
words of St. James in his General Epistle, chap. v.
ver. 13, 14, and, to give it at length, is as follows : —
' If any of you be afflicted, let him pray for himself
' with an even mind, and praise his Lord. If any be
' sick among you, let him fetch the mass-priests of the
' congregation, and let them sing over him, and pray
' for him and anoint him with oil in the name of the
' Lord. And the prayer of faith shall heal the sick,
' and the Lord shall raise him up ; and if he be in
' sins, they shall be forgiven him : confess your sins
' among yourselves, and pray for yourselves among
' yourselves, that ye be healed.'
The several passages above-cited, as they show in
some measure the ancient manner of celebrating
divine service, and prove that almost the whole of it,
particularly the lesser offices, was sung to musical
notes ; so do they account for that care and assiduity
■with which the study of music appears to have been
cultivated in the several monasteries, schools, and
universities throughout Europe, more especially in
France and England. That the knowledge of music
was confined to the clergy, and that monks and pres-
byters were the authors of most of the treatises on
music now extant, is not so well accounted for by the
general course of their lives, and the opportunities
they had for study, as by this consideration, it was
their profession ; and to sing was their employment,
and in a great measure their livelihood. § The works
of Chaucer and other old poets abound with allusions
to the practice of singing divine service, and with evi-
dences that a knowledge of the rudiments of singing
was essential in every cleric, indeed little less so than
for such a one to be able to read. In the Vision of
Pierce Plowman, Sloth, in the character of a priest,
§ The statutes of All-Souls college, in Oxford, which are but de-
claratory of the usage of ancient times, require that those elected to
fellowships should be ' bene nati, bene vestiti, et mediocritur docti iu
piano cantu.'
144
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IV.
among other instances of laziness and ignorance,
confesses that he cannot perfectly repeat his Pater-
noster as the priest singeth it ; and that though he
had been in orders above thirty years, he can neither
sol-fa, nor sing, nor read the lives of saints : the
whole of his speech, which is exceedingly humourous
and characteristic, is here inserted : —
Than came Sloth, all beflaberd, with two flimy eyne,
I muft fit laid the leg, or els I muft nedes nap,
I mai not ftond ne ftoupe, ne without my ftole knele,
Wer I brought a bed, but if my talend it made,
Should no ringing do me rife, or I were ripe to dine,
He began benedicite with a belke, and on his breaft knoked
And ralkled and rored, and rut at the laft.
Awak, reuk quod Repentaunce, and rape thee to the Ihrift.
If I fliould die by this day, me lyft not to looke :
1 can not perfitly my pater nofter, as the prieft it fingeth.
But I can rimes of Robenhod, and Randal of Chefter,
But of our Lord or our Lady, I lerne nothing at all ;
I have made vows xl, and forgotten hem on the morow;
I performed never penance, as the prieft me hight,
Ne right fory for my fmnes, yet was I never ;
And if I bid any beades, but it be of wrathe
That I tel with my tong, is two mile from my hart j
I am occupied every day, holy day and other
With idle tales at the ale, and other while in churches.
God's peyne and his paflion, ful felde I thinke thereon,
I vifited never feble men, ne fettred folk in pittes,
1 have lever hear an harlotry, or a fommers game
Or lefTinges to laugh at, and belye my neighboures,
Than al that ever Marke made, Mathew, Jhon, and Lucas,
And vigiles and fafting dales, all thefe I let pafle,
And lie in bed in Lent, and my lemman in mine armes
Till mattens and maffe be done, and than go I to the freres.
Com I to ' Ite mifla eft,' ■••' I hold me ferved ;
I am not fhriven fometime, but if fickenes it make.
Not twife in two year, and than up gueffe I thrive me.
I have been prieft and perfon pafling thirty winter.
Yet can I neither folfe nor fing, ne faindles lives read,
But I can finde in a fielde, or a furlong, an hare,
Better than in Beatus vir, or in Beati omnes
Conftrue one claufe, and ken it to my parifhens.
1 can hold loue dales, and heare a revenes rekening,
And in cannon and in decretals I cannot read a line
Yf I bugge and borrow ought, but if it be tailed .
I forget it as fonne, and if men me it alke
Six fithes or feven, I forfake it with othes.
And thus tene I true men, ten hundred times,
And my fervauntes falary fometimes is behind,
Ruth is to hear the rekening, when we fhal mak account ;
So with wicked wil and with wrath my workmen I pai.
Yf any man do me benefite, or helpe me at nede
I am unkind againft his curtefi, and cannot underftand it,
For I have and have had fome deale haukes maners.
I am not lured with love, but if ought be under the thombe
That kindnefs that mine even chriften, kid me ferther
Sixe fithes I Sloth, have forgotten it fithe.
In fpech and in fparing of fpence, I fpilt many a time
Both flefh and fifh, and many other vitailes.
Both bread and ale, butter, milke, and chefe,
For Slouth in my fervice til it mighte fervc no man.
I ran about in youth, and gave me not to learning,
And ever fith have ben a beggar for my foule flouth.f
The foregoing account, as it relates solely to the
Cantus Gregorianus, must be supposed to contain
only the history of the choral music of the western
church ; for it is to be remembered that antiphonal
singing was introduced by the Greek fathers, and
was first practised in the churches of the East ; and
* i. c. See an explanation of these words in a subsequent note. The
meaning of the above passage is, ' If I come before the instant tlie
' people are dismissed from mass, I hold it sufficient.'
t Vision of Pierce Plowman, Passus quintus.
that the cantus of the Greek church, whatever it was,
was not near so well cultivated and refined as that of
the Roman ; this consideration, together with the
short duration of the eastern empire, may serve to
show how little is to be expected from an enquiry
into the nature of the ancient Greek choral music.
Vossius says in general, that the Greek church made
use of modulations different from those of the
western ; \ but for a formula of them we are very
much to seek. As to the method of notation made
use of by the Greeks in after-times, it did not in the
least resemble that of the Latins, and was widely
different from that of the ancient Greeks. Mont-
faucon, in his Paloeograpliia Graeca, lib. V. cap. iii.
gives a curious specimen of Greek musical notation
from a manuscript of the eleventh century. (See
Appendix, No. 38.)
Dr. Wallis had once in his hands a manuscript,
which upon examination proved to be a Greek
ritual ; it had formerly been part of the famous
library foimded at Buda by Matth^us Corvinus, king
of Hungary, in 1485. In 1529 the city of Buda
was taken by the Turks, and in 1688 retaken, after
a long siege, by the forces of the emperor Leopold.
A description of this manuscript, and a general
account of its contents is extant in a letter of Dr.
Wallis to some person, probably the owner of it,
who seems to have referred to the Doctor as being
well skilled in music ; the doctor's opinion of it may
be seen in the copy of his letter inserted at length
at the bottom of the page. § It has lately been
t Ger. Voss. De Scientiis Mathematicis, cap. xxi. § 12.
§ ' Sir, I have seen and cursorily perused that ancient Greek manu-
' script which is said to have been found in Buda, at the taking of that
' place from the Turks in the present war between the German emperor
' and the Turk.
' It is elegantly written in a small Greek hand, and is judged to be at
' least three hundred years old. The form of the letter is much different
' from that of those which we now use, and not easy to be read by those
' who are not acquainted with the Greek hand used in the manuscripts
' of that age.
' It bears, after the first three leaves, this title Ap^t] aw Qtoj ayiu)
' r»jc TTCtTTaSiKtig TfKVtjg, which I take to intimate thus much : —
' Here begins, with the assistance of the sacred Deity, the patriarchal
' art ; for I take natraQ then to signify as much as pope or patriarch,
which is farther thus explained : — aKoXsB'tai xpaWofifvai tv Kov-
• gavTwovoXti, (TVVTiOtiffai rapa rwv Kara xaipag tvpiaK-
' 0fitVii)V tv avTt] TToirjrcov TraXaiwv Tt Kai vtuv. That is, the
'order of services in Constantinople composed by poets, such as from
' time to time have been there found, as well ancient as modern ; so that
' it seems to be a pandect or general collection of all the musical chureh-
' services there used, as well the more ancient, as those which were
' then more modern ; after which it thus follows : — wv t) ap^t] ffrjixoi-
' Sia Kai ai thtwv (jxovai, beginning with the musical notes and
' their sounds.
• After which title we have accordingly for about five leaves, an account
'of the musical notes then in use, their figures, names, and signifi-
' cations ; without which the rest of the book would not be intelligible,
' and even as it is, it will require some sagacity and study, to find out
' the full import of it, and to be able to compare it with our modern
' music.
' The rest of the book consists of anthems, church-services for par-
' ticular times, and other compositions, according to the music of that
' age, near a thousand I guess of one sort or other, or perhaps more.
'The whole consists of four hundred and thirteen leaves, close written
' on both sides in a small Greek hand, in the shape or form of what we
' would now call a very large octavo, on a sort of thick paper used in the
' eastern countries at that time.
' There is for the most part about twenty-eight lines in each page,
' that is fourteen lines of Greek text, according to which it is to be sung ;
' not such as those which we now use, nor like those of the more ancient
' Greeks, which they called of which Meibomius gives us
' a large account out of Alypius. But a new sort of notes, laf °r than
' those of the ancient Greeks, but before those of Guido Aretinus, which
' we now use ; and commonly two or three compositions in one leaf, willi
' the author's name for the most part.
' I do not find in it any footsteps of what is now common in our present
' music ; I mean compositions in two, three, four, or more parts ; all
' these, for ought I find, being only single compositions.
Chap. XXXI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
145
discovered that tlie MS. aboveraentioned was the
property of Mr. Humfrey Wanley, as appears b}'"
a letter of his to Dr. Arthur Charlett, inserted also
in the note, in which he offers to part with it to the
university of Oxford. It is to be conjectured that
the university declined purchasing it, and that Mr.
Wanley disposed of it to the earl of Oxford, for in
the printed Catalogue of the Harleian manuscripts
in the British Museum, No. 1G13, is the following
article : —
' Codex chartaceus in 8vo, ut ajunt, majori, diversis
• manibus scriptus, et Grajcorum more compactus ;
' quem Dno Henrico Worslejo in Terra Sancta pere-
• grinanti dono dedet Notara (Norapd an 'NorapioQ ;)
' tunc Metropolita Ceesariensis ; qui exinde, de mor-
' tuo doctissimo suo avunculo, factus est Patriarcha
' Hierosolymitanus ; adhuc, ni fallor, superstes. In
' illo habentur varia Ecclesi^ Grecaj Ofticia, Cantica,
' &c. Greece descripta, Notulisq ; Graecis Musicalibus
'insignita. Non iis dico, quse priscis seculis apud
' Ethnicos Poetas et Philosophos in usu fuerunt ;
' quarum etiamnum nonnullie restant quasi e Nau-
• fragio Tabula : sed alterius plane formae, quas ante
' plurima secula introductas adhuc retinet hodierna
' Graecorum Ecclesia.'
Mr. Wanley has inserted the rubrics in the order
in which they occur ; these are to be considered as
' That which renders it most valuable is this ; we have of the more
' ancient Greek musicians seven published by Marcus Meibomius in the
'year I6.'J2, Aristoxenus, Euclid, Nicomachus, Alypius, Gaudentius,
' Bacchius, and Aristides Quintilianus, before that of Martianus Capella
' in Latin. I have since published Ptolemy's Harmonics in the year 1682,
' and I have now caused to be printed Porphyry's Commentary on Ptolemy
'and Bryeniiius, which are both finished some while since, and they will
' thereby come abroad as soon as some other thiiifrs are finished which are
' to bear them company. All these, except Martianus Capella, in Greek
and Latin, and these are thought to be all the Greek musicians now
' extant.
• But all those concern only the theoretical part of music, of the prac-
' tical part of it, that is, musical compositions of the ancient Greeks, it
' hath been thought till that, there was not one extant at this day,
' whereby we have been at a loss what kind of compositions theirs were,
' and how theirs did agree or disagree with what we now have, and it is
• a surprise to light at once upon so many of them.
' 'Tis true that all those are more modern than those of Aristoxenus,
' Euclid, Nicomachus, and others of the more ancient Greeks, being all
' since the times of Christianity, and such as were used in the Greek
' church of Constantinople : but they are much more ancient than any
• were thought to be extant. • Your's,
'John Wallis.'
Copy of Mr. Wanley's letter to Dr. Charlett.
' Honoured Sir, London. June 13, 1698.
' I cannot forbear sending you word of the good fortune I have lately
had to compass a Greek munuscript, which contains the art of singing,
with the names, powers, and characters of their musiijal notes in great
• variety. And a collection of anthems, hymns, &c. set to their musick
' by the best masters of Constantinople, as intended and used to be sung
• in their churches upon al! the chief festivals of the year. It has like-
'wise the musical part of their common liturgy with the notes; and
< both these, not only of the later music of the said masters, but very
'often the more antient too, used before their times The names of
' these masters prefixed to their compositions, are about threescore in
'number, some of which 1 here set down ; [Here follows a long list of
Greek names, which it is needless to insert, as the MS. is yet in being
and accessible.]
' I believe many of their names, and much more their works, might
' have been long enough unknown to us without the help of this book.
'Here is likewise a sprinkling of the music used in the churches of
' Anatolia, Thessalouica, Thebes, and Rhodes, besides that piece called
• UepcnKov, and other tracts.
' The MS. was taken from the Turks in plundering Buda, about the
' year 16.S6, and was afterwards bought by an English gentleman for 4/.
' but I lying here at great charges, cannot afford to sell it so cheap. It
' is about 300 years old, fairly written upon cotton paper, taking up above
' four hundred leaves in a large Svo.
' The book ought to be placed in tlie publick library ; and if. Sir, you
'are willing to think that the university will consider me for it, I will
' bring it along with me the next week : If not, I can be courted to part
■ with it here upon my own terms.
' For the Rev. Dr. Charlett, I am reverend and honoured Sir,
• Master of University college Your most faithful and obedient servant,
'in Oxford. Humfrey W.\n ley.'
so many distinct heads, and give occasion for an
explanation of many difficult words made use of in
them, and also in the offices;* in which he discovers
great learning and sagacity.
* To give a few instances. 295. TpoTraptov. Vox generica, et
Canticis in Ecclesia Greeca receptis communis: Modulum semper
vertit, et Antiphonas Latinorum quadantenus respondere observat
Goarus. Du Cang.
In Ecclesia Oiientali, canebantur certis diebus certi Canones, quos
in Troparia riividebant plerumque 30, et nonnumquam plura : ex-
cepto uno Magno Canone, qui 250 complectebatur. Suicer. ex
Triodio.
Canones in Odas dividuntur; Od.e in Troparia, ex quibus com-
ponuntur. Singula nanique Troparia continent aut plura aut pauciora,
cum eorum Numerus determinatus non sit. Troparia quandoque
Libera ac Vaga relliiquunter : quandoque primis Litteris quasi Annulis
in Verbis veluti Catenula inseruntur, quam Acrostichida autores vocant.
Du Cang. ex AUatio de Georgiis.
378. AvTi(povov, Foemineum Antiphona a Neutrio Antiphonum
discrimen apud nos obtinet maximum: quamvis ab uno Graeco vo-
cabulo, utrumque fuerint Latini mutuati : Antiphona namque est
Sententia vel Modulus cuilibet Psalmo decantato adjunctus, et quasi
EP opposiTo Respondens, iuquit Honorius Solitarius, lib. ii. cap. 17.
Antiphonum autem ut hie usurpatur Psalmi sunt plures Versus, ad
quorum singulos, una et eadem sit semper ab altero Choro Responsio:
et propter banc Unam et Reciprocam Sententiani semper illatam,
avri(povov, quasi vox opposita, seu Vocis oppositio vocatur. Ejus
forma qualis sit, ex his Mysallibus Antiphonis (i. e. Liturgia S. Chry-
sostomi) fol. 105, et seq. positis innotescit. Extat enim ibi Psalmus
dyaOuv rb t^opoXoyticrOat tm Kvp'tuj cujus singulis versibus
respondet ai'Ti^ujvoJV Taig Trptrr^daiQ Trjg ^tOTOKH k, tcI £$r;c,
illis sa;pius Opponendum. Quamiis fatear rem potius in adversum
sensum trahendam . cum enim Psalmus ipse vocatur ai'Ti(f)U)VOV,
ejus Versus sunt qui uni et eideni dicto, i. c. resumpto (^'{(pvpi'to)
ejus frequentius repetito) opponuntur. Vel certe, quia mutua et utri-
usque Chori ad invicein Responsio : et voces jam auditae, rursum vel
ex toto, vel ex parte, iterantur prout quoque in Latinis Responsoriis
contingit) ai'Ti^iovov apptllatur. Unde, tum propter Vocis Signifi-
cationem, tum propter Compositionis formam, Latine Responsorium
congrue reddi posset. Vetat tamen Usus loquendi antiquus, ut Missae
Introitum alio quam Antiphoni vel Antiphona Nomine dicatur,
&c. Goar.
428. Tptffayio?', Trisanctum, Hymni genus, cujus hjec erant
Verba, "Ayio^ b ^toQ, ayioc Icrxvpbg, dyioQ dOavaTog, t\tr]aov,
t'lpdg in quo dyiog b ^tbg referebatur ad Deum Patrem ; dyiog
laXvpbg ad Deum Filium; ayio^ aSavnrof ad Spiritum sanctum.
Vocatur etiam rpiaayiog vpvoXoyia, %£jOs/3t/coe vpvog, dyytXojv
vpvoXoyta, rpiaayiog aivog ayyeXwv 'Ypviodia et rpiaayia
fojvt]. Anno enim Theodosii Junioris quinfo (vel trigesimo secundum
Cedrenum, frc.) magno existente Terrse Motu, et Muris corruentibus,
quia AmalechitiF intra Urbem inhabitarent, et adversus Hymnum hunc
Blasphemias proloquerentur : Preces et Siipplicationes in Campo Tri-
bunalis, Theodosius cum Proclo Patriarcha instituit. Cum vero Kvpie
iX(.r]<jov clamarent Horis aliquot continuis, Adolescentulus quidam in.
conspectu omnium in aerem sublatus est, audivitque Angelos clamantes,
Ayiog 6 Sibg, dyiog iaxvpbg, dyiog aQdvarog, iXeyjaov i)pdg.
Quud cum mox demissus narrasset, omnes eodem mndo Trisagium
canere cocperunt, et cessavit TerrcE Motus. Huic Hymno Imperator
Anastasius post ilia dyiog dOdvarog addi voluit o gavpo^ng vrrtp
t]piv, verum id cum magno Malo et suo, et Constantinopolitanorura. —
Observandum tandem discrimen quod est inter to Tpiadyiov et
Hymnum Epinicion, in quo similiter 'Ayiog canebatur, hunc in
modum, dyioc, dyiog, dyiog Kupiog aafiawQ — Ergo rptcrdytov
initio Liturgiae ante Epistols Lectionem canebatur. Hymnus vero
Cherubicus et tTTiviKiog, post Catechumenorum et Poenitentium
dimissionem. Tpiadyiov quoque usurpabant pro Sacrosancta Trini-
tate. Suicer.
441. Xopog, proprie notat Canentium atque Saltantium collectam
Multitudinem, notum est in Ecclesia hodie Psalmodiam retineri, et
quidem Choro, quibusdam in Locis, bifariam diviso. Improprie notat
Multitudinem amice conspirantium in doctrina, &'c. Suicer.
Xopog, dividcl)antur ^opoi in SiKiov, Dextrum, et dpigtpov,
Sinistrum. Triodium in Sabbato Sancto ap\irai avBig utrd
ptXsg b ^(Kibg I'lXsg b ^rpdrog yopbg, in quo quidem Dextro ao
Primo Choro consistit Sacerdos qui sacrae Liturgiae priest. Du Cang.
The practice of dividing the chorus into two pans, and disposing the
singers on both sides of the choir, seems best of any method to corres-
pond with the intention of antiphoiial or responsive singing. But it is
to be remarked that in the Romish service there are many offices com-
posed for four, and even eight choirs as they are termed. These are in
fact not distinct chrirs, but rather so many smaller chorusses, singing
alternately with each other, and together at stated intervals ; and these
are also divided according to the choral order, and stationed on both
sides of the choir. In our English service-books the two different sides
are distinguished by the names of the officers that superintend them
respectively ; for instance, as the seat of the Dean is on the right, those
on that side are directed when to sing by the word Decani ; and as the
s,tation of the pra_'centor or chanter is on the left, those on that side are
directed by the word Cantoris. The Dean and the Precentor are the
14:6
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IV.
But as a mere verbal description of this MS.
would fail to convey an adequate idea of the character
in which it is written, or of the musical notes, which
are the principal object of the present enquiry, tlie
initial and final pages of the volume are given in tliat
kind of transcript which the curious distinguish by
the appellation of facsimile. (Appendix. Nog. 39, 40.)
It is very clear from that letter that Dr. Wallis
looked upon manuscripts of this kind as a very great
curiosity ; and this judgment of his is founded upon an
opinion which he says prevailed at the time of giving
it, that there was no such thing as an ancient Greek
musical composition extant.
The causes of this scarcity of Greek ritual music
are to be sought in the history of that church. It
has already been related that choral service was first
introduced by the Greek fathers, and that as the
pomp and splendour of the Greek worship was very
great, and calculated to engage the affections of the
people, the greater part of the offices were sung.
The consequence thereof was, that the clerks employed
for that purpose were of little less estimation than
those that exercised the sacerdotal function. This
appears from a passage in the liturgy of St. Mark,
wherein is a prayer for priests, deacons, and singers.*
We may hence conclude that a ritual of some kind
or other subsisted in that very early age ; and it is
very probable that that kind of melody which St.
Ambrose instituted in his church at Milan, was no
other than what was used by St. Basil and Clirysostom
in their several churches in Asia, since it is apparently
founded on the ancient Greek modes. The music of
the Greek church might in all probability continue to
flourish until the translation of the imperial seat from
the East to the West ; and as after that important
event that church lost the protection of an emperor,
and was left in a great measure to shift for itself, its
splendour, its magnificence and discipline declined
apace, and it was not the authority of a patriarch that
was sufficient to support it.
But the ruin of the Greek church was completed
in the taking and sacking of Constantinople by the
offici^rs of the greatest dignity in all choral establishments, but there are
others which usage and successive endowments hare authorised and the
canon law recognises: for which reason a brief delineation of Cathedral
Politg as it subsists in England and elsewhere may seem but a necessanj
adjunct to this note. The Bishop is properlg the head of the church, and
the Presbyters who are variously termed Canons or Prebendaries, though
their offices in the choir are but ill-dejined by the canonists, are his council,
and were anciently ten in number. In the choral functions the Precentor
presided till about the middle of the sixth century, but afterwards when
endowments began to be made of cathedral and collegiate churches, it was
thought unfit that he Who was at most but one of the Choir should govern as
well as direct the rest; this made the office of Dean necessary, which being
a term borrowed from the military discipline and derived from Decanus,
and that from CiKUQ, ten, imports a right of presiding over ten subordi-
nates ; these in their corporate capacity are stiled Dean and Chapter. —
The Dean is then to be considered as Arch-presbyter and head of the choir,
as the Bishop is of the church: next to him in legal order follou-s the
Precentor formerly stiled Primicerius and in later times Chanter; then the
Canons, and after them Minor Canons, who are also Presbyters, and with
the Lay t'icars are conjectured to hold the place of the ancient Psalmistce
or Canonical Singers, who in a Canon of the Council of Laodicea are
described as singincj out of the Parchment ; lastly Choristers or Singing
Children. Vide Bp. Welenhall, of Gifts and Offices, page 522 et seq.
■142. KavovupKriQ. Pr-efectus Canonum, qui Monachos ad psal-
lendos in Vigiliis Caiiones excitabat. Suicer.
509. HpuiTO^dXTTjQ. Primicerius Cantorum; qui dictus etiam
So^icriKog riov ;//aX(Iii'. Verum non habebant Ecclesitc Proto-
PsALTAS, sed DoMESTicos Cantorum; cum Proto-Psalt^ proprie
essent Cleri Palatini, &c. Du Gang.
• See a collection of the principal liturgies used in the celebration of
the holy eucharist, by Di, Thomas Brett, pag. 34.
Turks in the year 1453, when their libraries and
public repositories of archives and manuscripts were
destroyed, and the inhabitants driven to seek shelter
in the neighbouring islands, and such other places as
their conquerors would permit them to abide in.
From that time the Greek Christians, excepting
those who inhabit the empire of Russia, have lived in
a state of the most absolute subjection to the enemies
of true religion and literature, and this to so great
a degree, that the exercise of public worship is not
permitted them but upon conditions so truly humili-
ating, as to excite the compassion of many who have
been spectators of it. Maundrel in his Journey from
Aleppo to Jerusalem, mentions his visiting a Greek
church at a village called Bellulca, where he saw an
altar of no better materials than dirt, and a crucifix
of two bits of lath fastened cross-wise together, j-
A modern traveller, Dr. Frederic Hasselquist, who
visited the Levant in the year 1749, indeed mentions
that in the church at Bethlehem he saw an organ, but
it seems that it belonged to the Latin convent : as to
the Greek Christians he represents them as living in
a state of absolute poverty and dejection in almost all
the places that he visited.
Laying all these circumstances together, it will
cease to be a wonder that so few vestiges of the Greek
church-music are now remaining, whatever others
there are may possibly be found in the Russian
ritual ; but as no one can say how far that may have
deviated from the primitive one, it is to be feared
that an enquiry of this kind would elude the utmost
efforts of industry. |
CHAP. XXXIL
Isidore, bishop of Seville, is frequently ranked
among the writers on music, for this reason, as it
seems, that he was the author of Originum, sive
Etymologiarum, a kind of epitome of all arts and
sciences, in which are several chapters with the
following titles, as Cap. i. De Musica et ejus Nomine.
Cap. ii. De Inventoribus ejus. Cap. iii. Quid sit
t ' Being informed that here were several Christian inhabitants in
' this place, we went to visit their church, which we found so poor and
'pitiful a structure, that here Christianity seemed to be brought to its
' humblest state, and Christ to be laid again in a manger. It was only
'a room of about four or five yards square, walled with dirt, having
' nothing but the uneven ground for its pavement ; and for its ceiling
' only some rude traves laid athwart it, and covered with bushes to keep
' out the weather. On the east side was an altar built of the same
' materials with the wall ; only it was paved at top with pot-sherds and
' slates, to give it the face of a table. In the middle of the altar stood
'a small cross composed of two laths nailed together in the middle:
' on each side of which ensign were fastened to the wall two or three old
'prints, representing our blessed Lord and the blessed Virgin, 8;c., the
' venerable presents of some itinerant friars, that had passed this way.
' On the south side was a piece of plank supported by a post, which we
'understood was the reading-desk, just by which was a little hole
' commodiously broke through the wall to give light to the reader
' A very mean habitation this for the God of heaven ! but yet held in
'great esteem and reverence by the poor people; who not only come
' with all devotion hither themselves, but also deposit here whatever i»
'most valuable to them in order to derive upon it a blessing. When we
'were there the whole room was hanged about with bags of silk-worms'
'eggs; to the end that by remaining in so holy a place, they might
' attract a benediction and a virtue of encreasing.' Maundrell's Journey
from Aleppo to Jerusalem, pag. 7.
t A gentlt-man, who has lately obliged the world wjth an account of
the Greek church, in Russia, speaking of the ritual of the Russians,
takes notice that the music of their service hooks is written on a stave
of.five lines, from which he rightly infers that the ecclesiastical tones as
sung by them are either corrupted, or have widely deviated from their
original institution. The Rites and Ceremonies of the Greek Church in
Russia, by Dr. John Glen King, pag. 43, in not.
Chap. XXXII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
14:7
Musica. Cap. iv. De tribus Partibus Musicse. Cap.
V. De triformi Musicse Divisione. Cap. vi. De prima
Divisione Musicai harmonica. Cap. vii. De seevmda
Divisione organica. Cap. viii. De tertia Divisione
rythmica. Cap. ix. De Musicis Numeris ; and also
a Treatise on the Ecclesiastical Offices, in both of
which there are many things relating to music, and
in the former especially, many etymologies of musical
terms, and names of musical instruments. His father
was Severianus, a son of Theodoric king of Italy ;
he succeeded his brother Leander in the bishopric
of Seville about the year 595, and governed that
church near forty years : he was very learned in all
subjects, more especially in geometry, music, and
astrology ; his book on the Offices contains the prin-
cipal points of discipline and ecclesiastical polity.
Mosheim in his chronological tables makes him the
principal compiler of the Mosarabic liturgy, which
is the ancient liturgy of Spain. He died in the
year 636, and has a place in the calendar of Romish
saints.
Of the introduction of music into the church-
service, of the institution of the four tones by St.
Ambrose, and of the extension of that number to
eight by St. Gregory, mention has been made ;
we are now to speak of another very considerable
improvement of church music, namel}^, the intro-
duction of that noble instrument the organ, which
we are told took place about the middle of the
seventh century. Aiithors in general ascribe the
introduction of organs into churches to pope Vitali-
anus, who, as Du Pin, Platina, and others relate, was
advanced to the pontificate in a. c. 663 : the enemies
of church music, among whom the IMagdeburg com-
mentators are to be numbered, invidiously insinuate
that it was in the year 666 that organs were first
used in churches,* from whence they infer the unlaw-
fulness of this innovation, as commencing from an
era that corresponds with the number of the beast
in the Apocalypse : but the wit of this sarcasm is
founded on a supposition that, upon enquiry, will
appear to be false in fact ; for though it is uncon-
troverted that Vitalianus introduced the organ into
the service of the Romish church, yet the use of
instruments in churches was much earlier ; for we
are told that St. Ambrose joined instruments of
music with the public service in the cathedral church
of Milan, which example of his was so well approved
of, that by degrees it became the general practice of
other churches, and has since obtained in almost all
the Christian world besides. Nay, the antiquity of
instrumental church-music is still higher, if we may
credit the testimony of Justin ]Martyr and Eusebius,
the latter of whom lived fifty, and the former two
hundred years before the time of St. Ambrose. But
to return : —
Sigcbert relates that in the year 766 the emperor
Constantinef sent an organ as a present to Pepin,
* Isaacson on very good authority fixes it at G6I).
+ Surnamed Copronymus, because he is said to have defiled the font
at his baptism. Mosh. vol. II. pag. 92, in not.
Other writers speak particularly, and say that the first use of organs in
then king of France, though the annals of Metz
refer to the year 757 ; from hence some with good
reason date the first introduction of the organ into
that kingdom, but it was not till about the year 826
that organs became common in Europe.
Whoever is acquainted with the exquisite me-
chanism of this instrument, and considers the very
low state of the manual arts at that time, will hardly
be persuaded that the organ of the eighth century
bore any very near resemblance to that now in use.
Zarlino, in his Sopplimenti INIusicali, libro VIII.
pag. 290, has bestowed great pains in a disquisition
on the structure of the ancient organ ; the occasion
of it he says was this : a lady of quality. Madonna
Laura d'Este, in the year 1571, required of Zarlino,
by his friend Francesco Viola, his sentiments of the
organ in general, and whether he took the modern
and the ancient instrument of that name to be alike
or different : in giving his opinion on this question
he attempts a description of the hydraulic organ from
Vitruvius, which he leaves just as he found it ; he
then cites a (jreek epigram of Julian the Apostate,
who lived about the year 364, in which an organ is
described. A translation of this epigram in the
following words is to be found in Mersennus, lib. III.
De Organis, pag. 113 : —
Qiiam cerno, alterius naturae est fistula : nempe
Altera produxit fortasse hsec jenea tellus.
Horrendum stridet, nee nostris ilia movetur
Flatibus, et missus taurino e carcere ventus
Subtus agit lasves calamos, perque ima vagatur.
Mox aliquis velox digitis, insignis et arte
Adstat, Concordes calamis pulsatque tabellas :
Ast illae subito exiliunt, et carmina miscent.
As to the organ of the moderns, he says the com-
mon opinion is that it was first used in Greece, and
from thence introduced into Hungary, and afterwards
into Bavaria; but this he refutes, as he does also the
supposed antiquity of an organ in the cathedral
church of IMunich, pretended to be the most ancient
in the world, with pipes of one entire piece of box,
equal in magnitude to those of the modern church
organ : he then speaks of the sommiero of an organ
in his possession that belonged to a church of the
nuns in the most ancient city of Grado, the seat of
a patriarch before the sacking of it by Pepo the
patriarch of Aquileia, in the year 580. This som-
miero he describes as being about two feet long, and
a fourth of that measure broad, and containing only
thirty pipes and fifteen keys, but without any sto]» ;
the pipes he says were ranged in two orders, each
containing fifteen, but whether they were tuned in
the unison or octave, as also whether they were of
wood or metal, he says is hard to guess : he says
farther that this instrument had bellows in the back
part, such as are to be seen in the modern regali, and
exhibits a draft of this instrument in the following
form : —
the western church was at Aeon. Isaacs. Chron. Anno Christi S26.
Church Story : hut see Bingh. Antiqu. Vol. 1 314, a citation from Thomas
Aquinas, shewing that they were not in use in his time, viz., 1250.
148
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE.
Book IV.
Zarlino speaks also of an ancient organ in the
church of St. Anthony of Padua, of a convenient
bigness, which had many orders of pipes, but no
stops ; and both these instruments he makes to be
much more ancient than that of Munich in Bavaria ;
concernino: the accounts of which he seems to be dis-
satisfied ; for as to the pipes, he says there are no box-
trees, except such as grow in the country of Prester
John, of a size sufficient to make pipes of one piece
so large as those are said to be ; and that, after such
were found, an organ so constructed as that a single
pipe should require a whole tree, is not easily to be
conceived of.
He farther takes some pains to shew the error of
those who imagine that the organ mentioned by
Dante, in the ninth canto of his Purgatory, was
different in many respects from that of the ancients.
The passage in Dante is an imitation of Lucan, lib.
III. ' Tunc rupes tarpeia sonat :' —
Non ruggio si, ne si mostro si acra
Tarpeia, come tolto le fii il buono
Metello, donde poi rimase macra.
To mi rivolsi attento al primo tuono,
E, Te Deum laudamus, mi parea
Udir in voce mista al dolce suono.
Tale imagine appunto mi rendea
Cio ch' r udiva, qual prender si suole
Quando a cantar con organi si stea :
Che or si or no s' intendon le parole.
But upon the whole, he is clearly of opinion that
the hydraulic organ of Vitruvius, that other mentioned
in the epigram of Julian above -cited, the Bavarian
organ, and that in the city of Grado, were essentially
the same with the organ of his time.*
* Mersennus seems to carry the antiquity of the organ farther back
than Zarlino has done in the passapje above cited, and to think that not
only the hydraulic but the pneumatic origan, was in use among the
Romans, though he has left it to the antiquaries to ascertain the precise
time : for speaking of the epigram made in its praise by the emperor
Julian, and which is inserted in his (Mersennus's) Latin work, he relates
' that the Sieur Naude had sent him from the Matthei gardens at Rome,
' the form nf a little cabinet of an organ, with bellows like those made use
'of to kindle a fire, and a reprtsentation of a man placed behind the
'cabinet blowing the bellows, and of a woman touching the keys.' He
says, ' that on the bottom of the cabinet was the following inscription : —
' L. APISIUS C, P. SCAPTIA CAPITOLINUS EX TESTAMENTO
'FIERI MONUMEN. .lUSSIT ARBITRATU HEREDUM ME-
ORUM SIBI ET SUIS ; concerning which, he adds, the antiquarians
Tliat choral music had its rise in the church of
Antioch, the metropolis of Syria, and that from
thence it spread through Greece, and was afterwards
brought into Italy, the several testimonies above ad-
duced sufficiently shew : from thence it made its way
into France, Britain, Spain, and Germany, and at
was
length
received throughout Christendom. As
' may conjecture what they can ; for that it is sufficient that he has given
' the practice of his own age, which, he says, by far surpasses any thing
' that the ancients have left behind on this subiect.' Harm. Univer.
lib. VI. pag. 387.
The monument above spoken of has been recovered. Probably it is
extant in some one or other of the collections of the antiquities, published
since the time of Mersennus, but the following representation of it was
found among the papers of Nicola Francesco Haym, the author of II
Tesoro Britannico delie Medaglie Antiche, and as it corresponds exactly
with the description of it by Mersennus, it is here inserted : —
L. APISIUS C. F. SCAPTIA CAPITOLINUS EX
TESTAMENTO FIERI MONUMEN. JUSSIT
ARBITRATU HEREDUM MEMORUM SIBI ET SUIS;
The same author takes occasion to mention an organ described in an
epistle to Dardanus, in the fourth volume of the works of St. Jerome,
which, from the many barbarisms that appear in it, he says, ought not
to be attributed to that excellent man. This organ, he says, is repre-
sented as having twelve pair of bellows and fifteen pipes, and a wind-
chest, made of two elephant skins ; and as yielding a sound as loud as
thunder, which might be heard at more than a thousand paces distance.
Mersennus adds, that in the same epistle mention is marie of an organ
at Jerusalem, which was heard at the mount of Olives. He says, there
are many other instruments described in the same epistle ; but he re-
marks, that if the elephant skins above mentioned were sewed together,
and were fitted by bellows, the instrument was more properly a corna-
musa, or bagpipe, than an organ.
To this account of organs of a singular construction, the following
may be added of some less ancient. Fuller, in his Worthies of Denbigh-
shire, pag. 33, mentions an organ with golden pipes. Leander Alberti,
in his Description of Italy, says, he saw one, in the court of the duke of
Mantua, of alabaster; and another at Venice, made all of glass; and
Pope Sylvester the Second made an organ that was played on by warm
water. See Oldys's British Librarian, No. 1. pag. 51.
Chap. XXXIII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
149
to the time and manner of its introduction into
Britain, history has ascertained it beyond a possibility
of doubt ; for we are expressly told, that at the time
when Austin the monk arrived here, chai'ged with
a commission to convert the inhabitants of Britain to
Christianity, singers attended him : and so watchful
were the Roman pontiffs over its progress in this
island, that in little more than half a century, one of
the most excellent chanters that Rome afforded was
sent hither, by Agatho, to reform such abuses as in
that short period he might find to have crept into it.
That it was received with great eagerness by the
people of this country, there are many reasons for
thinking ; for, first, their fondness for music of all
kinds was remarkably great ; Giraldus Cambrensis
asserts, almost in positive terms, that the natives of
Wales and the northern parts of Great Britain were
born musicians.
Besides this, there are proofs in history that in
a very short time after its first planting amongst us,
music was observed to flourish ; and that, in short, it
loved the soil, and therefore could not fail to grow.
It was in the cathedral church of Canterbury that
the choral service was first introduced ; and till the
arrival of Theodore, and his settlement in that see,
the practice of it seems to have been confined to the
churches of Kent ; but after that, it spread over the
whole kingdom. The clergy made music their study,
they became proficients in it, and, differing perhaps
in that respect from those of other countries, they
disseminated the knowledge of it among the laity.
HoUinshed, after Bede, describes the progress of
singing in churches in these words : —
' Also, whereas before-time there was in a manner
' no singing in the Englishe churches, except it were
* in Kent, now they began in every church to use
' singing of divine service, after the ryte of the church
* of Rome. The archbishop Theodore, finding the
' church of Rochester void by the death of the last
' bishop, named Damian, he ordeyned one Putta,
* a simple man in worldly matters, but well instructed
' in ecclesiastical discipline, and namely well seene in
' song, and musicke to be used in the church, after
' the manner as he had learned of Pope Gregories
' disciples.'*
After this, viz., in 677, Ethelred, king of the
Mercians, invaded the kingdom of Kent with a great
army, destroying the country before him, and amongst
other places the city of Rochester ; the cathedi'al
church thereof was also spoiled and defaced, and Putta
driven from his residence ; upon which, as the same
historian relates, ' he wente unto Scroulfe, the bishop
* of Mercia, and there obteyning of him a small cure,
' and a portion of ground, remayned in that country ;
' not once labouring to restore his church of Rochester
' to the former state, but went aboute in Mercia to
' teach song, and instruct such as would learne
* musicke, wheresoever he was required, or could get
' entertainment.'!
* First volume of the Chronicles of England, Scotland, and Ireland,
pag. 178, col. ii. edit. 1377.
i Ibid. pag. 181.
CHAP. XXXIII.
The several improvements herein before enume-
rated, related solely to that branch of music which
those who affect to use the terms of the ancients,
called the Melopneia ; what related to the measures
of time, which, has been shewn, were regulated
solely by the metrical laws, as they stood connected
with poetry, or, to use another ancient term, the
rhythmopoeia was suffered to remain without inno-
vation till the beginning of the fourteenth century,
as it is said, when John De Muris, a doctor of the
Sorbonne, and a native of England, though the
generality of writers suppose him to have been
a Norman, invented characters to signify the dif-
ferent lengths of sounds, and, in short, instituted
a system of metrical music.
It has already been mentioned, that till within
these few years it was a dispute among the writers
on music, whether the ancients, by whom we are
to understand the Greek harmonicians and their
followers, were acquainted with music in consonance,
or not : the several arguments of each party have
been stated, and, upon a comparison of one with the
other, it does most clearly come out, that music in
consonance, though as to us it be of great antiquity,
is, with respect to those of whom we are now speak-
ing, a modern improvement.
In fixing the asra of this invention, those who
deny that it was known to the ancients are almost
unanimous in ascribing it, as indeed they do the
invention of the polyplectral species of instruments,
which are those adapted to the performance of it,
to Guido Aretinus. Kircher was the first propagator
of this opinion,! which he confesses is founded on
a bare hint of Guido ; but in this he is mistaken,
both in his opinion and in the fact which he assigns
as a reason for it ; for neither in the Micrologus nor
in the other tract of Guido, intitled, Argumentura
novi Cantus inveniendi, of both which a very par-
ticular account will be given hereafter, is there the.
least intimation of a claim to either of the above
inventions.
Not to insist farther on this mistake, the fact is,
that symphoniac music was known in the eighth
century, and that Bede does very particularly men-
tion a well-known species of it, termed Descant :
and this alone might suffice to show that music in
consonance, though unknown to the ancient Greeks,
was yet in use and practice before the time of Guido,
who flourished not till the beginning of the eleventh
century ; for what are we to understand by the
word Descant, but music in consonance ?
But lest a doubt should remain touching the nature
of the practice which the word Descant is intended
to signify, let us attend to a very particular de-
scription of it, contained in an ancient manuscript,
formerly part of the Cotton library, but which was
destroyed by the accident of fire which happened
some years ago, 23 Oct., 1731. at Ashburnham-house,
where it was deposited. The passage above men-
tioned may be thus translated. §
% Musurs. toni. T. pag. 215.
§ From a copj made for the use of Dr. Pepusch. Vide Mr. Castley's
catalogue.
loO
HISTORY OF THE SCIEXCE
Book IV.
' If two or three descant upon a plain -song, they
' must use their best endeavours to begin and proceed
' by different concordances ; for if one of them should
' concur with another, and sing the same concord to
' the plain-song, then ought they immediately to
* constitute another. If you would descant under
' the plain-song, in the duple, [i e. octave] in the
' sixth, the fifth, the third, the twelfth, or in the
' fifteenth, you ought to proceed in the same manner
' as you would were you to descant above the plain-
*song; whoever sings above it must be experienced
'in the grave sounds, their nature and situation; for
' on this the goodness of the harmony in a great
' measure depends. Another method of descanting
'is practised, which, if it be well pronounced, will,
' though easy, appear very artificial, and several will
' seem to descant on the plain-song, when in reality
' one only shall descant, and the others modulate the
' plain-song in diffei'eut concordances : it is this, let
' there be four or five singers, and let one begin the
' plain-song in the tenor ; let the second pitch his
' voice in the fifth above, the third in the eighth,
' and the fourth, if there be four besides him who
' sings the tenor or plain-song, in the twelfth, and
' all begin and continue in these concordances to the
' end ; only let those who sing in the eighth and
' twelfth break and flower the notes in such manner
' as may best grace the measure ; and note well, that
' whosoever sings the tenor must pronounce the notes
' full in their measure, and that he who descants
' must avoid the perfect, and take only the imperfect
' concords, namely, the third, sixth, and tenth, both
' ascending and descending ; and thus a person who
' is skilled in the practice of descant, and having
'a proper ductility of voice, may make great melody
' with others, singing according to the above direc-
' tions ; and for this kind of singing four persons are
' sufficient, provided there be one to descant con-
' tinually, in a twelfth above the plain-song.'
Morley, in his Introduction, pag. 70, speaking of
the word Descant, indeed says, that ' it is a word
'usurped of the musitions in divers significations ;'
yet he adds, ' that it is generally taken for singing
'a part extempore, on a playne-song ; so that when
' a man talketh of a descanter, it must be one that
' can extempore sing a part upon a playne-song.'
The practice of descant, in whichsoever of these
two senses the word is accepted, may reasonably be
supposed to have taken its rise from the choral
service, which, whether we consider it in its primitive
state, as introduced by St. Ambrose, or as improved
by pope Gregory, consisted either of that plain and
simple melody, which is understood when we speak
of the Ambrosian or Gregorian chant, or of com-
positions of the hymnal kind, differing from the
former, in that they were not subject to the tonic
laws which at different periods had been laid down
by those fathers of the church.
Continual practice and observation suggested to
those whose duty obliged them to a constant and
regular attendance at divine service, the idea of
a polyphonous harmony ; by means whereof, without
disturbing the melody, the ear might be gratified
with a variety of concordant sounds, uttered by
a number of voices ; and indeed little less than
a discovery of this nature was to be exjiected from
the introduction of music into the church, consider-
ing the great number of persons whose duty it
became to study and practise it ; considering also,
the great difference, in respect of acuteness and
gravity, between the voices of men and boys ; and,
above all, that nice discriminating sense of harmony
and discord, resulting from an attention to the sound
of that noble instrument the organ. Platina has
fixed the fera when the organ was first introduced
into churches at the year 660, and gives the honour
of it to Vitalianus ; and in less than half a century
afterwards, we discover the advantages arising from
it, in that which is the subject of the present en-
quiry, the invention of a kind of music consisting of
a variety of parts, called descant, the nature whereof
is explained above, and is mentioned by Bede, who
flourished at the beginning of the eighth century,
and not only was extremely well skilled in the
science of music, but spent the far greater part of
his life in the study and practice of it.
An Italian writer of good authority,* whose pre-
judices, if he had any, did not lead him to favour
the moderns, has gone farther, and ascribed the use
of the term to our countryman ; and there is extant,
in the Cambrise Descriptio of Giraldus Cambrensis,
a relation of a practice that prevailed in his time
among the inhabitants of this country, not incon-
sistent with the supposition that either Bede himself,
or some of the brethren of the monastery vidiere
he resided, might be the inventors of music iu
consonance.
The relation of Giraldus Cambrensis above re-
ferred to is to the following effect : —
' In the northern parts of Britain, beyond the
' Humber and on the borders of Yorkshire, the
' people there inhabiting, make use of a kind of
' symphoniac harmony in singing, but with only two
* differences or varieties of tones or voices. In this
' kind of modulation, one person [submurmurante]
' sings the under part in a low voice, while another
' sings the upper in a voice equally soft and pleasing.
' This they do, not so much by heart as by a habit,
' which long practice has rendered almost natural ;
' and this method of singing is become so prevalent
' amongst these people, that hardly any melody is
' accustomed to be uttered simply, or otherwise than
' variously, or in this twofold manner.'j"
* Gio. Bat. Doni, in his treatise De Generi e de Modi della Musica,
pas. 97.
t In musico modulamine non unformiter ut alibi, sed multipliciter
multisque niodis et modulis cantilenas emittunt, afleo ut in turba
canentium, sicnt liuic f^enti mos est, quot videas capita, tot audias car-
mina discriniinaqne vocnni, varia in unam denique sub B. Mollis
dulcedine blanda consonantiam et organicam convenientia nielodiam.
In borealibus quoque majoris Britannias partibus trans Humbrum,
Kboracique finibus Angloruni populi qui partes illas inliabitant simili
caiiendo symphnniaca utuntur harmonia: binis tamen solumniodo
tonorum difTerentiis et vocum moduiando varietatibus, una inferius
sub murmurante altera vero superne demulcente pariter et delectante.
Nee arte tantum sed usu longaevo et quasi in naturain mora diutina
jam converso, \\xc vel ilia sibi gens banc specialitatem coniparavit ftui
adeb apud utramque invaluit et altas jam radices posuit, ut nihil hie
simpliciter, ubi multipliciter ut apud priores, vel saltem dupliciter ut
apud sequentes, mellit^ proferri consueverit. Pueris etiam (quod magis
admirandum) et fere infantibus, (cum primuni a lletibus in cantus
erumpunt) eandera modulationem obseruantibus. Angli vero quoniara
non generaliter omnes sed boreales solum hujusmodi vocum utuntur
Chap. XXXITI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
151
As this method of singing seems by the account
above given of it to have been subservient to the
laws of harmony, an enquiry into its origin may
lead to a discovery when and where music in con-
sonance was first practised. The author above cited
would insinuate that the inhabitants of this country
might receive it from the Dacians, or Norwegians ;
but he has not shewn, nor is there the least reason
to think that any such practice prevailed among
either of those people ; and till evidence to that
purpose shall be produced, we may surely suspend
our belief, and refer the honour of the invention to
those who are admitted to have been in possession
of the practice. It wull be remembered, that in the
foregoing pages it has been related that the monas-
tery of Weirmouth, in the kingdom of Northumbria,
was famous for the residence of John the arch-chanter,
and other the most skilful musicians in Britain. It
is therefore not improbable that symphoniac music
might have its rise there, and from thence it might
have been disseminated among the common people
inhabiting that part of the kingdom ; nay, it is next
to impossible that a practice so very delightful, and
to a certain degree so easily attainable, could be
confined within the walls of a cloister.
It is true, that the reasons above adduced will
warrant nothing more than a bare conjecture that
music in consonance had its rise in this island ; but
it may be worth considering whether any better
evidence than that it was known and practised in
England so early as the eighth century, can be pro-
duced to the contrary.
But without pursuing an enquiry touching the
particular country where symphoniac music had its
rise, enough has been said to ascertain, within a few
years, the time of its origin ; it remains to account
for the error of those writers who ascribe the in-
vention of it to Guido.
Besides the application of the syllables ut, re, mi,
FA, SOL, LA, to the first six notes of the septenary, it
is universally allowed, that he improved, if not in-
vented the stave ; and that if he was not the first
who made use of points placed upon one or other of
the lines to signify certain notes, he was the first that
placed points in the spaces between the lines, and by
the invention of the keys or cliffs, corqpressed as it
were, the whole system of the double diapason into
the narrow limits of a few lines.
After he had thus adjusted the stave, and had
either invented or adopted, it matters not which, the
method of notation by points instead of letters, it
was l)ut a consequence that the notation of music of
more parts than one should be by points placed one
under another : and as in his time, the respective
notes contained in the several parts, being regulated
by one common measure, viz., that of the feet or
syllables to which they were to be sung, they stood
in need of no other kind of discrimination than what
arose from their different situations on the same stave,
or on different staves, and, by consequence, the points
modulationibiis, credo quod a Dacis et Norwasiensibus qui partes illas
insulas frequentiiis occupare ac diutius obtinere solebant, sicuf loquendi
affiiiitatem, sic canendiproprietatem contraxerunt. Cambriae Descriptio
cap. xili.
must have been placed in a vertical situation, and in
opposition to each other ; and this method of notation
suggested for music of more than one part the name
of Counterpoint, a term in the opinion of some
favouring of the barbarity of the age in which it was
invented, but which is too expressive of the idea in-
tended to be conveyed by it to be quarrelled with.
What has been said above respecting the improve-
ment of Guido, will furnish a rule for judging of the
credibility of the assertion which it is here proposed
to refute, namely, that he was the inventor of po-
lyphonous or symphoniac music, and lead to the
source of that, w^hich by this time, cannot but be
thought an error. The writers who maintain this
position, and they are not a few, have mistaken the
sign for the thing signified, that is to say, Counter-
point, for Music in Consonance, the thing character-
ised by counterpoint. The fact in short is, that
music in consonance was in use before Guido's time ;
he invented the method of notation, calculated to
define it, called Counterpoint : this is the whole re-
lating to the invention now under consideration that
can be ascribed to him ; and it must have been the
effect of strange inattention that a dift'erent opinion
has prevailed so long in the world.
Towards the end of the eighth century flourished
Bede, well known to the world by the epithet of
Venerable. He was born about the year G72, and
was educated in the monastery situate at Weirmouth,
near the mouth of the river Tyne, in the bishopric
of Durham. He studied with incredible diligence,
and, in the opinion of the famous Alcuin, was, for
learning, humility, and piety, a pattern for all other
monks. He wrote an Ecclesiastical History of Bri-
tain, at the end whereof are some memoirs of his own
life, from which it appears that he was very assiduous
in acquiring a knowledge of music, and punctual in
the performance of choral duty in the church of his
monastery. He had the good fortune to be very
intimately acquainted with some of the singers whom
pope Agatho had sent into Britain to teach the
method of singing, as it was practised at Rome ; and
was, in a word, one of the greatest men of his time.
He died in the year 735. His works have been
many times printed, and in the latter editions make
eight volumes in folio ; the last is that of Cologne,
in 1(388. The first volume contains a great number
of small tracts on arithmetic, gi'ammar, rhetoric, as-
tronomy, chronology, music, the means of measuring
time, and other subjects. On that of music, in par-
ticular, there is a tract intitled De Musica Theorica ;
and another, De Musica Quadrata, Mensurata, seu
Practica.* It is said, that he had no fewer than six
hundred pupils ; and that Alcuin, the preceptor to
Charlemagne, was one of them. There is a well
written life of him in the Biographia Britannica,
and an accurate catalogue of his works in the Bibli-
otheca Britannico-Hibernica of bishop Tanner.
NoTGERUS, or NoTKER, sumamed Le Begue, a
monk of St. Gal, flourished about the year 845, under
the emperor Lotharius, son of Lewis the Pious.
Among other things, he is famed for his book De
* Vide Tan. Biblioth. pag. 89, in not. col. ii.
152
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IV
Mnsica et Symphonia. He is supposed to have been
the inventor of the Sequentiae, which are those parts
of the office in which the people answer to the priest,
and which pope Nicolas I. ordained to be sung at mass.
He died in 912. Innocent III. had taken order for
his canonization, but his design was never carried into
execution. There was another of the name, bishop of
Liege : Trithemius has confounded them together.
Rabanus Maurus, is reckoned in the number of
those who have written on music. He was born at
Mentz, in 788, and bred up in the monastery of
Fulda. He studied at Tours, under Alcuin, and
returning to his monastery, was chosen abbot thereof,
in 822. Having enjoyed that dignity twenty years,
he laid it down to please the monks, who said he ap-
plied himself too much to study, and too little to the
affairs of the monastery. He retired to Mount St.
Pierre ; and was at last chosen archbishop of Mentz,
in 847. In a treatise of the universe, consisting of
twenty-two books, which he wrote and sent to Lewis
le Debonnaire,* he has comprised an infinite number
of common places, amongst which, it is supposed, are
many relating to music, since Brossard has ranked
him in his second class of writers on that subject.
In a commentary of his upon the liturgy, he expatiates
on the sacrifice, as it is called of the mass,! which
latter word he supposes to be derived from the ' Ite
' missa est,' Go, ye are dismissed, the form used for
the dismission of the catechumens, and to signify that
the service was ended.
Walafridus Strabo, so surnamed because he
squinted, was first a monk of Fulda, and afterwards
abbot of Richenou, in the diocese of Constance. He
is reckoned among the musical writers, and had been
a disciple of Rabanus Maurus. He flourished about
the year 842, and wrote De Officiis Divinis, the
twenty-fifth chapter of which tract is intitled De
Hymnis & Cantilenis eorumque incrementis, (feci
The Benedictines, compilers of the Histoire Litteraire
de la France, have discovered that there was another
of his name, dean of the abbey of St. Gal, in the pre-
ceding century, with whom he is often confounded.
Hist. Lit. de la France, tom. IV. pag. 59, in not.
Bristan, or Bricstan, a native of England, a
Benedictine monk, and precentor in the monastery
of Croyland, is celebrated by Pits as an excellent
mathematician, poet, and musician.§ Ingulphus, pag.
• Du Pin. Nouv. Biblioth. des Auteurs Eccles. siec. ix.
+ As the word Mass will frequently occur in the course of this work,
the following note of the translator of Du Pin's Bibliotheque, vol. VI.
pag. 3, may serve for an explanation of that rite : —
' The word Missa, or Mass, is an old Latin word, and signifies gene-
' rally the whole service of the church, but more especially the holy
•sacrament of Christ's body and blood. It was called Missa, or Di-
' mis^io, because no man was suffered to remain in the church that
' could not or would not receive the sacrament ; and therefore such
' persons as had a mind to see and hear, but not receive, were all, with-
' out exception, dismissed by the deacon, after the sermon was ended,
* with these words, " Ite, missa est ; Go, ye are dismissed : " and if any
' delayed, they were urged to depart by the deacons and exorcists, saying
'aloud, " Si quis non communicet det locum ; Whoever will not receive,
"let him go out." The Roman church puts a different sense upon this
'word Mass, understanding by it that solemn service wherein they do
'pretend to offer unto God the body and blood of his Son, as a pro-
'pitiatory sacrifice for the sins, both of the quick and dead. Isidore
' here takes it in the first sense, calling ii Ordo Precum, i. e. the Form of
'Prayers. But Du Pin, by joining it with the word Canon, (a word of
'a much later use, and which signifies, in the Roman church, the rule
'or fonn of celebrating their mass) seems to bring it over to the latter,
'but against the sense of St. Isidore of Seville."
t Vide Du Pin. Biblioth. cent. ix. cap. xiii.
5 Pits. De Reb. Angl. pag. 167. Tann. 124.
867, speaks thus of him : ' Bristanus, quondam cantor
* monasterii, musicus peritissimus et poeta facundis-
' simus.' He lived about 870, at the time when, in
one of the invasions of the Danes, his monastery was
burned, and the monks slain : he had, however, the
good fortune to escape, and composed certain elegiac
verses, wherein he relates the cruelties exercised by
the invaders, the sufferings of his brethren, and the
misfortunes attending this disastrous event.
As it is proposed in this work to give an account as
well of practical as theoretical musicians, there will
need little apology for inserting in this place a few
particulars of our own king Alfred, who is celebrated
by Bale, and other writers, for his skill in music, and
his performance on the harp : that he was very se-
dulous in his endeavours to promote the study of
music in his kingdom, we are told by Sir John
Spelman, in his life of this great monarch, pag. 135 ;
and particularly that he procured to be sent from
France one Grimbald,[| a man very skilful in music,
of a singular good life, great learning, and who
besides was an excellent churchman. Sir John
Spelman adds, that the king first came to the know-
ledge of this person by his courtesy, he having made
very much of him in his childhood, at Rheims, when
he was in his passage towards Rome.
Again, the same author relates, that among the
rest of his attendants, he is noted, Solomon like, to
have provided himself of musicians, not common, or
such as knew but the practic part ; but men skilful
in the art itself, whose skill and service yet farther
improved with his own instruction, and so ordered
the manner of their service as best befitted the royalty
of a king. Spelm. Life of Alfred, pag. 199.
That he himself was also a considerable proficient
on the harp, were other evidences wanting, the well-
known story related by Ingulphus, William of Malmes-
bury, and succeeding historians, of his entering the
Danish camp, disguised like a harper or minstrel, is
a proof.
The substance of which relation is, that being
desirous to know the strength and circumstances of
the Danish army, then in Somersetshire, he disguised
himself like a minstrel, and taking with him a harp,
and one only confidant, he went into the Danish
camp, the privilege of his disguise intitling him to
free admittance every where, even into the king's
tent ; and there, for many days, he so employed him-
self as that, while he entertained his enemies with his
mirth and music, he obtained the fullest satisfaction
touching their ability to resist the attack on them,
which he had for some time been meditating. This
was in the year 378.^
II Of this Grimbald very honourable mention is made in tlie Histoire
de la France, tom. V. pag. 6!»4. Alfred had written to Eulk, archbishop
of Rheims, intreating him to send to England a person skilled in the
liberal sciences, particularly music. The archbishop wrote the king
a long letter in answer, recommending Grimbald, a monk of St. Bertin,
the person above mentioned. This was about the year 880 ; and had
Grimbald been a much greater man than he was, the French would have
been bound in gratitude to have spared him to us j for a few years before,
they had from us Alcuin, the tutor of Charlemagne. It'appears that
Grimbald behaved very well whilst he was here. In the chronicle of
Nic. Harpsfield are the heads of a speech of his, in a synod at London,
before king Alfred and archbishop iEthelred, wherein he discouised
gravely and wisely of the primitive dignity of human nature, and of its
corruption by the fall of Adam. The whole is said to be in the Annals
of Winchester. Vide Spelm. Life of Alfred, pag. 135, in not.
f Vide Spelman's Life of Alfred, pag. 63.
Chap. XXXIV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
153
HUCBALD, HUGBALDUS, Or HuBALDUS, for by all
these names is he called, is spoken of as the most
celebrated doctor in France at the close of the ninth
century. He was a Benedictine monk, of the ab-
bey of St. Amand, in the diocese of Tournay, and
flourished about the year 880, under Cliarles the
Bald. He is celebrated for his profound skill in the
learning of tliose days, and particularly for his ex-
cellence in poetry and music* He is said to have
invented a division of the monochord, by means
whereof music might be learned without the help of
a master ; and to have invented certain signs, in-
dependent of lines and letters, to mark the sounds
in the octave. Martini, who sometimes calls him
Ubaldo, has given a specimen of this his method of
punctuation from a manuscript of his, intitled De
Harmonica Institutione, in the following form : —
i . .. .
.
. •
1
• • • •
,
• 1
1 to 1 se 1 ti) 1
to 1
se
1 to 1 to
1 se 1 to 1 to 1 se
|to|
to 1
1 . .. .
•
• •
• •
• • • - • ■
•
• 1
Which he
-,^1
renders thus in
modern characters
-l-K ■ * '
-fl — ■—
^ r • ■
-l-j£— «—■—■■
The authors of the Histoire Litteraire de la France
also speak in general terms of a method of musical
punctuation invented by him, doubtless the same with
that above ; and add, that he composed and noted
offices in honour of many of the saints. He died at
the age of ninety, in the year 930, and was buried in
the church of St. Peter, in his own abbey. The
merits of Hucbald, his learning and virtues, were
celebrated by many of his surviving friends, in
epitaphs, and other metrical compositions ; the two
which follow are extant in the work above-cited, and
are here inserted, not so much on account of their
elegance, as to shew the degree of estimation in which
he stood with his contemporaries : —
EPITAPH I.
Dormit in hac tumba simplex sine felle Columba
Doctor, flos, & honos tarn cleri quam monacliorum
Hiicbaldus, famam cnjus per climata mundi
Edita sanctorum modulamina, gestaque clamant.
Hie Cyrici membra pretiosa, reperta Nivernis.
Nostris invexit oris, scripsitque triumphum.
EPITAPH II.
Prjecluis orator sudans opobalsama cosmo
Arclias meHifluus rhetor super aethera notus,
En Huncbalde pater salve per secla verenter
Tu lampas monachis, tu flos & doxa peritis :
Te plebs aeternum higens sibi defiet ademtum.
Vige juge, sophista, vale, Theopbile care.
Ediderat stylo examussim certamen bonesto
Matris JuHtse, Cirici prolisque veiiustae,
Ceu doctor, celeber gnavus per cuncta magister.
Landetur, vigeat, quod quaeso legatur, ainetiir.
Ha;c quisquis legis, requiem die det Dens illi,
Pal mam ciun superis gestet super astra cboreis
Gloria pauper haec peregit, metra clienter.
• Hist. Litteraire de la France, torn. VI. pag. 210.
Sis^ebert, Trithemius, and others, mention a poem of Hiijjbald's com-
posing, and of a very singular kind. It is an encomium on Baldness, in
heroic verse, inscribed to tlie emperor Charles the Bald, in which every
word begins with the initial letter of the emperor's name, as in the
following line : —
Carmina clarisona clavis cantata Caraenae.
t Storia della Musica, pag. 1S3.
The above Hucbald is usually styled Hucbald de
Saint Amand ; notwithstanding which he is some-
times confounded with two other writers of the same
name, the one a monk of Orbais, the other a clerk in
the church of Liege, neither of whom seem to stand
in any degree of competition with him.|
AuRELiANUs, a clerk in the church of Rheims,
lived in the year 890, under the emperor Arnulphus,
and on to the reign of Lewis IV. He was in great
estimation for his learning, and author of a treatise
on the tones, intitled, Tonarius regularis, which he
composed for the use of his church, and inscribed to
Bernard, the precentor of the choir. He is placed
by Trithemius among the ecclesiastical writers. §
CHAP. XXXIV.
"VVe are now arrived at a period, namely the com-
mencement of the tenth century, when learning
began to flourish throughout Europe. In France,
particularly, not only mathematics, but the arts of
painting, sculjjture, and architecture, were cultivated
with great assiduity. The abbies of Corbie, of
Rheims, and Cluni, were the great seminaries of that
country, and produced a succession of men eminent
in all faculties ; the former of these was so famous
for musical institution, that young monks from Eng-
land were usually sent thither to be taught tlie true
method of singing in divine service. Letald, Remi
de Auxerre, Notker le Begue, Wigeric bishop of
Metz, and Hucbald de St. Amand, before-mentioned,
were all skilled in music, and are some of the most
celebrated names that occur in the literary history
of those times. II
Odo, abbot of Cluni, in the province of Burgundy,
a Frenchman of noble descent, also flourished in this
age, that is to say, about the year 920. He is highly
celebrated by the writers of those times, for his
learning, his piety, and his zeal to reform the man-
ners of the clergy. The authors of the Histoire
Litteraire de la France speak of him as one of the
great luminaries of that kingdom. As to his skill
in music, they represent him as surpassing most of
his cotemporaries : they speak also of a manuscript
of his, which is no other than the Enchiridion,
mentioned by Gerard Vossius, and commended by
Guido himself, beginning ' Quid est musica ? ' as
a great curiosity, and being extant only in the
Vatican library, and in that of the queen of Svi^eden ;
nevertheless, it is to be found in the library of Baliol
college, and makes part of a volume, that contains
the Micrologus, and other tracts of Guido, with
some others on the subject of music, of great value ;
and Martini refers to another, in the conventual
library at Cesana, near Ravenna, in Italy.
The Enchiridion of Odo is in the form of a dia-
logue between a teacher and his disciple : it begins
with directions for the making and dividing of the
monochord, and contains a general definition of the
consonances, the method of notation by the Roman
letters, as instituted by Gregory, a formula of the
I storia della Musica, pag. 214.
§ Vossius De Scientiis Mathem. cap. ix. § 6.
II Hist. Litteraire de la France, torn. VI. pag 71.
154:
HISTORY OF THE SCIEXCE
Book IV
tones, and concludes witli general directions for
anti phonal singing.
It is to be remarked, that all the tracts written
about this time, which profess to teach the know-
ledge of music, and there are innumerable of them
extant, begin, as this does, with directions for making
and dividing the monochord : the reason of this is,
that the method of ascertaining the places of the
semitones in the diapason, by the syllables, was not
then discovered ; and hardly any instrument then in
use, excepting the organ, would answer the end of
impressing upon the memory of a child, the difference
between the greater and lesser intervals ; the teachers
of music therefore invariably directed their pupils
to find out the intervals themselves, and lay the
foundation of their studies in the knowledge of the
monochord.
Silvester, the second pope of that name, is justly
celebrated as one of the great ornaments of the
tenth century. He was a monk of Aurillac, in the
province of Auvergne, a monastery wliich had been
founded at the latter end of the preceding age.
His pursuits were so various, and his excellence in
all branches of learning so great, that it is difficult
to say in what class of learned men he merits most
to be placed ; or whether we should consider him
as a divine, a mathematician, or a philosopher at
large. It is certain that he wrote upon geometry,
particularly on the quadrature of the circle, on
astronomy, logic, and rhetoric ; that he was deeply
skilled in tlie science of music, as a proof whereof
it is said that he made some considerable improve-
ments^ of the organ, on which he was an excellent
proficient : William of Malmesbury speaks, with
admiration, of an improvement made by him in the
hydraulic organ.* He was born of obscure parents,
in the neighbourhood of Aurillac : his name of
baptism^ was Gerbert, or Girbirt : his great merit,
and a disposition to communicate to the world the
discoveries he made in the course of his studies,
facilitated his promotion to the highest dignities
of the church ; for he was successively archbishop
of Rheims and Ravenna, and at last pope. While
he was archbishop of Rheims, he had the misfortune
to see that city sustain a close siege, which obliged
him to seek refuge in the court of the emperor
Otho III. who had been his disciple. During his
residence there, he invented an instrument for the
measuring of time by the motion of the polar star,
which some writers have confounded with the astro-
labe. By the interest of his patron Otho, in the
year 998, he was promoted to the archbishopric of
Ravenna, and the following year to the papacy on
the death of Gregory V., which he held but four
years, for he died in 1003.
Mosheira has bestowed an eulogium on Gerbert as
characteristic of the age in which he lived, as of the
person he means to celebrate. He relates that he
derived his learning in a .great measure from the
Arabians, among whom at that time there were many
XT* S^"^ t" have been played on bv ivann water. See the History of the
.Manual Arts by Dr. Thomas Powell, octavo, 16C1, abridged mOldys's
British Librarian, No. I. pag. 51.
very considerable men ; though it is remarkable that
we meet witli the name of but one writer on music of
tliat country, viz., Alfarabius, who is barely mentioned
in a note in the life of Hai Ebn Yokdhan, an inge-
nious fiction translated from the original Arabic by
Simon Ockley, 8vo. 1708. A treatise of his on music
is referred to in the Margarita Philosophica of Gre-
gorius Reischius, printed at Basil in 1517. Mosheim
speaks thus of the state of learning in Gerbert's
time : —
' It was not however to the fecundity of his genius
' alone that Gerbert was indebted for the knowledge
' with which he now began to enlighten the European
' provinces ; he had derived a part of his erudition,
' particularly in physic, mathematics, and philosophy,
' from the writings and instructions of the Arabians,
' who were settled in Spain. Thither he had repaired
' in pursuit of knowledge, and had spent some time in
' the seminaries of learning at Cordova and Seville,
' with a view to hear the Arabian doctors ; and it
' was, perhaps, by his example, that the Europeans
* were directed and engaged to have recourse to this
' source of instruction in after times. For it is unde-
' niably certain, that, from the time of Gerbert, such
' of the Europeans as were ambitious of making any
' considerable progress in physic, arithmetic, geo-
' metry, or philosophy, entertained the most eager and
' impatient desire of receiving instruction either from
' the academical lessons, or from the writings of the
' Arabian philosophers, who had founded schools in
' several parts of Spain and Italy. Hence it was that
' the most celebrated productions of these doctors
* were translated into Latin, their tenets and systems
' adopted with zeal in the European schools, and that
' numbers went over to Spain and Italy to receive
' instruction from the mouths of these famous teachers,
* which were supposed to utter nothing but the deepest
' mysteries of wisdom and knowledge. However
' excessive this veneration for the Arabian doctors
' may have been, it must be owned nevertheless that
' all the knowledge, whether of physic, astronomy,
' philosophy, or mathematics, which flourished in
' Europe from the tenth century, was originally
' derived from them, and that tlie Sijanish Sai'acens
' in a more particular manner may be looked upon as
' the fathers of European philosophy.' Mosh. Eccles.
Hist, vol II. pag. 199.
The diligence with which Gerbert pursued his
studies, and his proficiency in so many various
branches of learning, raised in the vulgar a suspicion
of his being addicted to magic, which Platina has
without hesitation adopted ; for he says he obtained
the papacy liy ill arts, and that he left his monastery
to follow the devil. He however allows him the
merit of a sincere repentance, but mentions some
prodigies at his death, which few can believe on tlie
authority of such a writer. Naudeus has written a
justification of a great number of learned men who
have undergone the same censure, and has included
Silvester among them ; but long before his time a
certain poet had done him that good office in the fol-
lowing epigram : —
Chap. XXXIV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
155
Ne mirare Magum fatui quod inertia vulgi
Me (veri minime gnara) fuisse putat.
Archimedis studium quod eram sophiasque sequutus
Turn, cum magna fuit gloria scire nihil.
Credebant Magicum esse rudes, sed busta loquuntur
Quam plus, integer & religiosus eram.
The following epitaph bespeaks his character, and
is an epitonae of his history : —
Iste locus mundi Silvestri membra sepulti
Venturo Domino conferet ad sonitum.
Quern dederat mundo celebrem doctissima virgo.
Atque caput mundi culmina Ronmlea.
Primum Gerbertus meruit Francigena sede
Remensis populi metropolim patriae.
Inde Ravennatis meruit conscendere summum
Ecclesias regimen nobile, sicque potens
Post annum Romam mutato nomine sumsit,
Ut toto pastor fieret orbe novus.
Cui nimium placuit sociali mente fidelis.
Obtulit hoc Caesar tertius Otho sibi.
Tempus uterque comit clara virtute sophiae ;
Gaudet, et omne seclinn fran^itur omne ream
Clavigeri instar erat caelorum sede potitus,
Terna sufFectus cui vice pastor erat.
Iste vicem Petri postquam suscepit, abegit
Lustrali spatio saecula morte sui.
Obriguit mundus discussa pace triumphus
Eculesiae mutans, dedidicit requiem.
Sergius hunc loculum miti pietate sacerdos,
Successorque suus comsit amore sui.
Quisquis ad hunc tumulum devexa lumina vertis,
Omnipotens Domine, die, misere sui.
Berno, abbot of Richenou, in the diocese of Con-
stance, who flourished about the year 1008, is cele-
brated as a poet, rhetor, musician, philosopher, and
divine. He was the author of several treatises on
music, particularly of one De Instrumentis Musi-
calibus, beginning with the words ' Musicam non
'■ esse contempnenduni ! ' which he dedicated to
Aribon, archbishop of Mentz. He also wrote De
Mensura Monochordi : but the most celebrated of his
works is a treatise De Musica seu Tonis, which he
wrote and dedicated to Pelegrinus, archbishop of
Cologne, beginning ' Vero mundi isti advenae et
Peregrino : ' this latter tract is part of the Baliol
manuscript, and follows the Enchiridion of Odo,
above referred to : it contains a summary of the
doctrines delivered by Boetius, an explanation of the
ecclesiastical tones, intermixed with frequent exhort-
ations to piety, and the application of music to
religious purposes. He was highly favoured by the
emperor Henry II. for his great learning and piety,
and succeeded so well in his endeavours to promote
learning, that his abbey of Richenou was as famous
in his time as those of St. Gal and Cluni, then the
most celebrated in France. He died in 1048, and
was interred in the church of his monastery, which
but a short time before he had dedicated to St. Mark.
From the account hereinbefore given of the rise
and progress of choral service, and of the institution
of the ecclesiastical tones, modes, tropes, or whatever
else they may be termed, it is clear that before the
eleventh century they were in number eight, besides
which, the actual existence at this day of manuscripts,
such as those of Aurelianus, Odo of Cluni, and this of
Berno above-mentioned, in which not only eight
tones are spoken of, but a formula of each is given in
words at lengtli, are indisputable evidence of the fact.
A learned gentleman, Dr. King, the author of a book
lately published, intitled the Rites and Ceremonies of
the Greek Church in Russia, has intimated, pag. 43,
that the addition of the four plagal tones, as they
are called, to the four authentic of St. Ambrose, is
by some ascribed to Guido Aretinus, who, by the
way, in his Micrologus lays not the least claim to
this improvement, but speaks of the eight ecclesi-
astical tones as an ancient establishment. We are
therefore necessitated to conclude that the contrary
opinion is without foundation, and the rather, as no
writer of authority among the many that have been
consulted in the course of this work, has intimated
the least doubt but that the Cantus Gregorianus
consisted of eight tones.
Through all the variations that attended music,
the ancient system of a bisdiapason, constituted of
tetrachords, retained its authority; we do not find
that even in the time of Boetius the system itself
had received any alteration ; the Latins it is true
had rejected the ancient Greek characters, and intro-
duced the Roman capital letters in their stead ; and
pope Gregory reduced those letters to the first seven
of the Roman alphabet, which, by repeating them
in each septenary, he made to serve the purpose of
a great number, calling the first series graves, the
second acutes, and the third, distinguished by double
small letters, super-acutes; but the tetrachord system,
said to be immutable, as also the Greek names
anciently appropriated to the several chords, con-
tinued in use till the close of the tenth century, soon
after which such a reformation of the ancient scale
was made, as was thought worthy of commemoration,
not only by chronologers, but by the gravest histo-
rians. The person to whose ingenuity and industry
we owe this inestimable improvement was an eccle-
siastic, Guido Aretinus, a Benedictine monk. The
relation given by Cardinal Baronius of this event
is to the following effect ; viz : That in the pon-
tificate of Benedict VIII. Guido Aretinus, a monk,
and an excellent musician, to the admiration of all,
invented a method of teaching music, so that a boy
in a few months* might learn what no man, though
of great ingenuity, could before that attain in several
years. — That the fame of this invention procured
him the favour of the pope, who invited him to
Rome, as did afterwards John XX. his successor. —
That in the thirty-fourth ^year of his age he composed
a treatise, which he called Micrologus, and dedicated
to Theodald, bishop of Arezzo. Annal. Eccl. torn.
XI. pag. 73, et seq.
To this account Baronius has subjoined the epistle
from Guido to a friend of his, Michael of Pomposa, be-
ginning ' Clarissimo atque dulcissimo fratri Michaeli,'
containing the history of his invention, and of
his invitation to Rome and reception by the pope ;
the particulars whereof are referred to an extract
from the epistle itself, which is given in a subsequent
* Guido in the prologue to the Micrologus says, in the space of one
month, ' unius mensis spatium.'
156
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IV.
page of this work.* General accounts of the reform-
ation of the scale made by Guido are to be met
with in almost every treatise on the snl)ject com-
posed since his time ; yet among tliese some improve-
ments are attributed to him, as namely the invention
of the stave, and of the figure of a hand, to explain
his method of notation, to the merit whereof, if we
are to judge from his own writings, he does not
appear to have made the least claim.
It has been related that the method of notation
among the Greeks was by the letters of their alpha-
bet, as also that the Latins in their stead made use of
the Roman capital letters, A, B, C, D, E, F, G, and
so on to P, as is mentioned by Boetius in his fourth
book ; and that afterwards Gregory rejected all but
the first seven, which he made to serve for the whole
scale, distinguishing the grave series by the capitals
and the acute by the small letters. Their manner of
singing was from A to B, a tone ; from B to C,
a semitone ; from C to D, a tone ; from D to E,
a tone ; from E to F, a semitone ; from F to G,
a tone ; so that, to speak of the diapason only, the
seven capital letters served to express, ascending and
descending, either gradually or by leaps, the seven
notes ; f but so difficult was it according to this
method to know and to hit precisely the place of the
two semitones, that before the pupils were able to
acquire a knowledge of the Canto Fermo, ten years
were usually consumed, Guido studied with great
diligence to remove this obstruction ; and the current
account of this invention is, that being at vespers,
and singing the hymn to St. John, ' Ut queant laxis,'
it by chance came into his head to apply, as being
of easy pronunciation, certain syllables of that hymn
to as many sounds in a regular succession, and thereby
* By the epistle above referred to, it appears, that Baronius has been
guilty of an error in saying that Guido was invited to Rome botli by
Benedict and John; for it was from John only that he received this
mark of favour. Neither does he clearly distinguish between the Argu-
mentum novi Cantus inveniendi and the Micrologus ; tlie former con-
tained his method of singing by the syllables, and procured him a general
reputation, and the favour of Benedict ; the latter, his reformation of the
scale, and, as Guido himself expn-ssly says, was composed in the thirty-
fourth year of his age, John XX. being then pope. Be>iiies this, he
adds, that the Micrologus was written at the monastery of Poniposa,
whither he retired not, till after his interview with the pope.
+ Zarlino has been guilty of a gross mistake in asserting, as he does in
his Institutions, part ii. chap. 30. that Guido first maile use of the method
of notation by the capital and small Roman letters : the current opinion
is, that Gregory introduced it ; but supposing that matter doubtful, there
is sufficient evidence to prove that the practice in question prevailed
before Guido's time ; for the Enchiridion of Odo, abbot of Cluni, contains
directions for dividing the monochord, and marking the first septenary
with the capital, and the second with the small Roman letters; and
Vincentio Galilei, in his Dialogo della Musiea, pag. 96, has given the
following specimen of Canto Fermo :—
d c \j cdedctjahcdaGFGG
Sit nomen Do - mi - ni be- ne- dictum in sa; - cu ■ la
FG a GFFGFFEF GFEDCDD
Adju - to - riuranostrumin no - - mine Do - mi-ni
3|-3EiES-J
Lrsrs
Sit nomen Do
ni be-ne-dictum in sae - cu-la
z^r:
-2— 0— O^^-
«>-♦
rs:
i-^
-^ ji— &— 0-
Ad-ju . to -ri-um nostrum in no - - mi-ne Do - mi-ni.
■which he asserts was composed many years before Guido was born.
The perusal of the Enchiridion of Odo has furnished the means of
refuting a vulgar error, namely, that Guido, to perpetuate the memory
of his reformation of the scale, prefixed to it the Greek P, the initial
letter of his name ; the contrary of this is manifest in the directions of
Odo for dividing the monochord, in which he assumes that vrry character.
he removed those difficulties that had a long time
retarded the improvements of ijractical music.
UT queant laxis REsonare fibris
MIra gestorum FAmuli tuovum
SOLve polkiti LAbii reatum.
Sancte Joannes. 1
This is the substance of what is related by Gaf-
furius, Glareanus, Vicentino, Galilei, Zarlino, Kircher,
Mersennus, Bontempi, and other writers, touching
the invention of the syllables ; biit the scale, as it
stood in the time of Guido, was not adapted for the
reception of six syllables, and therefore the applica-
tion which he made of them does necessarily imply
some previous improvement of the scale, either
actually made by him, or which he had at that time
under consideration. It is pretty certain that this
improvement could be no other than the converting
the ancient tetrachords into hexachords, which, to
begin with the tetrachord Hypaton, he effected in
this manner ; that tetrachord was terminated in the
grave by Hypate hypaton, or J] ; for though the
Froslambanomenos A, carried the system a tune
lower, it was always considered, as its name imports
to be, acquisitus, supernumerary, or redundant ; the
addition therefore of a tone below A immediately
converted the tetrachord Hypaton into a hexachord,
and drove the semitone into a situation that divided
the hexachord into two equal parts. To this ad-
ditional tone Guido, as some say, in honour of the
Greeks, the fathers of music, or, as others siiggest,
to perpetuate the memory of his invention, and
thereby acquire honour to himself, affixed the Greek
gamma F, which fortunately for such a supposition,
was the initial letter of his name.§
By this constitution the position of the semitone
was clearly pointed out to every theorist ; but the
thing in pursuit was a method of hitting it in practice,
the want whereof rendered the singing extempore so
very difficult, that few could attain to it without great
labour ; but the accidental hearing of the hymn
above-mentioned suggested to Guido a thought that
the six syllables therein contained might be so fitted
to the six soimds in his newly-formed hexachord, as
to furnish a rule for this purpose ; accordingly he
1 The words of the above hymn were composed by Paulus Diaconus,
Paul, a deacon of the church of .\quilea, about the year 770, and in the
reign of Charlemagne, as Possevin relates. Dr. Wallis, from Alstedius,
in the room of Adonic, Sancte Joannes, has inserted O Pater Alme.
Brossard, and others after him say, that Angelo Berardi has very prettily
comprised the six syllables in this line.
Ut RElevet Miserum FAtum soLitosque LAbores.
But Gerard Vossius, De quatuor Artibus Popiilaribus, pag. 93, without
taking notice of Berardi, says it is only part of the following verse
composed by some person who lived after Guido: —
Cur adhibes tristi numeros cantumque labori?
Ut RElevet Miserum PAtum sOLitosque LAbores.
§ Meibomius denies that Guido extended the ancient Greek system
either upwards or downwards, or that he even made any addition to the
tetrachord Hypaton ; for he asserts, with an unwarrantable degree of
confidence, that though the Proslambanomenos was generally understood
as the lowest sound in the ancient system, yet that the Greeks in truth
recognized another, which was a tone below it, but that as it prolated
a confused and undistinguisliable sound, it was neglected. He says that
when Guido determined to reassume this tone, he was necessitated to
mark it with the Grecian gamma, T ; for that otherwise, as he has given
the Latin G to its diapason Lychanos meson, he must either have intro-
duced a strange character, or doubled the letter G, which latter method
could not please him so well. Meibnmius also says that the Greek
system proceeded even farther in the acutes than that of Guido ; but
the truth of this assertion will be best judged of by a comparison of the
ancient system with thai of Guido. as they stand opposed to each other
in a subsequent page of this volume.
Chap. XXXV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
157
made the experiment, and applying the syllable ut
to the first note of the hexachord, and the rest to the
others in succession, he gave to every note an articu-
late sound.
The view of Guido in this contrivancewas to im-
press upon the minds of learners an idea of the
powers of the several sounds, as they stood related to
the first sound in the hexachord ; for he saw that
from an habitual application of the syllables to their
respective notes, it must follow that the former would
become a common measure for the five intervals in-
cluded within the limits of the hexachord, and that
in a short time the idea of association between the
syllables and the notes would become so strong as to
make it almost impossible to misapply them.
Finding that this invention was likely to succeed,
he added two tones to the tetrachord Meson, thereby
making that also a hexachord, and to this also he
applied the syllables.
Lastly, he made a like addition of two tones to the
tetrachord Synemmenon, and thereby formed a third
hex achord.
The several combinations and conjunctions of these
tetrachords for the purpose of ascertaining the inter-
vals in any given system, exceeding the limits of the
hexachord, will be hereafter explained ; the result of
the invention was clearly this, that in a regular suc-
cession of six sounds in their natural order, beginning
either from T, from C, or from F, taking in B b, the
progression with respect to the tones and semitone in
each was precisely the same : and supposing the
learner to have acquired by constant practice a habit
of expressing with his voice the interval G C, which
is an exact fourth, by the syllables ut fa, the two
sounds proper to the interval G C would become a
kind of tune, which he must necessarily apply to ut
VA, wherever those syllables should occur ; and in
what other situation they occur the above constitution
of the different hexachords shows ; for as in the
hexachord from G to E the syllables ut fa express
the fourth G C, so in that from C to A do they
express a fourth C F, and in the hexachord from
F to D the fourth F B b.
The introduction of B b to avoid the Tritonus has
been related at large ; and here it may be proper to
add that the exceeding discordancy or hardness of B
}], when taken as a fourth, gave occasion to the
epithet soft, which for the sake of distinction was
given to B b ; for this reason the hexachord from F
is called the molle or soft hexachord, as that from G
is called durum or hard ; these appellatives begot
another, namely, that of the natural hexachord, which
is given to the hexachord from C The method of
singing each is termed a property in singing' and
is thus described in the following distich : —
C Naturum dat, f b molle nunc tibi signal,
g quoque h durum tu semper habes caniturum.*
The intervals thus adjusted in the several hexa-
chords, became alike commensurable in each by the
syllables ; and ut mi would as truly express the
ditone C E or F A as G B, to which they were
originally adapted : the same may be said of every
• Morley in the Annotations on Book I, of his Introduction to Prac-
tical! Musicke.
other interval in each of the hexachords, and their
exact uniformity is visible in this, chat the semitone
has the same situation in them all, and divides them
into two equal parts.
CHAR XXXV.
The writers on music, as has been mentioned
above, have also attributed to Guido another very
considerable improvement of the musical scale, which
they suppose to be coeval with the formation of the
hexachords, namely, the Stave, consisting of parallel
lines in a horizontal position, such as is now used in
the writing of music : in this they seem to have been
mistaken, for all the examples made use of by him to
illustrate his doctrine, are given in the Roman capital
and small letters, agreeably to the method of St.
Gregory. Besides which it is demonstrable that the
stave was of a much earlier invention than this
opinion supposes. The proof of this assertion is to
be found in the Dialogo della Musica of -Vincentio
Galilei, pag. 37, which contains a diagram of musical
punctuation on a stave consisting of no less than
seven lines, which he says was in use long before the
time of Guido.f
H 0-
A • • •
M • • •
n • • •
T • •
*
d
c
b
a
G
F
E
0 0 .
0 0 —
=¥^ — , — ■=■ ■■ ■•— ,
0 — _—
• •
rifc
i1=b;
And immediately after he exhibits an example of
notation on a stave of ten lines, concerning which he
thus expresses himself : ' Eccovi 1' essempio d' una
' Cantilena tra le altre, che mi sono capitate in mano,
' la quale mi fu gia da un gentiluomo nostro Fioren-
' tino donata, ritrovata da lui in un antichissimo suo
' libro : ed e delle pui intere, e nieglio conservata d'
' altra che io abbia mai veduta.'
— #-
-•-
-•-
-• — •
-0-
• —
0.
— •-
-•^
-•—
-•—
'-r-
-•-
Clar
iget
ho
-di
- e vox noi
stia me-
-lo-dum
symphoni
■>a
instant
— •-
-•-
^-
— •-
— • — •—
-•—
-•-
-•-
— •-
—i"-
— • —
-•-
— 0
an-nu-a jam qui -a prre-cla - ra so-lem - ni - a, &c.
t By an unaccountable accident tlie examples here referred to, are in
some copies of (ialilei's book defective, a^ giving only the stave, and not
the points ; but they are here supplied from Martini, who has rendered
them into the characters of modern notation. Vid. Stor. della Musica,
pag. 1S5.
158
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IV
i3E^^
Clanget ho-di-e vox nostra me-lodum sympho-ni-a instant
an-nu-a jam qui-a piascla-ra so-lem-ni - a.
To these examples of lineal punctuation another
may be adduced from the Musurgia, tome I. pag. 213,
wherein the points are placed on a stave of eight
lines. We owe this discovery to Kircher, who
relates that being on a voyage to Malta he went to
visit the library of S. Salvator in Messana, which
is well furnished with Greek manuscripts ; and that
one of the monks there produced to him a manu-
script book of hymns, which had been written about
seven hundred years, in which was contained the
fullowin^- : — •
e
n
/3
E
£
7
B
a -
0
_ , 0
0 0
■— • • • • — •
0 0 0 0
• 0 0 — 0 0_
— 0 0 — 0 0
-0 0 — 0 ,
riapOiaii] ^i yaxapk 6a>a Sors SivTopsaM v fiijrtp anofio (jvvtjg
Kircher mentions that while he was writing the
Musurgia, he received from a friend of his, the
reverend abbot Didacus De Franchis, an extract from
a very ancient antiphonary in the monastery of
Vallombrosa, containing an example of interlineary
punctuation in the following form : —
9 *
«
In which he says the points correspond with the
notes of a well-known antiphon, beginning with the
words ' Salve Regina.'
These evidences sufficiently prove that the stave
is more ancient than is generally supposed ; for it
is agreed that the Micrologus was written between
the years 1020 and 1030 ; and a period of seven
hundred years before the publication of the ^Musurgia,
in 1G50, will carry the use of the stave back to the
year 950, which is more than forty years before
Guido waa born, and show the error of those who
ascribe the invention of the stave to him.
Indeed Guido has intimated that in his method of
notation, points may be placed as well in the spaces
as on the lines ; and for this, as also for the con-
sequent reduction of the stave from eight to five, or
rather, for the purpose of ecclesiastical notation, to
four lines, posterity are undoubtedly obliged to him.
It will be remembered that the ancient Greek
scale was composed of tetrachords, and that it ex-
hibits a succession of chords from Proslambanomenos,
or A, to Nete hyperboleon, or aa. As to the Pros-
lambanomenos, it was termed Acquisitus or Assumed,
and therefore made no part of the tetrachord Hypa-
ton. In prosecution of his scheme of converting
the tetrachords into hexachords, with respect to the
lowest tetrachord in the scale, Guido had nothing
more to do than to add to it a single chord, to
which he affixed the Greek letter r, and this he
termed the durum hexachord, to distinguish it from
that other beginning at F, in which B is flat, and
which therefore is called the molle hexachord : but
of this, and also of the natural hexachord bea-inninir
at C, mention is made before.
The hexachords, constituted in the manner above
described, with the additional improvement of the
stave, and before they were incorj^orated into the
scale assumed the following form :• —
DURUM HEXACHORD.
G A B C D E
UT RE MI FA SOL LA
NATURAL HEXACHORD.
C D E F G A
C
UT RE MI FA SOL LA
MOLLE HEXACHORD.
F G A Bb C D
F=i=::p:
UT RE MI FA SOL LA
The power or situation in the scale, of each of
these points, is signified by the letters respectively
placed above them : but the intention of the stave
was to supersede the literal scheme of notation ; it
may therefore be said, supposing the letters away,
that each hexachord is but a repetition of the other
two, and that the power of each point in all the three
is similar : but the case is far otherwise ; for by a
contrivance, which shows the admirable sagacity of
the inventor, the stave of four lines is rendered
capable of expressing every one of the three differ-
ent hexachords which the reformed musical scale
requires.
To manifest this diversity Guido invented certain
characters called Cliffs, in number three, whereof the
first was r, the other two were the letters C and F :
the first of these indicated a progression of sounds
from the lowest note in the scale upwards to E : the
second denotes a series from C to A, and the third
another series from F through Bb to D : these cliffs,
A\ liich were also termed claves or keys, were placed
by Guido on the lower line at the head of his stave.
It is evident from hence, that by the application of
the characters r, C, F, the power of the six points
used to denote the hexachord, were, without the least
change of their situation in respect of the stave, made
capable of a threefold variety, and consequently re-
quired different denominations.
That Guido invented some method for ascertaining
the initial chords of each of the hexachords is certain,
but that he made use of the letters, or cliffs, F, C, F,
for that purpose, is rather conjecture than fact.
Indeed the contrary seems to be clear from his own
words, and that his method of discriminating the
hexachords was not by the cliffs, but by making
Chap. XXXV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
159
those lines of the stave, which were their proper
stations, of a different colour from the rest. In the
Micrologus we meet with these verses : —
Quasdam lineas signamus variis coloribiis
Ut quo loco sit sonus mox discernat oculus ;
Ordine tertise vocis splei.dens crocus radiat,
Sexta ejus, sed afRnis flavo rubet minio.
To understand which, it is necessary to observe
that the third and sixth notes here mentioned are the
third and sixth from A ; for F, as has been frequently
said, was an assumed chord : Hypo-Proslambano-
menos is the appellation given to it even by modern
musicians, and for some ages after its introduction
it was not in strictness considered as part of the
scale. That this is Guido's meanina: is clear from
the following passage in the Micrologus: 'We make
' use of two colours, viz., yellow and red, which
' furnish a very useful rule for finding the tone and
' letter of the monochord to which every Neuma and
' note belongs. There are seven letters in the mono-
' chord, and wheresoever you see yellow it is the
' third, and wherever red it is the sixth letter.'
The third and sixth letters here mentioned are most
evidently the third and sixth from A, the first of the
seven letters on the monochord, that is to say C and
F, which are the stations of two of the cliffs ; and
the above citations incontestibly prove that to indicate
the key of C, Guido made use of a yellow, and for
that of F, a red line.*
Hithei-to we have considered the hexachords as
the integral parts of Guido's system, and as inde-
pendent of each other ; but their use, and indeed the
ingenuity and excellence of his invention, can only
be discerned in that methodical arrangement of them
by means whereof they are made to coincide with
the great or immutable system : this, as has been
shewn, was comprehended in the Hypaton, Meson,
Diezeugmenon, and Hyperboleon tetrachords ; for
the tetrachord to which they gave the name Synem-
menon was merely auxiliary, as being suited to that
kind of progression only, which leads through what
we now call b flat. The system of Guido, supposing
it to terminate as that of the ancients did at aa, and
exclusive of the chord T added by him, to contain
the bisdiapason, includes five hexachords differently
constituted, the molle hexachord being auxiliary,
and answering to the tetrachord synemmenon, which
five hexachords respectively have their commence-
ment from r, from C, from F, from G, and from C :
but he found it capable of extension, and by adding
four chords above aa, and a consequent repetition
of the molle and durum hexachords from f and from
g, he carried it up to ee, beyond which it was so
seldom extended, as to give occasion to a proverbial
exclamation, by which even at this day we reprehend
the use of hyperbolical modes of speech, viz., ' that
' was a note above e la.' By this addition of chords
the hexachords were increased to seven, that is to
say, so many as are necessary for the conjugation
of the system included within T and ee.
But between the tetrachords of the ancients, and
the hexachords of Guido, this difference is most ap-
* See an example of this kind in a subsequent page of this boo^.
parent : the former were simply measures of the d%i-
tessaron system ; they succeeded each other in an
orderly progression thi'ough the whole bisdiapason :
the hexachord is also, at least in the opinion of the
moderns, the measure of a system ; but their collateral
situation, and the being made as it were to grow the
one out of the other, varies the nature of their pro-
gression, and points out, in the compass of twenty -
two notes, seven gradations or deductions, for so they
are termed by the monkish writers, of six notes, each
beginning at a different place in the diapason, and
yet in all other respects precisely the same. Add to
this that the hexachords with the syllables thus
adapted to them, become as it were, so many different
conjugations, by which we are able to measure and
try the musical truth of the several intervals of which
they are composed.
The chords contained in the enlarged system of
Guido, are twenty-two in number, reckoning b in the
acutes, and bb in the super-acutes : otherwise in
strictness they are but twenty, seeing that b and j^
can never occur in one and the same hexachord : for
the designation of them two staves of five lines each
are necessary ; and in that conjoint position which
the ascending scale requires, the hexachords will
have this appearance : — f
+ The representations of Guido's system are many and various ; for he
not having exhibited it by way of diagram, succeeding writers have
thought themselves at liberty to exercise their several inventions in
schemes and figures to explain it. Franchinus, and others after him,
have enclosed each column of syllables, as they apply to F, and the
letters above it, in two parallel lines, with a point at bottom, exactly like
an organ pipe ; but as there is not the least analogy to warrant this form,
others have rejected it. Peter Aron and others have placed the hexachords
in a collateral situation, resembling the tables of the decalogue. Bon-
tempi makes use of the following scheme nf the hexachords to represent
their mutations, and dependence on each other. Hist. Mus. pag. 183 : —
1536 ee - ' - - - la
1728 dd - - - la sol
1944 cc - - - - sol fa
204S tltj - - - - mi
2187 bb - - - - fa
2304 aa - - - la mi re
2592 g - - - - sol re ut
2916 f - - - fa ut
3972 e - - - - la mi
3456 d - - - la sol re
3888 c - - - sol fa ut
4096 hi - - - mi
4374 b - - - fa
4608 a - - - la mi re
5184 G - - - sol re ut
5832 F - - fa ut
6144 E - - - la mi
6912 D - - sol re
7776 C - - fa ut
8192 h - - ™»
9216 A - - - re
1036S r - " ^' .
It may seem str.ange, as Guido has characterised the durum hexachord
by the key T, that that of F should be the first that occurs in the scale ;
but the reason of this is, that the placing of F on the fourth line of the
stave, does as much determine the series as F on the first would have
done; the same reason may serve for postponing the cliff C to F. As to
g, it occurs as soon as is necessarj', and not before ; and here it may
be remarked that g is situated on the third line above C, as C is on the
third line above F. Farther, a stave of five lines, with the cliff F on
the fourth, is supposed to signify the five lower lines of the scale. One
with C on the third, the five above F inclusive, and one with g on the
second, the five above C. All this will most clearly appear from the two
foregoing schemes, which exhibit an example of ingenuity and sagacity
that'^has stood the test of ages, and is worthy the admiration of all men.
Many have thought Guido's scheme defective in that it gives no sylla-
ble to F. Dr. Wallis was of this opinion, and says what a wonder it is
that he did not apply to it the syllable SA, from the first word of the
Adonic verse Sancte Joaknes? Merscnnus, Harmonie Universelle,
pag. 183, seems to bave thought much in the same manner, by his adding
the syllable si, which is used by the French at this day. The original
introduction of this syllable is by him and other writers attributed to
one Le Maire. a French musician, who says he laboured for thirty years
ill vain to bring it into practice ; but that he was no sooner dead than all
the musicians of his country made use of it Notwithstanding which
leo
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IV.
f SS aa bb hh cc dd ee
J#
C
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(=3 ^
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G
ABC
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n
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h 0
rd.
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Hexachor
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r
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t
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5ol La
( Mi Fa
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Sol
La
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M 0 1 1 e
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, Ut
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Hex
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Mi
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Ut Re
X a
1
Ut
Fa
chord. I
Re Mi Fa
Sol La.
Ut Re
Re Mi
Sol La
Fa Sol La
Sol La
t
Ut
? t
r f
Re Mi
The above scheme is intended to shew the situation
of the notes on the lines and spaces, and the relation
which the hexachords bear each to the others :
another compounded of two schemes, the one of
Bontempi, and the other of Doctor Wallis, contains
the reformed scale of Guido in a collateral situation
with that of the ancients. (See Appendix, No. 50.)
To the lower chord the moderns have given the
name Hypo-Proslambanomenos ; the number assigned
to it may, by the rule herein before given, be easily
the general opinion is that the syllable si was introduced into the scale
by Ericius Puteanu,s of Dort, who lived about the year I5S0, and wrote
a treatise on music entitled Musathena.
This is in substance the account which Mons. Brossard has given of
the introduction of the syllable si ; but another writer, Mons. Bourdelot,
has givfn a very different account of this matter ; for he relates that
about the year 1675 a certain Cordelier introduced the syllable si into
the scale. He seems however to doubt the fact, as being founded only
on tradition ; and goes on to relate that the abbe de la Louette, master
of the choir of the cathedral church of Paris, had assured him that the
syllable in question was invented, or perhaps a second time brought into
practice, by one Metru, a famous singing-master in Paris about the year
1676. Bourdelot adds that Le Moine, an excellent lutenist, of sixty
years practice, had assured him that he knew Metru very well, and that
he introduced the syllable si ; and that he remembered also a Cordelier
of the convent of Ave Maria, who had made some variation in the ancient
scale about the latter end of the last century. For these reasons Bonet
inclines to think that the honour of the invention might be due to the
Cordelier, but that the merit of reviving it is to be ascribed to Metru.
But whichsoever of the above relations is true, it is pretty certain that
both Mersennus and Brossard are mistaken in what they say respecting
the invention of the syllable si by Le Maire.
The same author, Bourdelot, insinuates, that notwithstanding the use
of the syllable si is much approved of by the French musicians, yet in
Italy they disdain to make use of it, as being the invention of a French-
man. Histoire de la Musique et de ses Effets, par Bourdelot, Amsterd.
1725, torn. I. pag. 17.
It seems that the musicians of other countries have been aware of the
necessity pf a seventh syllable in order to get rid of the difficulties which
the mutations, as they are called, are attended with in the practice of
singing; for in the Porque de la Musica of Andrea Lorente of Alcala,
published in 1672, we find the syllable Bi applied to J] in the progression
from C to c.
And here it may not he improper to observe, that the Italians at this
day make use of the syllable do instead of ut. as being more easy of
pronunciation: this variation may be traced back to the year 167S, and
is to be found in a treatise herein before cited, entitled Armonia Grego-
riani, written by Gerolamo Cantone, and printed at Turin in that year.
Mersennus, Harm. Univers. pag, 183, intimates that for expressing
the semitone between A and B b, some of the musicians of his country
made use of the syllable za, that of si being appropriated to B f;] ; but
this distinction seems not to prevail at this day. Mons. Loulie, the
author of Elements ou Principes de Musique, printed at Amsterdam,
1698, rejecting the syllable za, has retained only si; and this method of
Bolmization is practised throughout f'jance.
found, it being nine of those parts of which 9216 is
eight, and shews the ratio of F to A to be sesqui-
octave, in the proportion of 9 to 8, The same rule
will also suggest the means of bringing out the
numbers proper to the notes added to the scale by
Guido, which are those from aa upwards ; for, to
begin with bb, it is in a subduplicate ratio to b,
its number therefore will be the half of 4374, that is
to say 2187. The next note Jj \\ having the same
ratio to J], will in like manner require the sub-
duplicate of 4096, which is 2048.
From the foregoing disposition of the tetrachords
we learn the true names of the several sounds that
compose the system ; for it is observable that though
in fact each septenary contained in it is but a re-
petition of the former, and that therefore the generical
name of each chord is repeated, yet their specific
differences in respect of situation are admirably dis'
tinguished by the different names assigned to each :
thus, for instance, the lower chord is V ut, or
Gamut, but its replicate is for a very obvious reason
termed g sol re ut ; the replicates of A re are a la
MI RE, those of C FA UT are c sol pa ut and c sol fa ;
those of D sol re, d la sol re, and d la sol ; and
here it is to be remarked that as well the recision as
the addition of a syllable expresses the situation of
a note ; for the last of the seven hexachords cuts off
a syllable from the names of the three upper chords,
leaving to the uppermost one only, e la, as may be
seen in the example.
As a farther improvement of his system, and to
facilitate the practice of solmisation, for so we are to
call the conjugation of any given cantilena by means
of the syllables ut, re, mi, fa, sol, la, most authors
relate that he made use of the left hand, calling the
top of the thumb V, and applying the names of the
rest of the notes to the joints of each finger, giving to
the top of the middle finger, as being the highest
situation, the note e la, as in the following page
is sliewn : —
Chap. XXXVI
AND PRACTICE OF IMUSIC.
IGl
But to warrant this opinion there seerns to be no
better authority than bare tradition ; for in no part
of Guide's writings does the mention of the hand
occur ; nay, it seems from a passage in the manuscript
of Waltham Holy Cross, herein before cited, that the
hand was an invention posterior in time to that
when Guido is supposed to have lived ; * its use was
to instruct boys in the names and respective situations
of the notes of his scale ; and for choosing the left
hand rather than the right this notable reason is
given, ' that it being nearest the heart, the instruction
' derived from thence is likely to make the deeper
* impression on the minds of learners.'
As to the precise time when he lived, authors are
very much divided. Zaccone and others assert it to
have been about the year of Christ 9G0 ; Baronius,
that it was about 1 022 ; Alstedius, and after him
Bontempi, place him under pope Leo IX. and the
emperor Henry III. in the year 1049 ; but Sigebert
testifies that he flourished in the time of the emperor
Conrade the younger, and that 1028 was the precise
year when the reformation of Guido took place ; and
for this opinion we have also the authority of Tri-
themius.f But Guido has decided this question in
a relation given by him of his invitation to Rome by
John the XX., and he it is agreed began his pontificate
in the year 1024.
CHAP. XXXVI.
Some account of Guido is to be gathered from his
writings, particularly an epistle from him to his
» Kircher, iti the Musurgia, tome I. pag. 115, says this expressly.
t De Viris illustr. ord. Bened, lib. H. cap. 74.
friend Michael, a monk of Pomposa, and the tract to
which that is an introduction, entitled Argumentum
novi Cantus inveniendi : from these, and some
scattered passages to be met with in ancient manu-
scripts, the following memoirs are collected : —
He was a native of Arezzo, a city in Tuscany, and
having been taught the practice of music in his youth,
and probably retained as a chorister in the service of
the Benedictine monastery founded in that city, he
became a monk professed, and a brother of the order
of St. Benedict : the state of learning was in those
times very low, and the ecclesiastics had very few
subjects for study, if we except theological contro-
versy, church history, logic, and astrology, which was
looked on by them as the most considerable of the
mathematical sciences : these engaged the attention
of such members of those fraternities as were endued
witli the most active, not to say contentious, spirits ;
while the exercises of devotion, the contemplating the
lives of saints, and the qualifying themselves for the
due discharge of the choral duty, employed those of
a more ascetic and ingenuous turn of mind. Vossius
makes Guido to have been at first a monk in the
monastery of St. Leufred in Normandy ; J but this is
by a mistake, which will be accounted for hereafter ;
so that the only places of his settlement, of which we
can speak with certainty, are the Benedictine mo-
nastery of Arezzo, the city where he was born, and
that of Pomposa in the duchy of Ferrara.
In this retirement he seems to have devoted him-
self to the study of music, particularly the system of
the ancients, and above all to reform their method of
notation. The difficulties that attended the instruction
of youth in the church-offices were so great, that, as
he himself says, ten years were generally consumed
barely in acquiring the knowledge of the plain-song ;
and this consideration induced him to labour after
some amendment, some method that might facih'tate
instruction, and enable those employed in the choral
office to perform the duties of it in a correct and
decent manner. If we may credit those legendary
accounts that are extant in old monkish manuscripts,
we should believe lie was assisted in his pious in-
tention by immediate communications from heaven :
some speak of the invention of the syllables as the
effiect of inspiration ; and Guido himself seem to have
been of the same opinion, by his saying it was re-
vealed to him by the Lord ; or as some interpret his
words, in a dream ; but graver historians say, that
being at vespers in the chapel of his monaste'-y it
happened that one of the ottices appointed for that day
was the above-mentioned hymn to St. John Baptist,
written by Paulus Diaconus, and that the hearing
thereof suggested this notable improvement.
V\'e must suppose hat the converting the tetra-
chords into hexachords had been the subject of
frequent contemplation with Guido, and that a
method of discriminating the tones and semitones
was the one thing wanting to complete his invention.
During tlie performance of the hymn he remarked
the iteration of the words, and the frequent returns
of UT, RE, MI, FA, SOL, LA : he obscrved likewise
I De Scient. Mathem. cap. xxii. § 7.
31
1G2
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IY.
a dissimilarity between the closeness of the syllable
MI, and the broad open sound of fa, which he thought
could not fail to impress upon the mind a lasting
idea of their congruity, and immediately conceived
a thought of applying these six syllables to his new
formed hexachord.
Struck with the discovery, he retired to his study,
and having perfected his system, began to introduce
it into practice : the persons to whom he communi-
cated it were the brethren of his own monastery,
from whom it met with but a cold reception, which
in the Epistle to his friend, above-mentioned, he
ascribes undoubtedly to its true cause, envy; however,
his interest with the abbot, and his employment in
the chapel, gave him an opportunity of trying the
efficacy of his method on the boys who were training
up for the choral service, and it exceeded the most
sanguine expectation.
The fame of Guido's invention soon spread abroad,
and his method of instruction was adopted by the
clergy of other countries : we are told by Kircher
that Hermannus, bishop of Hamburg, and Elvericus,
bishop of Osnabrug, made use of it ; and by the
authors of the Histoire Litteraire de la France,*
that it was received in that country, and taught in
all the monasteries in the kingdom. It is certain
that the reputation of his great skill in music had
excited in the pope a desire to see and converse with
him, of which, and of his going to Rome for that
purpose, and the reception he met with from the
pontiff, himself has given a circumstantial account
of in the epistle before cited.
The particulars of this relation are very curious,
and as we have his own authority, there is no room
io doubt the truth of it. It seems that John XX.
or, as some writers compute, the nineteenth pope
of that name, having heard of the fame of Guido's
school, and conceiving a desire to see him, sent
three messengers to invite him to Rome ; upon
their arrival it was resolved by the brethren of
the monastery that he should go thither attended
by Grimaldo the abbot, and Peter the chief of the
canons of the church of Arezzo. Arriving at Rome
he was presented to the holy father, and by him
received with great kindness. The pope had several
conversations with him, in all which he interrogated
him as to his knowledge in music ; and upon sight
of an antiphonary which Guido had brought with
him, marked with the syllables agreeable to his new
invention, the pope looked on it as a kind of prodigy,
and ruminating on the doctrines delivered by Guido,
Avould not stir from his seat till he had learned
perfectly to sing off a verse ; upon which he declared
that he could not have believed the efficacy of the
method if he had not been convinced by the experi-
ment he had himself made of it. The pope would
have detained him at Rome, but labouring under
a bodily disorder, and fearing an injury to his health
from the air of the place, and the heats of the
summer, which was then approaching, Guido left
that city upon a promise to revisit it, and explain
to his holiness the principles of his new system.
* Tom. VII. tiag. 143, 144.
On his return homewards he made a visit to the
abbot of Pomposa, a town in the duchy of Ferrara,
who was very earnest to have Guido settle in the
monastery of that place, to which invitation it seems
he yielded, being, as he says, desiroxis of rendering
so great a monastery still more famous by his studies
there.
Plere it was that he composed a tract on music,
intitled Micrologus, i. e. a short discourse, which he
dedicated to Theodald, bishop of Arezzo, and finished,
as he himself at the end of it tells us, under the
pontificate of John XX. and in the thirty-fourth year
of his age. Vossius speaks also of another musical
treatise written by him, and dedicated to the same
person.
Divers others mention also his being engaged in
the controversy with Berenger about the Eucharist,
particularly Mersennus and Vossius ; the latter of
whom, who, by the manner in which he has spoken
of Guido elsewhere, can hardly be supposed to have
mistaken another person for him, says expressly that
in the year 1070, namely, in the time of Gregory VII.
flourished Guido, or Guidmundus, by country an
Aretine, first a monk of the monastery of St. Leufred,
and afterwards a cardinal of the church of Rome, and
archbishop of Aversa ; that while he was a monk he
wrote two books on music to the bishop Theodald,
the first in prose, the other partly in heroic verse,
and partly in rythmical trochaics ; and that he is the
same who wrote against Berengarius three books con-
cerning the body and blood of our Lord in the
sacrament of the Eucharist.f Trithemius refers him
to the year 1030, and Sigebert to 1028, which latter
speaks also of the musical notes found out by him.
Du Pin, who in his Ecclesiastical History has
given an account of Berenger and his errors, has
enumerated the several authors that have written
against him ; among these he mentions Guimond or
Guitmond, bishop of Aversa, as one who, in opposition
to Berenger, maintained the real presence of the body
and blood of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist. Nay,
he goes so far as to cite several books of his writing
in the controversy with Berenger, as namely, a
treatise De Veritate Eucharistiae, wherein he charges
him with maintaining, among other errors, the nullity
of infant baptism, and the lawfulness of promiscuous
embraces.
Supposing this to be true, and Guimond and Guido
to be one and the same person, the generality of
writers have done his memory an injury in repre-
senting Guido as simply a monk, who was not only
a dignitary of the church, but an archbishop, and a
member of the sacred college. But it seems that
Vossius and those whom he has followed are mistaken
in these particulars : Bayle has detected this error,
and has set the matter right, by relating that Guido
and Guitmond were nearly contemporaries, but that
it was the latter who was the monk of St. Leufred,
in the diocese of Evreux in Normandy, afterwards
bishop 'of Aversa in Italy, and at length a cardinal,
and who wrote three books De Veritate Corporis et
Sanguinis Christi in Eucharistia ad versus Beren-
+ pp Scientiis Mathem. cap. xxii. (j 7.
Chap.
XXXVL
AND PRACTICE OP MUSIC.
ir>3
garinm, which, he adds, have been printed separately,
and in the Bibliotheca Patrum.*
Most of the authors who have taken occasion to
mention Guido, speak of the Micrologus as con-
taining the sum of his doctrine : what are the con-
tents of the Micrologus will hereafter be related ;
but it is in a small tract, intitled Argumentum novi
Cantus inveniendi, that his declaration of the use of
the syllables, with their several mutations, and, in
short, his whole doctrine of solmisation, is to be
found. This tract makes part of an epistle to a very
dear and intimate friend of Guido, whom he addresses
thus : ' Beatissirao atque dulcissimo fratri Michaeli ; 'f
and at whose request the tract itself seems to have
been composed. In this epistle, after lamenting very
pathetically the exceeding envy that his fame had
excited, and the opposition that his method of in-
struction met with, he relates the motives of his
journey to Rome, and the reception he met with
there, and then proceeds to an explanation of his
doctrine.
It seems that in the time of Guido, musical in-
struments were either scarce or ill tuned, and that
the only method of acquiring a true knowledge of the
intervals was by means of the monochord ; for both
in the Micrologus, and in this shorter work, of which
we are now speaking, the author gives directions how
to construct and divide properly this instrument ; but
upon the whole he seems to condemn the use of it.
comparing those who depend on it to blind men ; for
this reason he discovers to his friend a method of
finding out an unknown cantus, which he says he
tried on the boys under his care, who thereby became
able to sing in no greater a space of time than three
days what they could not have mastered by any other
method in less than many weeks : and this method
is no other than the applying the syllables to the
hexachords in the manner before directed. But here
perhaps it may be fitting that he should speak for
himself, and the following is a translation of his own
words : —
' I have known many acute philosophers, not oidy
' Italians, but French, Germans, and even Greeks
' themselves, who, though they have been sought out
' for as masters in this art, have trusted to this rule,
* the monochord alone ; but yet I cannot say that
' r think either musicians or singers can be made by
' the help of it. A singer ought to find out and re-
' tain in memory the elevations and depressions of
' notes, with their several diversities and properties ;
* and this by our method you may attain to do, and
' also be able to communicate the means of doing it
' to others ; for if you commit to memory any Neuma,
* so as that it may immediately occur to you when
' you find it in any cantus, then you will directly and
* without hesitation be able to sound it : and this
* Neuma, whatever it be, being retained in your
* memory, may with ease be applied to any new
♦ Art. Aretin rfJuy] in not- Vide also Hist. Litter, de France, torn.
VIII. Guitmonrt Eveque d'Averse, pag. 561, where this error is taken
notice of, and rectified.
t The copy inserted in Barnnius reads, ' Charissimo atque dulcis-
timo,' &c.
' cantus of the same kind. The following is what
' I made use of in teaching tl;e boys : —
UT queant laxis REsonare fibris
MIra gestorum FAmuli tuorum,
SOLve polluti LAbii reatum
Sancte Joannes. I
t Martini, in his Storia della Musica, vol. I. pag. 180, from a manu-
script in his possession, written in praise of Guido, and, as he conjectures,
in the sixteenth century, has given the notes to this hymn in the Gre-
gorian characters in the following order : —
F
c
D
E
D D
D D
C
D
E E
UT
que
- ant
la.K - is
RE - so - na
- re
fi - bris
G
F
E
E
E
D
D
C
a
G
F
G
F
D D
MI
ra
ges -
to - Tura
FA-mu-li
tu
0 - rum,
a
G G
G
a a
G
a a
G
G
F
E
F
E
D
D
C
D
SOL- ve pol - lu - ti LA-bi - i re - a - tum Sanc-te Jo-an-nes.
which he has rendered thus in modern characters : —
—1-5
. "^f*
• ■■ .^ _ 1 _ _ _ ■ ■ 1 '
UT que -ant lax - is RE-so-na-re fi-bris
_^^_
--■"-:_—-- _-|_B— a^^-B.---^—,-
MI - ra ges -to -rum FA-mu-li tu - o - rum
-^
■^ -■■ ■"■"■■■"'i^
B" _l " ■■ !■■_ B_M-
• - B - II
SOL - ve pol-lu-ti LA-bi -i re -a- tum Sancte Joannes.
Pedro Cerone and Berardi, the one in his treatise De la Musica,
lib. II. cap. 44, and the other in his Miscellanea Musicale, part II. pag.
55 give it in this form : —
C
-©■
-»EI1b —
-B- — B -f^ fi —
.E E.
UT que -ant lax t is RE - so - na - re fi - bris
E
i^-LT.
E
—7^ B-
lil
-p-
G-
-fi^—
MI - ra ges - to - rum FA - mu - li tu - o rum,
T? G'^^G -p. G '"^ G fl -p G ^- & p
1
A Jii -p» -i-v ■*-» 1-x ■
fir IT 1
SOL - ve pol-lu-ti LA-bi -i re - a-tum ^ancte Jo -
which they both render thus: —
an nes.
'h „ a ' b" b 1- b b— .- B
.B_.B_.f_
UT que - ant lax - is RE - so - na - re
fi - bris
*^ «■ 1 ■ ■ " ■
"K a"" ■ ■■ ■ ■
■ ■ ■-
MI - ra ges - to - rum FA-mu-li tu - o-rum,
^-
'-*1:
::l=^_
■-B" ■
SOL-ve pol-lu-ti LA-bi - i re-a-tum Sancte Jo-an-nes.
Berardi adds, that the method of notation by the letters of Gregory,
as in the above example, was used in his time in Hungary, and other
parts of Germany. He also cites a passage from the Practica Musica of
Herman Finek, or Fink, to prove that these were the notes which Guido
applied to the h>'mn ' Ut queant laxis.' Fink has asserted this fact on
the authority of Albertus Magnus, who wrote on music, and lived in
the thirteenth century.
164
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IV.
' In the above symphony you see six different
' particles, which are to be applied to as many
' different notes ; and whenever the singer is able
' to apply these to such of the six notes as they
' properly belong to, he will be able to sing his
' devotions with ease. When you hear any Neuma,
' examine in your own mind which of these particles
' does best agree with its ending, so as that the final
' note of the Neuma, and the principal particles may
' be equisonous, whereby you will be certain that the
' Neuma ends in that note with which the particle
' agreeing therewith begins : but if you undertake
' any written cantus which you never saw before,
' you must sing it often over, that you may be able
' to end every Neuma properly, so that the end of
' each Neuma may in the same manner be joined
' with the beginning of the particle which begins
' by the same note in which the Neuma ends. By
' this method you will presently be able to sing any
' new cantus by the notes ; and when you hear any
' that is not noted, you will soon perceive how it is
' to be written down, in the doing whereof this rule
' will greatly assist yon. I have set down some
' short symphonies through every note of these par-
' tides, and when you shall carefully have looked
* them over, you will be glad to find out the depres-
' sions and elevations of every note in order in the
' beginnings of these particles : but if yon should
' have a mind to attemperate certain particles of
' different symphonies by connexion, you may by
' a very short and easy rule learn all the difficult and
' manifold varieties of Neumas ; but these cannot all
* be so well explained by letter, and would be more
' plainly opened in a familiar colloquy.
A
F Alme rector mores nobis sacrato ; Summe pater ser-
D
A
F vis tuis miserere ; Salus nostra honor noster esto Deus.
D
A
F Deus, judex Justus foitis, et patiens : Tibi totus ser-
D
A
F vit mundus uni, Deus. Stabunt justi ante dominum
D
A
F Semper laati : Domino laudes omnis creatura dicat.*
He then proceeds thus : ' In writing we have
' twenty-three letters, but in every cantus we have
' only seven notes ; for as there are seven days in
' a week, so are there seven notes in music, for all
' that are added above are the same, and are sung
' alike through the whole, differing in nothing but
' that they are sounded doubly higher. We say
' there are seven grave and seven acute, and that the
' second order of seven letters is written different
' from the other in this manner ; — ■
a };] c d e f g
A B C D E F G
* It is supposed that the above are the initial sentences of some
hymns or other offices anciently used in the church, and which were
part of the choral service. Guido tias intimated that these examples
can hardly he rendered intelli^'ihle without a verbal explanation ; but
it is conjectured by the letters D F A, that they are to be sung in the
first of the ecclesiastical tones, that having A for its dominant, and D
for its final.
Towards the end of this tract Guido directs the
manner of constructing and dividing the monochord,
which because he has done it more at large in the
Micrologus, we forbear to speak of here ; the rest
of the epistle is taken up with a short disquisition
on the ecclesiastical tones, at the close whereof he
recommends the perusal of his Micrologus, and also
a Manual, written with great perspicuity by the
most reverend abbot Obdo,f from whose example
he owns he has somewhat deviated, choosing, as he
says, to follow Boetius, though he gives it as his
opinion that his work is fitter for Philosophers than
Singers.
The Micrologus, though, as its title imports,
a short discourse, is considei'ably longer than the
former tract. The title of it, as given by some
transcriber of his manuscript, is, Micrologus, id est
brevis Sermo in Musica, editus a Domine Guidone
piissimo Monacho et peritissimo Musico.
In this tract, too, the author complains very feel-
ingly of the envy of the times, and the malignity
of his detractors.
In the dedication of the Micrologus to Theodald,
the bishop of Arezzo, his diocesan, Guido confesses
the goodness of his patron in vouchsafing to become
his associate in the study of the Holy Scriptures,
which he attributes to a desire to comfort and support
him under the weight of his bodily and mental
infirmities, and acknowledges, that if his endeavours
are productive of any good to mankind, the merit
of it is due to his patron, and not to him. He says
that when music was employed in the service of tlie
church, he laboured in the art not in vain, seeing
that his discoveries in it were made public by the
authority, and under the protection of his patron,
who as he had regulated the church of St. Donatus,
over which it was his office to preside, so had he
rendered the servants thereof, by those privileges
by him conferred on them, respectable amongst the
clergy. He adds, that it is matter of surprise to him
to find that the boys of the church of Arezzo should,
in the art of modulation, excel the old men of other
churches ; and professes to explain the rules of the
art for the honour of their house, not in the manner
of the philosophers, Init so as to be a service to
their church, and a help to their boys, for that the
art had a long time lain hid, and, though very
difficult, had never been sufficiently explained.
The dedication is followed by a prologue, in which
the author attributes to the grace of God the success
of his endeavours to facilitate the practice of music ;
which success he says was so great, that the boys
taught by his rules, and exercised therein for the
space of a month, were able to sing at first sight,
and without hesitation, music they had never heard
before, in such a manner as to surprise most people.
It appears, as well from the epistle to his friend
Michael, as from the INIicrologus, that in the opinion
of Guido the only way of coming at a knowledge
of the intervals so as to sing them truly, was by
means of the monochord ; for which reason, though
+ Odd of Cluni, of whom, and also of his Enchiridion, see an account
in chap. 34. of this work.
Chap. XXXVI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
1G5
he condemns the use of it for any other purpose
than the bare initiation of learners in tlie rndinients
of singing, he constantly recommends the study
of it to young people. In the very beginning of
the IMicrologus he says, ' Whoever desires to be
* acquainted with our exercise, must learn such songs
' as are set down in our notes, and practise his hand
* in the use of the monochord, and often meditate
' on our rules, until he is perfect in the power and
' nature of the notes, and is able to sing well at first
' sight ; for the notes, wliich are the foundation of
' this art, are best to be discerned in the monochord,
' by which also we are taught how art, imitating
' nature, has distinguished them.'
Guido proposes that the monochord shall contain
twenty-one notes, concerning the disposition whereof
he speaks thus : —
' First set down F Greek, which is added by the
' moderns, then let follow the first seven letters of
' the alphabet, in capitals, in this manner, A, B,
' C, D, E, F, G ; and after these the same seven
' letters in the smaller characters ; the first series
' denotes the graver, and the latter the acuter sounds.
' Nevertheless, among the smaller letters we insert
* occasionally b or j], the one character being round,
' the other square, thus a, b, J], c, d, e, f, g; to
' these add the tetrachord of superacutes, in which
' b is doubled in the same manner, aa, bb, J]]-|, cc,
' dd, ee. These letters make in all twenty -two,
* r. A, B, C, D, E, P, G, a. b, }], c, d, e, f, g, ka, bb,
' th' *^^' ^^' ^^' *^® disposition whereof has hitherto
been so perplexed as not to be intelligible, but it
' shall here be made most clear and plain, even
' to boys.'
For the division of the monochord he gives the
following directions : —
' Gamma T being placed at one extremity of the
* monochord, divide the space between that and the
' end of the chord into nine parts, and at the end
* of the first ninth part place A, from whence the
' ancients fixed their beginning ; then from A divide
* the space to the end of the chord into nine parts,
' and in the same manner place B ; then returning to
' r ; divide the whole space to the end into four parts,
' and at the end of the first fourth part ..place C. In
' the same manner as from 1' you found C, by a division
' of four parts, you will from A find D ; from B, E ;
' from C, F ; from D, G ; from E, a acute ; from F,
* b round ; the rest that follow are easily found by
' a bisection of the remaining parts of the line in the
' manner above directed, as for examjjle, in the middle
' between B and the end place J]. In like manner
' from C you will find a new c ; from D a new d ;
' from E another e ; from F another f ; and from G
' another g ; and the rest in the same manner, pro-
' ceeding upwards or downwards, ad infinitum, un-
* less the precepts of the art should l)y their authority
' restrain it. Out cf the many and divers divisions of
* the monochord, I have set down this in particular, it
* being easily to be understood, and when once under-
' stood is hardly to be forgotten. — Here follows
' another method of dividing the monochord, which,
' though not so easily to be retained, is more ex-
' peditiously performed. Divide the whole into nine
' parts, the first part will terminate in A, the second
' is vacant ; the third in D, the fourth vacant ; the
' fifth a, the sixth d, the seventh aa, the rest vacant.
' Again, divide from A to the end into nine parts ;
' the first part will terminate in B, the second will
' be vacant, the third E, the fourth vacant, the fifth
' J^, the sixth e, the seventh \^ J], tlie rest vacant :
' again, divide the whole from F to the end into four
* parts, the first will terminate in C, the second in G,
' the third in g, and the fourth finishes. Divide
' from C to the end likewise into four parts, the first
* part will end in F, the second in c, the third in cc,
' and the fourth finishes. Divide from F into four
' parts, the first will end in b round, the second in f :
' divide from b round into four parts, in the second
' you will find bb round, the rest are vacant. Divide
' from aa into four parts, the first will be dd, the rest
' are vacant. For the disposition of the notes these
' two methods of division are sufficient ; the first is
' the more easy to be remembered, the second the
' more expeditious.'
Upon this division of the monochord he observes,
that there appears a greater distance between some
of the notes, as F, A, and A, B, than between others,
as B, C : he says the greater distance is called a
tone, and the lesser a semitone, from semis an half;
that a ditone is an interval consisting of two
tones, as C, D, E. and that that is called a semi-
ditone which contains only a tone and half, as from
D to F. He says that when between any two notes
there occur in any order whatever, two tones and
a semitone, as from A to D, from B to E, and from
C to F, the extreme sounds make a diatessaron, but
that a diapente is greater by a tone ; as when between
any two notes there occur three tones and a semitone,
as from A to E, or from C to G. He reckons up
six consonances, that is to say, the tone, semitone,
ditone, semiditone, diatessaron, and diapente, to
which number he says may also be added the dia-
pason as a seventh ; but that as it is seldom intro-
duced, it is not so commonly ranked among them.*
In the seventh chapter of the Micrologus the author
treats of the affinity of notes, or, in other words, of
the consonances ; those of the diatessaron and dia-
pente he explains by the following figure : —
ABCDEFG a]] c
In the eighth he shews the affinity between b and
Y\, and distinguishes between the diatessaron and
diapente in this diagram : —
* The manuscript must certainly be erroneous in this place, for the
semitone can in no sense whatever be deemed a consonance ; and .is to
the diapason, it is so far from being seldom introduced, that it is tbe
most usual and perfect of all the consonances.
166
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IV.
F G
C D E
Grave
In the twelfth and thirteenth chapters he speaks
of the division of the four modes into eight, and says
that as tliere are eight parts of speech, and eight
forms of blessedness, i. e. beatitudes, so ought there
to be eight modes in music. In the fourteenth
chapter he treats more particularly of the modes,
which he calls Tropes, and of the effects of music :
of these he says their properties are so different, that
in the same manner as a person accustomed to
different countries is able out of several men placed
before him, to say 'this is a Spaniard, this an Italian,
' this a German, and this other a Frenchman ; ' so.
may one that is skilled in music by their diversities
distinguish the tropes. Farther he ascribes to the
tropes different properties ; for ' one person,' says he,
' delights in the broken leaps of the second authentic ;
' another in the softness of the third plagal ; a third
' shall be delighted with the garrulity of the fourth
* authentic, and another shall approve the mellifluous
' sweetness of the fourth plagal.' As to the power
of music, he says it is so great as to cure many
diseases of the human body ; he cites a relation of
a frantic person who was restored to reason by the
music of Asclepiades the physician ; and mentions
also that a certain other person was by the sound of
the lyre, so stirred up to lust, that he attempted to
force into the chamber of a young woman with in-
tent to violate her chastity, but that the musician,
immediately changing the mode, caused him to desist
from his purpose.
CHAP. XXXVII.
According to Guido, cap. xv. four things are re-
quired in every cantus, — sounds, consonances, neumas,
and distinctions : from sounds proceed consonances,
from consonances neumas, and from neumas dis-
tinctions : this it seems was the ancient scholastic
division of vocal music, and it is adopted by all the
monkish writers on the art, A Neuma is the smallest
particle of a cantus, and is elsewhere said to signify
as many notes as can be sung in one respiration. By
distinctions the author seems to mean nothing more
than the different measures of time, which, for aught
that any where appears to the contrary, were regu-
lated solely by the metre of the verse to which the
notes were sung. Speaking of neumas, he says they
may be reciprocated or return by the same steps as
they proceeded by ; and adds that a cantus is said to
be metrical when it scans truly, which, if it be right,
it will do even if sung by itself. Neumas, he says,
should correspond to neumas, and distinctions to
distinctions, according to the perfectly sweet method
of Ambrosius. Farther he says that the resemblance
between metres and songs is not small, for that
neumas answer to feet, and distinctions to verses ;
the neuma answers to the dactyl, spondee, or iambic ;
the distinction to the tetrameter, the pentameter, or
the hexameter, and the like. He adds, ' Every cantus
' should agree with the subject to which it is adapted,
' whether it be grave, tranquil, jocund, or exulting ;
* and that towards the end of every distinction the
' notes should be thinly disposed, that being the place
' of respiration ; for we see that when race-horses
* approach the end of the course they abate of their
' s)ieed, and move as if wearied.'
Cap. xvi. he treats of the manifold variety of
sounds and neumas, and says that it ought not to
seem wonderful that such a variety should arise from
so few notes, since from a few letters syllables are
formed, which, thou<i;h not innumerable, do yet pro-
duce an infinite number of parts. ' How many kinds
' of metre ' adds he, ' arise out of a few feet, and by
* how many varieties is each capable of diversifica-
' tion ? but this he says is the province of the gram-
' marians.' He proceeds to show what different
neumas may be formed from the six consonances ;
he assumes that every neuma, or, as we should now
say, every passage, must necessarily either ascend
or descend ; an ascending neuma he terms Arsis,
a descending. Thesis ; these he says may be con-
joined : and farther he says that by means of a total
or partial elevation or depression of any neuma,
different combinations may be formed, and a great
variety of melody produced.
In cap. xvii. he lays it down as a rule, that as
whatever is spoken may be written, so there can be no
cantus formed but what may be designed by letters ;
and here he exhibits a rule for a kind of extem-
poraneous musical composition, which must doubtless
appear very strange to a modern : he says in singing
no sound can be uttered but by means of one or other
of the five vowels, and that from their changes a sweet
concord will ensue ; he therefore first directs the
placing the letters of the mmiochord, and the vowels
under them in this order : —
rABCDEFga}]C defga
ae i ouaeiouaeioua
And, to exemplify their use, recommends the taking
some such known sentence as this : —
Sancte Joannes, meritorura tuorum copias, nequeo digne canere.
In this example the vowels determine the music ;
for as in the above scheme the power of each sound
is transferred to its correspondent vowel, the succession
Chap. XXXVII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
IG^
of the vowels will exhibit a series of sounds to which
every syllable may be snug : —
e u
f o
e i
d e
Jo
rum
tu rum
/
\A
to
0 CO
0
/
\.
A-
ri
pi
/dig
/
\
/ \
ncs me
\
ne
que ne
te
/
c a Sane
It is clear from the connection between the vowels
and the letters of the monochord, that the diapente
here made use of is taken from among the acutes ;
because in the disposition above made, the vowel
a answers to T ; but had he chosen the graves for an
example, the progression of the cantus had been
precisely the same ; for as d is to c, so is A to T, and
as f is to c, so is C to r ; as g is to c, so is D to T,
and so of the rest.
This it must be confessed is but a fortuitous kind
of melody ; it seems however to have suited well
enough with the simplicity of the times, which
affords us no reason to believe that the art of com-
posing music was arrived at any great degree of
perfection. By the rule here given the above cantus
may easily be rendered into modern notes, in which
it will have this appearance : —
■ ■
■■
■
■ ■ ■ Pi
^ n ■
M
B
Sane - te
Jo
- an
lies.
me
- ri -
to - rum tu - 0
- rum
■ n
■
S ■
n
■~~
■ m ■
■
f*
pi - as, ne - que
diff
The eighteenth chapter of the Micrologus is an
explanation of the Diaphonia, by which term we are
to understand those precepts that teach the use of the
organ, and its application to vocal melody ; con-
cerning which Guido says, that supposing the singer
to utter any given sound, as for instance A, if the
organ proceed to the acutes, the A may be doubled,
as A D a, in which case it will sound from A to D,
a diatessaron, from D to a, diapente, and from A to
a, a diapason : he farther says, that these three kinds,
when uttered by the organ, commix together with
great sweetness, and that the apt copulation of notes
is called Symphony. He gives this which follows
as an example of the diaphonia : —
rcdedcdedc
Diapason /
^Diapente
I
<
l^Diatessaron
h
a
G
FGAGFGAGFFE
D
F
ICDEDCDEDCCBA
r
And adds that a cantus may be doubled by the
organ, and the organ itself in the diapason, as much
as the organist pleases. He says that having made
the doubling of sounds sufficiently clear, he will ex-
plain the method of adapting grave sounds to a
cantus, in the doing whereof he premises that the
Diaphonia admits not of the semitone nor diapente,
but that it accepts of the tone, ditone, semiditone,
and diatessaron, among which consonances the dia-
tessaron holds the principal place. Of the modes,
which he calls Tropes, he says that some are fit,
some more fit, and others most fit, for the Diaphonia ;
and these degrees of fitness seem to bear a pro-
portion to the number of concordant intervals in
each. As an instance of the highest degree of this
kind of perfection, he mentions the third and fourth
tones, which he says follow kindly and sweetly,
with a tone, ditone, and diatessai'on.
In the nineteenth chapter are contained sundry
examples to illustrate the precepts delivered in the
chapter preceding, among which are the following : —
GGFFDEFEDG
IP
SI
so
li
DGCCCCCCCC
F G G A G G F
er V o f i d e m
I D D E D D C
E D
IP
SI
me t
C F
t a
C
CDC
The several precepts contained in the Micrologus,
together with the examples above given, may serve
to shew the inartificial contexture of the music in
those early days : they farther tend to confirm those
accounts which carry the antiquity of the organ back
to a time, when, from the uncultivated state of the
mechanic arts, it would hardly be supposed that an
instrument so wonderfully constructed could have
been fabricated.*
After delivering the precepts of the Diaphonia, the
author from Boetius relates the discovery of the con-
sonances by Pythagoras. He exhorts such as mean
to become excellent in music to take the monochord
for their guide, and repeats his instructions for making
and dividing it.
A little farther on he resumes the consideration of
the tones, and is somewhat precise in ascertaining
their respective limits, and distinguishing between
the authentic and the plagal. He says that the same
antiphon may be sung in difi'erent sounds without
changing the harmony : or, in other words, that it
may be so transposed, as that the sounds may bear the
* The state of the mechanic arts, so far as they relate to the construct-
ing and making the several utensils and conveniences for domestic life,
would, were it possible to come at it, afford great satisfaction to a curious
enquirer, as it would enable him, by a comparison of two very remote
periods, to estimate the degree of perfection at which we are now arrived.
Few of those persons, who are curious enough to attend to the manual
operations of our English artificers, are ignorant that they work with an
amazing degree of truth ard accuracy. A very curious book, now extant,
called tlie Book of St. Alban's, written by dame Julyans Bernes, prioress
of the nunnery of Snpwell, near St. Alban's, describes the method of
making an angling rod in the year 1496 ; and gives us to understand that
the mechanics of that time thought the neatest method of hollowing
a stick for that purpose was the burning it through with a hot spit ; and
it is not unlikely but that four hundred years before that, an organ-pipe
was perforated in no better a manner; and if we suppose the same want
of neatness in the various other parts of that complicated machine of
which we are now speaking, we may fairly conclude that both the organ
and the music of the eleventh century were equally rude and inartificial.
168
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IV.
same relation to each other as if not transposed. He
says that the second letter, by which we are to under-
stand }-j , is rejected as ignoble, and unfit to be the
principal of any tone : the reason of this is, that its
fifth is defective, as being less than a true diapente by
a semitone.
Tlie residue of this tract, the Micrologus, consists
of miscellaneous reflections on the use and efficacy of
music : towards the close of it is the following tetrastic.
Quasdam lineas signamus variis coloribus
Ut quo loco sit sonus mox discernat oculus ;
Ordine tertijfi vocis splendens crocus radiat,
Sexta ejus, sed affinis flavo rubet minio.
Upon which he observes, that if a letter and colour
be not affixed to a Neuma, it will be ' like a well
without a rope.' These verses are an absolute
enigma, and it would be a vain attempt to explain
them, did not a passage in another part of this
author's writings afford some intimation that by the
red line he intended to denote the F, and by the
yellow the C cliff : however we are not to look on
this method of distinguishing the cliffs by lines of
different colours as the invention of Guido, since it
appears to have been in use so early as the year 900,
which is at least an hundred years before the time
when he wrote.
He seems to close his tract with an assurance that
he has made the rules clear, and laid open to singers
the regular and perfect manner of singing in a method
unknown to former times. But he immediately re-
sumes his subject in these words, 'Temporibus nostris
' super omnes homines fatui sunt cantores;' and goes
on to explain some particulars that are before but
obscurely treated of ; in the doing whereof Guido
takes occasion to represent the woful state of music,
and the deplorable ignorance of singers at the time
when he wrote ; the whole is curious, and will be
best understood if given in his own words, which
are nearly these : —
' In these our times no set of men are so infatuated
* as singers ; in every other art we improve, and in
' time attain to a greater degree of knowledge than
' we derived from our teachers : thus by reading
' over the simple psalter, boys are enabled to read
' other books ; the countryman by use and exercise
* acquires the knowledge of agriculture ; he who has
' pruned one vine, planted one shrub, or loaded one
' ass, is able not only to do the same again, but to do
* it better ; but, miserable disciples of singers, they,
' though they should practise every day for an hun-
' dred years, would never be able to sing even one
' little antiphon themselves, nor without the help of
' a master, but lose as much time in attaining to sing,
as would have enabled them fully to understand
the divine writ. And what is more to be lamented
is, that many clerks of the religious orders, and
' monks too, neglect the psalms, the nocturnals and
' vigils, and other lessons of piety, by which we are
' led to everlasting glory, while they with a most
' foolish and assiduous labour prosecute the art of
' singing, which they are never able to attain. Who
' then can refrain from tears to see such an evil
' creep into the church ? from whence such discord
' ensues, that we are unable to celebrate the divine
' offices. Nor is this all, for this ignorance of their
' duty begets reproach, from whence proceeds con-
' tention ; scarce the scholar with the master can
* agree, and much less one fellow scholar with another.
' Neither is there any uniformity of music at this
' day in the churches ; for there are as many kinds
* of antiphons as there are masters ; insomuch that
' no one can say as heretofore, this is the antiphon
' of Gregory, or Leo, or Albert, or any other ; but
' every one either varies these, or forms others at his
* pleasure. It ought not therefore to give offence if I
' contend with the corruptions of the times, and en-
' deavour to render the practice of music conformable
' to the rules of the art : and as all these corruptions
* have arisen from the ignorance of musicians, I must
' earnestly request that no one will presume to make
' antiphons, unless he be well skilled in the art of
' forming them according to the known and established
' rules of music ; it being most certain that he who is
' not the disciple of truth will be a teacher of error.
' And for these reasons I intend, with the help of
' God, to note down a book of antiphons, by means
' whereof any assiduous person may attain to sing
* truly, and without hesitation ; and if any one doubts
' the efficacy of our method, let him come and see
' what our little boys can do, who labouring under
' their ignorance, as not being able to read the com-
' mon psalter, are yet capable of singing the music to
' it, and can without the help of a master sing the
' notes, though they cannot pronounce the words.'
The letters of Gregory, he says, ' are so disposed,
* that if a note be repeated ever so often it will always
'have the same character; but the better to distin-
' guish the order of notes, lines are drawn near to
' each other, and notes are placed on these lines, and
' also on the spaces between the lines.' He adds, ' we
' make use of two colours, yellow and red, by means
' whereof I give a rule very useful and convenient
' for finding out the tone and the letter of the mono-
' chord, to which any given neuma is to be referred.
' There are seven letters in the monochord ; and
' wherever you see the yellow it is the sign of the
' third letter, and wherever red it denotes the sixth,
' whether the colours are drawn in the lines or over
' them.'
This is the passage above hinted at as containing a
solution of the enigmatical tetrastic at the latter end
of the Micrologus : the author has said that the letters
of the monochord are seven ; it is supposed that he
means to exclude T from the number, as the chord of
which that letter is a sign is assumed ; if so, the
letters must be A, B, C, D, E, F, G, and then the
yellow line will denote the place of C, and the red
that of F. Father Martini, who had an opportunity
of consulting a greater variety of missals and other
manuscripts than are to be found in this country,
makes no scruple to assert that this is Guido's mean-
ing, and produces divers fragments from ancient
books of the church-offices, which have both a yellow
and a red line, the first ever with the letter C, and
the other with F, in the usual place of the cliff.
The examples of the use of the yellow and red lines
Chap. XXXVII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
109
produced by Martini are very many, but as the lines
do all stand single, and as upon, above, and below
them divers characters are placed, which bear not the
least resemblance to the points used by Guido and
his successors, it may be questioned whether this va-
riety of colors was not originally adapted to a method
of notation in use before his time, notwithstanding
that it coincides so well with the stave. But Kircher,
in the Musurgia, tome I. pag. 555, has reduced this
question to a certainty ; and, notwithstanding the
general opinion, that before the time of Guido the
only method of notation in use was by the Roman
capital and small letters, which St. Gregory intro-
duced. Martini proves that the notators, as they are
called, of that time, made use of certain marks in this
form {( J~[ ilP , » ^ :* and as to lines of
different colours, Kircher relates that he had found
in the monastery of Vallombrosa sundry very ancient
books, written for the use of the choir there, before
the time of Guido ; and that the method of notation
in those books was by a red line, with certain notes
or points placed in different situations above and
below, according to the intervals intended to be
marked by them.f Nivers speaks also to the same
purpose ; for enquiring into the causes of the corrup-
tion of the Cantus Gregorianus, he assigns for one,
the uncertainty of the method of notation before the
time of Guido ; for he says till his reformation of the
scale, the characters were only small points, commas,
accents, and certain little oblique strokes, occasionally
interposed ; which great variety of minute figures he
says was very difficidt to comprehend, still more to
retain, and impossible to reduce to practice without
the assistance of a master. In proof of this assertion
he waives the authority of Kircher. who has mentioned
the same fact, and says that he engaged in an exact
and laborious research among the most ancient manu-
scripts in the library of the king of France, and in
that of St. Germain De Prez, and others. Nay, he
says that he had caused the Vatican to be searched,
and had received from thence, memoirs and extracts
from manuscript antiphonaries, and graduals, many
of which were above nine hundred years old, in
which these characters appear. He farther says, that
in this method of notation, by points and other marks,
it was impossible to ascertain the difference between
the tone and semitone, which is in effect saying that
the whole contrivance was inartificial, productive of
error, and of very little worth. Dissertation sur
le Chant Gregorien, chap. vi. Specimens of this
method of notation, taken from Martini, vol. I.
pag. 184, are inserted in the Appendix, No. 42. |
* Stor. della Musica, pag. 183.
f What Guido has said respecting the stations of the cliffs, and the
practice of distinguishing them by red and yellow lines, is contirnied by
the specimens from Martini (Appendix, 42.); but it may here be remarked
that they were also distinguished by lines of a different ihickness from
the others in the stave, as appears by an example, taken from the Lexicon
Diplomaticum of Johannes Ludolphus VValther, fol. Ulm. 1736. (See
Appendix, No. 41.
t There has lately be^n discovered in the library of Bennet college in
Cambridge, a manuscript containing examples of the method of notation
by irregular points above spoken of; and a learned and ingenious
gentleman of that college has furnished this work with the following
article from the catalogue of that collection : —
473. N. xxxviii. Codex membranaceous minoris formae, ante Con-
quisitionem exaratus. Hymni (sive ut sEepius in hoc Codice nominantur
From what has been said some idea may be formed
of the nature and tendency of the Micrologus, and
other tracts of Guido. Whether he was the author
of any other than have been mentioned, is not easy
to determine ; but it seems that those from which the
foregoing extracts are taken, contain as much of his
doctrine as he thought communicable by writing ;
for it is to be remarked that he frequently takes oc-
casion to say that some particulars of it are not to be
understood but by a familiar conversation, and it is
to be feared that most of his readers must entertain
the same opinion.
It no where appears that any of his works were
ever printed, except that Baronius, in his Annales
Ecclesiastici, tom. XI. pag. 73, has given at length
the epistle from him to his friend Michael of Pom-
posa, and that to Theodald, bishop of Arezzo, prefixed
to the Micrologus, and yet the writers on music speak
of the iMicrologus as of a l)Ook in the hands of every
one. Martini cites several manuscripts of Guido, as
namely, two in the Ambrosian library at Milan, the
one written about the twelfth century, the other less
ancient : another among the archives of the chapter
of Pistoja, a city in Tuscany ; and a third in the
Mediceo-Laurenziano library at Florence, of the
fifteenth century: these are clearly the Micrologus.
Of the Epistle to IMichael of Pomposa, together with
the Argumentum novi Cantus inveniendi, he mentions
only one, which he says is somewhere at Ratisbon §.
Of the several tracts above-mentioned, the last ex-
cepted, a manuscript is extant in the library of Baliol
college in Oxford. Several fragments of the two first,
in one volume, are also among the Harleian manu-
scripts now in the British Museum, Numb. 3199, but
so very much mutilated, that they afford but small
satisfaction to a curious enquirer. The Baliol manu-
script contains also the Enchiridion of Odo, which
Guido, at the close of the Argumentum novi Cantus
inveniendi, highly commends ; as also the tract of
Berno abbot of Richenou before mentioned.
The above particulars of the life and labours of
Guido, which have indeed the merit of being imme-
diately collected from his own writings, are possibly
all that we shall ever be able to learn about him ; for
by a kind of fatality, very difficult to account for, his
memory lives only in his inventions, and though there
is scarce a dictionary, not to mention the innumerable
tracts that direct the practice of vocal music, but
mention him as having taken the syllables ut, re,
MI, FA, SOL, LA from a hymn of St. John the Baptist,
and applied them to certain notes in the scale of music,
yet no one author of credit, if we except cardinal
Baronius, and he seems more desirous of recording
the Invention, than perpetuating the Memory of its
author, has thought him worthy of a more honourable
testimony than is every day given by the writers of
Bibiotheques, Memoirs, and Anecdotes, to any scrib-
bling professor of the Belles Lettres.
This supineness, or ignorance, or whatever else it
Tropi) recitandi diebus Dominicis et festis inter sacra celebranda cum
notis musicis.
The last specimen in this plate is inserted from the manuscript thus
described.
§ Storia della Musica, passim, et pag. 457, Guido.
170
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book V.
may deserve to be called, with respect to Guido and
his improvements, has been the source of many mis-
takes, as namely, that he was the inventor of music in
consonance, and of the organ and harpsichord ; and
that he was the first that introduced the practice of
descant in singing. In the course of the present work
some of these inventions have been, and the others
severally will be, fixed at periods very remote from
that in which Gnido lived : at present it shall suffice
to refute them by saying, that as to the organ, it was
invented long before ;* and forther, Guido himself in
his Micrologus frequently mentions the organ as an
instrument in common use in his time. As to the
harpsichord, the name of it, or of the spinnet, of
which it is manifestly but an improvement, does not
once occur in the writings of the monkish musicians
who wrote after Guido, nor in the works of Chaucer,
who seems to have occasionally mentioned all the
various instruments in use in his time. Gower
indeed speaks of an instrument called the citole, in
these verses : —
He taughte hir till (he was certeyne
Of harpe, citole, and of riote,
With many a tewne, and many a note.
Confessio Amantis, fol. 178, b.
And by an ancient list of the domestic establish-
ment of Edward III. it appears that he had in his
service a musician called a cyteller, or cysteller : the
citole or cistole, derived from cistella, a little chest,
might probablv be an instrument resembling a box
Avith strings on the top or belly, which by the ap-
plication of the tastatura or key -board, borrowed
* Vide ante page li7.
from the organ, and jacks, became a spinnet. But
as to the harpsichord, the earliest description of it
which, after a careful research, could he found, is
that of Ottomarus Luscinius, in his Musurgia, pub-
lished at Strasburg, in 1536. As to descant, it was
the invention, as some imagine, of Bede, and he lived
under the Saxon heptarchy, about the year 673 ; and
lastly, whether the common use of the organ and the
practice of descant, do not pre-suppose music in con-
sonance, is submitted to the judgment of all who
profess to know any thing of the science.
As Guido made no pretensions to great learning,
or skill in philosophy, but seems indeed to have
been absorbed in the study of his psalter and the
church offices, no one of the many writers who have
occasionally mentioned him, has entered into the
particulars either of his char;u;ter or his institution ;
but his reformation of the scale, his improvement of
the stave, and the method of notation invented by
him, which has introduced into the world a kind of
universal character,! bespeak his merit more than
the most laboured encomium could do, and have pro-
cured him a reputation that must in all probability
endure as long as the love of music shall subsist.
t It is literally true, that for the piirpose of representing musical
sounds by writin;,', tlie system of Guido is an universal character; and
every day's experience informs us that men of diiTerent countries, and
who speak different languages, and therefore are incapable of verbal
communication, have yet the same idea of the power of the musical
cliaracters, which they discover by their readiness in performing compo-
sitions that they have never studied. And this consideration has
induced some men to assert that the scale of music might be made to
serve the purpose of an alphabet. Bisliop Wilkins first started this
notion, and it is very ingeniously prosecuted in his tract entitled The
secret and swift Messenger, chap, xviii. and by Mr. Oldys in the life of
Peter Bales, the famous penman, in ilie Biographia Britanuica.
BOOK V. CHAR XXXVIII.
The system of Guido, and the method invented
by him for facilitating the practice of vocal melody,
was received with universal applause, and in general
adopted throughout Europe. The clergy, no doubt,
favoured it as coming from one of their own order;
and indeed they continued to be the only cultivators
of music in general for many centuries after his time.
The people of England have long been celebrated
for their love of cathedral music ; not only in Italy,
Germany, and France, but here also, the offices were
multiplied in proportion to the improvements made
in music ; and a great emulation arose, among
diiTerent fraternities, which should excel in the com-
position of music to particular antiphons, hymns,
and other parts of divine service. It farther appears,
that about the middle of the eleventh century, the
order of worship was not so settled but that a latitude
was left for every cathedral church to establish each
a formulary for itself, which in time was called its
Use : of this practice there are the plainest inti-
mations in the preface to the Common Prayer of
queen Elizabeth. | And we elsewhere learn, that
X ' And where heretofore there hath beene great diversitie in saying
and singing in churches within this realme ; some following Salisburie
' use, some Hereford use, some the use of Bangor, some of Yorke, and
' some of Lyncolne. Now from henceforth all the wliole realme shall
' have but one use.' Upon which passage it is to be noted that in the
of the several uses which had obtained in this king-
dom, that of Sarum, established anno 1077, was the
most followed ; and that hence arose the adage
' Secundum usum Sarum.' §
Of the origin of the use of Sarum there are
several relations, none of which do great honour to
its inventor Osmund, bishop of that see. Bale, of
whom indeed it may be said, that almost all his
writings are libels, has given this account of him,
and the occasion of framing it : — ' Ofmundus was
* a man of great adventure and poHcye in hys tyme,
* not only concernynge robberyes, but alfo the flaughter
* of men in the warres of kyng Wyllyam Conquerour:
' whereupon he was firft the grande captayne of Saye,
* in Normandy, and afterwards earle of Dorfet, and
* alfo hygh-chauncellour of Englande. As Herman,
* the bylhop of Salifbury, was dead, he gaue over all,
* and fucceeded him in that byfhopryck, to lyue, as it
' were, in a fecuryte or cafe in hys lattre age; for than
' was the church become Jefabel's pleafaunt and eafy
' cowch. His cautels were not fo fyne in the other
northern parts, the use of the archiepUcopal church of York prevailed ;
in South Wales, that of Hereford; in North Wales, that of Bangor;
and in other places, the use of other of the principal sees, particularly
that of Lincoln. Aylitfe's Parergon, pag. 356. Burn's Eccl. Law
vol. II. pag. 27S.
§ Vid. Fuller's Worthies in Wilts, pag. 146.
Chap. XXXVIII.
AXD PPtACTICE OF MUSIG.
171
* kynde for deftrudlyon of bodyes ; but they were alfo
' as good in thys, for deftruftyon of fowles. To
' obfcure the glory of the gofpel preachynge, and
* augment the filthynelTe of ydolatry, he praftyfed
' an ordynary of popyfh ceremonyes, the whyche he
'entytled a Confuetudynary, or ufual boke of the
* churche. Hys fyrft occafyon was thys : a great
* battayle chaunced at Glaftenburye, whyls he was
* bylhop, betweene Turftinus, the abbot, and hys
' monkes, wherein fome of them were flaync, and
' fome fore wounded, as is fayd afore. The caufe of
* that battayle was thys : Turftinus contempnynge
* their quere fervyce, than called the ufe of Saint
'Gregory, compelled hys monkes to the ufe of one
* Wyllyam, a monke of Fifcan, in Normandy. Upon
' thys, Ofmundus devyfed that ordynary called the
* Ufe of Sarum, whyche was afterwards received in
* a manner of all Englande, Irelande, and Wales.
* Every Svr Sander Slyngefby had a boke at hys belte
* thereof, called hys Portalle, contaynynge many fuper-
* ftycyoufe fables and lyes, the teftament of Chryft fet
' at nought. For thys afte was that brothel byfhop
* made a popyfh god at Salifbury.'^--
Fox, a writer not quite so bitter as the former,
gives the following account of the matter : —
' A great contention chanced at Glayftenbure, be-
* tweene Thurftanus, the abbat, and his convent, in
* the dales of William Conqueror, which Thurftanus
* the faid William had brought out of Normandy,
' from the abbey of Cadonum, and placed him abbat
' of Glaftenburye. The caufe of this contentious bat-
* tell was, for that Thurftanus contemning their quier
* fervice, then called the Ufe of S. Gregory, compelled
* his monkes to the ufe of one William, a monke of
* Fifcan, in Normandy : whereupon came ftrife and
' contentions amongft them ; firft in words, then from
' words to blowes, after blowes, then to armour. The
' abbat, with his gard of harneft men, fell upon the
' monks, and drave them to the fteps of the high altar,
* where two were flain, eight were wounded with
' fhafts, swords, and pikes. The monks, then driven
* to fuch a ftrait and narrow fhift, were compelled to
' defend themfelves with formes and candlefticks, where-
* with they did wound certaine of the fouldicrs. One
* monk there was, an aged man, who, inftead of his
' fhield, took an image of the crucifix in his armes
* for his defence ; which image was wounded in the
* breaft by one of the bowmen, whereby the monk
' was faved. My ftory addeth more, that the ftriker,
* incontinent upon the fame, fell mad ; which favoreth
* of fome monkifh addition, befides the text. This
* matter being brought before the king, the abbat was
* fent again to Cadonum, and the monkes, by the
* commandement of the king, were fcattered in far
* countries. Thus, by the occafion hereof, Ofmundus,
* bifhop of SaliftDury, devifed that ordinary which is
' called the Ufe of Sarum, and was afterwards received,
* in a manner through all England, Ireland, and Wales."}"
■• The second Part, or Contynuacyon of the Englysh Votaryes,
fol. 30. b.
t It appears from Lyndwood, not only that the use of Sarum prevailed
almost throushout the province of Canterbury, but that in respect thereof
the bishop of that diocese claimed, by ancient usage and custom, to
' And thus much for this matter, done in the time of
* this king William. '|
As to the formulary itself, we meet with one called
the Use of Sarum, translated into English by Miles
Coverdale, bishop of Exeter, in the Acts and INIonu-
ments of Fox, vol. III. pag. 3, which in truth is but
a partial representation of the subject ; for the TJse
of Sarum not only regulated the form and order of
celebrating the mass, but prescribed the rule and
office for all the sacerdotal functions ; and these are
contained in separate and distinct volumes, as the
Missal itself, printed by Kichard Hamillon, anno
1554: ; the JManual, by Francis Regnault, at Paris,
anno 1530 ; Hymns, with the notes, by John Kyngs-
ton and Henry Sutton, Lond. 1555 ; the Primer, and
other compilations : all which are expressly said to
be ' ad usum ecclesiae Sarisburiensis.' Sir Henry
Spelman seems to have followed Fox rather implicity
in the explanation which he gives of the Use of Sarum
in his Glossary, pag. 501.
It is no easy matter, at this distance of time, to
assign the reasons for that authority and independence
of the church of Salisbury which the framing a liturgy,
to call it no more, for its own proper use, and especially
the admission of that liturgy into other cathedrals,
supposes : but this is certain, that the church of
Sarum was distinguished by divers customs and
usages peculiar to itself and that it adopted others
which the practice of other churches had given a
sanction to : among the latter was one so remarkable
as to have been the subject of much learned enquiry. §
The usage here particularly alluded to, is that of
electing a Bisliop from among the choristers of the
execute the office of precentor, and to govern the choir, whenever the
archbishop of Canterbury performed divine service in the presence of
the college of bishops. ' Quasi tota provincia [Cantuariensis] hunc usura
'sequitur;' and adds, as one reason of it, ' Episcopus namque Sarum
' in collegio episcoporum est praecentor, et temporibus quibus archi-
' episcopus Cantuariensis solenniter celebrat diviiia, praesente coUegio
' episcoporum, chorum in divinis officiis regere debet, de observantia et
' consuetudine antiqua.' Provinciale, tit. De Feriis. cap. ult. [Anglicanae
Ecclesice] Ver. Usum Sarum. Gibs. Cod. pag. 294. And an instance
of the actual exercise of the office of precentor or chanter at a public
solemnity, by a bishop of Salisbury, occurs in an account of the christen-
ing of prince Arthur in the Collectanea of Leland, vol. III. pag. 208.
and is thus related : — ' The bishop of Ely was deken, and rede the
' gospel. The bishop of Rochester bar the crosse, and redde th' epistell.
' The bishop of Saresbury was channter, and beganne the office of the
'masse.' The Bix/iop nf Snlishunj officiated as Precentor or Chanter at
the Coronation of King George III. and Ids Queen. The Precentor's fee of
old on the coronation day was a mark of gold. Stnjpe's Stow, book VI.
pag. 13.
t Acts and Monuments, Lond. 1640, vol. I. pag. 238.
§ See a tract entitled Episcopus Puerorum in Die Innocentium, or
a Discovery of an ancient Custom m the Church of Sarum, of making
an anniversary Bishop among the Choristers ; it was written at the
instance of bishop .Montague by John Gregory of Christ Church, Oxon,
and is among his Posthuma, or second part of his works, published in
16S4,
In this tract, which abounds with a great variety of curious learning,
the author takes occasion to remark, that the observance of Innocent's
Day is very ancient in the Christian church; and that in a runic wooden
calendar, a kind of almanac, from which the log or clog, mentioned in
Dr. Plot's History of Staffordshire, is derived, this and other holydays
are distinguished by certain hieroglyphics: for an instance to the pur-
pose, the holyday here spoken of was signified by a drawn sword, to
denote the slaughter of that day. That of SS.Simon and Jude by a ship,
because they were fishers. 'Tlie festival of St. George, by a horse,
alluding to his soldier's profession. The day ot St. Gregory which is
the twelfth of March, this author says was thus symbolized: — 'They
■ set you down in a picture a school-master holding a rod and ferula in
'his hands. It is, adds he, because at that time, as being about the
'beginning of the spring, they use to send their children first to school.
'And some, he says, are so superstitiously gi'^'en, as vipon this night to
' have th^-ir children asked the question in their sleep, whether they have
' a mind to bo.ik oi no ; and if they say yes they count it for a very good
' presage, but if tne children answer nothing, or nothing to that purpose,
' they put them over to the plough.'
172
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book V.
cathedral of Sanim, op the anniversary of St. Nicholas,
being the sixth day of December ; who was invested
witli great authority, and had the state of a diocesan
bislio}) from the time of his election nntil Innocent's
Day, as it is called, the twenty-eighth of the same
month. It seems, that the original design of this
singular institution was to do honour to the memory
of St. Nicholas, bishop of Myra, in Lycia ; who, even
in his infancy, was remarkable for his piety, and, in
the language of St. Paul to Timothv, is said to have
known the scriptures of a child. Ribadeneyra has
given his life at large ; but the following extract
from the English Festival,* contains as much about
him as any reasonable man can be expected to
believe. * It is fayed, that hys fader hyght Epiphanius,
* and his moder, Joanna, Sec. And whan he was born,
* &c. they made hym Chryften, and calkd hym Nycolas,
' that is a mannes name ; but he kepeth the name of
* a chyld ; for he chose to kepe vertues, meknes, and
* symplenes, and without malyce. Also we rede,
* whyle he lay in hys cradel, he fafted Wednefday and
* Fryday : these days he would fouke but ones of the
' day, and therewyth held hym plesed. Thus he lyved
* all his lyf in vertues, with thys chyldes name ; and
* therefore chyldren don hym worfhip before all other
* faynts.f
That St. Nicholas was the patron of young scholars
is elsewhere noted ; and by the statutes of St. Paul's
school, founded by dean Colet, it is required that the
children there educated, ' shall, every Childermas
' Day, come to Paulis churche, and hear the chylde-
* byshop sermon, and after be at the hygh-masse, and
' each of them offer a i. d. to the childe-byshop, and
' with them the maisters and surveiours of the scole.|
The ceremonies attending the investiture of the
Episcopus Puerorum are prescribed by the statutes
of the church of Sarum, which contain a title, De
Episcopo Choristarum ; and also by the Processional.
From these it appears, that he was to bear the name
and maintain the state of a bishop, habited, with
* In St Nicholas, fol. 55.
t A circumstance is related of this bishop Nicholas, which does not
very well agree with the above account of his meek and placid temper ;
for at the Council of Nice, this same bishop, upon some dispute that
arose between them, is said to have given the heretic Arius a box on
the ear. Bayle, vol. 11. pag. 530, in not.
I By this statute, which with the rest is printed as an Appendix to
Dr. Knight's life of dean Colet, it should seem, that at the cathedral of
St. Paul also they had an Episcopus Puerorum ; for besides the mention
of the sermon, the statute directs, that an offering be made to the childe
byshop. Indeed Strype says, 'that almost every parish had its saint
'Nicholas.' Memorials Ecclesiastical under Queen Mary, pag. 206. In
the book of the household establishment of Henry Algernon Percy, earl
of Northumberland, compiled anno 1512, and lately printed, are the
following entries: — ' Item, My lord usith and accustomyth yerely, when
'his lordship is at home, to yef unto the barne bishop of Beverlay, when
'he comith to my lord in Christmas hally-dayes, when my lord kepith
'his hous at Lekynfield, xxs. Item, my lord useth and accustomyth to
' gif yearly, when his lordship is at home, to the barne-bishop of Yorke,
' when he comes over to my lord in Christynmasse hally-dayes, as he is
' accustomed yearly, xxs.' Hence it appears that there were formerly
two other barne, i.e. beam, or infant bishops in this kingdom, the one
of Beverly, the other of Vork. And Dr Percy, the learned editor of
the above book, in a note on the two articles here cited, from an ancient
MS. communicated to him, has given an inventory of the splendid robes
and ornaments of one of these little dignitaries. Farther, there is reason
to suppose that the custom above-spoken of prevailed, as well in foreign
cathedrals, as in those of England, for the writer above-cited, [Mr. Gre-
gory] on the authority of Molanus, speaks of a chorister bishop in the
church of Cambray, who disposed of a prebend which fell void in the
month or year of his episcopate, in favour of his master. Some of these
customs that relate to the church are more general than is imagined, that
of obliging travellers, who enter a cathedral with spurs on, to pay a small
line, called spur-money, to the choristers, upon pain of being locked into
the church, prevails almost throughout Europe.
a crosier or pastoral -staff in his hand, and a mitre on
his head. His fellows, the rest of the children of the
choir, were to take upon them the style and office of
prebendaries, and yield to the bishop canonical
obedience ; and, farther, the same service as the very
bishop himself, with his dean and prebendaries, had
they been to officiate, were to have performed, the
very same, mass excepted, was done by tlie chorister
and his canons, upon the eve and tlie holiday. The
nse of Sarum required also, that upon the eve of
Innocent's day, the chorister-bishop, with his fellows,
should go in solemn procession to the altar of the
Holy Trinity, in copes, and with burning tapers in
their hands ; and that, during the procession, three
of the boys should sing certain hymns, mentioned in
the rubric. The procession was made through the
great door at the west end of the church, in such
order, that the dean and canons went foremost, the
chaplain next, and the bishop, with his little pre-
bendaries, last ; agreeable to that rule in the ordering
of all processions, which assigns the rearward station
to the most honourable. In the choir was a seat or
throne for the bishop : and as to the rest of the
children, they were disposed on each side of the
choir, upon the uppermost ascent. And so careful
was the church to prevent any disorder which the
rude curiosity of the multitude might occasion in the
celebration of this singular ceremony, that the'r
statutes forbid all persons whatsoever, under pain of
the greater excommunication, to interrupt or press
upon the children, either in the procession or during
any part of the service directed by the rubric ; or
any way to hinder or interrupt them in the execution
or performance of what it concerned them to do.
Farther it appears, that this infant-bishop did, to
a certain limit, receive to his own use, rents, capons,
and other emoluments of the church.
In case the little bishop died within the month, his
exequies were solemnized with great pomp : and he
was interred, like other bishops, with all his orna-
ments. The memory of this custom is preserved, not
only in the ritual books of the cathedral church of
Salisbury, but by a monument in the same church,
with the sepulchral effigies of a chorister-bishop, sup-
posed to have died in the exercise of his pontifical
office, and to have been interred with the solemnities
above noted.
Such as is related in the foregoing was the Use
of Sarimi, which appears to have been no other
than a certain mode of divine service, the ritual
whereof, as also the several offices required in it, lie
dispersed in the several books before enumerated.
Whether the forms of devotion, or any thing else
contained in these volumes, were so superlatively
excellent, or of such importance to religion, as to
justify the shedding of blood in order to extend the
use of them, is left to the determination of those whom
it may concern to enquire. It seems, however, that
contentions of a like nature with this were very fre-
quent in the early ages of Christianity ; which were
not less distinguished by the general ignorance that
then prevailed, than by a want of urbanity in all ranks
and orders of men. That general decorum, the effect
Chap. XXXV III.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
173
ot long civilization, which is now observable in all
the different countries of Europe, renders us unwilling
to credit a fact, which nevertheless every person con-
versant in ecclesiastical history is acquainted with,
and believes ; namely, that the true time for cele-
brating Easter was the groiind of a controversy that
svibsisted for some centuries, and occasioned great
slaughter on both sides. The relation above given of
the fray at Glastonbury, is not less reproachful to
human nature, in any of the different views that may
be taken of it ; for if we consider the persons, they
were men devoted to a religious life ; if the place, it
was the choir of a cathedral ; and if the time, it was
that of divine service. And yet we find that conten-
tions of this kind were frequent ; for at York, in 1190,
there arose another : and Fox, who seems to exult
in the remembrance of it, for no other reason than
that both parties were, what at that time they could
scarce choose but be, papists, has given the following
ludicrous account of it : —
'The next yeere then enfued, which was 1 190, in
* the beginning of which year, upon Tvvelfe even, fell
* a foule northerne brawle, which turned well neere to
* a fray, betweene the archbilhop new defied, of the
* church of Yorke, and his company on the one fide,
' and Henry, dean of the faid church, with his catho-
* like partakers on the other fide, upon occafion as
* follovveth : Gaufridus or GeofFry, fonne to king Henry
* the fecond, and brother to king Richard, whom the
* king had elefted a little before to the archbifhopricke
* of Yorke, upon the even of Epiphany, which we call
* Twelfe Day, was difpofed to hear even-fong with all
* folemnity in the cathedral church, having with him
* Hamon the chanter, with divers canons of the church,
' who tarrying fomething long, belike in adorning and
* attiring himfelfe, in the meane while Henry the deane,
' and Bucardus the treafurer, difdaining to tarry his
* comming, with a bold courage luftily began their holy
' evensong with finging their pfalmes, ruffling of defcant,
* and merry piping of organs ; thus this catholike even-
' fong with as much devotion begun, as to God's high
* fervice proceeding, was now almoft halfe complete,
* when as at length, they being in the middeft of their
' mirth, commeth in the new eleft with his traine and
* gardenians, all full of wrath and indignation, for that
* they durll be fo bold, not waiting for him, to begin
* God's fervice, and fo eftfoones commanded the quier
* to ftay and hold their peace : the chanter likewife by
* vertue of his office commandeth the fame ; but the
* deane and treafurer on the other fide willed them to
* proceed, and fo they fung on and would not Hint.
* Thus the one halfe crying againft the other, the whole
' quier was in a rore : their finging was turned to fcold-
* ing, their chanting to chiding, and if inftead of the
'organs they had had a drum, 1 doubt they would have
' folefacd by the ears together.
' At laft through the authority of the archbifliop,
* and of the chanter, the quier began to furceafe and
' give filence. Then the new eledt, not contented with
' what had beene fung before, with certaine of the
* quier began the evenfong new againe. The treafurer
■ upon the fame caufed, by virtue of his office, the
* candles to be put out, whereby the evenfong having
' no power further to proceed, was flopped forthwith
* for like as without the light and beames of the funne
' there is nothing but darknefie in all the world, even
* fo you muft underftand the pope's church can fee to
' doe nothing without candle-light, albeit the funne doe
* fhine never fo cleere and bright. This being fo, the
' archbifhop, thus difappointed on every fide of his
' purpofe, made a grievous plaint, declaring to the
' clergie and to the people what the deane and treafurer
' had done, and fo upon the fame, fufpended both them
' and the church from all divine fervice, till they fhould
' make to him due fatisfadlion for their trefpafle.
' The next day, which was the day of Epiphany,
' when all the people of the citie were afi'embled in the
' cathedral church, as their manner was, namely, in
* fuch feafts devoutly to hear divine fervice, as they call
' it, of the church, there was alfo prefent the archbifliop
' and the chanter, with the refidue of the clergie, look-
' ing when the deane and treasurer would come and
' fubmit themfelves, making fatisfaction for their crime.
' But they ftill continuing in their ftoutnefle, refufed fo
' to do, exclaiming and uttering contemptuous words
' againft the archbifhop and his partakers ; which when
' the people heard, they in a great rage would have
' fallen upon them : but the archbifliop would not
* fuffer that. The deane then, and his fellowes, per-
' ceiving the ftir of the people, for feare, like pretie
' men, were faine to flee ; fome to the tombe of S.
' William of York, fome ranne into the deane's houfe,
' and there flirouded themfelves, whom the archbifliop
' then accurfed. And fo for that day the people re-
' turned home without any fervice.' *
In the year 1050 flourished Hermannus Contrac-
tus, so surnamed because of a contraction in his limbs,
whom Vossius styles Comes Herengensis, a monk also
of the monastery of St. Gal. He excelled in mathe-
matics, and wrote two books of music, and one of
the monochord.
Michael Psellus, a Greek, and a most learned
philosopher and physician, flourished about the year
lOHO, and during the reign of the emperor Constan-
tinus Ducas, to whose son Michael he was preceptor.
His works are but little known ; for indeed few of
his manuscripts have been printed. What intitles
him to a place here, is a book of his, printed at Paris,
in 1557, with this title, Michael Psellus de Arithme-
tica, INIusica, Geometrica, et proclus de Sphaera, Elia
Vineto Santone interprete. The name of this author
has a place in almost every list of ancient musical
writers to be met with ; an honour which he seems
to have but little claim to ; for he has given no more
on the subject of music than is contained in twenty
pages of a loosely printed small octavo volume.
The several improvements of Guido hereinbefore
enumerated, respected only the harmony of sounds, the
* Acts and Monuments, vol. I. pag. 305.
Gervase of Canterbury relates, tliat upon the second coronation of
Richard I. after his release from captivity and return fmm the Holy-
Land, there was a like contention between the monks and clerks who
assisted at that ceremony. ' Facta est autem altercatio inter monachos
'et clericos dum utrique Christus viiicit cantarent.' X. Script. laSS.
It is very probable that ' Christus vincif was the beginning of a hymn
composed in Palestine, after one of Richard's great victories. This
contention was in 1194, four years after that above-mentioned.
174
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book V.
reformation of the scale, and the means of rendering
the practice of music more easily attainable ; in a
word, they all related to that branch of tlie musical
science which among the ancients was distinguished
by the name of Melopoeia ; with the other, namely,
the Rythmopoeia, it does not appear that he meddled
at all. We nowhere in his writings meet with any
thing that indicates a necessary diversity in the length
or duration of the sounds, in order to constitute a
regular cantus, nor consequently with any system or
metliod of notation, calculated to express that differ-
ence of times or measures wliich is founded in nature,
and is obvious to sense. If we judge from the INIi-
crologus and other writings of that early period, it
will seem, that in vocal music these were regulated
solely by the cadence of the syllables : and that the
instrumental music of those times was, in this respect,
under no regulation at all.
Of the nature of the ancient rythmopoeia it is very
difficult to form any other than a general idea. Isaac
Vossius, who had bestowed great pains in his en-
deavours to I'estore it, at length gives it up as irre-
trievable. From him, however, we learn the nature
and properties, or characteristics, of the several feet
which occur in the composition of the different kinds
of verse ; and as to the rythmus, he describes it to
the following effect : —
' Rythmus is the principal part of verse ; but the
' term is differently understood by writers on the
' subject : with some, foot, metre, and rythmus, are
' considered as one and the same thing ; and many
' attribute to metre that which belongs to rythmus.
' All the ancient Greeks assert, that rythmus is the
' basis or pace of verse ; and others define it by saying,
' that it is a system or collection of feet, whose times
' bear to each other a certain ratio or proportion.
' The word Metre has a more limited signification, as
' relating solely to the quantity and measure of sylla-
' bles. Varro calls metre, or feet, the substance or
' materials, and rythmus the rule of verse ; and Plato,
' and many others, say, that none can be either a poet
' or a musician to whom the nature of the rythmus is
' unknown.'
After this general explanation of the rythmus, the
same author, Vossius, enlarges upon its efficacy ; in-
deed, he resolves the whole of its influence over the
human mind into that which at best is but a part of
music. The following are his sentiments on this
matter : — *
' I cannot sufficiently admire those who have
* treated on music in this and the past age, and have
' endeavoured diligently to explain every other part.
' yet have written nothing concerning rythmus, or if
* they have, that they have written so that they seem
' entirely ignorant of the subject : the whole of them
have been employed in symphoniurgia, or counter-
' point, as they term it ; neglecting that which is the
' principal in every cantus, and regarding nothing but
* to please the ear. Far be it from me to censure any
' of those who labour to improve music ; but I cannot
' approve their consulting only the hearing, and neg-
' lecting that which alone can afford pleasure to the
« De Poematura Cantu et Viribus Rythmi, pag. 5, et spq.
' faculties of the soul ; for as unity does not make
' nmnber, so neither can sound alone, considered by
' itself, have any power, or if it lias any, it is so small
' and trifling that it entirely escapes the sense. Can
' the collision of stones or pieces of wood, or even the
' percussion of a single chord, without nundDer or
' rythmus, have any efficacy in moving the affections,
' when we feel nothing but an empty sound ? and
' though we compound many sounds that are har-
' monical and concordant, yet we effect nothing ;
' such an harmony of sounds may indeed please the
' ear, but as to the delight, it is no more than if we
' uttered unknown words, or such as have no sig-
' nification. To affect the mind, it is necessary that
' the sound should indicate somewhat which the mind
' or intellect can comprehend : for a sound void of all
' meaning can excite no affections, since pleasure
' proceeds from perception, and we can neither love
' nor hate that which we are unacquainted with.' f
These are the sentiments of the above author on
the rythmic faculty in general. With respect to the
force and efficacy of numbers, and the use and appli-
cation of particular feet, as the means of exciting
different passions, he thus expresses himself : —
' If you would have the sound to be of any effect,
' you must endeavour to animate the cantus with
' such motions as may excite the images of the things
' you intend to express ; in which if you succeed,
' you will find no difficulty in leading the affections
' whither you please : but in order to this, the musical
' feet are to be properly applied. The pyrrichius and
' tribrachys are adapted to express light and voluble
' motions, such as the dances of satyrs ; the spondcus,
' and the still graver molussus, represent the grave
' and slow motions ; soft and tender sentiments are
' excited by the trochaeus, and sometimes by the
' amphibrachys, as that also has a broken and effemi-
' nate pace ; the iambus is vehement and angry ; the
' anapgestus is almost of the same nature, as it inti-
' mates warlike motions. If you would express any
' thing cheerful and pleasant, the dactylus is to be
' called in, which represents a kind of dancing
' motion ; to express any thing hard or refractory,
' the antispastus will help you ; if you would have
' numbers to excite fury and madness, not only the
' anapjBstus is at hand, but also the fourth pajon,
' which is still more powerful. In a word, whether
' you consider the simple or the compounded feet,
' you will in all of them find a peculiar force and
' efficacy ; nor can any thing be imagined which may
' not be represented in the multiplicity of their
' motions.' |
But notwithstanding the peculiar force and efficacy
which this author would persuade us are inherent in
the several metrical feet, he says, that it is now more
than a thousand years since the power of exciting the
affections by music has ceased ; and that the know-
ledge and use of the rythmus is lost, which alone is
capable of producing those effects which historians
ascribe to music in general. This misfortune is by
him attributed to that alteration in respect of its
t De Poematum Cantu et Viribus Rythmi, pag. 72.
t Ibid, pag. 74.
Chap. XXXIX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
175
pronunciation, which the Greek, in common with
otiier languages, has undergone ; and to the intro-
duction of a new prosody, concerning which he tlius
expresses himself : —
' There remains to be considered prosody, the
' ratio of accents, which was not only the chief but
' nearly the sole cause of the destruction of the musical
' and poetical art ; for with regard to the change
' made in the letters and diphthongs, the cantus of
' verse might have still subsisted entire, had not
' a new prosody entirely changed the ancient pro-
' nunciation ; for while the affairs of Greece flourished,
' the ratio of prosody, and the accents, was quite
' different from what it was afterwards, not only the
' ancient grammarians testified, but even the term
' itself shows that prosody was employed about the
' cantus of words ; and hence it may be easily collected,
' that it was formerly the province of musicians, and
' not of grammarians, to affix to poems the prosodical
' notes or characters. But as all speech is, as it were,
' a certain cantus, this term was transferred to the
* pronunciation of all words whatsoever, and the
' grammarians, at length, seized the opportunity of
' accommodating the musical accents to their own use,
' to show the times and quantities of syllables. The
' first grammarian that thus usurped the accents, if
' we may depend on Apollonius Arcadius, and other
' Greek writers, was Aristophanes the grammarian,
' about the time of Ptolemy Philopater, and Epiphanes.
' His scholar Aristarchus, following the footsteps of
' his master, increased the number of accents ; and
' Dionysius the Thracian, a hearer of Aristarchus,
' prosecuted the same study, as did also those who
' succeeded him in the school of Alexandria. The
* ancient ratio of speaking remained till the times of
' the emperors Antonius and Commodus How recent.
' the custom, of affixing the accents to writing is,
' appears from this, that none are to be found on any
' marbles or coins, or in books of any kind, that are
' ancienter than a thousand years ; and during that
' period which intervened between the time of Aris-
' tophanes the grammarian, and the commencement
' of that above-mentioned, namely, for the space of
'■ eight or nine centuries, the marks for the accents
' were applied by the grammarians to no other use
' than the instructing youth in the metrical art.*
CHAP. XXXIX.
What marks or signatures were used by the
ancient Greeks to express the different quantities of
musical sounds, independent of the verse, or whether
they had any at all, is not now known. Those
characters contained in the introduction of Alypius
are evidently of another kind, as representing simply
the several sounds in the great system, as they stand
distinguished from each other by their several degrees
of acuteness and gravity. Neither are we capable of
understanding those scattered passages relating to
the rythmus which are to be met with in Aristides
Quintilianus, and other of the Greek harmonicians,
published by Meibomius ; nor do Porphyry, Manuel
* De Poematum Cantu et Viribus Rythmi, pag. 17.
Bryennius, or any other of their commentators, aft'ord
the means of explaining them : Ptolemy himself is
silent on this head, and Dr. Wallis professes to know
but little of the matter. In a word, if we may credit
Vossius and a few others, who have either written
professedly on, or occasionally adverted to, this subject,
the rythmopoeia of the ancients is irrecoverably lost,
and the numbers of modern poetry retain very little
of that force and energy which are generally attri-
buted to the compositions of the ancients : but, after
all, it will be found very difficult to assign a period
during which it can be said either that the common
people were insensible of the efficacy of numbers, or
that the learned had not some system by which they
were to be regulated. Something like a metrical
code subsisted in the writings of St. Austin and
Bede, and, not to enquire minutely into the structure
of the Runic poetry, or the songs of the bards, about
which so much has been written, it is agreed that
they were framed to regular measures. From all
which it is certain, that at the period now speaking
of, and long before, the public ear was conscious of a
species of metrical harmony arising from a regular
arrangement and interchange of long and short quan-
tities ; and that metre was considered as the basis of
poetry in its least cultivated state. The want of this
metrical harmony was not discernible in vocal music,
because the sounds, in respect of their duration or
continuance, were subservient to the verse, or as it
may be said in other words, because the measure or
cadence of the verse was communicated or transferred
to the music. But this was an advantage peculiar to
vocal music ; as to instrumental, it was destitute of all
extrinsic aid : in short, it was mere symphony, and
as such was necessarily liable to the objection of a too
great uniformity. From all which it is evident, that
a system of metrical notation, which should give to
mere melody the energy and force of metre, was
wanting to the perfection of modern music.
Happily the world is now in possession of a system
fully adequate to this end, and capable of denoting
all the possible combinations of long and short
quantities. The general opinion is, that the autlior
of this improvement was Johannes de Muris, a doctor
of the Sorbonne, about the year 1330, and con-
siderably learned in the faculty of music ; and this
opinion has, for a series of years, been so implicitly
acquiesced in, that not only no one has ventured to
question the truth of it, but scarce a single writer
on the subject of music since his time, has forborne
to assert, in terms the most explicit, that Johannes
de Muris was the inventor of the Cantus Mensur-
abilis; that is to say, that kind of music, whether
vocal or instrumental, which, in respect of the length
or duration of its component sounds, is subject to
rule and measure; or, in other words, that he invented
the several characters for distinguishing between the
quantities of long and short, as they relate to musical
sounds. Against an opinion so well established as
this seems to be, nothing can with propriety be
opposed but fact ; nor can it be expected that the
authority of such men as Zarlino, Boutempi, Mer-
sennus, and Kircher, should yield to an assertion
176
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book V.
that tends to deprive a learned man of the honour
of an ingenious discovery, unless it can be clearly-
proved to have been made and recognized before.
Whether the evidence now to be adduced to prove
that the Cantus Mensurabilis existed above two
centuries before the time of De Muris, be less than
sufficient for that purpose is submitted to the judg-
ment of the candid and impartial enquirer.
And first it is to be remarked, that in the writings
of some of the most ancient authors on music, tlie
name of Franco occurs, particularly in the Practica
Musicae utriusque Cantus of Gaffurius, lib. II. cap.
iv. where he is mentioned as having written on tlie
characters used to signify the different lengths of
notes, but without any circumstances that might
lead to the period in which he lived. Passages also
occur in sundry manuscript treatises now extant,
which will hereafter be given at length, that speak
him to have been deeply skilled in music, and which,
with respect to the order of time, postpone the
improvements of De Muris to certain very important
ones, made by Franco. Farther, there is now extant
a manuscript mentioned by Morley, in the Anno-
tations on his Introduction, as old as the year 132(3,
which is no other than a commentary by one Robert
de Handlo, on the subject of mensurable music*
Authors are not agreed as to the precise time
of De Muris's supposed invention, some fixing at
1330, others at 1333 ; but to take it at the soonest,
De Handlo's Commentary was extant four years
before ; and how long it was written before that, no
one can tell : it might have been many years. And
still backwarder than that, must have been the time
when those rules or maxims of Franco were framed,
on which the treatise of De Handlo is professedly
a commentary.
But all the difficulties touching the point of pri-
ority between these two writers. Franco and De Muris,
have been removed by the care and industry of
those learned Benedictines, the authors and compilers
of the Histoire Litteraire de la France, who, in the
eighth volume of that valuable work, have fixed the
time when Franco flourished to the latter end of the
eleventh century. They term him a scholastic of
Liege ; for as the first seminaries of learning in
France were denominated schools, so the first teachers
there, were called scholastics, and their style of
address was Magister ; and after distinguishing with
great accuracy between him and three others of the
same name, his contemporaries, they relate, that he
lived at least to the year 1083. They say, that he
wrote on music, particularly on plain chant ; and
that some of his treatises are yet to be found in the
libraries of France. They farther say, that in that
of the abbey De Lira, in Normandy, is a manuscript
in folio, intitled, Ars Magistri Franconis de Musica
INIensurabili. They mention also another manuscript
in the Bodleian library, in six chapters, intitled,
Magistri Franconis Musica ; and another by the same
author, contained in the same volume, intitled, Com-
pendium de Discantu, tribus capitibus.
* Mori. Annot. on his Introd. part I. where it is expressly said, that
Franco first divided the breve into semibreves, and that one Rnheri de
Haulo, i. e. Handlo, made as it were commentaries upon his rules.
These assertions, grounded on the testimony of
sundry writers, whose names are cited for the pur-
pose in the above work, preclude all doubt as to the
merits of the question, and leave an obscure, though
a learned writer, in possession of the honour of an
invention, which, for want of the necessary intel-
ligence, has for more than four hundred years been
ascribed to another.
The same authors speak of Franco as a person
profoundly skilled in the learning of his time ; par-
ticularly in geometry, astronomy, and other branches
of mathematical science, and in high esteem for the
sanctity of his life and manners.
In tlie year 1074, under William the Conqueror,
flourished in England Osbern, a monk of Canterbury,
and precentor in the choir of that cathedral :f he
was greatly favoured by Lanfranc archbishop of
that see. Trithemius, Bale, and Pits speak of him
as a man profoundly skilled in the science of music.
He left behind him a treatise De Re Musica ; some
add, that he wrote another on the consonances, but
the general opinion is, that this and the former are
one and the same work. Bale, who places him above
a century backwarder than other writers do, making
him to have been familiar with Dunstan, who was
archbishop of Canterbury in 963, insinuates that
Guido did but follow him in many of the improve-
ments made by him in music : His words are,
' Ofbernus, a monke of Canterbury, praftyfed newe
' poyntes of mufyk; and his example in Italy folowed
* Guido Aretinus, to make,' as this candid writer
asserts, ' the veneraycyon of ydolles more pleafaunt '§
+ In tracing the progress of choral music in this country, it is worthy
of remark that as it was first established in the cathedral of Canterbury,
where the first of the Roman singers settled on the conversion of the
English to Christianity ; so that clioir for a series of years produced a
succession of men distinguished for their excellence in it. Among these
Theodore, the archbishop, and Adrian, the abbot, his friend and coadjutor,
are particularly noted ; the former was of Tarsus, St. Paul's country, the
latter an African by birth, and died in 70S. Bede Hist. Eccl. lib. IV.
cap. i. He was entombed in the above cathedral with this epitaph.
Weever's Funeral Monuments, pag. 251.
Gui legis has apices, Adriani pignora, dices
Hoc sita sarcophago sua nostro gloria pago.
Hie decus abbatum, patrie lux, vir probitatum
Subvenit a ccelo si corde rogetur anhelo.
St. Aldhelm, abbot of Malmeshury, and afterwards bishop of Shire-
burn, received at Canterbury, from Theodore and Adrian, his knowledge
of the Greek language, and was by them instructed in vocal and instru-
mental music. Camden [Brit, in Wilts. 104.] relates that he was the
first of the Saxons that ever wrote in Latin ; and that taught the method
of composing Latin verse. An acrostic of his composition, in that
lan^'uage, is preserved in Pits's account of bim. Bishop Nicholson
[Engl. Hist. lib. xli.] speaks of St. Aldhelm'.^ hymns and other musical
composures, and laments that they are lost. Of tliis person many
fabulous stories are told ; and Bayle, who takes every occasion in his
way to ridicule a virtue which some would suspect he did not possess,
[Art. St Francis] makes himself merry with the means he is said to have
used to preserve the dominion of reason over his appetite. But Bede,
who very probably was acquainted with him [Hist. Eecl, lib. V. cap. xix ]
gives him the character of a learned and elegant writer ; and Camden
celebrates him for the sanctity of his life.
Fuller, in his Worthies of Wiltshire, 147, in his quaint manner,
relates of him, that coming to Rome to be consecrated bishop of
Slierburn, he reproved pope Sergiiis his fatherhood, for being a father
indeed to a base child, then newly born. And that returning home he
lived in great esteem until the day of his death, which happened anno
Diimini, 709.' See more of him in Leiand, Pits, and Tanner.
St. Dunstan is not less celebrated for his skill in music, than for his
learning in the other sciences. Pits styles him ' Vir Graece Latineque
'doctus, et omnibus artibus liberalibus egregi^ instruetus, musicus
'praisertim insignis, et statuarius non eontemnendus : ' and, by an
egregious mistake of Dunstable fir Dunstan, Mattheson of Hamburg
has made him the inventor of music in parts, which some writers,
particularly Johannes Nucius, in a tract entitled Praeceptiones Musices
Poeticae, seu de Compositione Cantus, qu.arto, 1613, with little foun-
dation, have ascribed to .John of Dunstable, a musician who flourished
in the fifteenth century, and will be spoken of in his place.
§ The seconde Part, or Contynuacyon of the English Votaryes,
fol. 13, b.
Chap. XXXIX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
177
Well might Fuller give this man the name of bilious
Bale, who, though a protestant bishop, and a great
pretender to sanctity, had not the least tincture of
charity or moderation.
Under the emperor Henry III. in the diocese of
Spires, lived Gulielmus Abbas Hirsaugiensis.* He
was esteemed the most learned man of his time in all
Germany : he excelled in music, and wrote on the
tones ; he also wrote three books of philosophical and
astronomical institutions, and one De Horologia.
There are extant of his writing Letters to Anselm,
archbishop of Canterbury. He died in 1091, with
the reputation of having wrought many miracles, f
Of the writings of the several authors above
enumerated, as they exist only in manuscript, no
particular account can be given, nor are we able to
form a judgment of their manner of treating music,
otherwise than by the help of those few tracts which
we know of, and which are deposited in collections
accessible to every learned enquirer, and of these the
chief are the Enchiridion of Odo ; the Epistle from
Berno to Pelegrinus, archbishop of Cologne ; the
Argumentum novi Cantus inveniendi ; and the
Micrologus and Epistle of Guido. The censure
which Guido passes upon the treatise De Musica of
Boetius, namely, that it is a work fitter for phi-
losophers than singers, may serve to shew that the
writers of those times meddled very little Avith the
philosophy of the science : as to that branch of it,
Boetius, who had thoroughly studied the ancients,
was their oracle ; and the monkish writers who
succeeded him, looking upon music as subservient
to the ends of religion, treated it altogether in a
practical way, and united their efforts to preserve
the music of the church in that state of purity from
which it had so often and so widely deviated.
But how ineffectual all their endeavours were,
appears from the writings of St. Bernard, or, as he
is otherwise called, St. Bernard the abbot. This
man lived about the beginning of the twelfth century :
liis employments in the church having given him
opportunities of remarking the great disorder and
•confusion of their music, arising, among other causes,
from the manuscript multiplication of copies, he re-
solved to correct the antiphonary of his own order ;
and to prove the necessity of such a Work, wrote a
treatise entitled De Cantu seu Correctione Anti-
phonarii, containing a plan for the reformation of the
Cistercian antiphonary, and an enumeration of all
the errors that had crept into the holy offices, with
directions for restoring them to their original elegance
and purity.
\Maatever was the cause of it, the reformation in-
tended by St. Bernard did not take effect, so as to
prevent future corruptions of the Cantus Gregorianus.
The tract however is extant in the fourth tome of his
works. Authors speak of it as an admirable com-
position, and seem to say that we owe to it all that
with any certainty can now be said to be known
touching the subject ; part of it is as follows : —
' The song which the churches belonging to the
* Hirsaugia was an abbey in Germany.
t Voss. de Scient. Mathem. cap. xxxv. § xii., cap. Ix. § ix., cap. Ixxi.
§ vii.
Cistercian order have been accustomed to sing,
although grave and full of variety, is overclouded
witli error and absurdity, and yet the authority of
the order has given its errors a kind of sanction.
But because it ill becomes men who profess to live
together agreeably to the rule of their order, to sing
the praises of God in an irregular manner, with the
consent of the brethren I have corrected their song,
by removing from it all that filth of falsity which
foolish people had brought into it, and have regulated
it so that it will be found more commodious for
singing and notation than the song of other churches ;
wherefore let none wonder or be offended if he shall
hear the song in somewhat another form than he
has been accustomed to, or that he finds it altered
in many respects ; for in those places where any
alterations occur, either the progression was irre-
gular, or the composition itself jierverted. That
you may wonder at, and detest the folly of those
who departing from the rules of melody, have taken
the liberty to vary the method of singing, look into
the antiphon, Nos qui vivimus, as it is commonly
sung, and although its termination should be pro-
perly in D, yet these unjust prevaricators conclude
it in G, and assert with an oath or wager that it
belongs to the eighth tone. What musician, I pray
you, can be able to hear with patience any one at-
tribute to the eighth tone, that which has for its
natural and proper final the note D ?
' Moreover, there are many songs which are two-
fold, and irregular ; and that they ascend and descend
contrary to rule is allowed by the very teachers of
this error ; but they say it is done by a kind of
musical licence : what sort of licence is this, which
walking in the region of dissimilitude, introduces
confusion and uncertainty, the mother of presumption
and the refuge of error '? I say what is this liberty
which joins opposites, and goes beyond natural
land-marks ; and which as it imposes an inelegance
on the composition, offers an insult to nature ; since
it is as clear as the day that that song is badly and
irregularly constituted, which is either so depressed
that it cannot be heard, or so elevated that it cannot
be rightly sung ?
' So that if we have performed a work tliat is
singular or different from the practice of the singers
of antiphons, we have yet this comfort, that reason
has induced us to this difference, whereas chance, or
somewhat else as bad, not reason, has made tliem to
differ among themselves ; and this difference of
theirs is so great, that no two provinces sing the
same antiphon alike : for to instance, in the co-
provincial churches, take the antiphonary used at
Rheims and compare it with that of Beauvais, or
Amiens, or Soissons, which are almost at your doors,
and see if they are the same, or even like each other.'
From the very great character given of St. Bernard,
it should seem that his learning and judgment were
not inferior to his zeal : the epistle above-cited, and
his endeavours for a reformation of the abuses in
church -music, show him to have been well skilled iu
the science ; and it is but justice to his memory U
sav that he was one of the truest votaries of, and
178
HISTOEY OF THE SCIENCE
Book V.
strongest advocates for music, of any whom that age
produced. The accounts extant of him speak him
to have been born of noble and pious parents, at the
village of Fontaines in Burgundy, in the year 1091.
At the age of twenty-three he took the habit of a
religious at Citeaux, from whence he was sent to the
new-founded abbej'- of Clairvaux, of which he was
the first abbot. The fame of his learning and sanctity
occasioned such a resort to this house, that in a very
short time no fewer than seven hundred novices be-
came resident in it. His authority in the church
was so great, that he was a common arbiter of the
differences between the pope, the bishops, and the
princes of those contentious times. By his advice
Innocent II. was acknowledged sovereign pontiff, and
by his management Victor the anti-pope, was induced
to make a voluntary abdication of the pontificate,
whereby an end was put to a schism in the church.
It was in the time of St. Bernard that Peter Abae-
lard flourished, a man not more famous for his
theological writings, than remarkable for his un-
happy amour with Heloissa, or Eloisa, of whom more
will be said hereafter : he had advanced certain posi-
tions that were deemed heretical, and St. Bernard
instituted and conducted a process against him, Avhich
ended in their condemnation. The story of Abaelard
and Heloissa is well known, but the character of
Abaelard is not generally understood ; and indeed
his history is so connected with that of St. Bernard,
that it would savour of affectation to decline giving
an account of him in this place.
Peter Abaelard was born in a town called Palais,
three leagues from Nantes ; having a great inclination
to the study of philosophy from his youth, he left the
place of his nativity, and after having studied at
several schools, settled at Paris, and took for his master
William of Champeaux, archdeacon of Paris, and the
most celebrated professor of that time. Here a differ-
ence arose between Abaelard and the professor, upon
which he left him ; and, first at Melun, and afterwards
at Corbeil, set up for himself, and, in emulation of
his master, taught publicly in the schools ; but his
infirmities soon obliged him to seek the restoration
of his health in his native air. Upon his recovery
he returned to Paris, and finding that William of
Champeaux had been promoted to a canonry of the
church of St. Victor, and that he continued to profess
in that city, he entered into a disputation with him,
but was foiled, and quitted Paris. After this Abae-
lard studied divinity at Laon, under Anselm, canon
and dean of that city ; and meaning to emulate his
master, he there gave lectures in theology, but was
silenced by an order which Anselm had procured for
that purpose. From Laon, he removed to Paris, and
there for some time remained in peace, explaining
the holy scriptures, and by his labours, besides a
considerable sum of money, acquired great reputation.
It happened that a canon of the church of Paris,
named Fulbert, had a niece, a very beautiful young
woman, and of fine parts, whom he had brought up
from her infancy, her name was Heloissa. To assist
her in her studies this wise uncle and guardian re-
tained Abaelard, a handsome young man, and pos-
sessed of all those advantages which the study of the
classics, and a genius for poetry, may be supposed to
give him ; and, to mend the matter, took him to
board in his house, investing him with so much
power over the person of his fair pupil, that though
she was twenty-two years of age, he was at liberty
to correct her ; and by the actual use of the lash
compel her to attend to his instructions ; the conse-
quence of this engagement was, the pregnancy of
Heloissa, and the flight of the two lovers into Abae-
lard's own country, where Heloissa was delivered of
a son, who was baptized by the name of Astrolabius.
To appease Fulbert, Abaelard brought back his niece
to Paris and married her ; but as Abaelard was a
priest, and had acquired a canonry in the church,
Avhich was not tenable by a husband, and complete
reparation could not be made to Heloissa for the
injury she had sustained without avoiding this pre-
ferment, the marriage was at her own request kept a
secret, and she, to remove all suspicion, put on the
habit of a nun, and retired to the monastery of
Argenteiiil. But all this would not pacify her uncle
and other relations ; they seized and punished Abae-
lard by an amputation of those parts with which he
had offended. Upon this he took a resolution to
embrace a monastic life, and Heloissa was easily per-
suaded to sequester herself from the world ; they
both became professed at the same time, he at St.
Denys, and she at Argenteiiil.
The letters from Abaelard to Heloissa after their
retirement, extant in the original Latin, have been
celebrated for their elegance and tenderness ; as to
the Epistle from Eloisa of Mr. Pope, it is confessedly
a creature of his own imagination, and though a very
fine composition, the world perhaps might have done
very well without it. With the licence allowed to
poets, he has deviated a little from historical truth in
suppressing the circumstance of Abaelard's subsequent
marriage to his mistress, with a view to make her
love to him the more refined, as not resulting from
legal obligation : it may be that the supposition on
which this argument is founded is fallacious, and the
conclusion arising from it unwarranted by experience.
But it is to be feared that by the reading this ani-
mated poem, fewer people have been made to think
honourably and reverentially of the passion of love,
than have become advocates for that fascinating
species of it, which frequently terminates in concu-
binage, and which it is the drift of this epistle, if not
to recommend, to justify.
But to leave this disquisition, and return to Abae-
lard : his disgrace, though it sank deeply into his mind,
had less effect on his reputation than was to have been
expected. He was a divine, and professed to teach
the theology, such as it was, of those times ; persons
of distinction resorted to St. Denys, and entreated of
him lectures in their own houses. The abbot and
religious of that monastery had lain themselves open
to the censures and reproaches of Abaelard by their
disorderly course of living, they made use of the im-
portunity of the people to become his auditors as a
pretext for sending him from amongst them. He set
up a school in the town, and drew so many to hear
Chap. XXXIX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
179
liim, that tlie place was not sufficient to lodge, nor
the country about it to feed them.
Here he composed sundry theological treatises, one
in particular on the Trinity, for which he was con-
vened before a council held at Soissons ; the book
was condemned to the flames, and the author sentenced
to a perpetual residence within the walls of a monas-
tery : after a few days confinement in tlie monastery
of St. Medard at Soissons, he was sent back to his
own of St. Denys : there he advanced that St. Denys
of France was not the Areopagite ; and by main-
taining that proposition, incurred the enmity of the
abbot and his religious brethren. Not thinking
himself safe among them, he made his escape from
that place in the night, and fled into the territories
of Theobald, count of Champagne, and at Troyes,
with the leave of the bishop, built a chapel in a field
that had been given to him by the proprietor for that
purpose. No sooner was he settled in this place,
than he was followed by a great number of scholars,
who for the convenience of hearing his lectures built
cells around his dwelling : they also built a church
for him, which was dedicated to the Holy Trinity,
and by Abaelard called Paraclete. His enemies, ex-
asperated at this establishment, and the prospect it
afforded him of a quiet retreat from the tumult of the
times, instigated St. Norbert and St. Bernard to
arraign him on the two articles of faith and manners
before the ecclesiastical judges. The duke of Bre-
tagne, in pity to Abaelard, had offered him the
abbacy of St. Gildas, of Ruls, in the diocese of
Nantes, and in order to avert the consequences of so
formidable an accusation, he accepted it ; and the
abbot of St. Denys having expelled the nuns from
Argenteuil, he bestowed on Heloissa, their prioress,
the church of Paraclete with its dependencies ;
which donation was confirmed by the bishop of
Troyes, and pope Innocent II. in 1131. But these
endeavours of Abaelard did not avert the .malice of
his persecutors : Bernard had carefully read over two
of his books, and selected from thence certain propo-
sitions, which seemed to bespeak their author at once
an Arian, a Pelagian, and a Nestorian ; and upon these
he grounded his charge of heresy ; Abaelard affecting
rather to meet than decline it, procured Bernard to
be convened before a council at Sens, iii order, if
he was able, to make it good ; but" his resolution
failed him, and rather than abide the sentence of the
council, he chose to appeal to Rome. The bishops
in the council nevertheless proceeded to examine,
and were unanimous in condemning his opinions ;
the pope was easily wrought upon to concur with
them ; he enjoined Abaelard a perpetual silence, and
declared that the abettors of his doctrines deserved
excommunication. Abaelard wrote a very submissive
apology, disowning the bad sense that had been put
upon his propositions, and set out for Rome in order
to back it, but was stopped at Cluni by the venerable
Peter, abbot of that monastery, his intimate friend ;
there he remained for some time, during which he
found means to procure a reconciliation with St.
Bernard. At length he was sent to the monastery
of St, Marcellus, at Chalons upon the Soane, and,
overwhelmed with affliction, expired there in the
year 1142, and in the sixty -third of his age.
Of this calamitous event Peter of Cluni gave
Heloissa intelligence in a very pathetic letter, now
extant : she had formerly requested of Abaelard, that
whenever he died his body should be sent to Para-
clete for interment ; this charitable office Peter per-
formed accordingly, and with the body sent an
absolution of Abaelard ' ab omnibus peccatis suis.' *
Soon after Abaelard's death Peter made a visit to
Paraclete, probably to console Heloissa : in a letter
to him she acknowledges this act of friendship, and
the honour he had done her of celebrating mass in the
chapel of that monastery. She also commends to his
care her son Astrolabius, then at the abbey of Cluni,
and conjures him, by the love of God, to procure for
him, either from the archbishop of Paris, or some
other bishop, a prebend in the church.
The works of Abaelard were printed at Paris
in 1616. His genius for poetry, and a few slight
particulars that afford but a colour for such a sup-
position, induced the anonymous author of the His-
tory of Abaelard and Heloissa, published in Holland
1693, to ascribe to him the famous romance of the
Rose ; and to assert, that in the character of Beauty he
has exhibited a picture of his Heloissa ; but Bayle has
made it sufficiently clear that that romance, excepting
the conclusion, was written by William de Loris, and
that John de Meun put the finishing hand to it. A
collection of the letters of Abaelard and Heloissa, in
octavo, was published from a manuscript in the
Bodleian library, in the year 1718, by Mr. Rawlinson.
As to the letters commonly imputed to them, and of
which we have an English translation by Mr. Hughes,
they were first published in French at the Hague in
1693 ; and in the opinion of Mr. Hughes himself are
rather a paraphrase on, than a translation from, the
original Latin. Even the celebrated Epistle of Mr.
Pope, the most laboured and pathetic of all his
juvenile compositions, falls far short of inspiring
sentiments in any degree similar to those that breathe
through the genuine epistles of this most eloquent and
accomplished woman ; nor does it seem possible to
express that exquisite tenderness, that refined deli-
cacy, that exalted piety, or that pimgent contrition,
which distinguishes these compositions, in any words
but her own.f
* For a fuller account of him see Du Pin Biblioth. Eccles. Cent. XII.
and the articles Abaelard, Heloise, Foulques, and Fulbert in
Bayle. '
+ The profession of Abaelard, the condition of the monastic life to
which he had devoted himself, and, above all, the course of his studies,
naturally lead to an opinion that, notwithstanding his disastrous amour
with Heloissa, the general tenour of his conduct was in other respects at
least blameless, but on the contrary he appears to have been a man of
a loose and profligate life. In a letter from one of his friends, Foulques,
prior of Deuil, to him, he is charged with such a propensity to the con-
versation of lewd women, as reduced him to the want of even food and
raiment. Bayle, art. Foulsues, in not.
To say the truth, the theology of the schools, as taught in Abaelard's
time, was merely scientific, and had as little tendency to regulate the
manners of those who studied it as geometry, or any other of the
mathematical sciences ; and this is evident from the licentiousness
of the clergy at this and the earlier periods of Christianity, and the
extreme rancour and bitterness which they discovered in all kinds of
controversy.
Of the latter, the persecution of Abaelard by St. Bernard, and other
his adversaries, is a proof; and for the former we have the testimony of
the most credible and impartial of the ecclesiastical writers. Mosheim
among other proofs of the degeneracy and licentiousness of the clergi'
in the tenth century, mentions the example of Theophylact, a Grecian
patriarch, and on the authority of Fleury's Histoire Ecc'lesiastique
180
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE.
Book V.
But to return to St. Bernard ; his labours for pre-
serving the music of the church in its original purity,
have deservedly iutitled him to the character of one
of its greatest patrons : the particulars of his life,
which appears to have been a very busy one, are too
numerous to be here inserted ; but the ecclesiastical
historians speak of him as one of the most shining
lights of the age in which he lived. They speak
also of another St. Bernard, at one time official, and
afterwards abbot of the church of Pisa, a disciple of
the former, and at last pope by the name of
Eugenius III.
The works of St. Bernard the abbot are extant ;
the best edition of them is that of Mabillon, in two
volumes, folio. Du Pin says that in his writings he
did not affect the method of the scholastics of his
time, but rather followed the manner of the preceding
authors ; for which reason he is deemed the last of
the fathers. He died 1153, and left near one hundred
and sixty monasteries of his order, which owed their
foundation to his zeal and industry.
CHAP. XL.
The establishment of schools and other seminaries
of learning in France, particularly in Normandy,
already mentioned in the course of this work, began
now to be productive of great advantages to letters
in general, for notwithstanding that the beginning
of the twelfth century gave birth to a kind of new
science, termed scholastic divinity, of which Peter
Lombard Gilbert de la Poree and Abaelard are said
to be the inventors, a new and more rational division
of the sciences than is included in the Trivium and
Quadrivium, was projected and took effect about this
time.* In that division theology had no place, but
was termed the queen of sciences ; it was now added
to the other seven, and assumed a form and character
very different from what it had heretofore borne. It
consisted no longer in those doctrines, which, without
the least order or connection were deduced from
passages in the holy scriptures, and were founded on
the opinions of the fathers and primitive doctors ;
lib. IV. pag. 97, relates the following curious particulars of him: — ' This
' exemplary prelate, says he, who sold every ecclesiastical benefice as
' soon as it became vacant, had in his stable above two thousand hunting
'horses, which he fed with pignuts, pistachios, dates, dried grapes, figs
' steeped in the most exquisite wines, to all which he added the richest
'perfumes. One Holy Thursday he was celebrating high-mass, his
'groom brought him the joyful news that one of his favourite mares
' had foaled, upon which he threw down the liturgy, left the church, and
' ran in raptures to the stable, where having expressed his joy at that
' grand event, he returned to the altar to finish the divine service, which
' he had left interrupted during his absence.' Translation of Mosheim's
Ecclesiastical Histor>', by Dr. Maclane, octavo, 1768, vol. II. pag. 201,
in not.
* It seems notwithstanding, that the distinctions of Trivium and
Quadrivium subsisted as late as the time of Henry VIII. when it is
probable they ceased ; for Skelton, in that libel of his on cardinal
Wolsey, entitled Why come ye not to Court ? thus satirizes him for
his ignorance of the seven liberal sciences : —
He was parde,
No doftour of diuinitie,
Nor dodlour of the law,
Nor of none other law,
But a pore maifter of arte,
God wot had little part
Of the quadrivials,
Nor yet of trivials,
Nor of philofophye,
Nor of philology.
but was that philosophical or scholastic theology,
which with the deepest abstraction pretended to trace
divine truth to its first principles, and to pursue it
from thence through all its various connections and
branches. Into this system of divinity were intro-
duced all the subtleties of logic and metaphysics, till
the whole became a science of mere sophistry, and
chicane, and unintelligible jargon, conducing neither
to the real improvement of the rational faculties, or
the promotion of religion or moral virtue. This
system of divinity, such as it was, was however
honoured with the name of a science, and added to
the former seven ; to this number were added juris-
prudence and physic, taken in that limited sense in
which the word is yet used ; not as comprehending
the study of nature and her operations ; and hence
arose the three professions of divinity, law, and
physic. That the second of these was thus honoured,
was owing in a great measure to an accident, the dis-
covery, in the year 1137, of the original manuscript
of the Pandects of Justinian, which had been lost for
five hundred years, and was then recovered, of which
fortunate event, to go no farther for evidence of it,
Mr. Seldon gives the following account : — ' The em-
' perors from Justinian, who died 565, until Lo-
' tharius II. in the year 1125, so much neglected the
' body of the civil law, that all that time none ever
' professed it. But when the emperor Lotharius II.
' took Amalfi, he there found an old copy of the Pan-
' dects or Digests, which as a precious monument he
' gave to the Pisans, by reason whereof it was called
' Litera Pisana; from whence it hath been translated to
' Florence, &c., and is never brought forth but with
'' torch-light, or other reverence.' Annotations on
Fortescue de Laudibus, pag. 18, 19.
No sooner was the civil law placed in the number
of the sciences, and considered as an important branch
of academical learning, than the Roman pontiffs and
their zealous adherents, judged it not only expedient,
but also highly necessary, that the canon law should
have the same privilege. There were not wanting
before this time, certain collections of the canons or
laws of the church ; but these collections were so
destitute of order and method, and were so defective,
both in respect to matter and form, that they could
not be conveniently explained in the schools, or be
made use of as systems of ecclesiastical polity. Hence
it was that Gratian, a Benedictine monk belonging
to the convent of St, Felix and Nabor at Bolonia,
by birth a Tuscan, composed, about the year 1130,
for the use of the schools, an abridgment or epitome
of canon law, drawn from the letters of the pontiffs,
decrees of councils, and writings of the ancient
doctors. Pope Eugenius III. was extremely satisfied
with this work, which was also received with the
highest applause by the doctors and professors of
Bolonia, and was unanimously adopted as the text
they were to follow in their public lectures. The
professors at Paris were the first that followed
the example of those of Bolonia, which in process
of time was imitated by the greatest part of the
European Colleges. But notwithstanding the enco-
miums bestowed upon this performance which was
Chap. XL. AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC. 181
commonly called tlie Decretal of Gratian, and was connection with the theory^ of music. In short, their
intitled by the author himself, the reunion or coalition view in this method of institution was_ to render
of the jarring canons, several most learned and familiar the precepts of tonal and rythmical music ;
eminent writers of the Romish communion acknow- to lay down rules for the management of the voice,
ledge it to be full of errors and defects of various and to facilitate and improve the practice of plain
kinds. However as the main design of this abridg- chant, which Charlemagne with so much difficulty
ment of the canons Avas to support the despotism, had established in that part of his dominions.-'-
and to extend the authority of the Roman pontiffs, The reformation of the scale by Guido Aretinus,
its innumerable defects were overlooked, its merits and the other improvements made by him, as also
exaggerated, and, wbat is still more surprising, it the invention of the Cantus Mensurabilis by Franco,
enjoys at this day, in an age of light and liberty, were so many new accessions to musical science. ^ It
that high degree of veneration and authority which is very remarkable that the Cantus Mensurabilis,
was inconsiderately, though more excusably lavished which was all that was wanting to render the system
upon it in an age of tyranny, superstition, and complete, was added by Franco, within sixty years
darkness. '"^fter the improvement of it by Guido, and this, as it
Such among the Latins as were ambitious of associated metrical with harmonical conibinations,
making a figure in the republic of letters, applied was productive of infinite variety, and afforded ample
themselves with the utmost zeal and diligence to the scope, not only for disquisition, but for the exercise
study of philosophy. Philosophy, taken in its most of the powers of invention in musical composition,
extensive and general meaning, comprehended, ac- But notwithstanding these and other advantages
cording to the method universally received towards which the science derived from the labours of Guido
the middle of this century, four classes, it was and Franco, it is much to be questioned whether the
divided into theoretical, practical, mechanical, and improvements by them severally made, and especially
logical. The first class comprehended theology, those of the former, were in general embraced with
mathematics, and natural philosophy ; in the second that degree of ardour which the authors of the
class were ranked ethics, oeconomics, and politics ; Histoire Litteraire de la France seem in many places
the third contained the arts more immediately sub- of their work to intimate ; at least it may be said
servient to the purposes of life, such as navigation, that in this country it was some considerable time,
agriculture, hunting, &c. The fourth was divided pex'haps near a century, before the method of notation,
into grammar and composition, the latter of which by points, commas, and such other marks as have
was farther subdivided into rhetoric, dialectic, and hereinbefore been described, gave place to that in-
sophistry ; and under the term dialectic was com- vented by Guido ; and for this assertion there is at
prehended that part of metaphysics, which treats of least probable evidence in a manuscript now in the
general notions ; this division was almost universally Bodleian library, thus described in the catalogue
adopted : some indeed were for separating grammar of Bodleian manuscripts, which makes part of
and mechanics from philosophy, a notion highly the Catalogi Librorum manuscriptorum, printed at
condemned by others, who under the general term Oxford 1697, viz.. No. 2558, 63. ' Codex elegan-
philosophy comprehended the whole circle of the < tissime scriptus qui Troparion appellatur : continet
sciences. ' quippe tropos, sive hymnos sacros, viz., Alleluja.
This new arrangement of the sciences can hardly ' tractus, modulamina prosas per anni circulum in
be said to comprehend music, as it would be too < festos et dies Dominicos : omnia notis musicis anti-
much to suppose it included in the general division <■ q-^is superscripta.'
of mathematics ; for notwithstanding its intimate The precise antiquity of this manuscript is now
connection with both arithmetic and geometry, it is very difficult to be ascertained, and the rather as it
very certain that at the time of which we are now appears to be written by different persons in a variety
speaking, it was cultivated with a view merely to of hands and characters. There are three specimens
practice, and the rendering the choral service to the of its contents, which for the particular purpose of
utmost degree pompous and solemn ; and there is no inserting them, have with all possible exactness been
other head in the above division under which it could traced off from the book itself. (See Appendix,
with propriety be arranged. We are told that in j^o. 44.)
the time of Odo, abbot of Cluni, lectures were But upon a comparison of the character in which
publicly read in the laniversity of Paris on those the words of these specimens are written, with many
parts of St. Augustine's writings that treat of music other ancient manuscripts, it seems clearly to be that
and the metre of verses ; this fact is slightly men- of the twelfth century ; and if so, it proves that the
tioned in the Menagiana, tom. II. But the authors ancient method of notation was retained near a cen-
of the Histoire Litteraire de la France are more tury after the time when Guido flourished,
particular, for they say that in the tenth century jt is farther to be observed, that the improvements
music began to be cultivated in France with singular
industry and attention; and that those great masters of^^i^'^zeaf for^e^meruSTrgreafC^
Remi d'Auxerre, Hucbald de St. Amand, Gerbert, skilled in it. in the university of Paris, founded by him, and in other
' 1 , • • x-u ^.^• parts of his dominions, he endowed schools for the study and practice 0.
and Abbon, gave lectures on music in tne public music • at church he always sang his part in the choral service, and he
schools. But it seems that the SubiectS principally exhorted other princes to do the same. He was very desirous also that
^, . , , • 1 i 1 J 1-i.i his daughters should attain a proficiency in smgmg, and to that end had
treated on in these their lectures had very little masters to instruct them three hours every day.
182
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book V.
of Guido and Franco were at first received only by
tlie Latin church, and that it was many centuries
before they were acquiesced in by that of the Greeks :
an inference to this purpose might possibly be drawn
from a passage in the letter of Dr. Wallis above-cited,
in which, after giving his opinion of the Greek
ritual therein mentioned, he conjectures it to be at
least three hundred years old ; but it is a matter
beyond a doubt that the ancient method of notation
above spoken of, was retained by the Greek church
so low down as to near the middle of the seventeenth
century. In the library of Jesus college, Oxon, is a
manuscript with this title in a modern character,
perhaps the handwriting of some librarian who had
the custody of it, viz., ' JNIeletius Monachus de Mu-
' sica Ecclesiastica, cum variorum Poetaram sacrorum
' Canticis,' purporting to be the precepts of choral
service, and a collection of offices used in the Greek
church, in Greek characters, with such musical notes
as are above-mentioned. As to Meletius, he appears
clearly to be the writer and not the composer, either
of the poetry or the music of these hymns ; for
besides that the colophon of the manuscript indicates
most clearly that it was written and corrected with
the hand of Sleletius himself, the names of the several
persons who composed the tunes or melodies as they
occur in the course of the book, are regularly sub-
joined to each.
The name of Meletius appears in the catalogue of
the Medic£ean library; and tom. III. pag. 167
thereof he is styled ' Monachus Monasterii SS. Trini-
' tatis apud Tiberiopolim in Phrygia Majore, incertas
' iEtatis ; ' notwithstanding which the time of his
writing this manuscript is by himself, and in his own
handwriting, most precisely ascertained, as hereafter
will be made to appear.
As to the contents of the book, it may suffice to say
in general that it is a transcript of a great variety of
hymns, psalms, and other offices, that is to say, the
words in black, and the musical notes in red charac-
ters. In a leaf preceding the title is a portrait of an
ecclesiastic, probably that of Meletius himself.
Then follows the transcriber's title, which is in red
characters, and is to this effect, ' Instructions for
' Singing in the Church, collected from the ancient
' and modern Musicians ;' these instructions seem to
presuppose a knowledge of the rudiments of music in
the reader, and for the most part are meant to declare
what melodies are proper to the several offices as they
occur in the course of the service, and to ascertain
the number of syllables to each note. We have given
a specimen of a hymn (See Appendix, No. 43), the
words whereof have a close resemblance to those in
the Harleian MS. above spoken of, as will appear by
a comparison one with the other.
To the offices are subjoined the names of the per-
sons who severally composed the melodies ; among
these the following most frequently occur, Joannes
Lampadarius, Manuel Chrisaphus, Joasaph Kuku-
zelus, Johannes Kukuzeli, Demetrius Redestes,
Johannes Damascenus,* Poletikes, Johannes Lascares,
* Johannes Damascenus is celebrated by Du Pin as a subtle divine,
a, clear and methodical writer, and able compiler. The account piven of
liim by this author in his Bibliotheciue, cent. VIII. contains not the least
Georgius Stauropulus, Arsenius Monachus, probably
he that was afterwards patriarch of Constantinople
under Theodore Lascares the younger, in 1255, Eliaa
Chrysaphes, Theodulus, Gerasimus, Agalleanus, An-
thimus, Xachialus, Clemens Monachus, Agioretes.
The specimen given from the above-mentioned
curious manuscript is inserted with a view to deter-
mine a very important question, namely, what were
the musical characters in use among the modern
Greeks : if any circumstance is wanting to complete
the evidence that they were those above represented,
it can only be the age in which Meletius lived : but
this is ascertained by the colophon of the MS. which
is to this effect : — ' This book was wrote and corrected
' by me Meletius, a monk and presbyter, in the year
of our Lord 1635.* f
Johannes Sarisbueiensis, a very learned and
polite scholar of the twelfth century, has a place in
Walther's Catalogue of musical writers : he was a
intimation that he was better acquainted with music than others of his
profession ; nevertheless a very learned and excellent musician of this
century, Mattheson of Hamburg, in his Volkommenon Capellmeister,
Hamburg, 1739, pag. 26, asserts that he was not only very well skilled
in it, but that he obtained the appellation of MeXuSoq, Melodos, by
reason of his excellent singing, and also for his having composed those
fine melodies to which the Psalms are usually sung in the eastern
churches. He flourished in the eighth century ; and in the account
which Du Pin has given of him, some of the most remarkable par-
ticulars are, that he being counsellor of state to the caliph of the
Saracens, who resided at Damascus, and having discovered a zeal for
image-worship, the emperor Leo Isauricus, a great enemy to images,
procured a person to counterfeit the writing of Damascenus in a letter
to the caliph, purporting no less than a design to betray the city of
Damascus into the hands of Leo, which wrought such an effect, that
Damascenus was sentenced to lose his right hand, which was cut off
accordingly, and exposed on a gibbet to the view of all the citizens.
Du Pin adds, that if we believe the author of St. John Damascene's
life, his hand was reunited to his arm by a miracle, for that as soon as
it was cut off he begged it of the caliph, and immediately retiring to his
dwelling, applied it to the wrist from whence it had been cut, and pros-
trating himself before an image of the Virgin, besought her to unite it
to his arm, which petition she granted. As soon as he had received the
benefit of this miracle, he retired from the court of the caliph to the
monastery of St. Sabas at Jerusalem, and applied himself to the study
of music, .and very probably to the composition of those very melodies
which have rendered his name so famous. He died about the year 750,
having some few years before been ordained priest by the patriarch of
Jerusalem.
t It is highly probable that this method of notation continued to be
practised by the modern Greeks till within these few years ; at least it
seems to have been in \ise at the time of publishing a tract entitled
Balliofergus, or a Commentary upon the foundation. Founders, and
Affaires of Ballio! College, Oxon, by Henry Savage. Master of the said
College, quarto, Oxford, 166S, in which, pag. 121, is the following
article : —
' Nathaniel Conopius was a Cretan born, and trained up in the Greek
' church ; he became TlpwroffvvKiWoQ, or Primore, to the aforesaid
' Cyrill, patriarch of Constantinople ; upon the strangling of whom by the
' vizir, the Grand Signeur of the Turks being not then returned from the
' siege of Babylon, he fled over, and came into England, addressing himself
'with credentials from the linglish agent in Constantinople to the lord
' archbishop of Canterbury, Laud, who allowed him maintenance in this
' college, where he took on himself the degree of bachelor of divinity
' about anno l(i42. And lastly, being returned home, he became bishop
' of Smyrna. He spoke and wrote the genuine Greek, for which he was
'had in great veneration in his country, others using the vulgar only ;
' which must be understood of prose too, for poetical Greek he had not,
' but what he learned here. As for his writing, I have seen a great book
' of musick, as he sciid of his own composing ; for his skill wherein his
'countrymen, in their letters to him, stiled him fiSSiKioTaTOv; but
' the notes are such as are not in use with, or understood by, any of the
' western churches.'
The author from whom the above account is taken was personally
intimate with Conopius, and adds that he had often heard him sing
a melody, which, in the book above-cited he has rendered in modern
musical characters. Wood has taken notice of this person, Athen.
Oxon. 1140, and relates that while he continued in Baliol college he
made the drink for his own use called coffee, and usually drank it every
morning, being the first, as the ancients of the house had informed him,
that was ever drank in Oxon. Wood, in the account of his life written
by himself, pag. 65, 80, says that in 1650, a Jew, named Cirques Jobson,
born near Mount Libanus, opened a coffee-house in Oxford, between
Edmund hall and Queen's college corner, and that after remaining there
some time, he removed to London, and sold it in Southampton-buildings,
Holborn, and was living there in 1671. Mure of Conopius may be see;i
in the Epistles of Gerard John Vossius, part II. pag. 145.
Chap. XLI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
183
native of England, being born, as his name imports,
at Salisbury, and about the year 1110. At the age of
seventeen he went into France, and some years after-
wards was honoured with a commission from the king
his master, to reside near Pope Eugenius, and attend
to the interests of his country ; being returned to
England he received great marks of friendship and
esteem from Becket, then lord chancellor, and became
an assistant to him in the discharge of that office. It
is said that Becket took the advice of Johannes Saris-
buriensis about the education of the king's eldest son,
and many young noble English lords, whom he had
undertaken to instruct in learning and good manners ;
and that he committed to him the care of his domestic
concerns whilst he was abroad in Guienne with king
Henry II. Upon Becket's promotion to the see of
Canterbury, Sarisburiensis went to reside with him in
his diocese, and retained such a sense of his obligation
to him, that when that prelate was murdered, he
intercepted a blow which one of the assassins aimed
at the head of his master, and received a wound on
his arm, so great, that after a twelvemonth's attend-
ance on him, his surgeons despaired of healing it ; at
length however he was cured, and in the year 1179,
-at the earnest entreaty of the province, was made
bishop of Chartres, upon which he went to reside
there, and lived an example of that modesty and
virtue which he had preached and recommended in
his writings. He enjoyed this dignity but three
years, for he died 1182, and was interred in the
church of Notre Dame da Josaphat. Leland pro-
fesses to discover in him ' Omnem scientijB orbem ; '
and Bale, Cent. III. No. 1., celebrates him as an ex-
cellent Greek and Latin scholar, musician, mathe-
matician, philosopher, and divine. Among other
books he composed a treatise in Latin, entitled
Polycraticus, sive de Nugis Curialium et Vestigiis
Philosophorum, the sixth chapter of the first book
whereof is entitled De Musica et Instrumentis, et
Modis et Fructu eorum, and is a brief but very
ingenious dissertation on the subject ; and as to the
book in general, notwithstanding the censure of
Lipsius, who calls it a patch-work, containing many
pieces of purple, intermixed with fragments of a
better age, it may be truly said that it is a learned,
curious, and very entertaining work ; and of this
opinion Du Pin seems to be in the following character
which he has given of it : — ' This is an excellent book
' relating to the employments, the duties, the virtues,
* and vices of great men, and especially of princes and
' great lords, and contains a great many moral
' thoughts, sentences, fine passages of authors, ex-
' amples, apologues, pieces of history, and common
' topics.' * It was first printed by Constantine Fran-
dinus, at Paris, in 1513, in a small octavo size.
CHAP. XLL
CoNRADUS, a monk of the abbey of Hirsaugia, in
Germany, and therefore surnamed Hirsaurgiensis,
flourished about 1140, under the emperor Conrade III.,
whom the historians and chronologers place between
* Bibl. des Auteurs Eccl. cent. XII.
Conrade II. and Frederick Barbarossa. He was a
philo»opher, rhetorician, musician, and poet ; and,
among other things, was author of a book on music
and the tones, f
Adamus Dorensis, Adam of Dore, Door, or Dowr,
from the British Dur, the site of an abbey in Here-
fordshire, is much celebrated for his learning, and
particularly for his skill in the science of music. The
following is the sum of the account which Bale, Pits,
and other biographical writers give of him : — ' Adam
of Dore, a man of great note, was educated in the
abbey of Dore, and very profitably sj^ent his younger
years in the study of the liberal sciences. He was
a lover of poetry, philosophy, and music, attaining
to great perfection in all ; to these accomplishments
he added piety, and strict regularity of life, and
made such proficiency in all kinds of virtue, that for
his great merit he was elected abbot of the monas-
tery of Dore. In his time there were great conten-
tions between the seculars and the monks ; upon
which occasion Sylvester Girald, a learned man,
and of great eminence among the clei'gy, | wrote a
book entitled Speculum Ecclesise, in which lie
charged the regulars with avarice and lust, iiot
sparing even the Cistertian monks. Adam, to vin-
dicate the honour of the religious, and especially
those of his own order, wrote a book against the
Speculum of Girald ; he wrote also a Treatise on
the Elements of Music, and some other things, par-
ticularly satires, bitter ones enough, against Simon
Ashe, a canon of Hereford, Sylvester Girald's advo-
cate and friend. This Adam flourished in 1200,
i;nder King John.' S
Albertus Ma(Jnus was born about the year of
Christ 1200 : a man illustrious by his birth, but more
for his deep and extensive learning ; he was de-
scended from the dukes of Schawben, and taught at
Paris and Cologne ; Thomas Aquinas was his dis-
ciple. In 1200 he was elected bishop of Eatisbon,
but at the end of three years resigned his bishopric,
and returned to his cell at Cologne. In 1274 he
assisted at the council of Lyons, in quality of ambas-
sador from the emperor. He left many monuments
of his genius and learning, and has treated the sub-
jects of arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, perspective,
or optics, and music, in a manner worthy of admira-
tion. It is said that lie had the secret of trans-
mutation, and that by means of that art he discharged
all the debts of his bishopric of Eatisbon within the
three years that he continued to hold it. Some have
gone farther, and charged him with being a magician ;
as a proof whereof they relate that he had formed a
machine in the shape of a man, which he resorted to
as an oracle for the explanation of all difficulties that
occurred to him : they say that he wrought thirty
years without interruption in forging this wonderful
fiGTure, which Naudeus calls the Androis of Albertus.
and that the several parts of it were formed under
particular aspects and constellations ; but that Thomas
+ Vossius, de Scient. Math. cap. Ix. § 10.
I otherwise called Giraldus Cambrensis. Tann. Bibl. in Art. He was
the author of the tract entitled Cambrise Descriptio, cited in book IV
chap. 33.
5 Tann. Biblioth. Gibson's view of the churches of Door and Horn
Lacy, Lond. quarto, pag. 15.
184
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book V
Aquinas, the disciple of Albertiis, not being able to
bear its everlasting tittle-tattle, broke it to pieces,
and that too in his master's house. The general
ignorance of mankind at different periods has exposed
many a learned man to an imputation of the like sort ;
pope Sylvester II., Robert Grosthead,""-- bishop of
Lincoln, and Roger Bacon, if we may believe some
writers, had each a brazen head of his own making,
which they consulted upon all difficulties. Naudeus
has exposed the folly of this notion in an elaborate
apology for these and other great men whose memo-
ries have been thus injured ; and though he admits
tliat Albertus might possibly have in his possession
a head, or statue of a man, so ingeniously contrived,
as that the air which was blown into it might receive
the modifications requisite to form a human voice ;
he denies that any magical power whatever was
necessary for the construction of it. Albertus died at
Cologne in the year 12S0 ; his body was interred in
the choir of the church of the Dominican convent
there, and was found entire in the time of the em-
peror Charles V. Although his learning and abilities
had acquired him the epithet of Great, it is related
that he was in his person so very little a man, that
when upon his arrival at Rome he kissed the feet of
■^ho pope, his holiness, after he had risen up, thinking
Ac was yet on his knees, commanded him to stand.
The number of books Avhich he wrote is prodig'/ius,
for they amount to twenty-one volumes in folio, j
Gregory of Bridlington, a canon regular of the
order of St. Augustine, precentor of the church of
his monastery of Bridlington, and afterwards prior
thereof, flourished about the year 1217. He wrote
a Treatise De Arte Musices, in three books, and is
mentioned by bishop Tanner as a man of learning
and abilities.
GuALTERUs Odingtonur, Otherwise Walter of
Evesham, a ^^Titer of great skill in. the science of
music, was a Benedictine monk, he flourished in
the reign of our Henry III. about the year 1210.
Bishop Tanner, on the authority of Pits, Bale, and
L eland, gives him the character of a very learned
man ; and Fuller has celebrated him among the
worthies of Worcestershire. Tanner :|: refers to
a manuscript treatise of his in the library of Christ
Church college Cambridge intitled De Speculatione
Musices, in six books, beginning ' Plura quam digna
de musicte specula ; ' and in a manuscript collection
of tracts in the Cotton library, Tiberius, B. IX. tract 3,
is a treatise of the notes or musical characters,
and their different properties, in Avhich the long,
the large, the breve, tlie semibreve, and the minim,
* I .
-of the great clerk Grofteft
• I rede, howe busy that he was
' Upon the clergie an head of bras
' To forge, and make it for to telle
' Of fuch things as befelle :
' And feven yeres befineffe
' He laide, but for the lacheiTe
*Of half a minute of an houre,
' Fro firft he began to laboure,
* He lofte all that he had do.'
Gower. Confessio Amantis, fol. Ixiv.
t Bayle, in art.
I r.ibliotheca, pag. 558.
are particularly characterised ; at the end of this
treatise we have these words, ' lia^c Odyngtoims,'
plainly intimating that the writer, whoever he was,
looked upon Gualterus Odingtonus as the author
of it ; but there is great reason to suspect that
it is not genuine, for the initial sentence does
not agree with that of the tract De Speculatione
Musices, as given by Tanner; and it is expressly
asserted by Morley that the minim was invented
by Philippus de Vitriaco, a famous composer of
motets, who must have lived long after Walter. Mr.
Stephens, the translator and continuator of Dug-
dale's IMonasticon, in his catalogue of English learned
men of the order of St. Benedict, gives the following
account of this person : —
'Walter, monk of Evesham, a man of facetious
' wit, who applying himself to literature, lest he
' should sink under the labour of the day, the watch-
' ing at night, and continual observance of regular
' discipline, used at spare hours to divert himself
' with the decent and commendable diversion of
' musick, to render himself the more chearful for
' other duties ; whether at length this drew him off
' from other studies I know not, but there appears
' no other work of his than a piece intitled Of the
' Speculation of Musick, He flourished in 124.0.'
ViNCENTius, archbishop of Beauvois, in France,
about the year 1250, was in great repute. He was
a native of Burgundy, and treated of the science of
music in his Doctrinale.
Roger Bacon, a monk of the Franciscan order,
born at Ilchester, in Somersetshire, in 1214, the
great luminary of the thirteenth century, a celebrated
mathematician and philosopher, as appears by his
voluminous writings in almost all branches of science,
and the testimony of the learned in every age, wrote
a treatise De Valore Musices. He died about the
year 1292. He was greatly favoured by Robert
Grosthead, bishop of Lincoln, and underwent the
common fate of learned men in those times, of being
accounted by the vulgar a magician. The story of
friar Bacon's brazen head is well known, and is too
silly to merit a refutation. There is an excellent
life of him in the Biographia Britannica, written,
as it is said, by Dr. Campbell.
Simon Tailler, a Dominican and a Scotsman,
mentioned by Tanner, flourished about the year 1240.
He wrote De Cantu Ecclesiastico reformando, De
Tenore Musicali, and two other tracts, the one intitled
Tetrachordum, and the other Pentachordum.
Johannes Pediasdius, a native of Bulgaria, a lawyer
by profession, and keeper of the patriarchal seal
there, is reckoned in the number of musical writers.
He flourished about the year 1300, and wrote a Com-
pendium of Geometry and a book of the dimensions-
of the earth ; the first is in the library of the most
christian king, the latter, and also a Treatise on the
Science of Music, in that of the city of Augsburg
in Germany. §
Pope John XXII. has a place among the writers
on music, but for what reason it is somewhat difficult
to shew ; Du Pin, who speaks of him among the
5 Vossius, De Scient. Mathem. cap. liv. § IC.
Chap. XLI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
135
ecclesiastical writers of the fourteenth century, says
he was ingenious, and well versed in the sciences ; ••'
but by the catalogue of his works in the chrono-
logical table for that period, it seems that his chief
excellence was his skill in the canon law; never-
theless he is taken notice of by Brossard and Walther,
as having written on music ; and in the IMicrologus
of Andreas Ornithoparcus, who wrote about the
year 1535, a treatise of music of his writing is fre-
quently referred to ; and in the second chapter of
the first book of the Micrologus, where the author
professes to distinguish between a musician and
a singer, he cites a passage from pope John XXII.
to this effect : ' To whom shall I compare a cantor
' better than a drunkard (which indeed goeth home)
' but by what patli he cannot tell ? A musician to
' a cantor is as a praetor to a cryer.' And in the
seventh chapter of the same book he cites him to
explain the meaning of the word Tone : ' A tone,
' says he, is the distance of one voyce from another
' ])y a perfect sound, sounding strongly, so called
' a tonando, that is thundering ; for tonare [as
* Johannes Pontifex XXII. cap. viii. saith] signifieth
* to thunder powerfully.'
The same author, lib. I. cap. iii. on the authority
of Franchinus, though the passage as referred to by
him is not to be found, asserts that pope John and
Guido, after Boetius, are to be looked on as the
most excellent musicians.
It is said that John was the son of a shoemziker
of Cahors, and that on account of his excellence in
literature Charles II., king of Naples, appointed him
preceptor to his son ; that from thence he rose to
the purple, and at length to the papacy, being elected
thereto anno 131G.
The particulars herein before enumerated respect-
ing the progress of music from the time of its intro-
duction into the church-service to about the middle
of the thirteenth century ; as also the accounts herein
before given of the most eminent writers on music
during that period, are sufficient to shew, not only
that a knowledge of the principles of harmony and
the rudiments of singing were deemed a necessary
part of the clerical institution, but also that the clergy
were by much the most able proficients, as well in
instrumental as vocal music, for this very obvious
reason, that in those times to sing was as much the
duty of a clerk, or as we should now call him, a
clergyman, as at this day it is for such a one to read :
nevertheless it cannot be supposed but that music, to
a certain degree, was known also to the laity ; and
that the mirth, good humour, and gaity of the com-
mon people, especially the youthful of both sexes,
discovered itself in the singing of such songs and
ballads as suited with their conceptions and characters,
and are the natural effusions of mirth and pleasantry
in every age and country. But of these it is not
easy to give a full and satisfactory account ; the
histories of those times being little more than brief
and cursory relations of public events, or partial re-
presentations of the actions and characters of princes
and other great men, who had recommended them-
* Biblioth, des Auteurs ecclesiastique, cut. XIV.
selves to the clergy by their munificence ; seldom
descending to particulars, and affording very little of
that kind of intelligence from whence the manners,
the humours, and particiilar customs of any given age
or people are to be collected or inferred. Of these
the histories contained in that valuable collection
entitled the Decern Scriptores, not to mention the
rhyming Chronicles of Robert of Gloucester, Peter
Langtoft, and others, are instances.
An enquiry into the origin of those rhyming
chronicles, of which the two histories last above-
mentioned are a specimen, will lead us to that source
from whence, in all probability, the songs and ballads
of succeeding times were deduced : so early as the
time of Charlemagne, who lived in the eighth century,
that species of rhyming Latin poetry called Leonine
verse, was the admiration and delight of men of
letters ; but subsequent to his time, that is to say
about the end of the tenth century, there sprang up
in Provence certain professions of men called Trou-
badours, or Trouverres, Jongleours, Cantadours,
Violars, and Musars, in whom the faculties both of
music and poetry seemed to concentre : the first of
these were so denominated from the art which they
professed of inventing or finding out, as well subjects
and sentiments as rhymes, constituting what at that
time was deemed poetry. The Jongleours are sup-
posed to have taken their name frona some musical
instrument on which they played, probably of a name
"esembling in its sound that by which their profession
was distinguished. The Cantadours, called also
Ohanterres, were clearly singers of songs and ballads,
as were also the Musars ; and the Violars were as
certainly players on the viol, an instrument of greater
antiquity than is generally imagined.
Of the ancient writers of romance a history is ex-
tant in the lives of the Provencal poets, written in
French by Johannes Nostradamus ; f but a much
more satisfactory account of them is contained in
the translation thereof into Italian, with great ad-
ditions thereto, by Gio. Mario de Crescimbeni, and
by him published with the title of Commentari in-
torno air Istoria della volgare Poesia. Of the origin
of these, and particularly of the Jongleurs or Jug-
leurs, with the rest of the class above-mentioned, he
gives a very curious relation in the fifth book,
cap. V. of his work above-mentioned, to the following
effect : —
* After havinn: remarked that from Provence the
' Italians derived not only the origm and art of
* writing romances, but also the very subjects on
' which they were founded, it will not be disagreeable
' to the reader, before we proceed to speak of our
t The lives of the Proven fal poets were written by an ecclesiastic of
the noble family of Cibo in Genoa, who is distinguished by the fantastical
name of the Monk of the Golden Islands, and lived about the year 1248;
another person, an ecclesiastic also, named Ugo di Sancesario, and a
native of Provence, who flourished about the year 1435, compiled the
lives of the poets of his country. From the collections made by these
two persons, Johannes Nostradamus, the younger brother of Michael
Nostradamus the astrologer and pretended prophet, compiled and pub-
lished at Lyons, in 157o, the lives of the ancient poets of Provence.
This book Giovannio Mario de Crescimbeni translated into Italian, and
published with the addition of many new lives, and a commentary con-
taining historical notes and critical observations, in the year 1710. A
very good judge of Italian literature, Mr. Baretti, says of this work of
Crescimbeni that a true poet will <ind it a book very delightful to read.
Italian Library, pag. 192.
186
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book V
' own, to say somewhat of the romance writers, as
' well of France in general, as of Provence, par-
' ticularly as to their exercises and manner of living.
* It is not known precisely who were the romance
* writers of Provence, for authors that mention them
' speak only in general ; nor have we seen any ro-
' mances with the author's name, other than that of
' the Rose, begun by William de Lorry, and finished
' by John de Meun, as may be seen in a very old
' copy on parchment in the library of Cardinal
' Ottoboni.
' Some of their romances however may be met with
' in many of the famous Italian libraries ; and besides
* that of the Round Table, and that of Turpin, Du
' Cange, Huetius, and Fauchet, before them mention
' several, such as Garilla, Locran, Tristram, Launcelot
' of the Lake, Bertram, Sangreale, Merlin, Arthur,
' Perceval, Perceforest, Triel Ulespieghe, Rinaldo,
' and Roncisvalle, that very likely have been the
^ foundation of many of those written by our Italians.
' These romances no doubt were sung, and perhaps
■* Rossi, after Malatesta Porta, was not mistaken when
■' he thought that the romance singers were used to
* sell their works on a stage as they were singing ;
' for in those times there was in vogue a famous art
' in France called Arte de Giuglari : these juglers,
' who were men of a comical turn, full of jests and
"■ arch sayings, and went about singing their verses
■^ in courts, and in the houses of noblemen, with a viol
^ and a harp, or some other instrument, had besides
' a particular dress like that of our Pierrots in com-
' mon plays, not adapted to the quality of the subject
' they were singing (like the ancient rhapsodists, who,
' when they sung the Odyssey, were dressed in blue,
' because they celebrated Ulysses's heroes that were
' his companions in his voyages ; and when they re-
' peated the Illiad they appeared generally in red, to
give an idea of the vast quantity of blood spilt at
' the siege of Troy) but for the sake of entertaining
•* and pleasing in a burlesque manner their protectors
' and masters, for which reason they were called
' Juglers, quasi Joculatores, as the learned Menage
' very rightly conjectures.
* Many of the Provencal poets were used to practice
' the same art, and also our Italians, who composed
' verses in that language ; for we read in the Vatican
' manuscripts, that Elias de Bariols, a Genoese, to-
^ gether with one Olivieri, went to the court of count
' Amsos de Provence as juglers, and thence passed
' into Sicily. Ugo della Penno, and Guglielmo della
' Torre, exercised the same profession in Lombardy ;
' and cardinal Peter de Veilac, whenever he went to
' visit a king or a baron, which happened very often,
' was always accompanied by juglers, who sang the
' songs called in those places Serventesi. Besides
' those enumerated by Nostradamus, Alessandro
' Velutello reckons up many others, who travelled
■■ about and subsisted by the profession of minstrelsy,
' the nature whereof is described by Andrew Du
' Chesne, in his notes on the works of Alain Chartier,*
* Alain Chartier was born in 1386, and died about 1453. Crescimb.
iu loc. cit.
where he cites from a romance written in the year
1230, the following lines : —
' Quand les tables ost6es furent,
' C'il Juggleur in pies esturent,
' S'ont vielles et harpes prises,
' Chansons, sons, vers, et reprises.
' Et de gestes chante nos ont.
When the tables were taken away,
The juglers stood up,
Took their lyres, and harps ;
Songs, tunes, verses, and catches,
And exploits they sang to us.
' It is not our intention to enquire what sort of
music they made use of, but however, in order to
satisfy the reader's curiosity, we shall say that it
must have been very simple and plain, not to say
rough, as may be seen by a manuscript in the Vatican
library, in characters of the fourteenth century,
where there are written the songs of divers Pro-
vencal poets, with the music. We have copied the
following example, which is the song of Theobald,
king of Navarre, who flourished about the year 1235,
no less celebrated among monarchs than poets, by
the honourable praises bestowed on him by Dante
in his Inferno, cant, xxii : —
:pzi=;i^:
2E^
:w=^i=:?-P"^^^-Bii=Fi=iil
^
J'AU me qui do -
ie par-tir d'araours, mais riens ne me vaut ;
** n ■
> "i
P^ ■ Pl^ ^ P^ ■_
. 1
r^BiU^r"~r"™B«B..
■ 1 1 - • ■ 1 - 1 1
li dous maus moi fait lan-guir, qui nuit et jour ne mi faut,
ifl-EB^
JE3:
liEBEES
[^^
le jour mi faitmaint i-saut, et la nuit ne puis dor mir,
^^
^5^EB3"!!E^
^=-_zr5=l^*i^
ains plaim, et pleur, et sou - pir. Dieus dant fort quant
~^ —
^Z
la
re - mir, mais .bien sai que
leu cant.
The Provencal poets were not only the inventors
and composers of metrical romances, songs, ballads
and rhymes, to so great a number, and of such a
kind, as to raise an emulation in most countries of
Europe to imitate them ; but, if we may credit the
Italian writers, the best poets of Italy, namely Pe-
trarch and Dante, owed much of their excellence to
their imitation of the Provencals ; and it is farther
said that the greater part of the novels of Boccace are
taken from Provencal or ancient French romances.*
The Glossary of Du Cange contains a very great
number of curious particulars relating to the Trouba-
dours, Jongleurs, Cantadours, Violars, and Musars, of
Provence ; and it appears that in the French lan-
2:uaQ;e all these arts were comprehended under the
* IT T •
general denomination of Menestraudie, Menestraudise,
Jonglerie.f
* The same may be supposed of the Heptameron of Margaret queen
of Navarre, a work of the same kind with the Decameron, and containing
a great number of entertaining stories. A general account of it is given
by Bayle, in the article Navarre.
t ' On pent comprendre sous le nom de Jonglerie tout ce qui appar-
' tient aux anciens chansonniers Provencaux, Normands, Picards, &c.
•Le corps de la Jonglerie etoit forme des Trouveres, ou Truubadours, qui
Chap. XLI.
AND PKACTICE OF MUSIC.
187
The learned Dr. Percy, in his Essay on the ancient
English Minstrels, has given a very curious and satis-
factory account of these fathers of modern poetry and
popular music ; and although he agrees that the
several professions above enumerated were included
under the general name of Minstrel, in the notes on
that Essay, pag. xlii., he has with great accuracy
assigned to each its distinct and peculiar office.
In the work of Crescimbeni above-cited the name
of our own king Richard I., surnamed Coeur de
Lion, occurs as a Provencal poet, and a composer of
verses, professedly in imitation of that species of
poetry which is the subject of the present enquiry.
It is true that the very learned and accurate bishop
Tanner, from whom we might have expected some
account of this fact, has in his Bibliotheca omitted
the mention of Richard as a writer ; and it is pro-
bable that Rymer, the compiler of the Faedera, a man
of deep research, though of all critics that ever wrote,
one of the most wild and absurd, is the first of our
countrymen that have in earnest asserted Richard's
claim to that character. The account which he gives
of it is, that Richard and his brother Geoffrey, who by
the way is also ranked among the poets of that time,
had formerly lived much in the courts of several
princes in and about Provence, and so came to take
delight in their language, their poetry, then called the
Gay Science, and their poets, which began not long
before his time to be in great vogue in the world.--'
But before he proceeds to the proof of the fact, that
Richard was a composer of verses, Rymer takes upon
him to refute a charge of Roger Hoveden, importing
nothing less than that Richard was but a vain pre-
tender to poetry, and that whatever reputation he
had acquired of that sort, he had bought with his
money. The words of the historian are ' Hie ad
' augmentum et famam sui nominis, emendicata car-
' mina, et rithmos adulatorios comparabat, et de
^ regno Francorum cantores et joculatores allexerat
-' ut de illo canerent in plateis et dicebatur ubique
* quod non erat talis in orbe.' ' Richard to raise
' himself a name, went about begging and buying
' verses and flattering rhymes ; and by rewards en-
' ticed over from France, singers and jesters to sing
' of him in the streets. And it was everywhere
' given out that there was not the like of him in the
■' world again.'
Rymer observes upon this passage, first, that the
assertion contained in it that the songsters and jesters
were brought from France is most false ; for that
France had no pretensions thereabouts in those days,
those countries being fiefs of the empire : more par-
ticularly he adds that Frederic the First had enfeoffed
Raimond Beringer of the country of Provence, For-
' composoient les chansons, et parmi lesquels il y avoit des Improvisateurs,
'comme on en trouve en Italic : des Chanieours on Chanlcrcs, qui exe-
'cutoient on chanteoient ces compositions: des Co?; /eMr« qui faisoient,
'en vers ou en prose contes, les recits, les liistoires: des Jongleurs ou
' Meneslrch qui accompagnoient de leurs instrumens. L'art de ces
' chantres, ou chansonniers, etoit nomnie la Science Gaie. Gay Saber.'
Pref. Anthologie Frang. 1765, octavo, pag. 17.
Fauchet, to much the same purpose, has the following passage:—
' Bientot apres la division de ce grand empire Franfois en tant de petits
' royaumes, duchez, et comtez, au lieu des poetes commencerent a se
' faire cognoistre les Trouverres, et Chanterrrs, Conleoiirs, et Jugleours :
'qui sont Trouveurs, Chantres, Conteurs, Jongleurs, ou Jugleurs,
■* c'est k dire Menestriers chantans avec la viole.'
« Short View of Tragedy, pag. GG.
calquiers, and places adjacent, as not long after
Frederic II. installed William prince of Orange,
king of Aries and Viennes, which family had formerly
possessed Provence, f Again he observes, that about
the same time that the Provencal poetry began to
flourish, the heresy of the Albingenses sprang up ;
and that Raimond count of Tholouse was the pro-
tector of the Albingenses, and also a great favourer
of these poets ; and that all the princes that were in
league together to support the Albingenses against
France and the pope, encouraged and patronized
these poets, and amongst the rest a king of Arragon,
who lost his life in the quarrel, at a battle where
Simon Mountfort commanded as chief of the crusade.J
The argument which Rymer makes use of to in-
validate the testimony of the monk, is a weapon of
such a form, that we know not which end to take it
by : he means to say, that if Richard was a favourer
of the heresy of the Albingenses, it could not but
draw upon him the resentment of the clergy, and that
therefore Roger Hoveden, in revenge for the en-
couragement which he had shewn to the enemies of
the church, endeavoured to deprive him of the repu-
tation of a poet. But as this is only negative evi-
dence of Richard's title to a place among the Pro-
venjal poets, Rymer goes farther, and introduces
from a manuscript in the possession of Signor Redi,
the testimony of Guilhem Briton, an ancient bard, in
these verses : —
Coblas a tiera faire adroitement,
Pou vos oillez enten dompna gentilz.
Stanzas he trimly could invent
Upon the eyes of lady gent.§
But, to remove all doubts about the fact, Rymer
cites the following stanza, part of a song written by
Richard himself while a prisoner in Austria : —
Or sachan ben mos horns, et mos barons
Anglez, Normans, Peytavins, et Gascons,
Qu' yeu non ay ja si paure compagnon,
Que per aver lou laissess en preson.
Know ye, my men, my barons all,
In England and in Normandy,
In Poictiers and in Gascony,
I no companion held so small,
To let him thus in durance lie. ||
Having thus far proved his point, our author is
disposed to indulge that inclination to mirth and
pleasantry, which seems to have dictated those two
curious works of his, the Short View of Tragedy,
and the Tragedies of the last Age considered ; and
upon the stanza above written, as facetiously as per-
tinently remarks, that our king Richard had not the
expedient of the French king, St. Lewis, who, taken
prisoner by the Saracens, pawned the eucharist, body
for body, to the infidels for his ransom.^
He concludes his account of this matter with
saying, that which hereafter will appear to be true,
viz., that a manuscript with king Richard's poetry,
and many other of the Provencal poets, were in the
custody of Signor Redi, librarian to the great duke
of Tuscany.
t Short View of Trag. pag. 6S. J Ibid. pag. 69. § Ibid, pag, 74,
li Ibid. If Ibid. pag. 75.
188
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book V.
To these evidences may be added the testimony of
Crescimbeni, who in his Commentari della Volgar
Poesia, vol. II. part I. pag. 103, says, that Eichard,
being struck with the sweetness of that tongue, set
himself to compose a sonnet in it, which he sent to
the princess Stephanetta, wife of Hugh de Baux, and
daughter of Gisbert, the second count of Provence.
He says afterwards, in a chapter expressly written on
this king, that residing in the court of Raimond Ber-
linghieri, count of Provence, he fell in love with the
princess Leonora, one of the prince's four daughters,
whom Richard afterwards married : that he employed
himself in rhyming in that language, and when ho
was prisoner composed certain sonnets, which he sent
to Beatrix, countess of Provence, sister of Leonora,
and in which he complains of his barons for letting
him lie in captivity.
Crescimbeni goes on to relate that there are poems
of king Richard in the library of St. Lorenzo, at
Florence, ' in uno de codici Provenzali,' and others,
' nel No. 3204, della Vaticana.' The perusal of this
passage excited the curiosity of a gentleman, to whom
the literary world is under great obligations ; Mr.
Walpole procured both these repositories to be
searched. In the Vatican was found a poem by
Richauts de Verbeil, and another by Richauts de
Terascon, but nothing that could with any degree of
propriety be ascribed to Richard I., king of England.
In the Laui'entine library were found the verses
above spoken of, which as a very singular and valu-
able curiosity, Mr. Walpole has given to the world
in the first volume of his Catalogue of royal and
noble Authors ; they are as follow : —
Reis Rizard.
Ja nus horn pi'is non dira sa raison
Adreitament se com horn dolent non
Mas per conort pot il faire chanson
Pro adamis, mas povre son 11 don
Onta j avron, se por ma reezon
Soi fai dos yver pi'is.
Or Sanchon ben mi hom e mi baron
Engles, Norman, Pettavin et Gascon,
Qe ge navoie si povre compagnon
Qeu laissasse por aver en preison
Ge nol di pas, por nulla retraison
Mas anquar soige pris.
Jan sai eu de ver certanament
Com mort ne pris na amie ne parent
Quant il me laissent por or ni por argent
Mai mes de mi, ma perz mes por ma gent
1 Qapres ma mort n auron reperzhament
Tan longament soi pris.
Nom merveille seu ai le cor dolent
Qe messen her met ma terra en torment
No li menbra del nostre segrament
Qe nos feimes an dos communelment
Bern sai de ver qe gaire longament
Non serai eu sa pris.
Mi compagnon cui j amoi e cui j am
Cil de chain e cil de persarain
De lor chanzon qil non sont pas certain
Unca vers els non oi cor fals ni vain
Sil me guertoient il feron qe vilain
Tan com ge soie pris.
Or sachent ben Enjevin e Torain
E il bachaliers qi son legier e sain
Qen gombre soic pris en autrui main
II ma juvassen mas il no ve un grain
De belles armes sont era voit li plain
Per zo qe ge soi pris.
Contessa soit votre prez sobrain
Sal deus e garde eel per cui me clam
Et per cui ge soi pris :
Ge nol di pas por cela de certrain
La mere loys.
CHAP XLIL
Besides that Richard was endued with the poetical
faculty, it is recorded of him that he was skilled in
music. In the Theatre of Honour and Knighthood,
translated from the French of Mons. Favine, and
printed at London in 1G23, torn. II. pag. 48, is
a curious relation of Richard's deliverance from cap-
tivity by the assistance of Blondel de Nesle, a rhymer
or minstrel, whom he had trained up in his court,
and who by singing a song known to them both,
discovered his master imprisoned in a castle belong-
ing to the duke of Austria. This story is taken
from the Recueil de I'Origine de la Langue et
Poesie Francoise, Ryme, et Romans, &c. of pre-
sident Fauchet, Paris loSl : but Favine,* from
Matthew Paris, and other historiographers, and from
an ancient manuscript of old poesies, has given as
well a relation of the causes and manner of his cap-
tivity^, as of his deliverance from it. The whole is
curious and entertaining, and is here given in the
words of the old English translator : —
' Richard saved himself by a more prosperous
* wind, with one named Guillaume de TEstang, and
* a boy that understood the Germaine tongue, tra-
' vayling three dayes and nights without receiving
' any sustenance, or tarrying in any place. But
'hunger pressing them extreamely, they came to
* lodge in a towne being neere to the river of Dan-
' ubie, named Gynatia in Austria, as saith Mathew
' Paris, but according to the histories of Germanie,
' which I have red, it is called Erdbourg, where then
'remained Leopold, duke of Austria, f to Avelcome
' Richard thither, like him falne out of a feaver into
' a farre worse disease. Being come to his inne, he
' sent his boy to make provision for him in the
' market, where the boy shewing his purse to be full
_ * This book of Favine abounds with a great variety of curious par-
ticulars relative to chivalry and manners in general. Ashmole appears
to have derived great assistance from it in the compiling his History of
the Order of the Garter.
t The causes of Leopold's enmity to Richard are variously related,
but the author now citing assigns the following as the first occasion of
their quarrel : —
'Richard, at his return endured ten thousand afflictions, whereof
'briefly behold the subject. In the yeare one thousand one liundred
' fourescore and twelve, Leopold duke of Austria came into the Holy
' Land, to beare armes there as other Christian princes did. At his
'arrival the marshall of his campe, having marked out a lodging for
' the duke his maister, planted downe his tent and his ensigne on it.
' A Norman, being a follower of king Richard, maintained that the
'lodging place belonged to him. From words they fell to blowes, and
' Richard, without understanding the reasons of the parties, caused the
'duke of Austria's tent and ensigne to be pull'd downe and hurl'd upon
'a heape into a ditch of mire. The duke made complaint to Richard,
'to have reparation of this oflfence, but he payed him with derision;
' whereupon, the duke seeing he was despised, desired God to doe
'reason for him, and then he would remit the injurie.'
Chap. XLII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
189
* of bezans,*-' and buying very exquisite victuals ; he
* was stayed by the inhabitants of the towne to
' understand further of his condition. Having cer-
* tefied them that he belonged to a wealthie merchant,
' who would arrive there within three dayes ; they
' permitted him to depart. Richard being heerof
' advertised, and much distasted in his health by so
' many hard sufferances on the seas, and perillous
' passages on the waves, concluded to repose there
' some few dayes in the towne, during which time
* the boy alwayes made their provision of food.
' But by ill accident, on the day of St. Thomas the
' Apostle, the boy being in the market, chaunced
' (through neglect) to have king Richard's gloves
' tuckt under his girdle : the magistrate of the towne
' observing it, tooke the boy and gave him torment
' to make him confesse whose gloves they were.
' The power of punishment, and threates to have
' his tongue cut out of his head, compelled him to
' tell the trueth. So in short while after, the duke
' of Austria hearing the tydings, engirt the inne
* where Richard was with a band of armed men, and
■* Richard, with his sword in his hand yielded him-
* selfe to the duke, which kept him strongly environed
* with well-armed souldiours, who watched him night
' and day, with their swords readie drawne. This
' is the affirmation of Mathew Paris, concerning the
' surprizall of king Richard.
* But I have read an ancient manuscript of old
' poesies, written about those very times, which re-
* porteth this historic otherwise ; saying that Richard
* being in his inne, disguised himselfe like a servant
' cooke, larding his meate, broching it, and then
' turning it at the fire himselfe : in which time, one
' of the duke of Austrieas followers, being then in
* the inne, came accidentally into the kitchin, who
' tooke knowledge of this royall cooke ; not by his
' face, which he purposely disfigured with the soyling
' of the kitchin ; but by a ring of gold, which very
-' unadvisedly he wore on his finger. This man ran
' immediately and advertised the duke his maister
' that the king of England was within the compasse
' of his power, and upon this advertisement Richard
•^ was arrested.
' In the yeare following, namely, one thousand
' one hundred fourescore and thirteeUj the duke
' sold king Richard to the emperor Henry, for the
^ sum of threescore thousand pounds of silver, the
' pounds answering the weight and order observed at
' Cologne ; with which sum Leopold towred the
' wals of the citie of Vienna in Austria, and bought
' the duchie of Styria, Ncopurg, and the counties of
* Lins and Wels, of the Bishops of Passau and of
' Wirtspourg. So speaketh the Latin chronicle of
' Otho of Austria, bishop of Frisinghen, for these
* Bezans, bezants, or besans, are pieces of gold coin. Guillim thus
explains the term: — 'A beisaunte, or as some call them, a talent, is
' taken for a massive plate or bullion of gold, containing, according to
* Leigh, of troy weight 104 lb. and two ounces, and is in value 3750 lb.
' sterling, and had for the most part no similitude or representation upon
' it, as some hold, but only fashioned round and smooth, as if it were
'fitted and prepared to receive some kind of stampe. But others are of
' opinion that they were stamped, and that they were called bezants, or
'rather bizants, of Bizantium, the place where they were anciently
' coined.' Display of Heraldrj', Lond. IC32, pag. 33. From the eiiceeding
magnitude of this coin it is certain that Favine means only to say in
general that the boy's purse was well stored with money.
' perticularities were forgotten by Mathew Paris,
' who further saith. That in the same yeere of
* fourscore and thirteene, the third holy day after
' Palme-Sunday, Leopold led Richard prisoner to
* the emperor, who sent him imder sure guard to the
' Tribales. " Retrudi eum praecepit in Triballis,
" a quo carcere nullus ante dies istos exiuit, qui
" ibidem intrauit : de quo Aristoteles libro qi;into.
" Bonum est mactare patrem in Triballis ; Et alibi."
" Sunt loca, sunt gentes, quibus est mactare parentes.'
' The Englishmen were more than a whole yeare,
* without hearing any tydings of their king, or in
' what place he was kept prisoner. He had trained
' up in his court a rimer or minstrill called Blondell
' de Nesle, who (so saith the manuscript of old
' poesies, and an auncient manuscript French chron-
' icle) being so long without the sight of his lord,
' his life seemed wearisome to him, and he became
' much confounded with melancholy. Knowne it
' was, that he came backe from the Holy Land,
' but none could tell in what countrey he arrived.
' ^'^^lereupon this Blondel resolving to make search
* for him in many countries, but he would hears
' some newes of him ; after expence of divers dayes
* in travaile, he came to a towne (by good hap) neere
' to the castell where his maister king Richard was
' kept. Of his host he demanded to whom the
' castell appertained, and the host told him it be-
' longed to the duke of Austria. Then he enquired
' whether any prisoners were therein detained or no ;
* for alwayes he made such secret questionings where -
' soever he came, and the hoste gave answer that
' there was one onely prisoner, but he knew not
' what he was, and yet he had bin detained there
' more than the space of a yeare. When Blondel
' heard this, he wrought such meanes, that he became
' acquainted with them of the castell, as minstrella
' doe easily win acquaintance any where ; but see
' the king he could not, neither understand that it
' was he. One day he sat directly before a window
' of the castell where king Richard was kept prisoner,
' and began to sing a song in French, which king
' Richard and Blondel had sometime composed to-
' gether. [When king Richard heard the song, he
' knew it was Blondel that sung it; and when Blondel
' paused at halfe of the song, the king entreated him
' to sing the rest.f ] Thus Blondel won knowledge
' of the king his maister ; and returning home into
' England, made the barons of the countrie acquainted
' where the king was.'
Fauchet, in his relation of this extraordinary event,
says that he had met with a narrative of it in
a French Chronicle written in the time of Philip
the August, about the year 1200.
It is generally said that the ransom of Richard
was one hundred thousand marks, but Matthew
Paris asserts that it was a hundred and forty thousand
marks of silver, Cologne weight, a sum so very great,
t Dr. Percy has given the passage from Fauchet in his own words,
which are these : — ' lit quant Blondelle 6t dicte la moite de la Chanson,
' le roi Richart se prist a dire I'autre moitie et I'acheva :' and renders the
last clause of the sentence thus : — ' Began the other half and
' COMPLETED IT.' Essay on English Minstrels, pag. xxx.
1.90
HISTOIiY OF THE SCIENCE
Book Y.
that to raise it, the English were obliged to sell their
church plate, even to the very chalices.*
The foregoing account contains incontestible evi-
dence that Richard was of the class of poets, for the
reasons above given termed Provenjal, and of these
the minstrels appear to be the genuine offspring.
The nature of their profession is learnedly treated
on by Dr. Percy in his Essay on the ancient Minstrels,
prefixed to the Reliques of English Poetry. The
most generally received opinion of them is that
they were players on musical instruments, and those
chiefly of the stringed kind, such as the harp, the
cittern, and others ; but the word Minstrel, in the
larger acceptation of it, signifies a musician in general.
Dr. Cowel in his Law Dictionary thus explains
it ; ' a musician, a fidler, a piper : ' and in the old
poem of Lydgate, entitled the Daunce of Machabree
or of Death, in the Appendix to Sir William Dug-
dale's History of St. Paul's Cathedral, pag. 2(35,
col. i. he is said to be a minstrel, who can both note,
i e. sing, and pipe.
Dr. Percy has asserted, with great appearance of
truth, that the employment of the Anglo-Saxon
bards was to sing to the harp the praises of their
patrons, and other distinguished persons. Nay, it is
farther clear from a passage in the Ecclesiastical
History of Bede, relating to the poet Caedmon, cited
by him in the notes on the Essay on the ancient
English Minstrels, pag. 50, that to sing to the Harp
at festivals even by the guests themselves, was so
customary, that such as were incapable of doing it
were frequently necessitated to retire, f And that
* Robert of Gloucester thus speaks of the means used to raise tliis
sura : —
The hundred thoufend marc were ipaid biuore hond
And wel narwe igadered in Engelond,
Nor broches, and ringes zimmes alfo,
And the calls of the weud me ioolde ther to
And grey monck.es that new come, and pouere tho were
Zeue al her welle there to of one zere.
CiiRON. 4S9.
The distress which this occasioned gave rise to a scholastic question,
namely, what substance, silver and gold being wanting, was proper to
contain the wine in the eucharist : and we tind in Lyndwood, lib. 1.
de Summa Trinitate et Fide Catholica, cap. II. pag. 9, § doceant. verb.
In Calice, that it was thereupon concluded to make use of chalices of
latten. The objections against vessels formed of other substances savour
of the divinity of those times ; glass was too brittle, wood was spong)',
alchymy, aurichalcum, a factitious metal, vulgarly ochamy, as when
we say an ochamy spoon, was subject to rusting, and copper had a
tendency to provoke vomiting. Fuller, who in this instance is more
merry than wise, laughs at this decision, and calls it deep divinity. The
question was of importance, and respected no less than a sacred rite and
the health of the people.
This usage continued till about the year 1443, when, to take the words
of Fuller, for there is no provincial constitution to that purpose extant,
' the land being more replenished with silver, John Stafford archbishop
' of Canterbury enknotted that priest in the greater excommunication
' who should consecrate poculum stanneum.' Vide Fuller's History of
the Holy War, book III. chap. xiii.
t The passage cited by Dr. Percy from Bede, and more especially the
Anglo-Saxon version thereof by Idng Alfred, are abundant evidence of
the facts which they are cited to prove. As it does not appear from
either of the quotations who the poet Caedmon was, nor what are the
particulars of the story in which he is mentioned, the same are here
given at large in the language of a modern translator of Bede's History,
a person, as is conjectured, of the Romish communion. ' In the monas-
'tery of the abbess Hilda, [situated in a place called Streaneshalh
' supposed to be somewhere in the north of England] there resided
'a brother, particularly remarkable for the grace of God, who was wont
' to make pious and religious verses, so that whatsoever was interpreted
' to him out of holy writ, he soon after put the same into poetical
'expressions of much sweetness and compunction, in his own, that is.
' the EngUsh language. By his verses the minds of many were often
' excited to despise the world and to aspire to the heavenly life. Others
' after him attempted in the English nation to compose religious poems,
' but none could ever compare with him ; for he did not learn the art of
' poetising of men, but through the divine assistance ; for which reason
the employment of the ancient IMinstrels also was to
sing panegyrical songs and verses on their bene-
factors, is farther clear from the explanation of the
word Minstrel in that learned work the Law Dic-
tionary of Dr. Cowel, who concludes the article with
saying, it was usual with these minstrels, not only
to divert princes and the nobility with sports, but
also with musical instruments, and with flattering
songs in tlie praise of them and their ancestors,
which may be seen in these verses : —
Principis a facie, cytharse celeberrimus arte
Assiirgit iiiinius, ars miisica quem decoravit
Hie ergo cliorcla resonante subintiilit ista :
Indite rex regum, probitatis stemmate vernans,
Quem vigor et virtus extollit in sethera famae.
Indole virtiitis qui vinces facta parentis.
Major ut Atrides, patreni Neptunius Heros
JEgea, Pelides excedit Pelea, Jason
Esona, nee prolem pudor est evincere patrem ;
Corde gigas, agniis facie Laertius astu,
Consilio Nestor, &c.
The history of this country affords a remarkable-
instance of favour shewn to this vagabond profession
of a minstrel. The privileges which they are
possessed of are of such a kind, as to entitle them
to the countenance of the legislature, and, what must
appear very remarkable, to the protection of the law ;
for although minstrels, in common with fencers, bear-
wards, and common players of interludes, are in the
law deemed rogues and vagabonds, there is a special
provision in all the statutes that declare them to be so,
in favour of common fiddlers and Minstrels, through-
'he never could compose any trivial or vain poem, but only these that
'relate to religion, and suited his religious tongue; for having lived in
'a secular habit till well advanced in years, he had never learnt any
' thing of versifying ; for which reason being sometimes at entertainments,
' when it was agreed for the more mirth, that all present should sing in
' their turns ; wlien he saw the instrument »ome towards him, he rose
' up from table and returned home. Having done so at a certain time,
' and going out of the house where the entertainment was, to the stable,
'the care of horses falling to him that night, and composing himself
' there to rest at the proper time, a person appeared to him in his sleep,
' and saluted him by his name, said, " Cedmon, sing some song to me; "
' he answered, •' I cannot sing ; for that was the reason why I left the
" entertainment and retired to this place, because I could not sing."
'The other who talked to him, replied, "However you shall sing."
"What shall I sing?" rejoined he, " Sing the beginning of creatures,"
' said the other. Hereupon he presently began to sing verses to the
' praise of God, which he had never heard, the purport whereof was
'thus: — "We are now to praise the Maker of the heavenly kingdom,
" the power of the Creator and his council, the deeds of the Father of
" glory : how he, being the eternal God, became the author of all
" miracles, who first, as almighty preserver of the human race, created
"heaven for the sons of men as the roof the house, and next the earth."
' This is the sense, but not the words in order as he sung them in his
' sleep : for verses, though never so well composed, cannot be literally
' translated out of one language into another without losing much of
' their beauty and loftiness. Awaking from his sleep, he remembered
' all that he kad sung in his dream, and soon added much more to the
' same effect in divine verses. Coming in the morning to the steward
' that he was under, he acquainted him with the gift he had received ;
' and being conducted to the abbess, he was ordered, in the presence of
' many learned men, to tell his dream and repeat the verses, that they
'might give all their judgment what it was, and whence it proceeded
' that he said : They all concluded that an heavenly grace had been con-
' ferred on him by our Lord. They expounded to him a passage in holy
' writ, either historical or doctrinal, ordering him, if he could, to put the
' same into verse. Having undertaken it, he went away, and returning
' the next morning, gave it to them composed into most excellent
' verse ; whereupon the abbess, embracing the grace of God in the man,
'instructed him to quit the secular habit, and take upon him the mo-
' nastical life ; which being accordingly done, she associated him to the
' rest of the brethren in tiie monastery, and ordered that he should be
'taught the whole series of the sacred history.' Bede, Hist. Eccl.
lib. I\^. cap. xxiv.
A poetical paraphrase of the book of Genesis and certain scripture
stories was published by Francis Junius at Amsterdam, in 1655, in
quarto, from a manuscript of archbishop Usher. This Caedmon 'is
supposed by Tanner, and many other writers, to be the Ctedmon
mentioned by Bede; but Dr. Hickes seems to entertain some doubt
of it.
Chap. XLII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
191
out the county of Chester, of which the following is
the history : —
In the statute of 17 Geo. II. cap. 5, is the following
proviso : — * Provided always that this act, or any
' thing therein contained, or any authority thereby
' given, shall not in anywise extend to disinherit,
' prejudice, or hinder the heirs or assigns of John
* Button, of Button, late of the county of Chester,
' esquire, for, touching, or concerning the liberty,
* privilege, pre-eminence or authority, jurisdiction or
* inheritance, which they, their heirs or assigns now
' lawfully use, or have, or lawfully may or ought to use
* within the county palatine of Chester, and county of
* Chester, or either of them, by reason of any ancient
* charters of any kings of this land, or by reason of
' any prescription or lawful usage or title whatsoever.'
This right which the parliament of Great Britain
has shown itself so tender of infringing, is founded
on an event, of which the following relation is to be
met with in the Historical Antiquities of Cheshire,
collected by Sir Peter Lcycester, Bart., part II.
chap. vi. and is mentioned in a book intitled Ancient
Tenures of Land made public, by Thomas Blount,
Esq. octavo, 1679, pag. 156, et seq.
' In the time of king John, Handle the third, surnamed
' Blundevil, earl of Chester, having many conflicts
' vrith the Welsh, was at last distressed by them, and
'■ forced to retreat to the castle of Rothelent in Flint-
' shire, where they besieged him, who presently sent
* to his constable of Chester, Roger Lacy, surnamed
' Hell, for his fierce spirit, that he would come with
' all speed, and bring what forces he could for his
' relief, Roger having gathered a tumultuous rout of
' Fiddlers, Players, Cobblers, and debauched persons,
' both men and women, out of the city of Chester (for
' it was then the fair there) marched immediately with
' them towards the earl.* The Welsh perceiving a
' great multitude coming, raised the siege and fled.
' The earl coming back with his constable to Chester,
' gave him power over all the Fiddlers and Shoe-
' makers of Chester, in reward and memory of his
' service. The constable retained to himself and his
' heirs the authority and donation of the Shoemakers,
' but John his son conferred the authority over the
' profligates of both sexes on his steward, which then
* was Button of Button, by this his deed.
" Sciant prajsentes et futuri, quod e^o Johannes,
" Constabularius Cestriaj, dedi et concessi, et hac
" prsesenti carta mea confirmavi Hugoni de Button,
" et hffiredibus suis, magistratum omnium leccatorum
" et meretricum totius Cestershiri^e, sicut liberius
" ilium magistratum teneo de comite ; salvo jure meo
" mihi et haeredibus meis. Hiis testibus," &c.
Blount goes on to observe, that though this original
grant makes no mention of giving rule over Fiddlers
and Minstrels, yet that an ancient custom lias now
reduced it only to the minstrelsy ; for probably the
rout, which the constable brought to the rescue of the
* It seems that this earl had rendered himself famous by his prowess,
and that his exploits were celebrated in rhymes and songs down to the
time of Richard II. for in the Visions of Pierce Plowman, Passus
quintus, Sloth says of himself: —
I cannot perfitly my Pater-nofter as the priit it fingeth.
But I con rimes of Robenhod and Randal of Chefter.
earl, were debauched persons, drinking with their
sweethearts in the fair, the fiddlers that attended them,
and such loose persons as he could get.
He proceeds to relate, that Anno 11- Hen. VII.
a Quo Warranto was brought against Laurence
Button, of Button, esq. to shew why he claimed all
the minstrels of Cheshire and the city of Chester, to
appear before him at Chester yearly, on the feast of
St. John Baptist, and to give him at the said feast,
' Quatuor legenas vini et unam lanceam,' i. e. four
flaggons of wine and a lance ; and also every minstrel
then to pay him four pence half-penny ; and why he
claimed from every harlot in Cheshire, and the city
of Chester ' (officium suum exercente) ' four pence
yearly at the said feast, &c. whereunto he pleaded
prescription.
And farther, that ' the heirs of this Hugh de Button
' enjoy the same power and authority over the min-
' strelsy of Cheshire, even to this day, and keep a
' court every year upon the feast of St. John Baptist,
' at Chester, being the fair day, where all the Minstrels
' of the county and city do attend and play before the
' lord of Button upon their several instruments ; he
' or his deputy then riding through the city thus
' attended, to the Church of St. John, many gentlemen
' of the county accompanying him, and one walking
' before him in a " surcoat of his arms depicted upon
" taffata ; " and after divine service ended, hold his
' court in the city ; where he or his steward renews
' the old licences granted to the Minstrels, and gives
* such new ones as he thinks fit, under the hand and
* seal of himself or his steward, none presuming to-
' exercise that faculty there without it. But now this
* dominion or privilege is by a daughter and heir of
' Thomas Button, devolved to the lord of Gerrard,
' of Gerrard's Bromley in Staffordshire.'
He adds, that whereas by the statute of 39 Eliz.
Fiddlers are declared to be Rogues ; yet by a special
proviso therein, those in Cheshire, licensed by Button
of Button, are exempted from that infamous title, in.
respect of this his ancient custom and privilege.
Another writer f derives this privilege from a*
higher source, for among many instances of favour
shown to the abbey of St. Werburg in Chester, by
Leofric earl of Chester, in the time of Edward the
Confessor, he mentions the grant of a fair on the
festival of that saint, to be holden for three days ; to
whose HONOUR he likewise granted, that whatsoever
Thief or Malefactor came to the solemnity, should
not be attached while he continued in the same fair,
except he committed any new offence there.
Which special privilege, says the same writer, 'as in
' tract of time it drew an extraordinary confluence of
* loose people thither at that season, so happened it
' to be of singular advantage to one of the succeeding
' carles. For being at Rodelent castle in Wales, and
* there besieged by a power of the W^elsh, at such.
' a time he was relieved rather by their number than
' strength, under the conduct of Robert de Lacy,
' constable of Chester, who with pipers and other
' sorts of Minstrels drew them forth, and marching
' towards the castle, put the Welsh to such terror that
t Daniel King in his Vale Royal of England illustrated, part II,
pag. 29.
192
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book V.
' they presently fled. In memory of Avhicli notable
' exploit, that famous meeting of such Minstrels hath
* been duly continued to every Midsummer fair, at
' which time the heir of Hugh de Dutton, accompanied
* with diverse gentlemen, having a pennon of his arms
' borne before him by one of the principal Minstrels,
"■ who also weareth his surcoat, first rideth up to the
' east gate of the city, and there causing proclamation
' to be made that all the Musicians and Minstrels
' within the county-palatine of Chester do approach
' and play before him. Presently so attended he
' rideth to St. John's church, and having heard solemn
' service, proceedeth to the place for keeping of his
'' court, where the steward having called every
' Minstrel, impanelleth a jury, and giveth his charge.
* First, to enquire of any treason against the king or
■• prince (as earl of Chester) ; secondly, whether any
' man of that profession hath " exercised his instru-
^ ment " Avithout licence from the lord of that court,
* or what misdemeanour he is guilty of. And thirdly,
* whether they have heard any language amongst
'■ their fellows, tending to the dishonour of their lord
* and patron (the heir of Dutton) which privilege was
* anciently so granted by John de Lacy, constable of
^ Chester, son and heir to the before specified Roger,
' unto Hugh de Dutton and his heirs, by a special
^ charter in these words, viz., " Magisterium omnia
'•' leccatorum ct meretricum totius Cestrishire," and
* hath been thus exercised time out of mind.'
Another instance of favour to Minstrels, and of
privileges enjoyed by them, occurs in Dr. Plot's
History of Staffordshire, chap. X. § 69, where the
author taking occasion to mention Tutbury-castle, a
seat of the ancient earls and dukes of Lancaster, is
led to speak of Minstrels appertaining to the honour
of Tutbury, and of their king, with his several
■officers ; of whom, and of the savage sport commonly
known by the name of the Tutbury Bull-running, he
gives the following accurate account : —
* During the time of which ancient earls and dukes
' of Lancaster, who were ever of the blood royal,
* great men in their times, had their abode, and kept
■* a liberal hospitality here, at their honour of Tut-
' bury, there could not but be a general concourse of
' people from all parts hither, for whose diversion all
* sorts of musicians were permitted likewise to come
' to pay their services ; amongst whom (being nu-
' merous) some quarrels and disorders now and then
' arising, it was found necessary after a while they
' should be brought under rules ; diverse laws being
* made for the better regulating of them, and a
'■ governor appointed them by the name of a king,
' who had several officers under him, to see to the
execution of those laws ; full power being granted
* to them to apprehend and arrest any such Minstrels
' appertaining to the said honour, as should refuse to
' do their services in due manner, and to constrain
' them to do them ; as appears by the charter granted
' to the said king of the Minstrels by John of Gaunt,
* king of Castile and Leon, and duke of Lancaster,
' bearing date the 22nd of August in the 4 year of the
' raigne of king Richard the second, eutituled Carta
* le Roy de Ministralx, which being written in old
French, I have here translated, and annexed it to
this discourse, for the more universal notoriety of
the thing, and for satisfaction how the power of the
king of the Minstrels and his officers is founded ;
which take as follows : —
" John, by the grace of God, king of Castile and
Leon, duke of Lancaster, to all them who shall
see or hear these our letters, greeting. Know ye,
we have ordained, constituted, and assigned to our
well-beloved the King of the Minstrels in our
honor of Tutbury, who is, or for the time shall be,
to apprehend and arrest all the Minstrels in our
said honor and franchise, that refuse to doe the
service and Minstrelsy as appertain to them to
do from ancient times at Tutbury aforesaid, yearly
on the day of the Assumption of our Lady ; giving
and granting to the said King of the Minstrels for
the time being, full power and commandement to
make them reasonably to justify and to constrain
them to doe their services and Minstrelsies in
manner as belongeth to them, and as it hath been
there, and of ancient times accustomed. In witness
of which thing we have caused these our letters to
be made patents. Given under our privy seal, at
our castle of Tutbury, the 22nd day of Aug. in the
' fourth year of the raigne of the most sweet king
' Richard the second."
' Upon this, in process of time, the defaulters
being many, and the amercements by the officers
perhaps not sometimes over reasonable, concerning
which, and other matters, controversies frequently
arising, it was at last found necessary that>a court
should be erected to hear plaints, and determine
controversies between party and party, before the
steward of the honor; which is held there to this
day on the morrow after the Assumption, being
the 16th of August, on which day they now also
doe all the services mentioned in the abovesaid
grant ; and have the bull due to them anciently
from the prior of Tutbury, now from the earle
of Devon, whereas they had it formerly on the
Assumption of our Lady, as appears by an In-
speximus of king Henry the sixth, relating to the
customs of Tutbury, where, amongst others, this
of the bull is mentioned in these words : " Item
' est ibidem qusedam consuetudo quod histriones ve-
' nientes ad matutinas in festo Assumptionis beatas
' Mariae, habebunt unum taurum de priore de Tutte-
' bury, si ipsum capere possunt citra aquam Dove
'propinquiorem Tuttebury ; vel prior dabit eis xld.
'pro qua quidem consuetudine dabuntur domino ad
' dictum festum annuatim xxd." «. e. that there is
a certain custom belonging to the honor of Tutbury,
that the minstrells who came to mattins there on
the feast of the Assumption of the blessed Virgin,
shall have a bull given them by the prior of
Tutbury, if they can take him on this side the
river Dove, which is next T\atbury ; or else the
prior shall give them xld. for the enjoyment oi
which custom they shall give to the lord at the
said feast yearly, xxd.
' Thus I say the services of the Minstrels were
' performed and bull enjoyed anciently on the feast
Chap. XLII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
193
' of the Assumption ; but now they are done and
' had in the manner following : on the court day,
' or morrow of the Assumption, being the 16th of
' August, what time all the Minstrells within the
' honor come first to the bailiff's house of the manor
' of Tutbury, who is now the earl of Devonshire,
* where the steward for the court to be holden
' for the king, as duke of Lancaster (who is now the
' duke of Urmond) or his deputy, meeting them,
' they all go from thence to the parish church of
' Tutbury, two and two together, music playing
' before them, the King of the Minstrells for the vear
' past, walking between the steward and bailiff, or
* their deputies ; the four stewards or under officers
' of the said King of the IMinstrells, each with
' a white wand in their hands, immediately following
* (hem, and then the rest of the company in order.
' Being come to the church, the vicar reads them
' divine service, chusing psalms and lessons suitable
* to the occasion : the psalms when I was there, an.
' IGbO, being the 98. 119. 150: the first lesson 2
* Chron. 5 ; and the second the 5 chap, of the Epistle
' to the Ephesians, to the 22 verse. For which
* service every Minstrell offered one penny, as a due
' always paid to the vicar of the church of Tutbury
' upon this solemnity.
' Service being ended, they proceed in like manner
' as before, from the church to the castle-hall or
' court, where the steward or his deputy taketh his
' place, assisted by the bailiff or his deputy, the King
* of the Minstrells sitting between them, who is to
' oversee that every Minstrell dwelling within the
' honor and making defjudt, shall be presented and
' amerced : which that he may the better do, an
' 0 Yes is then made by one of the officers, being
' a Minstrell, 3 times, giving notice, by direction
' from the steward, to all manner of Minstrells dwell-
' ing within the honor of Tutbury, viz., within the
' counties of Stafford, Darby, Nottingham, Leicester,
' and Warwick, owing suit and service to his ma-
'jesty's Court of Musick, here holden as this day,
' that every man draw near and give his attendance,
' upon pain and peril that may otherwise ensue ; and
' that if any man will be assigned'^' of suit or plea,
' he or they should come in, and they should be
' heard. Then all the musicians being called over
' by a court-roll, two juries are impanelled, out of
' 2'4 of the sufficientest of them, 12 for Staffordshire,
* and twelve for the other counties ; whose names
* being delivered in court to the steward, and called
' over, and appearing to be full juries, the foreman
' of each is first sworn, and then the residue, as is
' usual in other courts, upon the holy evangelists.
' Then, to move them the better to mind their
' duties to the king, and their own good, the steward
* proceeds to give them their charge ; first commend-
* ing to their consideration the Original of all Musick,
* both Wind and String Musick ; the antiquity and
' excellency of both ; setting forth the force of it upon
' the affections by diverse examples ; how the use of
' it has always been allowed, as is plain from holy
« This word should he essoined, for so it is ill Blount, and is nonsense
otherwise. In this place it means respited.
' writ, in praising and glorifying God ; and the skill
' in it always esteemed so considerable, that it is still
' accounted in the schools one of the liberal arts, and
' allowed in all godly christian commonwealths ;
' where by the wav he commonly takes notice of the
' statute, which reckons some musicians amongst
' vagabonds and rogues ; giving them to understand
' that such societies as theirs, thus legally founded
' and governed by laws, are by no means intended by
' that statute, for which reason the Minstrells belong-
' ing to the manor of Dutton, in the county palatine
' of Chester, are expressly excepted in that act. Ex-
' horting them upon this account to preserve their
' reputation ; to be very careful to make choice of
' such men to be officers amongst them as fear God,
' are of good life and conversation, and have know-
' ledge and skill in the practice of their art. Which
' charge being ended, the jurors proceed to the elec-
' tion of the said officers, the king being to be chosen
* out of the lour stewards of the preceding year, and
' one year out of Staffordshire, and the other out of
' Darbyshire, interchangeably ; and the four stewards,
' two of them out of Staffordshire, and two out of
' Darbyshire, three being chosen by the jurors, and
' the fourth by him that keeps the court, and the
' deputy steward or clerk.
' The jurors departing the court for this purpose,
' leave the steward with his assistants still in their
* places, who in the mean time make themselves merry
' with a banquet, and a Noise f of musicians playing
' to them, the old king still sitting between the
' steward and bailiff as before ; but returning again
' after a competent time, they present first their
' chiefest officer by the name of their King ; then the
' old king arising from his place, delivereth him a
' little white wand in token of his sovereignty, and
' then taking up a cup filled with wine, drinketh to
' him, wishing him all joy and prosperity in his office.
' In the like manner do the old stewards to the new,
* and then the old king riseth, and the new taketh his
' place, and so do the new stewards of the old, who
' have full power and authority, by virtue of the
' king's steward's warrant, directed from the said
' court, to levy and distrain in any city, town cor-
' porate, or in any place within the Idng's dominions,
' all such fines and amercements as are inflicted by
* the said juries that day upon any Minstrells, for his
' or their offences, committed in the breach of any of
' their ancient orders, made for the good rule and
' government of the said society. For which said
' fines and amercements so distrained, or otherwise
' peaceably collected, the said stewards are account-
' able at every audit ; one moiety of them going to
' the king's majesty, and the other the said stewards
' have for their own use.
' The election, &c. being thus concluded, the court
' riseth, and all persons then repair to another fair
' room within the castle, where a plentiful dinner is
* prepared for them, which being ended, the Minstrells
+ // seems that a company of mnsicinns is termed a Noise ; this we learn
from, a passage in the Second Part of Henry IV., Act IT,, See. IV , where
mention is made of Stiea/c's Noise, i. e. a company of Musicians of which
one named Sneak was the Master: if may be inferred that a Noise of
Musicians is not a sarcastic, but a technical term.
0
194
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book V.
went anciently to the abbey -gate, now to a little
barn by the town side, in expectance of the bull to
be turned forth to them, which was formerly done,
according to the custom above-mentioned, by the
prior of Tutbury, now by the earl of Devonshire ;
which bull, as soon as his horns are cut off, his Ears
cropt, his Taile cut by the stumple, all his Body
smeared over with Soap, and his nose blown full of
beaten pepper ; in short, being made as mad as 'tis
possible for him to be, after solemn Proclamation
made by the Steward, that all manner of persons
give way to the Bull, none being to come near him
by 40 foot, any way to hinder the Minstrells, but to
attend his or their ow-n safeties, every one at his own
peril : he is then forthwith turned out to them
(anciently by the prior), now by the lord Devon-
shire, or his deputy, to be taken by them and none
other, within the "county of Stafford, between the
time of his being turned out to them, and the setting
of the sun of the same day ; which if they cannot
■ do, but the Bull escapes from them untaken, and
' gets over the river into Darbyshire, he remains still
' my lord Devonshire's bull : but if the said Minstrells
' can take him, and hold him so long as to cut off but
' some small matter of his Hair, and bring the same
' to the Mercat Cross, in token they have taken him.
' the said Bull is then brought to the Bailiff's house
' in Tutbury, and there collered and roap'd, and so
'brought to the Bull-Ring in the High-street, and
' there baited with doggs : the first course being
' allotted for the King ; the second for the Honour
' of the Towne ; and the third for the King of the
' Minstrells, which after it is done the said Minstrells
' are to have him for their owne, and may sell, or
' kill, and divide him amongst them, according as
' they shall think good.
' And thus this Rustic Sport, which they call the
' Bull-running, should be annually performed by the
' Minstrells only, but now-a-days they are assisted by
' the promiscuous multitude, that flock hither in great
' numbers, and are much pleased with it ; though
' sometimes through the emulation in point of Man-
' hood, that has been long cherished between the
Staffordshire and Darby sliire men, perhaps as much
mischief may have been done in the trial between
them, as in the Jeu de Taureau, or Bull-fighting,
practised at Valentia, Madrid, and many other
places in Spain, whence perhaps this our custom of
Bull-running might be derived, and set up here by
John of Gaunt, who was king of Castile and Leon,
and lord of the Honor of Tutbury ; for why might
not we receive this sport from the Spanyards as well
as they from the Romans, and the Romans from the
Greeks? wherein I am the more confirmed, for that
the TavpoKara \piu)r ij^ipai amongst the Thessalians,
who first instituted this Game, and of whom Julius
Csesar learned it, and brought it to Rome, were
celebrated much about the same time of the year our
Bull-running is, viz., Pridie Ides Augusti, on the
' 12th of August ; which perhaps John of Gaunt, in
■ honour of the Assumption of our Lady, being but
' three days after, might remove to the 15th, as after
* ages did (that all the solemnity and court might be
* kept on the same day, to avoid further trouble) to
* the 16th of August' '
The foregoing account of the modern usage in the
exercise of this barbarous sport, is founded on the
observation of the relater. Dr. Plot, whose curiosity
it seems led him to be present at it in the year 1680 :
how it was anciently performed appears by an ex-
tract from the Coucher-book of the honour of Tut-
bury, which is given at large in Blount's Collection
of ancient Tenures before cited.*
CHAP. XLIIL
Such were the exercises and privileges of the
minstrels in this country ; and it will be found that
the Provenjal troubadours, jongleurs, musars, and
violars, from whom they clearly appear to have
sprung, possessed at least an equal share of favour and
protection under the princes and other great person-
ages who professed to patronize them. The Proven9al8
are to be considered as the fathers of modern poesy
and music, and to deduce in a regular order the
history of each, especially the latter, it is necessary
to advert to those very circimistantial accounts that
are extant of them, and the nature of their profession
in the several authors who speak of them. It should
seem that among them there were many men of great
eminence ; the first that occurs in the history of them
given by Crescimbeni is Giuffredo Rudello, concern-
ing whom it is related that he was very intimate with
Geoffrey, the brother of Richard the First ; and that
W'hile he was with him, hearing from certain pilgrims,
who were returned from the Holy Land, of a countess
of Tripoli, a lady much celebrated, but the story says
not for what, he determined to make her a visit ; in
order to which he put on the habit of a pilgrim, and
began his voyage. In his way to Tripoli he became
sick, and before he could land was almost dead. The
countess being informed of his arrival, went on board
tlie ship that brought him, just time enough to see him
alive : she took him by the hand, and strove to com-
fort him. The poet was but just sensible ; he opened
his eyes, said that having seen her he was satisfied,
and died. The countess, as a testimony of her
gratitude for this visit, which probably cost poor
Geoffrey his life, erected for him a s})lendid tomb of
porphyry, and inscribed on it his epitaph in Arabic
verse : besides this she caused his poems to be collected,
and curiously copied and illuminated with letters of
gold.f She was soon afterwards seized with a deep
melancholy, and became a nun.
* In the collection of ancient ballads, known by the name of
Robin Hood's Garland, is a very apt allusion to the Tutbury feast or
bull-running, in the following passage : —
' This battle was fought near Tutbury town
' When the bag-pipers baited the bull,
' I am king of the fiddlers, and swear 'tis a truth,
' And call him that doubts it a gull ;
' For I saw them fighting, and fiddl'd the while,
' A.nd Clorinda sung Hey derry down :
' The bumpkins are beaten, put up thy sword Bob,
' And now let's dance into the town.
' Before we came to it we heard a great shouting,
' And all that were in it look'd madly ;
' For some were a bull-back, some dancing a morrice.
' And some singing Arthur a Bradley.'
Song I.
t Comment, della Volgar Poesia, vol. II. part I. pag. 11.
Chap. XLIIL
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
195
A canzone, which he wrote wliile he was upon this
romantic voyage, is yet extant ; it is as follows : —
Irat, et dolent me' en partray
S' yeu non vey est' amour deluench,
E non say qu' ouras la veyray
Car son trop nostras terras luench.
Dieu que fes tout quant ven e vay,
E forma quest' amour luench,
My don uoder al cor, car hay
Esper, vezerl' amour de luench.
Segnour, tenes my per veray
L' amour qu' ay vers ella de luench,
Car per un ben que m'en esbay
Hai mille mals, tant soy de luench.
Ja d' autr' amours non jauziray,
S' yeu non iau dest' amour de luench
Qu' na plus bella non en say.
En luec que sia, ny pres, ni luench.*
\Yhich Rymer has thus translated : —
Sad and heavy should T part.
But for this love so far away ;
Not knowing what my ways may thwart,
My native land so far away.
Thou that of all things maker art,
And form'st this love so far away ;
Give body's strength, then shan't 1 start
From seeing her so far away.
How true a love to pure desert.
My love to her so far away !
Eas'd once, a thousand times I smart,
Whilst, ah ! she is so far away.
None other love, none other dart
I feel, but her's so far away.
But fairer never touch'd an heart.
Than her's that is so far away.f
The emperor Frederic I., or, as he is otherwise
called, Frederic Barbarossa, is also celebrated for his
poetical talents, of which the following madrigal in
the Provenjal dialect is given as a specimen : —
Plas my cavallier Frances
E la dama Catallana
E r onrar del Gynoes
E la cour de Kastellana :
Lou kantar Provensalles,
E la danza Triuyzana.
E lou corps Aragonnes,
Et la perla JuUiana,
Las mans e kara d' Angles,^
E lou donzel de Thuscana.J
"\Miich Rymer says is current every where, and is
thus translated by himself : —
I like in France the chivalry,
The Catalonian lass for me ;
The Genoese for working well ;
But for a court commend Castile :
For song no countrey to Provance,
And Treves must carry 't for a dance,
The finest shapes in Arragon,
In Juliers they speak in tune.
The English for an hand and face,
For boys, troth, Tuscany 's the place. §
Concerning this prince, it is related, that he was of
* Comment, delli Volgar Poesia, vol. II. part I. pag. 12.
■f Short View of Trap. pag. 72.
J Comni. (iella Volgar Poesia, vol. II. part I. pag. 15.
§ Short View of Tragedy, pag. 75.
an invincible courage, of which he gave many signal
instances in the wars against the Turks, commenced
by the Christians for the recovery of the Holy Land.
He was elected emperor in the year 1153, and having
reigned about thirty-eight years, was drowned as he
was bathing in the Cydnus, a river in Asia Minor,
issuing out of Mount Taurus, esteemed one of the
coldest in the world ||
Arnaldo Daniello, another of the Provencals
flourished about the year IIS'J, and is greatly cele-
brated by Nostradamus and his commentator Cres-
cimbeni : he composed many comedies and tragedies.
It is said that Petrach has imitated him in many
places ; and that Daniello not only was a writer of
sonnets, madrigals, and other verses, but that he com-
posed the music to many of them. As a proof whereof
the following passages are cited : —
Ma canzon prec qe non vus sia en nois versi]^!
Gar si volez grazir lo son, e '1 mos [«oe la musica, ei
Pauc prez Arnaut cui qe plaz, o que tire.
Which Crescimbeni thus translates, —
Mia canzon, prego, non vi sia in noia
Che se gradir volet e il suono, e '1 motto ;
Cui piaccia, o no, apprezza poco Arnaldo.
And this other, —
Ges per maltrag qem sofri
De ben amar non destoli
Si tot me son endesert
Per lei faz lo son el rima.
Thus translated by Crescimbeni, —
Gia per mal tratto ch' io sofFersi
Di ben amar non mi distolsi
Si tosto, ch' io mi sono in solitudine,
Per lei faccio lo suono, e la rima.**
One proof of Arnaldo Daniello's reputation as a
poet is, that Petrarch taking occasion to mention
Arnaldo di Maraviglia, another of the Provencals,
styles him ' II men famoso Arnaldo,' meaning thereby
to give the former a higher rank in the class of poets.
Many others, as namely, Guglielmo Adimaro,
Folchetto da Marsiglia, Raimondo di Miravalle,
Anselmo Faidit, Arnaldo di IMaraviglia, Ugo Bru-
nette, Pietro Raimondo il Prode, Ponzio di Bruello,
Rambaldo d' Oranges, Salvarico di Malleone, an
English gentleman, Bonifazio Calvi, Percivalle Doria,
Giraldo di Bornello, Alberto di Sisterone, Bernardo
Rascasso, Pietro de Bonifazi, and others, to the amount
of some hundreds in number, occur in the catalogue
of Provencal poets, an epithet which was given to
them, not because they were of that country, for they
were of many countries, but because they cultivated
that species of poetry which had its rise in Provence :
nor were they less distinguished by their different
ranks and conditions in life, than by the respective
places of their nativity. Some were men of quality,
such as counts and barons, others knights, some law-
yers, some soldiers, others merchants, nay some were
mechanics, and even pilgrims.
All these were favoured with the protection, and
II It is remarkable that Alexander the Great bj' bathing in this river
contracted that illness of which his physician Philip cured him.
U Crescimb.
** Comment, della volgar Poesia, vol. II. part I. pag. 25.
19G
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Bock V
many of them were maintained in the court of Raimondo
Berlinghieri, or Beringhieri, for the orthography of
his name is a matter of question * This prince, who
was the son of Idelfonso Iring of Arragon, was him-
self an excellent poet, of great liberality, and a patron
of learning and ingenious men. The following is the
account given of him by Nostradamus : —
' Raimondo Berlinghieri count of Provence and of
' Folcachiero, son of Idelfonso, king of Arragon, was
' a descendant of the family of Berlinghieri of Arragon.
' He was a good Provencal poet, a lover of learned
' men, and of those in particular that could write in
' the Provencal manner ; a prince of great gentleness
' and benignity, and withal so fortunate, that while he
' held the crown, which he succeedetl to on the death
' of his father, he conquered many countries, and
' that more by his prudence than by the force of his
' arms. Pie married Beatrice, the daughter of Thomas
' count of Savoy, a very wise, beautiful, and virtuous
' princess, in praise of whom many of the Provencal
' poets composed songs and sonnets, in recompence
' for which she presented them with arms, rich
' habiliments, and money. By this lady the count had
' four daughters, beautiful, wise, and virtuous, all of
' whom wore married to kings and sovereign princes,
' by means of a discreet man named Romeo, who
' governed the palace of Raimondo a long time : the
' first of these ladies, named Margarita, was marrie I
' to Lewis king of France ; the second, named
' Eleonora, to Henry the Third, or, as others write,
' to Edward king of England ; the third, named
' Sanchia, was married to that Richard king of Eng-
' land, who was afterwards king of the Romans ; and
' the last, named Beatrice, who by her father's will
' was declared heiress of Provence, was married to
'Charles of Anjou, afterwards king of Naples and
' Sicily.' f It is said of Raimondo, that besides many
' other instances of favour to the poets of his time and
' country, he exempted them from the payment of
' all taxes, and other impositions of a like nature.^
' He died at the age of forty-seven, in the year of our
' Lord 1245.
The above is the substance of the account given by
Nostradamus, and other writers, of this extraordinary
personage ; and hitherto we may consider him as a
shining example of those virtues which contribute to
adorn an elevated station ; but his character is not
free from blemish, and he is not less remarkable in
* Fontanini mentions particularly no fewer than five of the name ;
the person here spoken of is the last of them. Delia Eloquenza Italiana,
pag. 60.
^ Both Nostradamus and his commentator Crescimbeni have betrayed
a most gross ignorance of history in tliis passage: it is very true that
Raimond had four daughters, and that they were married to four kings :
the poet Dante says : —
Quattro figlie hebbe et ciascuna rcina
Raraondo Beringhieri
Four lovely daughters, each of them a queen,
Had Ramond Beringher.
But neither of them fell to the lot of Richard; his queen was
Berengaria or Berenguella, daughter of Sanclio of Navarre, and,_ as
Mr. Walpole observes, no princess of Provence. As to the four ladies,
they were thus disposed of: — Margaret was married to Lewis king of
France, Eleanor to our Henry III, Sanchia to Richard king of the
Romans, and nephew to Richard king of England ; and Beatrice to
Charles king of Naples and Sicily.
X It seems that these men were as well knights as poets, for which
reason their patron and they have been resembled to king Arthur and
Lis knights of the Round Table. Fonlan. della Eloqu. Ital. pag. 63.
history for his munificence than his ingratitude ; of
which the following curious story, related by Velu-
tello. and by Crescimbeni, inserted in his annotations
on the life of Raimondo Berlinghieri by Nostradamus,
may serve as an instance : — §
' The liberality of Raimondo, for which he is so
' celebrated, had reduced him to the necessity of
' mortgaging his revenues ; and at a time when his
' finances were in great disorder, a pilgrim, the above-
' named Romeo, who had travelled from the extremity
' of the West, and had visited the church of St. James
' of Conipostella, arrived at his court ; and having by
' his discreet behaviour acquired the esteem and con-
' fidence of Raimondo, the latter consulted him on
' the state of his affairs, and particularly touching
' the means of disencumbering his revenues. The
' result of many conferences on this important subject
' was, a promise on the part of the pilgrim to reform
' his household, reduce the expenses of his govern-
' ment, and deliver the count I'rom the hands of
' usurers, and other persons who had incumbrances
' on his estates and revenues. The count listened very
' attentively to this proposal, and finally committed
' to Romeo the care of his most important concerns,
' and even the superintendence of his house and
* family ; and in the discharge of his engagements
' Romeo effected more than he had promised. It has
already been mentioned that Raimondo had no other
* issue than the four daughters above-named, and it
' was by the exquisite prudence and good manage -
' ment of this stranger that they were married to so
* many sovereign princes. The particulars of a con-
' versation between the count and Romeo, touching
' the marriage of these ladies, is recorded, and show
' him to have been of singular discretion, an able
' negociator, and, in short, a man thoroughly skilled
' in the affairs of the world : for, with respect to the
' eldest daughter Margarita, he proposed to the count
' the marriage of her to Lewis the Good, king of
' France, and effected it by raising for her a much
' larger portion than Raimond ever intended to give
' her, or his circumstances would bear : the reason
' which Romeo gave for this is worth recording ;
" W" said he to the count, " your eldest daughter be
" married to Lewis, such an alliance cannot fail to
" facilitate the marriage of the rest ; " and the event
' showed how good a judge he was in such matters.
' The barons and other great persons about the
' count could neither behold the services nor the
' success of Romeo without envy ; they insinuated
' to the count that he had embezzled the public
' treasure. Raimond attended to their suggestions,
' and called him to a strict account of his admi-
' nistration, which when he had rendered, Romeo
' atldressed the count in these pathetic terms : ' Count,
" I have served you a long time, and have increased
" your little revenue to a great one ; you have lis-
" tened to the bad counsel of your barons, and have
" been deficient in gratitude towards me ; I came
'• into your court a poor man, and lived honestly
" with you ; return me the little Mule, the Staff, and
§ Comment, della volgar Poesia, vol. II. part I. pag. 78.
Chap. XLllL
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
197
" the Pouch, which I brought with me hither, and
" never more expect any service from me."*
' Conscious of the justness of this reproach,
' Raimondo desired that what had past might be
* forgotten, and intreated Romeo to lay aside his
* resolution of quitting his court ; but the spirit of
' this honest man was too great to brook such treat-
' ment ; he departed as he came, and was never more
' heard of.'
Few of the many authors who have taken occasion
to mention this remarkable story, have forborne to
blame Raimondo for his ingratitude to a man who
had merited not only his protection, but the highest
marks of his favour. The poet Dante has censured
him for it, and borne his testimony to the deserts of
the person thus injured by him, by placing him in
paradise ; and considering how easy it was to have
done it, it was almost a wonder that he did not place
his master in a less delightful situation.
The passage in Dante is as follows : —
E dentro a la presente Margarita
Luce la Kice di Romeo ; di cui
Fu r opra grande, e bella mal gradita.
Mai Provenzali, che fer contra lui,
Non hanno riso : e pero mal camina,
Qual si fa danno del ben fare altrui.
Quattro figlie hebbe, e ciascuna reina,
Ramondo Beringhieri ; e cio gli feci
Romeo persona humile e peregrina :
E poi '1 mosser le parole biece
A' dimandar ragione a questo giusto ;
Che gli assegno sette, e cinque per dieci :
Indi partissi povero, e vetusto :
E se 1 mondo sapesse '1 cor, ch' egli hebbe
Mendicando sua vita a frustro a frustro ;
Assai lo loda, e piu lo loderebbe.f
Many are the stories related of the Provencal
poets ; and there is great reason to suspect that the
history of them abounds with fables. The collection
of their lives by Nostradamus is far from being
a book of the highest authority, and, but for the
Commentary of Crescimbeni, would be of little value:
the labours of these men have nevertheless con-
tributed to throw some light on a very dark part of
literary history, and have furnished some particulars
which better writers than themselves seem not to
have been aware of.
From such a source of poetical fiction as the
country of Provence appears to have been, nothing
less could be expected than a vast profusion of
romances, tales, poems of various kinds, songs, and
other works of invention : it has already been men-
tioned that some of the first and best of the Italian
poets did but improve on the hints which they had
received from the Provencals. Mr. Dryden is of
• ' Conte, io ti ho servito gran tempo, e messoti il piccolo stato in
' crande ; e di ci6, per falso consiglio de' tuoi baroni, sei contro a me
' poco grato. Io venni in tua corte povero Romeo, e onestamente sono
' del tuo vivuto : fammi dare il mi muletto, e il niio bordoiie, e scarsella,
' com' io ci veniii, e quetoti o^ni servii,'io.' Crescimb 79, from Velutello.
Landino relates the same story, adding, that at his departure Romeo
uttered these words, ' Povero venni, e povero me ne parte ; Poor I came,
' and poor I go.' Ibid. 78.
Fontenelle was so affected with the story of this injured man, that he
intended to have written it at length, but was prevented. Near thirty
pases of it may however be seen in the Paris edition of his works,
published in 1758, tome VIII. It is entitled Histoire du Romieu de
Provence.
t Paradiso, canto VI.
opinion that the celebrated story of Gualterus, mar-
quis of Saluzzo, and Griselda, is of the invention of
Petrarch ; but whether it be not originally a Pro-
vencal tale, may admit of doubt : for first Mr.
Dryden's assertion in the preface to his Fables,
namely, that the tale of Grizzild was the invention
of Petrarch, is founded on a mistake ; for it is the
last story in the Decameron, and was translated by
Petrarch into Latin, but not till he had received it
from his friend Boccace. This appears clearly from
a letter of Petrarch to Boccace, extant in the Latin
works of the former, and which has been lately
reprinted as an appendix to a modern English version
of this beautiful story by Mr. Ogle : this ingenious
gentleman has taken great pains to trace the origin
of the Clerk of Oxford's tale, for in that form the
story of Griselda comes to the mere English reader ;
and every one that views his preface must concur in
opinion with him, that it is of higher antiquity than
even the time of Boccace ; and is one of those
Provencal tales which he is supposed to have ampli-
fied and adorned with his usual powers of wit and
elegance. This latter part of 3Ir. Dryden's assertion,
which is ' that the tale of Grizzild came to Chaucer
from Boccace,' is not less true than the former ; for
it was from Petrarch, and that immediately, that
Chaucer received the story which is the subject of
the present inquiry. In the Clerk of Oxenford's
Prologue is this passage : —
I woll you tell a tale, whiche that I
Lerned at Padow, of a worthy clerke,
As preued is by his vi'ordes and his werke.
He is now deed, and nailed in his chefte,
I praye to God.fende his foule good refte.
Fraunces Petrarke, the Liureat poete,
Hight this clerke, whofe rhetorike fvvete
Enlumined all Italie of poetrie,
As Liuian did of philofophie,
.Or lawe, or other arte perticulere ;
But deth, that woll not fuffre us dwellen here,
But as it were the twinkling of an eye,
Hem both hath flaine, and al we fhal dye.
This is decisive evidence that Chaucer took the
tale from Petrarch, and not from Boccace : it is
certain that Petrarch was so delighted with it, that
he got it by heart, and was used to repeat it to his
friends. In the Latin letter above referred to, he
mentions his having shewn it to a friend abroad ;
Chaucer is said to have attended the duke of Clarence
upon the ceremony of his marriage with the daugh-
ter of the duke of Milan ; and Paul us Jovius ex-
pressly says that Petrarch was present upon that
occasion :f might not therefore Chaucer at this time
receive, and that from Petrarch himself, that narrative
which is the foundation of the Clerk of Oxenford's
tale?
To be short, the Provencals were the fathers of
modern poesy, and if we consider tliat a groat num-
ber of their compositions were calculated to be sung,
as the appellation of Canzoni, by which they are
distinguished, imports ; and, if we consider farther
the several occupations of their Musars and Violars,
it cannot be supposed but that they were also pro-
t See the letter prefixed to the Clerk of Oxford's Tale modernized by
George Ogle, E^., quarto, 1739, pag. vii.
198
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE.
Book V.
ficients in music ; nay, we find that many of their
poets were also musicians ; and of Arnaklo Daniello
it is expressly said, and proved by a passage above-
cited from his works, that he was a composer of
music, and adapted musical notes to many songs of
his own writing
These particulars afford sufficient reason to believe
that the Provencals were as well musicians as poets ;
but to speak of them as musicians, there are farther
evidences extant that they were not only singers
and players on the viol, the harp, the lute, and other
instruments, but composers of musical tunes, in such
characters as were used in those times. Crescimbeni
speaks of a manuscript in the Vatican library, in the
characters of the fourteenth century, in which were
written a great number of Canzoni of the Provencal
poets, together with the musical notes ; one of these,
composed by Theobald king of Navarre, of whom
it is said that he was equally celebrated both as
a prince and a poet, is given at page 186 of this
work ; and may be deemed a great curiosity, as
being perhaps the most ancient song with the
musical notes of any extant, since the invention of
that method of notation so justly ascribed to Guido
and Franco of Liege.
CHAP. XLIV.
One of the most obvious divisions of the music of
later times, is that which distinguishes between re-
ligious and civil or secular music ; or, in other words,
the music of the church and that of the common
people : the former was cultivated by the ecclesiastics,
and the latter chiefly by the laity, who at no time can
be supposed to have been so insensible of its charms,
as not to make it an auxiliary to festivity, and an
innocent incentive to mirth and pleasantry. Not only
in the palaces of the nobility : at weddings, banquets,
and other solemnities, may we conceive music to have
made a part of the entertainment ; but the natural
intercommunity of persons in a lower station, espe-
cially the youthful of both sexes, does necessarily
presuppose it to have been in frequent use among
them also. Farther, we learn that music in those
times made a considerable part of the entertainment
of such as frequented taverns and houses of low
resort. Behold a picture of his own times in the
following verses of Chaucer : —
In Flaunders whilom there was a company
Of yonge folk, that haunted foly,
As halard, riot, ftewes, and tauernes,
Where as with harpes, lutes, and geternes,
Thei dauncen and plaien at dice night and day.
And eten alfo, over that her might may
Through which they don the deuil facrifice
Within the deuils temple, in curfed wife
By fuperfluite abhominable,
Her othes ben fo great and fo dampnable,
That it is grifly for to here hem fwere,
Our bliffed lordes body they al to tere
Hem thought Jews rent him not inough,
And eche of hem at others Anne lough.
And right anon comen in tomblefteres,
Fetis and fmale and yonge foiteres,
Singers with harpes, baudes, and waferers,
Whiche that ben verely the deuils officers.
Paruonek's Talk.
These were the divertisements of the idle and
the profligate ; but the passage above-cited may
serve to shew that the music of Lutes, of Harps, and
Citterns, even in those days was usual in taverns.
As to the music of the court, it was clearly such as
the Provencals used ; and as to the persons employed
in the performance of it, they had no other denomi-
nation than that of minstrels. We are told by Stow
that the priory of St. Bartholomew, in Smithfield,
was founded about the year 1103, by Rahere,* a
pleasant, witty gentleman, and therefore in his time
called the king's minstrel. Weever, in his Funeral
Monuments, pag. 433. Dugdale, in his Monasticon,
vol. II. fol. 166, 167, gives this further account of
him : — ' That he was born of mean parentage, and
' that when he attained to the flower of his youth he
' frequented the houses of the nobles and princes ;
* but not content herewith, would often repair to
' court, and spend the whole day in sights, banquets,
' and other trifles, where by sport and flattery he
' would wheedle the hearts of the great lords to him,
' and sometimes would thrust himself into the pre-
' sence of the king, where he would be very officious
' to obtain his royal favour ; and that by these
' artifices he gained the manor of Aiot, in Hertford-
' shire, with which he endowed his hospital.' f In
the Pleasaunt History of Thomas, of Reading, quarto,
1662, to which perhaps no more credit is due than to
mere oral tradition, he is also mentioned, with this
additional circumstance, that he was a great musician,
and kept a company of minstrels, i. e., fiddlers, who
played with silver bows.
These particulars it is true, as they respect the
ceconomy of courts, and the recreations and amuse-
ments of the higher ranks of men in cities and places
of great resort, contain but a partial representation of
the manners of the people in general ; and leave us
* The curious in matters of antiquity may possibly be pleased to know
that a monument of this extraordinary person, not in the least defaced,
is yet remaining in the parish churcli of St. Bartholomew, in Smitlifield.
This monument was probahly erected by Bolton, the last prior of that
house, a man remarkable for the great sums of money which he expended
in building, (for he built Canoubury, vulgarly Canbury, house near
Islington, and repaired and enlarged the priory at his own charge) and
indeed for general munificence. He was parson of Harrow, in the county
cf Middlesex, which parish is situated on the highest hill in the county,
and has a church, which king Charles tlie Second, alluding to one of the
topics in the Romish controversy, with a pun, was used to call the
Visible church. Hall relates that Bolton, from certain signs and con-
junctions of the planets which he had observed, prognosticated a deluge,
which would probably drown the whole county, and that therefore he
huilded him a house at Harrow-on-the-Hill, and furnished it with pro-
vision of all things necessary for the space of two months : but this story
is refuted by Stow in his Survey, with an assertion that he builded no
house at Harrow save a Dove-house. One particular more of prior
Bolton: we meet with a direct allusion to him in the following passage
in the New Inn, a comedy of Ben Jonson : —
' Or prior Bolton with his Bolt and Ton.'
The host is debating with himself on a rebus for the sign of his inn, and
having determined on one, the Light Heart, intimates that it is as good
a device as that of the Bolt and Ton, which had been used to bespeak
the name of prior Bolton. This rebus was till of late a very common
sign to inns and ale-houses in and about London ; from whence by the
way the celebrity of this man may be inferred; the device was a tun
pierced by an arrow, the feathers thereof appearing above the hunghole,
and the barb beneath. The wit of this rebus is not intelligible unless
it be known that the word Bolt is precisely synonymous with Arrow.
Chaucer in the Miller's Tale uses this simile : —
Winfyng rtie was as is a iolie colt,
Long as a mart and upright as a bolt.
Shakespeare somewhere speaks of the arrows of Cupid, and by a
metonymy calls them Bird-bolts. The proverbial expression, " A fool's
bolt is soon shot," is in the mouth of every one ; and in common speech
we say bolt-upright.
t Vide Chauncey's History of Hertfordshire, pag. 322.
Chap. XLIV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
199
at a loss to guess how far music made a part in the
ordinary amusements of the people in country towns
and villages. But here it is to be observed that at
the period of which we are now speaking, namely,
that between the beginning of the twelfth, and the
middle of the thirteenth century, this country, not to
mention others, abounded with monasteries, and other
religious houses ; and although these seminaries were
originally founded and endowed for the purpose of
promoting religion and learning, it was not with an
equal degree of ardour that the inhabitants of them
strove to answer the ends of so laudable an insti-
tution. Had the temptations to the monastic life
been of such a kind as to affect only the devout, or
those who preferred the practice of religion and the
study of improvement to every other pursuit, all had
been well ; but the mischief was that they drew in
the young, the gay, and the amorous : and such as
thought of nothing so little as counting their rosary,
or conning their psalter ; can it be supposed that in
such a monastery as that of St. Alban, Glastonbury,
Croyland, Bermondsey, Chertsey, and many others,
in which perhaps half the brethren were under thirty
years of age, that the Scriptures, the Fathers, or the
Schoolmen, were the books chiefly studied ? or that
the charms of a village beauty might not frequently
direct their attention to those authors who teach the
shortest way to a female heart, and have reduced the
passion of love to a system ?
The manners of the people at this time were in
general very coarse, and from the nature of the civil
constitution of this country, many of the females were
in a state of absolute bondage : a connection with a
damsel of this stamp hardly deserved the name of an
Amour ; it was an intimacy contracted without
thought or reflection. But between the daughter of
a Villain, and the heiress of an Esquire or Franklein,
the difference was very great ; these latter may be
supposed to have entertained sentiments suitable to
their rank ; and to engage the affections of such as
these, the arts of address, and all the blandishments
of love were in a great measure necessary. The wife
of the carpenter Osney, of whom Chaucer has given
the following lively description, —
Faire was this yong wife, and there withal
As any wifele her bodie gentle and small,
A feinte fhe weared, barred all with filke,
A barme cloth, as white as morowe milke ;
Upon her lendes, full of many a gore,
Whit was her fmock, and embrouded all bifore,
And eke behinde on her colere about,
Of cole blacke filke, within and eke without}
The tapes of her white volipere
Were of the fame fute of her colore,
Her filet brode of filke, and fet full hye
And fickerly, fhe had a likerous iye ;
Full fmall ipulled were her browes two,
And tho were bent, and black as any flo.
She was moche more blilsfull for to fee
Then is the newe Perienet tree,
And fofter than the woll is of a weather,
And by her girdel hong a purfe of leather,
TafTed with filke, and perlcd with latoun,*
In all this worlde, to feken up and doun,
There nis no man fo wife, that couth thence
So gale a popelote, or fo gaie a wenche ;
• «. e. Tasselled with silk, and having an edging of brass or tinsel lace.
Perl is the edge or extremity of lace.
Full brighter was the fliinyng of her hewe,
Than in the toure the Noble forged newe.
But of her fong, it was fo loud and yerne.
As any fwalowe fittynge on a berne :
Thereto Ihe couthe fkippe, and make a game
As any kidde or calfe folowyng his dame ;
Her mouth was fwete, as braket or the meth,
Or horde of apples, lying in haie or heth j
Winfyng fhe was, as is a iolie colt,
Long as a mafte, and upright as a bolt.
A brooche flie bare on her lowe colere.
As brode as the bofle of a bucklere ;
Her Ihoes were laced on her legges hie
She was a primrofe and piggefnie,
For any lorde to liggen in his bedde,
Or yet for any good yoman to wedde. — Miller's Tale.
is courted with songs to the music of a gay sautrie,
on which her lover Nicholas the scholar of Oxford
- - - - made on nightes melodic
So fwetely that all the chamber rong,
And Angelus ad Virginent he long,
And after that he fong the kynges note,
Full oft bleffed was his mery throte. — Ibid.
Her other lover, Absolon, the parish-clerk sung to
the music of his geterne and his ribible, or fiddle.
His picture is admirably drawn, and his manner of
courtship thus represented by Chaucer : —
A merie childe he was, fo God me faue,
Well coud he let blood, clippe and fhaue,
And make a charter of lond, and acquittaunce ;
In twentie maner could he trippe and daunce,
After the fchole of Oxenforde tho,
And with his legges caften to and fro
And plaie fonges on a fmale ribible ; -f-
Therto he fong fometyme a loude quinible. f
And as well coud he plaie on a geterne.
In all the toune nas brewhoufe ne tauerne
That he ne vifited with his folas.
There any gaie tapftere was. * * *
This Abfolon that was ioily and gaie,
Goeth with a cenfer on a Sondaie,
Cenfyng the wiues of the parilhe fafte.
And many a louely look on hem he cafte,
And namely on this carpenters wife
To look on her hym thought a merie life,
She was fo propre, and fwete as licorous j
I dare well faine if fhe had been a mous.
And he a catte, he would have her hent anon.
This parifhe clerke, this ioily Abfolon,
Hath in his harte soch a loue longying,
That of no wife he tooke none ofteryng.
For curtefie he faied he would none.
The moone, when it was night, bright fhone,
t Ribible is by Mr. Urry, in his Glossary to Chaucer, from Speght,
a former editor, rendered a fiddle or gittern. It seem that Rebel) is
a Moorish word, si<?nit'ying an instrument with two strings, played nn
with a bow. The Moors brought it into Spain, whence it passed into
Italy, and obtained the appellation of Ribeca ; from whence the English
Rebec, which Phillips, and others after him, render a fiddle with three
strings. The Rebeb or Rebab is mentioned in Shaw's Travels as
a Turkish or Moorish instrument now in use ; and is probably an
improvement on the Arabian Pandura, described by Mersennus, and
previously mentioned in this work, pag. 86.
X Mr. Urry, on the same authority, makes this word synonymous
■with treble. This signification is to be doubted ; the word may rather
mean a high part, such as in madrigals and motets is usually dis-
tinguished by the word quintus, which in general lies above the tenor,
and is sometimes between that and the contratenor ; and at others
between the contratenor and the superius or treble ; and from the word
quintus quinible may possibly be derived ; and this is tlie more probable,
for that in an ancient manuscript treatise on descant, of which an
account will hereafter be given, the accords for the quatribil sight are
enumerated ; and quatribil will hardly be thought a wider deviation
from its radical term than quinible is from quintus. Stow records an
endowment by the will of a citizen of London, dated in 1492, for a
canable to sing 3 twelvemonth after his decease in the church of
St. Sepulchre ; and conjectures that by Canable we are to understand
a singing priest. Surv. of London, with Additions by Strype, book III.
pag. 241. And quere if Canable in this place may not mean Quinible;
t. e. a priest with a voice of a high pitch T
200
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book V.
And Abfolon liis Geterne* hath itake,
For paramours he thought tor to wake,
And foorth he gocth., jelous and amerous,
Till he came to the carpenter's hous
A little after the cockes had icrow,
And dreffed him by a fhot windowe
That was upon the carpenter's wall ;
He fingeth in his voice gentle and fmall,
Now dere ladie, it thy will be
I praie you that ye would rewe on me.
Full well accordyng to his Geternyng,
This carpentere awoke and heard him fyng. — Ibid.
His manner of courtship, and the arts he nuule use
of to gain the favour of his mistress, are farther
related in the following lines : —
Fro dale to dale, this ioily Abfolon
So woeth her, that hym was wo bygon ;
He waketh all the night, and all the dale.
He kembeth his lockes brode, and made him gale ;
He woeth her by meanes and brocage,
And fwore that he would been her owne page.
He Singeth brokkyiig as a nightingale.
He sent her piment, methe, and ipiced ale,
And wafres piping hotte out of the glede,
And for flie was of toun, he profered her mede ;
For fome folke woUe be wonne for richefle,
And fome for ftrokes, and fome with gentlenefle. — Ibid.
If SO many arts were necessary to win the heart
of the youthful wife of a carpenter, what may we
suppose were practised to obtain the affections of
•females in a higher station of life ? Who were qua-
lified to compose verses, songs, and sonnets, but
young men endowed with a competent share of
learning ? and who were so likely to compose musical
tunes as those who had the means of acquiring the
rudiments of the science in those fraternities of which
they were severally members, and in which they
were then only taught ? Even the satires and bob-
bing rhymes, as Camden calls them, of those days,
though they were levelled at the vices of the clergy,
were written by clergymen. Lydgate was a monk
of Bury, and Walter de Mapes, of whom Camden
relates that in the time of king Henry the Second
he filled all England with his merriments, was arch-
deacon of Oxford. He in truth was not so much
a satirist on the vices of other men, as an apologist
for his own, and these by his own confession were
intemperance and lewdness ; which he attempts to
excuse in certain Latin verses, which may be found
in the book entitled Remains concerning Britain.
From these particulars, and indeed from the gene-
ral ignorance of the laity, we may fairly conclude
that the knowledge of music was in a great measure
confined to the clergy ; and that they for the most
part were the authors and composers of those Songs
and Ballads with the tunes adapted to them, which
were the ordinary amusements of the common peo-
ple ; and these were as various in their kinds as the
genius, temper, and qualifications of their authors.
Some were nothing more than the legends of saints,
in such kind of metre as that in which the Chronicles
of Robert of Gloucester and of Peter Langtoft and
others are written ; others were metrical romances ;
others were songs of piety and devotion, but of such
a kind, as is hard to conceive of at this time. And
* It is intimated by Speght and Urry, in the Glossary to Chaucer,
that by the word Gitterne is meant a iiiidle; but more probably it is
a coriuption of CiUtni, a very different instrument.
here it is to be noted, that as the Psalms were not
then translated into the vulgar tongue, the common
people wanted much of that comfort and solace,
which they administred to our great grandmothers ;
and that in those times the principal exercises of
a devout heart were the singing such songs as are
above-mentioned. These had frequently for their
subject the sufferings of the primitive christians, or
the virtues of some particular saint, but much oftner
an exhortation from Christ himself, represented in
the pangs of his crucifixion, adjuring his hearers by
the nails which fastened his hands and feet, by the
crown of thorns on his head, by the wound in his
side, and all the calamitous circumstances of his
passion, to pity and love him. Of the compositions
of this kind the following is an authentic specimen : —
Wofully arayd
My blod man for the ran,
Yt may not be nayed.
My body bloo and wan,
Wofully arayd.
Behold me I pray the
With all thy hool refon
And be not fo hard hartyd,
For thys enchefon ;
Syth I for thy fowls lake.
Was flayn in gode fefon,
Begyld and betrayd
By Judas fals trefon.
Unkyndly entretyd
With fharp cord lure frettyd,
The Jewes me thretyd,
They mowed they gyrned j
They fcorned me,
Condemned to deth,
As thou mayft fee,
Wofully arayd.
Thus nayked am I nayled,
O man for thy fake,
I love thee then love me.
Why flepift thou ? awake,
Remember my tender hart rote
For the brake.
What payns
My vaynes
Conftraynd to crake.
Thus tuggyd to and fro.
Thus wrappyed all in woo,
In most cruel wyfe.
Like a lambe offeryd in facrifice,
Wofully arayd.
Of fharpe thorn I have worne
A croune on my hed
So payned,
So ftrayned,
So rewfully red,
Thus bobbld,
Thus robbid.
Thus for thy lone dede
Enfaynd,
Not deynyd
My blod for to fhed.
My feet and hands fore.
The fturdy nayls bore,
What might I fuffer more
Than I have done O man for the !
Cum when ye lyft,
Welcum to me ;
My bloud man for the ranne,
My body bloo and wanne,
Wofully arayd. f
t Skelton, in his poem entitled the Crown of Laurell, alludes to tl;is
Chap. XLV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
201
CHAP. XLV.
In a manuscript, of which a full account will be
given hereafter, as ancient as the year 132(j, mention
is made of ballads and roundelays ; these were no
other than popular songs, and we find that Chaucer
himself composed many such. Stow collected his
ballads, and they were published for the first time in
an edition of Chaucer printed by John Kyngston in
1561 ;'^* they are of various kinds, some moral, others
descriptive, and others satirical.
One John Shirley, who lived about 14-iO, made
a large collection, consisting of many volumes of
compositions of this kind by Chaucer, Lydgate, and
other writers. Stowe had once in his possession one
' of these volumes, entitled ' A Boke cleped the ab-
' stracte brevyaire, compyled of diverse balades,
' roundels, virilays,f tragedyes, envoys, complaints,
' moralities, storyes practysed, and eke devysed and
' ymagined, as it sheweth here followyng, collected
' by John Shirley ,'| which is yet extant, and remains
part of the Ashmolean collection of manuscripts ;
and the late Mr. Ames had in his possession a folio
volume of ballads in manuscript, composed by one
John Lucas, about the year 11:50, which is probably
yet in being.
There are hardly any of the tunes of these ancient
ballads but must be supposed to be irretrievably lost.
One indeed to that in Chaucer's works, beginning,
' I have a lady,' is to be found in a vellum manu-
script, formerly in the hands of Dr. Robert Fairfax,
mentioned in Morley's Catalogue, who lived about
1500, and which afterwards became part of the col-
lection of Mr. Ralph Thoresby, and is mentioned in
the list of his curiosities, at the end of his History
of Leeds ; the tune was composed by Cornysh, who
lived temp. Hen. VIII., but then the ballad itself is
not so old as is pretended, for in the Life of Chaucer,
prefixed to Urry's edition, it is proved to have been
written after his death.
Nor, which is much to be lamented, have we any
dance-tunes so ancient as the year 1400. The oldest
country-dance-tune now extant being that known by
the name of Sellenger's, i. e. St. Leger's Round,
which may be traced back to nearly the time of
Hen. VIII. , for Bird wrought it into a virginal-lesson
for lady Nevil:§ that they must have had such sort
of musical compositions, and those regular ones, long
before, is in the highest degree probable, since it is
certain that the measures of time were invented and
reduced to rule at least before the year 134:0, which
8onfr in a manner that seems to indicate that it was of his writing.
See his poems, 12mo. 1736, pag. 54.
* This is the edition referred to in all the quotations from Chaucer
that occur in the course of this work.
+ Roundel and Virilay are words nearly synonymous ; both are
supposed to signify a rustic song or ballad, as in truth they do, but
wiih this difference, the roundel ever begins and ends with the same
sentence, the virilay is under no such restriction.
t Vid. Tann. Biblioth. pag. 6B8.
§ The knowledge of this fact is derived from a curious manuscript
■volume yet extant, containing a great number of lessons all composed by
Bird : the book is in the handwriting of John Baldwine. of Windsor, and
appears to have been finished anno 1591 ; it is very richly bound, and has
these words, 'My Layde Nevell's booke' impressed in gold letters on the
covers, and the family arms depicted on one of the lilank leaves. The
first lesson in it is entitled Lady Nevel's Grownde; from all which par-
ticulars it is to be supposed that the book itself was a present from Bird
himself to lady Nevil, who perhaps might have been his scholar.
is more than half a century earlier, and consequently
that the musicians of that time had the same means
of composing them as we have now.
The most ancient English song with the musical
notes perhaps any where extant, is now in the British
Museum, concerning which Mr. Wanley, who was as
good a musician as he was a judicious collector, has
given this account in that part of the Catalogue of
the Harleian Manuscripts, which he himself drew up. [|
'' Antiphona Perspice xp'ticola, Miniatis Lit-
'teris scripta; supra qiiam, tot SyUahis, nigro
^ Atvamento sett comviuni, cernuntur Verba An-
' glica, cum Notis Musicis, a quatxwr Cantoribus
' seriatim atq ; simul Canenda. Hoc genus Con-
' trapunctionis sire Compo'sitionis, Canonem vacant
^ llusici moderni; AngVice (cum verba, sicut in
' pnesenti Cantico, sint omnino ludicra) A Catch ;
' vetustioribns verb, uti ex prfesenti Codice videre
'est, nuncupabatur Rota. Hanc Rotam cantare
' possunt quatuor Socij ; a paucioribus autem quam
' a Tribus, vel Saltern Duobus, non debet dici, preter
' eos qui dicunt Pedem. Canitur autem sic ; Tacen-
' tibns ceteris, unus inchoat cum hijs qui tenent
' Pedem, et cum venerit ad primam Notam post
• Crucem, inchoat alius; et sic de ceteris, &c.fol. 9. b.
' Notandum etxam, hoc hulicrce Cantionis apud
'Anglos, Rcgulis quoque Musices quodam modo
' astrictcB, avitd in super Lingud exMbitce, Exem-
'plar esse omnium quce adliuc mild videre contiget
' Antiquissimum.
The following is an exact copy of the song above
described, with the directions for singing it : —
CANON in the UNISON,
From an ancient MS. in the British Museum.
El±^_£^
5ES
^^E$E?E^EH£:iE.^
SUMERis i cumen in,
Per-spi-ce chris-ti - eo - la
Lhude sing Cuccu,
que dlff-na - ci - o,
1±1
r^^-
-■^^t
growcth seed andbloweth mead, and springthtlie «de nu,
ce - U - «us a - gri - co - la pro vi - tis vi - ci - o.
35==:'5E^#SEiEi:^
■lE^
-^^^.
Sing Cuccu, Awe bleteth after lomb, Ihouth after calve cu,
Fi - U - 0, nonparcens ex-po-su - it mor - tisex-i- ci- o,
r^iriZT^:
iSE^Jt
"^M
Bul-luc Bterteth, Bucke vert-eth, mu-rie sing cuc-cu,
Qui cap - ti - vos, Se - mi - vi - vos, a sup -pli - ci - o,
5i±E-3_=
-■-■—
E5E^
:3ES^
Cuccu cuccu, wel sings thu cuccu, ne swikthu naver nu.
Vi-te donat, et secumco-ro-nat in ce - li so-li - o,
n The number of the manuscript, as it stands in the printed catalogue,
is 978. The vohime contains divers tracts on music, and other subjects;
and tiie song above spoken of is numbered 5, that is to say, it has the
fifth place in vol. 978.
202
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book V.
Ilanc rotam cantare possunt quatuor socii, A paucioribus avtem
quam a trihus, vel saltern duobus, non debet dici^ prater eos qui
dicunt pedem. Canitur autem sic ; Tacentibus casteris unus inchoat
cum hijs qui tenent pedem, et cum venerit ad primam notam post
crucevi, inchoat alius ; et sic de ceteris. SinguU vera repansei/t ad
pausaciones scriptas, et non alibi, spacio unius longce notce.
~Hoc repetit unus quoties
~_\iopus estfj'aciens paiisacio-
Znem in fine.
Pes
i5=^=i;
Sing cuccu nu, sing cuccu.
15^
TJnr. dicit alius pausans in
^lW.z\jnedio et non in fine, sedim-
' ~Zmediate repetens principium.
Sing cuccu, sing cuccu nu.
It is to be noted that in the Harleian MS. the stave
on which the above composition is written consists of
red lines, and that the Latin words above given are
of the same colour, as are also the directions for
singing the Pes, as it is called. Du Cange voce
Rota, remarks that this word sometimes signifies
a hymn. The words ' Hanc rotam cantare possunt,'
&c. may therefore be supposed to refer to the Latin
* Perspice Christicola,' and not to the English ' Sumer
' is icumen in,' &c. which latter stand in need of an
explanation, and are probably to be thus rendered : —
Summer is a-coming in,
Loud sing cuckow.
Groweth seed.
And bloweth mead; *
And spring'th the wood new.
Ewe bleateth after lamb,
Loweth after calf cow :
Bullock starteth.
Buck verteth,t
Merry sing cuckow,
Well sing'st thou cuckow.
Nor cease to sing [or labour thy song] nu [now].t
As to the music, it is clearly of that species of
composition known by the name of canon in the
Unison. It is calculated for four voices, with the
addition of two for the Pes, as it is called, which is
a kind of ground, and is the basis of the harmony.
Mr. Wanley has not ventured precisely to ascertain
the antiquity of this venerable musical relic, but
the following observations will go near to fix it
to about the middle of the fifteenth century. It has
already been shown that the primitive form of poly-
phonous or symphoniac music was counterpoint, i. e.
that kind of composition which consisted in the
opposition of note to note : the invention of tlie
cantus mensurabilis made no alteration in this re-
spect, for though it introduced a diversity in the
measures of the notes as they stood related to each
other, the correspondence of long and short quantities
was exact and uniform in the several parts.
To counterpoint succeeded the cantus figuratus, in
which it is well known that the correspondence, in re-
spect of time, is not between note and note, but rather
between the greater measures ; or, to speak with the
moderns, between bar and bar, in each part ; and
this appears to have been the invention of John
Dunstable, who wrote on the cantus mensurabilis,
and died in 1455, and will be spoken of in his
place. § Now the composition above given is
evidently of the figurate kind, and it follows from
the premises, that it could not have existed before
the time when John of Dunstable appears to have
lived. The structure of it will be best understood
by the following score in the more modern method
of notation : —
*
^-
^t;
U3I
-IE
-ft-
rt=:-!=-
> ex — P*
SUMER is
cu - men
m.
Lhude sing Cue - cu.
Grow - eth
I
ijcer
zun
SUMER is
1 - cu - men
in.
^1
Lhude
— r -
331
Sing
Cue
cu
nu,
Sing
cue
smg
i^=
■.—zjaz
Sing
Cue
cu.
Sing
cue
cu
nu,
sing
• The flowers in the meadow.
+ Goeth to vert, i.e.. to harbour among the fern.
j It is observable that the most ancient species of musical imitation
is the song of the cuckow, which must appear to be a natural and very
obvious subject for it. Innumerable are the instances that might be
produced to this purpose; a very fine madrigal in three parts, composed
by Thomas Weelkes, organist of Chichester cathedral about the year
1600, beginning ' The Nightingale the Organ of Delight," has in it the
cuckow's song. Another of the same kind, not less excellent, in four
parts, beginning, ' Thirsis sleepest thou?' occurs in the Madrigals of
John Bennet, published in 1599. Vivaldi's cuckow concerto is well
known, as is also that of Lampe, composed about thirty years ago.
The song of the cuckow is in truth but one interval, that is to say
a minor third, terminated in the scale by a la mi re acute, and c sol pa.
Vide Kirch. Musurg. torn I. Iconism. Ill , nevertheless, in all the
instances above referred to, it is defined by the interval of a major third.
§ This assertion is grounded on the authority of a book intitled
Praeceptiones Musices Poeticse, seu de Compositione Cantus, written
by Johannes Nucim, printed in 1613, wherein, to give it at length,
is the following remarkable passage, intended by the author as an
answer to the question, ' ftueni dicimus poeticum musicum ? ' : —
'Qui non solum precepta musicse apprimd intelligit, et juxta ea rect^,
' ac bene modulatur, sed qui proprii ingenii penetralia tentans, novas
' cantilenas cudit, et flexibiles sonos pio verborum pondere textibus
' aptat. Talem artificem Glareanus symphonetae appellatione describit.
' Sicut Phonasci nomine cantorem insiiiuat. Porr6 tales artifices claru-
' erunt, primum circa annum Christi 1400, aut cert^ paul6 post. Dunx-
' tapli Anglus a quo primum figuralem musicam inventam tradunt.'
Thomas Ravenscroft, the author of A brief Discourse of the true but
neglected Use of characterising the Degrees in measurable Music, quarto,
1614, asserts that John of Dunstable was the first that invented musical
composition, in which, taking the above-cited passage for his authority,
he appears most grossly to have erred. Musical composition must
certainly be as ancient as the invention of characters to denote it ; nay,
it may be conjectured that counterpoint was known and practised before
the time spoken of, but as to figurate music, we are at a loss for evidence
of its existence before the time of Dunstable, and in truth it is the in-
vention of figurate muiic only that is ascribed to him by Nucius.
Chap. XLV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
203
::3=F
:a3i
-^ -#»-
H^
'-f» ~ai
lor:
seed and blow - eth mead, and springth the wde
nu.
Sing
cue -
'^^^^^^.
^^^^Ep3^::E^k^E^d'
:=fcrn:
:zz=p=r
smg cue - cu,
Grow - eth seed and blow - eth mead, and springth the wde
m.
ri§?_!:-«
EiSt^
i
i=|:
[[^^
:?rf;
13
CU - men in,
Lhude
sing cue - cu.
Grow - eth seed and
'zt---
:z3i
:s3;
-±—
7C2Z
ZI2Z
SUMER is
cu - men
r2i
i
*»— F" ^-
m,
Lhude
sing cue -
cue -
cu
nu,
smg
cue
cu,
sing
cue
I5^i
EtE^EEEH
-z:^^
a:
cue -
cu,
sing
cue
cu
nu.
sing
cue
uzrz
^W^^^=^^^
:5E-:
IZ3~
zzi—
zzaz
- cu.
Awe
ble - teth af - ter lomb, Ihouth af - ter calve
cu,
ice^z
rzrztz
1=^
^zz^i
:z^==d:
zxiz
-Xz
nu.
sing
cue
cu.
Awe
ble - teth af - ter
feE;^^E«3rEi=i=Sz?
d=
ZXZfZ
Z7t2Z
ZfXZ
blow - eth mead, and springth the wde
nu.
sing
cue
cu.
- cu.
Ct2—
cu
- cu.
xrw-f^z
jctz
^^1
-&—T
Grow - eth seed and blow - eth mead, and springth the wde
nn.
ztnz
zxxz
nu,
smg
cue
cu,
sing
cue
cu
zx:m.z
ZI21
sing
cue
cu
nu,
sing
cue
cu.
zzz^z
b^— !•-" .»— I
^'-
^J^-
:33i
m
zxz
-^
Bui - luc stert - eth, bucke
^E^J=
:=ii
:i2i
ver - teth, mu - rie sing cue - cu.
lomb, Ihouth af - ter calve
cu.
^E3z
— ^-
;[=liil
IZ3:
Bui - luc stert - eth, bucke
ver - teth,
l^=iii^=,
EEHEEE=
irrzfc
;zz=z=zi=pr.
zotzztzz^z
ZdZ
Awe
ble - teth af - ter lomb, Ihouth af - ter calye.
cu.
^S^
33:
3E
z=Xzz
^feEEE^=|
Sing
cue
cu.
Awe
ble - teth af - ter lomb, Ihouth
" f-
nu,
sing
cue
cu.
sing
cue
cu
nu.
m-.
123;
sing
cue
cu
nu,
sing
cue
cu
nu,
201
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book V.
S^E^EE
:a3:
^ZEZrii
izz:
:zi=l
eI
Z2I
cue
cu,
(^—-brts
cue -
cu,
wel sings thu cue - cu,
^i^
lE^^i^
ne swlk thu
^=
mu - rie sing cue - cu,
cue
cu,
cue
cu.
wel sing8
=6=.-;
=J:
:rii
^^^=^z^=^^
szczof^n
Bui - luc stert - eth, bucks
ver - teth, mu - rie sing- cue - cu.
af - ter calve
:d=
:=t
rai
ixi;
:^
sing
crrar
Bg^:
IZ3:
sing
cue
-^J^^^I
sing
cue
cu.
Bui - lue stert - eth, bucke
ver - teth, inu - rie
m
rrzEi:
cu.
sing
cue
cu
nu.
sing
znz
Z CJt'
cu
nu,
Sing
cue
cu.
Sing
:l2-:rv^-=z3:
na
7>-
ver
33;
-P=-
mi
-pz=
:^
nu.
thu cue - cu, ne swik thu
SUMER
^
13
1 - cu - men m
Lhude
sing cue
ZZJtZ
na - ver
ii
i^^g^i
-0—1-
nu.
SUMER
IS
W
123:
'^^m
ZiZf-
=d—
:zii
"231
If^^i^^li
cue
cu,
cue
cu, wel sings thu cue - cu,
ne swik thu
na
ri-
ver
ii
zi3:
~\-^
-d=::
183;
iS=:
ziiz
sing cue - cu,
cue
cu.
cue
cu.
wel sings thu cue -
1231
re
cue
- cu,
sing
cue
cu
nu.
sing
cue
J2 —
23:
1^23:
331
cue -
- cu
nu,
sing
cue
cu.
sing
cue
'-'^ZS^==T=^Z
- cu.
z±
IZ3:
^11
^^
Grow - eth seed and blow - eth mead, and springth the wde
nu.
W
3
m^-
-ti —
m^
^--
123:
--■X
:£*:
33:
-^-
i::^-
-«»-
- cu - men
in.
Lhude
sing cue - cu.
I^HE^ll^
Grow - eth seed and blow - eth
/7S
aa:
-«^-
^
nu.
SUMER is
1 - cu - men
in.
Lhude
rt
32:
cu,
ne swik thu
na - ver
sing cue - cu.
331
r23:
-jO-
nu.
SUMER
18
cu - men
^
i2=^=:
ii. '
cu,
.. . .
sing
cue
cu
nu.
sing
cue -
- cu.
-T^
— ^
— ^—
\-- €1
c»
■
- cu,
nu,
sing
cue
cu.
sing
cue
- cu.
Chap. XLV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
205
The history of music, so far as regards the use and
practice of it, is so nearly connected with tliat of civil
life, as in a regular deduction of it to require the
greatest degree of attention to the customs and
modes of living peculiar to different periods : a
knowledge of these is not to be derived from history,
properly so called, which has to do chiefly with great
events ; and were it not for the accurate and lively
representation of the manners of the old Italians, and
the not less ancient English, contained in the writings
of Boccace and Chaucer, the intpiisitive part of man-
kind would be much at a loss for the characteristics
of the fourteenth century. Happily these authors
have furnished the means of investigating this subject,
and from them we are enabled to frame an idea of the
manners, the amusements, the conversation, garb,
and many other particulars of their contemporaries.
The Decameron of Boccace, and the Canterbury
Tales of Chaucer, appear each to have been composed
with a view to convey instruction and delight, at a
time when the world stood greatly in need of the
former ; and by examples drawn from feigned history,
to represent the consequences of virtue and vice ; and
in this respect it may be said that the authors of both
these works a|)pear to have had the same common end
in view, but in the prosecution of this design each
appears to have pursued a different method. Boccace,
a native of Italy, and a near neighbour to that country
where all the powers of wit and invention had been
exerted for upwards of two centuries in fictions of the
most pleasing kind, had opportunities of selecting
from a great variety such as were fittest for his pur-
pose. Chaucer, perhaps not over solicitous to explore
those regions of fancy, contented himself with what
was laid before him, and preferred the labour of
refining the metal to that of digging the ore.
Farther, we may observe that besides the ends of
instruction and delight, which each of these great
masters of the science of human life proposed, they
meant also to exhibit a view of the manners of their
respective countries, Italy and England, with this
difference, that the former has illustrated his subject
by a series of conversations of persons of the most
refined understanding, whereas the latter, without
being at the pains attending such a method of selection,
has feigned an assemblage of persons of different ranks,
the most various and artful that can be imagined, and
with an amazing propriety has made each of them the
type of a peculiar character.
To begin with Boccace. A plague which happened
in the city of Florence, in the year of our Lord 134:8,
suggests to him the fiction that seven ladies, discreet,
nobly descended, and perfectly accomplished ; the
youngest not less than eighteen, nor the eldest ex-
ceeding twenty -eight years of age; their names
Pampinea, Fiammetta, Philomena, Emilia, Lauretta,
Neiphile, and Eliza, meet together at a church, and,
after their devotions ended, enter into discourse upon
the calamities of the times : to avoid the infection
thev agree to retire a small distance from the town,
to live in common, and spend part of the summer in
contemplating the beauties of nature, and in the in-
genious and delightful conversation of each other ;
but foreseeing the inconveniences that must have
followed from the want of companions of the other
sex, they add to their number Pamphilo, Philostrate.
and Dioneo, three well-bred young gentlemen, the
admirers and honourable lovers of three of these
accomplished ladies. They retire to a spacious and
well furnished villa. Pampinea is elected their
queen for one day, with power to appoint her suc-
cessor ; different offices are assigned to their at-
tendants ; wines, and other necessaries, chess-boards,
backgammon-tables, cards, dice, books, and musical
instruments are provided ; the heat of the season ex-
cluding the recreations of riding, walking, dancing,
and many others, for some part of the day, they agree
to devote the middle of it to the telling of stories in
rotation : the conversations of this kind take up ten
days, each is the narrator of ten novels. Such is the
structure of the Decameron.
The highest sense of virtue, of honour, and religion,
and the most exact attention to the forms of civility,
are observable in the behaviour of these ladies and
gentlemen ; nevertheless many of the stories told by
them are of such a kind as to excite our wonder that
well-bred men could relate, or modest women hear
them ; from whence this inference may be fairly
drawn, that although nature may be said to be ever
the same, yet human manners are perpetually chang-
ing ; particular virtues and vices predominate at
different periods, chastity of sentiment and purity
of expression are the characteristics of the age we
live in.
But to pursue more closely the present purpose,
we find from the novels of Boccace that Music made
a considerable part in. the entertainment of all ranks
of people. In the introduction we are told that on
the first day after they had completed the arrange-
ment of this little community, when dinner was over,
as they all could dance, and some both play and sing
well, the queen ordered in the musical instruments,
and commanded Dioneo to take a lute, and Fiammetta
' una vivola,' a viol, to the music whereof they danced,
and afterwards sang. And at the end of the first
Giornata we are told that Lauretta danced, Emilia
singing to her, and Dioneo playing upon the lute :
the canzone, or song, which is a very elegant com-
position, is given at length. At the end of the third
Giornata, Dioneo, by whom we are to understand
Boccace himself, and Fiammetta, under whom is
shadowed his mistress, the natural daughter of Robert
king of Naples, sing together the story of Guiglielmo
and the lady of Vergiu, while Philomena and Pam-
philo play at chess ; and at the end of the seventh
Giornata the same persons are represented singing
together the story of Palamon and Arcite, after which
the whole company dance to the music, ' della Cor-
' namusa,' of a bagpipe, played on by Tindarus, a
domestic of one of the ladies, and therefore a fit
person to perform on so homely an instrument.
These representations, fictitious as they undoubtedly
are, may nevertheless serve to ascertain the antiquity
of those musical instruments, the Lute, the Viol, and
the Cornamusa, or Bagpipe ; they also prove to some
degree the antiquity of that kind of measured dance,
206
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book V.
wliicli was originally invented to display all the
graces and elegancies of a beautiful form, and is at
this day esteemed one of the requisites in a polite
education.
CHAP. XLVI.
It remains now to speak of our ancient English
poet, and from that copious fund of intelligence and
pleasantry the Canterbury Tales, to select such par-
ticulars as will best illustrate the subject now under
consideration. The narrative supposes that twenty-
nine persons of both sexes, of professions and em-
ployments as different as invention could suggest,
together with Chaucer himself, making in all thirty,
sat out from the Tabarde inn in Southwark * on a
pilgrimage to the shrine of St. Thomas Becket in the
cathedral church of Canterbury, and that this motley
company consisted of a knight, a 'squire his son, and
his yeoman or servant ; a prioress, a nun, and three
priests her attendants ; a monk, a friar, a merchant,
a clerk of Oxford, a serjeant at law, a franklin or
gentleman, a haberdasher, a carpenter, a weaver, a
dyer, a tapiser or maker of tapestry, a cook, a ship-
man or master of a trading vessel, a doctor of physic,
the wife of a weaver of Bath, a parson, a plowman,
or, as we should now call such a one, a farmer, a
miller, a manciple, a reeve, a summoner, a pardoner,
and Chancer himself who was a courtier, a scholar,
and a poet. The characters of these, drawn with
such skill, and painted in such lively colours, that
the persons represented by them seem to pass in
review before us, precede, and are therefore called
the Prologues to, the Tales. After the prologues
follows a relation of the conversation of the pilgrims
at their supper, in which the host desires to make
one of the company, wliich being assented to, he
proposes that in the way to Canterbury each should
tell two tales, and on their return the same number ;
and he that recounts the best shall be treated with
a supper by his companions. To this they assent,
and early in the morning set out, taking the host for
their guide. They halt at St. Thomas's Watering,
a place well known near Southwark, and the host
proposes drawing cuts to determine who shall tell the
first tale ; the lot falls upon the knight, as having
drawn the shortest, and making a brief apology
(wherein his discretion and courtesy are remarkable)
he begins by a recital of the knightly story of Pala-
mon and Arcite.f
* This inn was formerly the lodging of the abbot of Hyde near
Winchester, the sign was a Tabarde, a word signifying a short jaclvet,
or sleeveless coat, whole before, open on both sides, with a square collar
and hanging sleeves. Stow's Survey, lib. IV. chap. 1. From the wearing
of this garment some of those on the foundation at Queen's college in
O.xford are called Taberdarii. The servants of their resp3ctive masters
at the great call of Serjeants in the 3'ear 1736, walked in coats of this
form, and of a violet colour, in the procession from the Middle Temple
hall to Westminster. It was anciently the proper habit of a servant, and
there cannot he a clearer proof of it than that all the knaves in a pack of
cards are dressed in it. A few years ago the sign of this inn was the
Talbot or beagle, an evidence that the signification of the word Tabarde
was at least unknown to its then owner. The host in Chaucer's time
was Henry Bailie, a merry fellow, the humour of whose character, which
is admirably drawn by the poet, is greatly heightened by the circum-
stance of his having a shrew for his wife. It is with great justice that
Mr. Dryden remarks that from that precise and judicious enumeration
of circumstances contained in this and the other characters of Chaucer,
' he was enabled to form an idea of the humours, the features, and the
' very dress of the pilgrims, as distinctly as if he had supped with them
' at the Tabarde in Southwark.'
t It is very remarkable that Cowley could never relish the humour
In the prologues the following particulars re-
lating to music are observable ; and first in that of
the 'squire it appears that
He coude fonges make and wel endite,
Jufte, and eke daunce, portray, and wel write.
And that the prioress,
----- called dame Eglentine,
Ful wel fhe fong the iervice devine,
Of the Frere it is said that i
- - - certainly he had a mery note,
Wel coude he finge and plain on a Rote.
And that
In harping whan he had long
His eyen twinkeled in his hed aright,
As done the fterres in a frofty night.
From the character of the clerk of Oxenforde we
learn that the Fiddle was an instrument in use in the
time of Chaucer.
For him was leuer to haue at his beddes heed
Twenty bookes cladde with blacke or reed,
Of Ariftotle and of his philofophie,
Than robes riche, or fiddell, or gay fautrie.
And of the miller the author relates that
A baggepipe well couth he blowe and soune.
In the Cook's Tale is an intimation that the ap-
prentice therein mentioned could sing and hop, i. e.
dance, and play on the Getron and Ribible ; and in
the romaunt of the Rose is the following passage : —
There mighteft thou se thefe Flutours,
Minftrals, and eke Joglours,
That well to fing did her paine.
Some fong fonges of Loraine,
For in Loraine her notes be
Fulfweter than in this countre. — Fol. 119, b.
From the passages above-cited we learn that the
son of a knight, educated in a manner suitable to his
birth, might be supposed to be able to read, write,
dance, pourtray, and make verses. That in convents
the nuns sang the service to the musical notes. That
the Lute, the Rote, the Fiddle, the Sautrie, the Bag-
pipe, the Getron, the Ribible, and the Flute, were in-
struments in common use : Speght supposes the
appellative Rote to signify a musical instrument
used in Wales, mistaking the word, as Mr. Urry
suspects, for Crota, a crowd ; but Dr. Johnson in his
Dictionary, makes it to mean a Harp, and cites the
following passage from Spenser : —
Worthy of great Pliaebus rote,
The triumphs of Phlegrean Jove he wrote,
That all the gods admired his lofty note.
But in the Confessio Amantis of Gower is the
following passage : —
He taught hir, till Ihe was certene
Of Harpe, Citole, J and of Riote,
With many a tewne, and many a note. — Fol. 178, b.
of Chaucer. Dryden relates the fact, and gives his authority for it in
the^e words : — ' I have often heard the late earl of Leicester say that
' Mr. Cowley himself was of opinion that Chaucer was a dry old
' fashioned wit, not worth receiving ; and that having read him over at
' my lord's request, he declared he had no taste of him.' Pref. to
Dryden's Fables.
■This fact is as difficult to account for as another of a similar kind ;
Mr. Handel made no secret of declaring himself totally insensible to the
excellencies of Purcell's compositions.
t CiTOLE, in the passage above-cited from Gower is derived from
CisTELLA, a little chest, and probably means a dulcimer, which is in
truth no other than a little chest or box with strings on the lid or top.
Chap. XLVI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
207
Mynstrells. •<
Upon which it is observable that the words Harpe
and Itiote, or Rote, occur in the same line, which
circumstance imports at least a doubt, whether in
strictness of speech they can be said to be synony-
1U0U8. The word Sautrie is clearly a corruption of
Psaltery, a kind of harp ; Getron or Getern has the
same signification with Cittern ; and Ribible or
Rebible, is said by Speght and Urry to mean a
Fiddle, and sometimes a Getern. The names of
certain other instruments, not so easy to explain, are
alluded to in the following list of musicians attending
king Edw. III. extracted from a manuscript-roll of
the officers of his household, communicated by the
late Mr. Hardinge of the House of Commons : — *
(Trompetters - - 5
Cytelersf - - - 1
Pypers - - - 5
I Tabrete - - - 1
Mabrers - - - 1
Clarions - - - 2
Fedeler - - - 1
^Wayghtesij: - - 3
As to the organ, it was clearly used in churches,
long before the time of Chaucer : he mentions it in
the tale of the Nun's Priest ; and what is somewhat
remarkable, with epithet of merry, —
His voice was merier than the mery Orgon
On mafTe daies, that in the churches gon.
Other particulars occur in the prologues, which as
they relate to modes of life, are characteristic of the
times, and tend to elucidate the subject of the pi-esent
enquiry ; as that at Stratford, near Bow in Middlesex,
was a school for girls, wherein the French language, but
very different from that of Paris was taught, and that
at meals, not to wet the fingers deep in the sauce was
one sign of a polite female education. And here it
may not be improper to remark that before the time
of king James the First, a fork was an implement
unknown in this country. Tom Coriate the traveller
learned the use of it in Italy, and one which he
brought with him from thence was here esteemed
a great curiosity. § But to return to Chaucer: al-
* Of the several instruments above-mentioned it seems that the harp
was the most esteemed. It is well known that king Alfred himself
played on the harp : and we are told by Walter Hemingford in his
Chronicle, published by Dr. Thomas Gale, in the Hist. Brit, et Ang.
otherwise called the XV. Scriptores, vol. III. p. 591, that Edward I.
while he was prince of Wales, and in the Holy Land, was attended by
a Citharedus or harper ; aiid it is probable that he had contracted a love
for this instrument in some of those e-xperiitions into Wales, which he
undertook in the life-time of his father Hen. III. The same author
relates that it was this harper that killed the assassin who stabbed
Edward with a poisoned knife at Ptolemais. The manner of it is th\is
described by him : — ' After the prince had received the wound he wrested
' the knife from the assassin, and ran it into his belly : his servant [the
• harper] alarmed by the noise of the struggle, rushed into the room, and
'with a stool beat out his brains.' See also Fuller's Hist, of the Holy
War, book IV. chap. 29.
t From CiTOLE, above explained.
\ ' Wayghtes or Waits,' are Hauthois. Butler, Principles of Music,
pag. 93. It is remarkable of this noun that it has no singular number ;
for we never say a Wait, or the Wait, but the Waits. In the Etymo-
logicum of Junius the word is used to signify the players on these
instruments, and is thus explained: — ['Waits, lyricines, tibicines, ci-
' tharaedi, f. a verb, to wait, quia sc. niagistratus et alios in pompis instar
' stipatorum, sequunter, vel a G. guet, vigilia, guetter, quia noctu ex-
' cubias agiint quae eandem agnoscunt origineiu ac nostrum watch,
' vigiliae.' Skin.
§ ' Here I wil mention a thing that might have been spoken of before
'in discourse of the first Italian tuwne. I observed a custome in all
' those Italian cities and townes through the which I passed, that is not
' used in any other country that I saw in my travels, neither doe I thinke
•that any other nation of Christendome doth use it, but only Italy.
though forbidden by the canon law to the clergy, it
appears from him that the monks were lovers of
hunting, and kept greyhounds — that Serjeants at law,
were as early as the time of Edward the Third, occa-
sionally judges of assize, and that the most eminent
of them were industrious in collecting Doomes, i. e.
judicial determinations, which by the way did not
receive the appellation of Reports till the time of
Plowden, who flourished in the reign of Elizabeth,
before which persons were employed at the expense
of our kings to attend the courts at Westminster, and
take short notes of their decisions for the use of the
public : II a series of these is now extant, and known
to the profession of the law by the name of Year-
books — that the houses of country gentlemen
abounded with the choicest viands^ — that a haber-
dasher, a carpenter, a weaver, a dyer, and a maker
of tapestry, were in the rank of such citizens as hoped
to become aldermen of London ; and that their wives
claimed to be called Madam — That cooks were great
cheats, and would dress the same meat more than
once — That the masters of ships were pirates, and
made but little conscience of stealing wine out of the
vessels of their chapmen when the latter were asleep
— That physicians made astrology a part of their
study — That the weaving of woollen cloth was a very
profitable trade, and that the neighbourhood of Bath
was one of the seats of that manufacture^ — That a
pilgrimage to Rome, nay to Jerusalem, was not an
extravagant undertaking for the wife of a weaver —
That the mercenary sort of clergy were accustomed
to flock to London, in order to procure chauntries in
the cathedral of St. Paul f[— That at the Temple the
members were not more than thirty,** twelve of whom
' The Italian, and also most strangers that are commorant in Italy, doe
'alwaies at their meales use a little forke when they cut their meate.
'For while with their knife, which they hold in one hand, they cut the
' meate out of the dish, they fasten their forke, which they hold in their
' other hand, upon the same dish, so that whatsoever he be that sitting
'in the company of any others at meale, should unadvisedly touch the
'dish of meate with his fingers from which all at tlie table doe cut, he
' will give occasion of offence unto the company, as having transgressed
' the lawes of good manners, insomuch that for his error he shall be at
'the least brow-beaten, if not reprehended in wordes. This forme of
' feeding I understand is generally used in all places of Italy, their forks
' being for the most part made of yron or stt ele. and some of sliver, but
' those are used only by gentlemen. The reason of this their curiosity is,
' because the Italian "cannot by any meanes indure to have his dish
' touched with fineers, seeing all mens fingers are not alike cleane.
' Hereupon I myselfe thought good to imitate the Kalian fashion by this
' forked cutting of meate, not only while I was in Italy, but also in
' Germany, and oftentimes in England since I came home ; being once
' quipped for that frequent using of my forke by a certain learned gentle-
' man, a familiar friend of mine, one M. Laurence Whitaker, who in his
' merry humour doubted not to call me at table Furcifer, only for using
'a forke at feeding, but for no other cause.' Coriate's Crudities, pag. 90.
II Pref. to 3d. Rep.
IT Besides such clerks as held chauntries in the nature of benefices,
there were others who were mere itinerants, wandering about the king-
dom, and seeking employment by singing mass for the souls of the
founders. Fuller says that the ordinary price for a mass sung by one of
these clerks was four pence ; but that if they dealt in the gross, it was
forty marks for two thousand. Worthies in Essex, pag. 339.
« * This account of the number of members in one of the principal inns
of court must appear strange in comparison with the state of those
seminaries at this time, unless we suppose, as perhaps we ought, that
Chaucer means by the persons to whom the manciple is serv.ant. Benchers,
and not those of a less standing. In the reign of Henry the Sixth the
students in each of the inns of court were computed at two hundred;
and these bear but a small proportion to their numbers at this day.
The reason given by Fortescue for the smallness of their number in his
time is very curious, and is but one of a thousand facts which might be
brought to prove the vast increase of wealth in this country. His words
are these : — ' In these greater innes there can no student be maintained
' for lesse expenses by the year then twenty markes, and if he have
' a servant to waite upon him, as most of them have, then so much the
' greater will his charges be. Now, by reason of this charges, the
' children onely of noblemen do study the lawes in those innes, for the
208
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book V.
were qnalified to be stewards to any peer of the realm
— That tlieir manciple was a rogue, and had cunning
enough to cheat them all — That stewards grew rich
by lending their lords their own money. The sum-
moner, an officer whose duty it is to execute the
process of the ecclesiastical court, is a character now
grown obsolete ; from that which Chaucer has given
of one, we however learn that they were a sort of
men who throve by the incontinence of the common
people, that they affected to speak Latin, that is to
say, to litter a few of those cant phrases which occur
in the practice of the consistory, and other eccle-
siastical courts ; and that they would for a small fee
suffer a good fellow to have his concubine for a
twelvemonth. Tliat they were of counsel with all
the lewd women in the diocese, and made the vulgar
believe that the pains of hell were not more to be
feared than the curse of the archdeacon.*
These several particulars, extracted from the pro-
logues to the Tales, exhibit, as far as they go, a lively
and accurate representation of the manners of the
people of England in Chaucer's time ; but these are
few in comparison with the facts and circumstances
to the same purpose which are to be met with in the
tales themselves ; nor are the portraits of the principal
agents in the tales, and which accidentally occur tliere-
iii, less exact than those contained in the prologues.
The scholar Nicholas, in the Miller's Tale, is an in-
stance of this kind ; for see how the poet has de-
scribed him.
He represents him as young, amorous, and learned ;
not a member of any college, for there were but few at
Oxford in Chaucer's time, but living ' at his friends
finding and his rent,' and lodging in the house of a
carpenter, an old man, who had a very young and
beautiful wife. In the house of this man the scholar
had a chamber, which he decked with sweet herbs ; he
is supposed to study astronomy, or rather astrology ;
his chamber is furnished with books great and small,
among which is the Almagist, a treatise said to
be written by Ptolemy ; an Asterlagour, or As-
trolabe, an instrument used for taking the altitude of
the sun and stars. He has also a set of Augrim
Stones,t a kind of pebbles at that time made use of
' poor and common sort of the people are not able to bear so great charges
'for the exliibition of tlieir children. And marcliant men can seldom
' find it in their hearts to hinder their merchandise with so great yearly
' expenses. And thus it falleth out that there is scant any man foimd
' within the realm skillful and cunning in the lawes, except he be a
' gentleman born, and come of a noble stock. Wherefore they more tlien
'any other kind of men have a ^peciad re;jard to their nobility, and to
' the preservation of tUi-ir honor and fame. And. to speak upri^'litly,
' there is in these greater innes, yea, and in the lesser too, beside ilie
' study of the laws, as it were an university or school of all commendable
'qualities requisite for noblemen. There they learn to sing, and to
' exercise themselves in all kinde of harmony. There also they practice
' dauncing, and other noblemen's pastimes, as they use to do, which are
'brought up in the king's house. On the working dayes most of them
' apply themselves to the study of the law ; and on the holie dales to the
'study of holy scripture; and out of the time of divine service to the
'reading of chronicles. For there indeed are virtues studied, and vices
'exiled; so that, for the endowment of vertue, and abandoning of vice,
' knights and barons, with other states, and noblemen of the realm, place
' tlieir children in those innes, though tliey desire not to have them
' learned in the lawes, nor to live by the practice thereof, but onely upon
their father's allowance.' De Laudibus Legum Anglia;, cap. 49. Mul-
caster's Translation.
* Some of these Prologues, modernized, as it is said, by Mr. Betterton,
are printed in the Miscellany of Mr. Pope, in two volumes 12mo. Mr.
Fenton, suspecting that they were indeed Pope's, requested of him the
sight of Betterton's manuscript, but could n-ver obtain it.
t Augrim is supposed by Mr. Urry to be a corruption of Algorithm, by
which he says is meant the sum of the principal rules of common arith-
in numeral computation, and to which counters after-
wards succeeded, and above all lay his musical in-
strument.
His rival Absolon, the parish clerk, is of another
east, a spruce fellow, that sung, danced, and played
on the Fiddle ; that was great with all the tapsters
and brew-house girls in the town, and ' visited them
' with his solace.' His ingenuity and learning quali-
fied him to let blood, clip hair, shave, and make a
charter of land, or an acquittance. His employment
in the church obliged him to assist the parish priest
in the performance of divine service ; and it appears
to have been his duty on holidays to go round the
church with a censer in his hand, conformable to the
practice of the times, ' censing the wives of the parish.'
But nothing can be more picturesque than the de-
scription of his person and dress. His hair shone
like gold, and strutted broad like a fan ; his com-
plexion red, and his eyes grey as a goose ; and the
upper leathers of his shoes were carved to resemble
the windows of St. Paul's cathedral ; his stockings
were red, and his kertle or upper coat of light watchet,
that is to say sky-colour, not tied here and there,
merely to keep it close, but thick set with points, ;}:
more for ornament than use ; all which gay habili
ments were covered vi'ith a white surplice.
The Reve's Tale contains the characters of Denyse
Simkin, the proud miller of Trompington, and his
prouder wife : from the poet's description of them it
appears that the husband, as a fashion not inconsistent
metic. Glossary to Chaucer. Gower's definition of the science of
arithmetic seems to favour this opinion : —
Of arithmetic the matere
Is that of wiiiche a man may lere,
What Algorifme in nombre amounteth
Whan that the wife man accounteth
After the formel propretee
Of Algorifmes a, b, c ;
By which multiplicacion
Is made, and the diminucion
Of fommes, by the experience
Of this arte, and of this fcience.
Confessio Amantis, fol. 141. b.
■Rut in a book entitled Arithmetick, or the Ground of Arts, written by
Robert Record, doctor in physic, and dedicated to king Edw. VI , after-
wards augmented by the famous Or. John Dee, and republished in 1390
and Hits, Kvo., the word, as also another of the same signification, viz.,
Arsemetric'k, is thus exjilained :— ' Both names are corrujitly written,
' Arsemetrick for Arithmetick, as the Greeks call it, and Augrime for
' Algorisnie, as the Arabians sound it, which doth betoken the science of
' numbering.' Pag. 8. Augrim stones seem to have been the origin of
counters, tlie use whereof in numerical calculation was continued down
to the time of publishing the above book, for the author, pa»r. 9, says
' the art of arithmetic may be wrought diversely with pen or with coun-
' ters :' the powers of these counters w^ere determined by their situation
in the higher or lower of six rows or lines; but in this respect there was
a ditlereiice, the merchants observing one rule, and the auditors of
public accounts another.
I Points were anciently a necessary article in the dress, at least of
men ; in the ancient comedies and other old books we meet with frequent
mention of them; to describe them exactly, they were bits of string
about eight inches in length, consisting of three strands of cotton yarn,
of various colours, twisted together, and tagged at both ends with hits of
tin plate; their use was to tie together the garments worn on different
parts of the body, particularly the breeches or hose, as they were called,
hence the phrase ' to untruss a point.' With the leather doublet or
jerkin buttons were introduced, and these in process of time rendered
points useless; nevertheless they continued to be made till of very late
years, and that for a particular purpose. On Ascension-day it is the
custom of the inhabitants of parishes with their officers to perambulate
in order to perpetuate the memory of their boundaries, and to impress
the remembrance thereof on the minds of young persons, especially boys ;
to invite boys therefore to attend this business, some little gratuities were
found necessary, accordingly it was the custom at the commencement
of the procession to distribute to each a willow wand, and at the end
thereof a handful of the points above spoken of; which were looked on
by them as honorary rewards long after they ceased to he useful, and
were called tags.
Chap. XL VI I.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
209
with his vocation, wore both a sword and a dagger.
As to his wife, she is said to have been the daughter
of the parson of the town, who on her marriage gave
her ' full many a pan of brass ;' and because of her
birth and her education, for she is said to have been
' fostered in a nunnery,' she was insolent to her neigh-
bours, and assumed the style of Madam. The busi-
ness which drew the scholars John and Alein to the
mill of Simkin, bespeaks the difference which a long
succession of years has made in a college life ; for
the rents of college estates were formerly paid, not
in money, but in corn, which it was the business of
the manciple to get ground and made into bread.
During the sickness of the manciple of Seller's hall
at Cambridge, two scholars, with a sack of corn laid
on the back of a horse, armed each with a sword
and buckler, set out for the mill at Tronipington,
a neighbouring village. The miller contrives to
steal their corn, and the scholars take ample ven-
geance on him.
From the several passages above-cited and referred
to, a judgment may be formed, and that with some
degree of exactness, of the manners of the common
people of this country; those of the higher orders
of men are to be sought for elsewhere. Persons
acquainted with the ancient constitution of England,
need not be told that it was originally calculated as
well for conquest as defence ; and that before the
introduction of trade and manufactures, every subject
was a soldier : this, and the want of that intercourse
between the inhabitants of one part of the kingdom
and another, which nothing but an improved state
of civilization can promote, rendered the common
people a terror to each other : and as to the barons,
the ancient and true nobility, it might in the strictest
sense of a well known maxim in law, be said that
the house of each was his castle. The many romances
and books of chivalry extant in the world, although
abounding in absurdities, contain a very true re-
presentation of civil life throughout Europe ; and the
Forest, the Castle, the Moat, and the Drawbridge,
if not the Dungeon,* had their existence long before
they became the sul)jects of poetical description.
It is true the pomp and splendour of the ancient
nobility appeared to greater advantage than it would
have done, had not the condition of the common
people been such as to put it out of the power of
any of their own order to rival their superiors ; but
to the immense possessions of the latter such power
was annexed, as must seem tremendous to one who
judges of the English constitution by the appearance
which it wears at this day. To be short, all the lands
in this kingdom were holden either mediately or im-
mediately of the crown, by services strictly military.
The king had the power of calling forth his barons,
and they their tenants, and these latter their de-
pendents also, to battle ; and to levy on them money
* When the servants of great families were formerly much more
numerous than now, some place of confinement for such as were unruly
geems to have been necessary : and it is an indisputable fact that an-
ciently in the houses of the principal nobility, putting them in the stocks
■was the punishmer t for drunkenness, insolence, and other offences : the
knowledsie of thi.s practice will account for the treatment of Kent in king
Lear, who by the command of Cornwall is set in the stocks. Within the
memory of some persons now living the stocks were used for the above
purpose at Sion house, near Isleworth, in Middlesex.
and other requisites for the carrying on either offen-
sive or defensive war. At this time we see but little
of those pecuniary emoluments arising from the rela-
tion between the lord and his tenant, which were
then the principal sources of splendour and magnifi-
cence in the nobility, and men of large estates ;
or, in other words, it seems that anciently personal
service was accepted in lieu of rent. But here the
power and influence attendant on the feudal system
breaks forth ; the lord was entitled to the wardship
of the heir of his freehold tenant under the age of
twenty-one, and to the profits of all his estates
without account. Nor was this all, he had the power
of marrying his ward to whom he pleased ; and
where the inheritance descended to daughters, the
marrying of them to any person above the degree
of a villain, was as much the right of the lord as his
castle or mansion ; and had it been the fate of
the four beautiful daughters of the great duke of
Marlborough to have lived before the making the
statute of king Charles the Second for abolishinar
tenures in capite, and to have survived their father,
being under age, not one of them could have been
married without the licence of the king, or perhaps
his minister.
A system of civil policy, like that above described
could not fail to influence the minds of the people ;
and in consequence of that jealousy which it had
a tendency to excite, they lived in a state of hostility :
a dispute about boundaries, the right of hunting, or
pursuing beasts of chace, would frequently beget
a quarrel, in which whole families, with all their
dependants immediately became parties ; and the
thirst of revenge descended from father to son, so as
to seem attached to the inheritance. Many of the
old songs and ballads now extant are histories of
the wars of contending families ; the song of the
battle of Otterburn, and the old ballad of Chevy-
Chace, with many others in Dr. Percy's collection,
are instances of this kind, and were these wanting,
a curious history of the Gwedir family, lately pub-
lished by the learned and ingenious Mr. Barrington,
would sufiiciently show what a deadly enmity pre-
vailed in those barbarous times among the great
men of this kingdom.
It has already been hinted that under the ancient
constitution the generality of women lived in a state
of bondage ; and how near that state approaches to
bondage, in which a woman is denied the liberty
of choosing the man she likes for a husband, every
one is able to see ; most of the laws made to preserve
their persons from violence were the effects of modern
refinement, and sprang from that courtesy which
attended the knightly exercise of Arms, concerning
the origin of which, as it contributed to attemper the
almost natural ferocity of the people, and reflect
a lustre on the female character, it may not be
improper here to enquire.
CHAP. XL VII.
Whether chivalry had its rise from those frequent
expeditions for the recovery of the Holy Land, which
p
210
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book V
authors mean when they speak of the crusades, or
wli(3ther crusading was the offspring of chivalry, is
a .matter of controversy; but whatever be the fact,
it is certain that for some time they had a mutual
dependence on each other ; the military orders of
religious were instituted for the sole purposes of
guarding the holy sepulchre, and protecting the per-
sons of pilgrims to Jerusalem from violence. During
the continuance of the Holy War, as it was called,
and for some centuries after, incredible numbers of
persons of all conditions flocked from every part of
Europe to Jerusalem on pilgrimage ; and supposing
these vast troops to include, as in fact they did, the
sons and daughters of the princi2:)al fomilies, it might
be truly said that the flower of all Europe were at
the mercy not only of the enemies of the Christian
faith, but of pirates and land-robbers. Injuries of-
fered to the persons of beautiful and distressed
damsels in those perillous expeditions, called forth
the resentment of their brave countrymen or fellow
Christians, and induced great numbers of young men
to engage in their defence, and, well mounted and
completely armed, to ride forth in search of adven-
tures. To what length some were hurried by their
attention to these calls of humanity, we may in some
measure learn from that vast profusion of fabulous
compositions, the romances of the eleventh and siic-
ceeding centuries, which, though abounding with
incredible relations, had their foundation in the man-
ners of the times in which they were written,*
* It is observable that the ancient romances abound with particular
descriptions of tlie shields, devices, and impressions of the combatants
at tilts and tournaments ; and it is notoricus that throughout Europe
families are distinguished by what is called their coat armour. The
heralds, for the honour of their profession, contend that tliis method of
distinction had its origin in that assignment of a certain badge or cogni-
zance, which Jacob, Genesi.s, chap xlix. seems to malvc to his twelve
sons, when he resembles Judah to a lion's whelp, and sa.vs Zabulon
shall be a haven for ships, Isachar an ass, Dan a serpent, &rc. Dame
Juliana IJernes. who wrote the book of St. Alban's, asserts that Japhet
bore arms, and therefore styles him gentlemanly Japhet. But in fact,
the practice is not to be traced farther back than to the time of the
crusades. Sir William Dugdale gave Mr. Siderfin, a barrister of the
Inner Temple in the time of Charles the Second, and the collector of the
Reports which bear his name, the following account of the origin of
coat armour, viz., ' When Richard I. with a great number of his subjects,
' made a voyage to Jerusalem in order to recover it from the Turks, the
' commanders in that expedition distinguished themselves by certain
' devices depicted on their shields ; but this invention not being found
' sufficient to answer the end, they made use of silk coats, with their
'devices or arms painted on the back and breast, which silk coats were
' worn over the armour, and from these came the coat which the heralds
' now wear, and hence the term Coat of Arms ; and from this time,
'nothing interposing to prevent it, arms became hereditary, descending
'to all the sons, in the nature of Gavelkind.' Vide 1 Inst. 140. From
whence by the way it should seem that women are not entitled to the
distinction of coat armour, though it is the practice of the heraJds to
blazon arms for unmarried ladies in a lozenge.
The origin of Supporters is thus accounted for: when the exercises of
tilts and tournaments were in use, it was the practice of princes by
proclamation to invite, upon particular solemnities, knights, and other
persons of martial dispositions, from all parts of Ctiristendom, to
make proof of their skill and courage in those conflicts; for which
purpose a plain was usually chosen, lists marked out, and barriers
erected. Within the lists were pitched the tents of the combatants, and
some time before the exercises began, shields were severally placed at
the doors of their tents, with their arms and other devices depicted
thereon ; and as these attracted the eyes of the spectators to view and
contemplate them, it was thought an addition to the pomp and splendour
cf the ceremony that the shields should be supported, and the 'squires
or pages of the knights were thought the properest persons for this
employment. Fancy, which was ever at work upon these occasions,
suggested the thought of dressing these persons in emblematical garbs,
suited to the circumstances of those whom they attended. Some of
these supporters were made to represent savages, or green Men, seem-
ingly naked, but with green leaves on their heads, and about their loins;
some appearing like saracens, with looks that threatened destruction to
their beholders ; others were habited like palmers or pilgrims, and some
were angels. A little stretch of invention led them to assume the figure
of lions, griffins, and a world of other forms, and hence the use of
supporters became common.
Here it may be observed that the had success of the holy war had ren-
Particular instances of that knightly braver),
which chivalry inspired, are not now to be expected,
and we have no other evidence than the testimony
of the sage writers of romance to induce a belief
that Giants were the owners of Castles, that Dwarfs
were their porters, or that they kept beautiful damsels
imprisoned in their dungeons : nevertheless it is
certain that the exercise of arms had a tendency to
excite a kind of emulation in Ihe brave and youthful,
which was productive of good consequences, for it
gave rise to that quality which we term Courtesy,
and is but a particular modification of humanity ;
it inspired sentiments of honour and generosity, and
taught the candidates for the favour of ladies to
recommend themselves by the knightly virtues of
courage and constancy.
Milton has in a few words described those off-
springs of chivalry, tilts and tournaments, in the
following lines : —
Where throngs of knights and barons bold
In weeds of peace high triumphs hold.
With store of ladies, whose bright eyes
Rain influence, and judge the prize
Of wit, or arms, while both contend
To win her grace, whom all commend.
L'Allegro.
From the institution of exercises of this and the
like kind, and from the sentiments which they are
calculated to inspire, is to be dated the introductior
of women on the theatre of life, and the assigning
to them those parts which nature has enabled them
to act with projiriety : and from this time they are
to be considered as parties in the common and
innocent amusements of life, present at public fes-
tivities, and joining in the social and domestic re-
creations of music and dancing.
These indulgences it must be confessed were the
prerogative of ladies, and could not in their nature
extend to the lower rank of women : the refinement of
the times leit these latter in much the same state as
it found them : household ceconomy, and an attention
to the means of thriving, were the distinguishing
characteristics of the wives and daughters of far-
mers, mechanics, and others of that class of life. In
a poem intitled the Northern Mother's Blessing to
her Daughter, written, as it is said, nine years before
the death of Chaucer, which contains a curious re-
presentation of the manners of the common people,
are a great number of excellent precepts for forming
the character of a good housewife, among which are
the following : —
My doughter gif thou be a wife, wifely thou werke,
Looke euer thou loue God and the holy kirke,
Go to kirke when thou may, and let for no rayne,
And then fhall thou fare the bet, when thou God has fayn :
Full well may they thriue
That feruen God in their liue.
My leue dere child.
dered the name of a saracen a terror to all Christendom, and the sign of
the Saracen's head one of the most common for inns of any in England, is
a picture of a giant with great whiskers, and eyes glowing with fire, in
short, he is represented in the act of blaspheming. The reason of this
may he collected from the following curious anecdote, perhaps first
communicated to writing by Mr. Selden ; — ' When our countrymen came
' home from fighting with the saracens. and were beaten by them, they
pictured them with huge big terrible faces (as you still see the sign of
the Saracen's head is), when in truth they were like other men. But thi»
they did to save their own credits.' Table-talk, Tit. War.
Chap. XL VII.
AND PRACTICE OF TilUSIC.
211
When thou (its in the kirlce thy bedes fhalt thou bid j
Therein make no ianglin with friend ne fib.
Laugh not to fcorne nodir old ne young,
Be of good bering, and haue a good tongue;
For after thy bering
So fhall thy name ipring,
My, &c,
Gif any man with worfhip defire to wed thee,
Wifely him anfwere, fcorne him not what he bee,
And tell it to thy friends, and hide thou it nought ;
Sit not by him, nor ftand not that fm mow be wrought.
For gif a flaunder be once rayfed,
It is not fo fone ftilled,
My, &c.
What man that {hall wed the fore God with a ring,
Looke thou loue him beft of any earthly thing ;
And meekly him anfwere, and not too fnatching,
So may thou flake his yre and be his darling :
Faire words flaken yre.
Suffer and haue thy defire.
My, &c.
When thou goes by the gate, go not too faft ;
Ne bridle not with thy hede, ne thy (houlders caft,
Be not of mony words, ne fwcare not to gret,
All euill vices my doughter thou foryet ;
For gif thou have an euill name,
It will turne the to grame,*
My, &c.
Goe not oft to the towne as it were a gaze,
Fro one houfe to odir for to feeke the maze,
Ne go not to market, thy barrell to fill ;
Ne ufe not the tauerne thy worfhip to fpill:
For who the tauern ufis,
His thrift he refufes,
My, &c.
Gif thou be in place where good drink is on loft,
Wheder that thou ferue, or thou fit fofte ;
Mefurely take thou, and get the no blame;
Gif thou be drunken it turnes the to fhame.
Who fo loues meafure and fkill,
He Ihall ofte haue his will,
My, &c.
Go not to the wraftling, ne fhoting the cock.
As it were a ftrumpet or a giglot.j-
Be at home doughter, and thy things tend,
For thine owne profit at the latter end.
Mery is owne thing to fee,
My dere doughter I tell it thee,
My, &c.
Hufewifely fhall thou go on the werk-day ;
Pride, reft, and idlenes, put hem cleane away.
And after on the holy day well clad fhalt thou be :
The haliday to worfhip, God will loue the
More tor worfhip of our Lord, ^
Than for pride of the world,
My, &c.
Look to thy meyny, and let them not be ydell :
Thy hufbond out, looke who does much or litell,
And he that does well quite him his meede ;
And gif he doe amiffe amend thou him bidde,
And gif the work be great, and the time ftrait,
Set to thy hond, and make a hufwife's brayd.
For they will do better gif thou by them ftond :
The worke is foner done, there as is mony hond.
My, &c.
And looke what thy men doon, and about hem wend.
At euery deede done be at the tone end :
And git thou finde any fault, foone it amend ;
Eft will they do the better and thou be neare hand.
Mikell him behoues to doe,
A good houfe that will looke to.
My, &c.
♦ &RAMK, sonow, vexation, Lrnam, fu™r. Urrt.
♦ Gtolot, lascivus, petulans, libidinosus, venereus. Junius.
Looke all thing be well when they worke leauen,
And take thy keyes to the when it is euen ;
Looke all thing be well, and let for no fhime,
And gif thou fo do thou gets thee the lafs blame ;
Truft no man bett thyfelfe,
Whileft thou art in thy helth.
My, &c.
Sit not at euen too long at gaze with the cup
For to wafTell and drinke all uppe ;
So to bed betimes at morne rife beliue,
And fo may thou better learne to thriue ;
He that woU a good houfe keepe
Muft ofte- times breake a fleepe.
My, &c.
Gif it betide doughter thy friend fro the fall ,
And God fend the children that for bread will call,
And thou haue mickle neede, helpe little or none.
Thou mufl then care and fpare hard as the flone.
For euill that may betide,
A man before fhould dread.
My, &c.
Take heede to thy children which thou haft borne
And Wdit wel to thy doughters that they be not forlone ;
And put hem betime to their mariage,
And giue them of thy good when they be of age.
For maydens bene louely.
But they ben untrufty,
My, &c.
Gif thou loue thy children hold thou hem lowe,
And gif any of hem mifdo, banne hem not ne blow,
But take a good fmart rod, and beat hem arowe.
Till they cry mercy, and their gilts bee know.
For gif thou loue thy children wele,
Spare not the yard neuer a deale,
My, &C.J
The foregoing stanzas exhibit a very lively picture
of the manners of this country, so far as respects the
conduct and behaviour of a class of people, who at
the time when they were written, occupied a station
some degrees removed above the lowest ; and seem
to presuppose that women of this rank stood in need
of admonitions against incontinence and drunkenness,
vices at this day not imputable to the wives of farmers
or tradesmen. It is much to be lamented that the
means of recovering the characteristics of past ages
are so few, as every one must find who undertakes to
delineate them. The chronicles and history of this
country, like those of most others, are in general the
annals of pulilic events ; and a history of local
manners is wanting in every country that has made
the least progress towards a state of civilization. One
of the best of those very few good sentiments con-
tained in the writings of the late lord Bolingbroke is
this, ' History is philosophy teaching by example.'
And men would be less at a loss than they are how
to act in many situations, could it be known what
conduct had heretofore been pursued in similar in-
stances. ]\[ankind are possessed with a sort of
curiosity, which leads them to a retrospect on past
times, and men of speculative natures are not content
to know that a nation has subsisted for ages under
a regular form of government, and a system of laws
calculated to promote virtue and restrain vice, but
they wish for that intelligence which would enable
t The poem from which the above stanzas are taken was printed,
together with the stately tragedy of Guistarrt and Sismond, and a short
copy of verses entitled ' The Way to Thrift,' by Robert Robinson, lor
Robert Dexter, in 1597 ; and in the title-page all the three are saiii to be
' of great antiquitie, and to have been loiig reserved in manuscript in the
' studie of a Northfolke gentleman.'
212
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
BuoK Vw
them to represent to their minds the images of past
transactions with the same degree of exactness as is
required in painting. With what view but this are
collections formed of antiquities, of various kinds of
medals, of marbles, inscriptions, delineations of ancient
structures, even in a state of ruin, warlike instruments,
furniture, and domestic utensils. Why are these so
eagerly sought after but to supply that defect which
history in general labours under ?
Some of our English writers seem to have been
sens'ule of the usefulness of this kind of information,
and uave gratified the curiosity of their readers by
descending to such particulars as the garb, and the
recreations of the people of this country. In the
description of the island of Britain, borrowed, as it
is supposed, from Leland, by William Harrison, and
prefixed to Hollinshed's Chronicle, is a very enter-
taining account of the ancient manner of living in
England. Stowe is very particular with respect to
London, and spends a whole chapter in describing
their sports and pastimes. Hall, in his Chronicle,
has o-one so far as to describe the habits of both sexes
worn at several periods in this country. Some few
particulars relating to the manners of the English,
according to their several classes, are contained in
that curious little book of Sir Thomas Smith, De
Republica Anglorum ; others are to be met with in
the Intinerary of Fynes iMoryson, and others to the
last degree entertaining in that part of the Intinerary
of Paid Hentzner, published by the honourable Mr.
Walpole in 17o7, with the title of a Journey intq
England in lOfci'J.
These it is presumed are the books from which
a curious enquirer into the customs and manners of
our forefathers would hope for infoniiation ; but
there is extant another, which though a great deal is
contained in it, few have been tempted to look into ;
it is that entitled De Proprietatibus Rerum, of Bar-
tholomgeus, written originally in Latir, and translated
into English by John Trevisa, in die year 1398.
Of the author and translator the following is aij
account : —
The author Bartholomasus, sr.rnamed Glantville,
was a Franciscan friar, and de?cended of the noble
family of the earls of Suffolk, The book, De Pro-
])rietatibus Rerum, was writtea about the year 13B6.
Trevisa was vicar of the parish of Berkeley, in the
year 1398, and favoured by the then Earl of Bereke-
ley, as appears by the following note at the end of this
his translation, which fixes also the time of making it.*
' Endlcfs grace, blylTe, thankyng, and prayfyng unto
* our Lorde God omnipotent be giuen, by whoos ayde
* and helpe this tranflacyon was ended at Berkeleyc
* the fyxte daye of Feuerer, the yere of our Lord
* M.ccclxxxxviii. the yere of the reyne of kynge
* Rycharde the feconde, after the conquelle of Englonde
* xxii. The yere of my lordes aege fyre Thomas lorde of
* Berkeleye that made me to make this tranflacyon xlvii.*
It seems that the book in the original Latin was
printed at Ilaerlem in 1485 ; but as to the translation,
it remained extant in written copies till the time of
* Vid. Tann. Biblioth. Brit. pa^. 32fi. The same Trevisa translated
also out of iMm into English the Bible, and the Polychronieon of
Ranalph Higden. Ibid. pag. 720.
Caxton, who first j^rinted it ia English, as appears
by the Proem of a subsequent impression of it by
Wyidcen de Worde, some time before the year 1500.
It was again printed in 1535 by Thomas Berthelet;
and in 15b2, one Stephen Batman, a professor of
divinity, as he styles himself, })ublished it with the
title of Batman upon Bartholome his booke De
Proprietatibus Rerum, with additions. Like many
other compilations of those early times, it is of
a very miscellaneous nature, and seems to contain
the whole of the author's reading on the subjects of
theology, ethics, natural history, medicine, astronomy,
geography, and other mathematical sciences. Wliat
renders it worthy of notice in this place is, that
almost the whole of the last book is on the subject
of music, and contains, besides a brief treatise on the
science, an account of the instruments in use at the
time when it was written. Tliis treatise is the more
to be valued, as it is indisputably the most ancient
of any yet published in the English language on the
sul)ject of music, for which reason the whole of it is
inserted verbatim in a subsequent part of this work.
The sixth book contains twenty-seven chapters,
among which are these with the following titles : De
Puero, De Puella, De Ancilla, De Viro, De Patre,
De Servis, De Proprietatibus Servi mali, De Pro-
prietatibus boni Servi, De Bono Domino ; these
several chapters furnish the characteristics of child-
hood, youth, and mature age, at the time when this
author wrote. And though it is true that this sixth
book has little to do with music, and the mention of
songs and carols does but occasionally occur in it;
nevertheless the style of this author is, in respect to
his antiquity, so venerable, his arrangement of the
different classes of life so just, and the picture
exhibited by him of ancient manners in this country
so lively, and to all appearance true, that a short
digression from the purposed work to that of Bar-
tholomeus, will carry its own apology to every
inquisitive and curious observer of human life and
manners.
Of children he says, that wdien a child has passed
the age of seven years, he is * fette to lernynge, and
* compellid to take lernynge and chaftyfynge.'f At
+ In the infancy of literature the correction of children, in order to
make them diligent and obedient, seems to have been carried to great
excess in this and other countries ; in the poem above-cited, the daughter
is exhorted in the education of her children ' not to be sparing of the
'yard,' i.e., not to refrain from beating them with a stick with which
cloth is measured ; and it is probably owing to Mr. Locke's Treatise on
Education that a milder and more rational method of institution prevails
at this day : it seems as if men thought that no proficiency could be
made in learning without stripes. When Heloissa was committed to
the tuition of Abaelard, he was invested by her uncle with the power of
correcting her, though she was then twenty-two years of age. Tlie lady
Jane Gray complained very feelingly to Ascham of the pinches, nippes,
and bobbes, and other nameless severities which she underwent from
her jiarents in order to quicken her diligence in learning. See a letter
of Robert Ascham to his friend Sturniius, in the Epistles of the former,
and the Scholeniaster of Ascham. Tusser, the author of the Five
hundred Points of Husbandry, speaks of his ' toozed ears and bobbed
lips,' and other hardships which he suhtained in the course of his
education ; and mentions with a kind of horror the severity of Udal, the
ma.'iter of Eton school, who gave him at once fifty-three stripes for that
which was either none, or at most a very small fault. The cruelty of
this man elsewhere appears to have been so great as to afford a reason to
many of the boys for running away from the school, as is related by
Ascham in his Scholemaster. Everi so late as the reign of Charles II.
the correction of a young gtntlefnan in the course of his exercises was
very cominon, a's appears from the caution which the duke of Newcastle
gives to the teachers of the art of horsemanship, not to ' revile their
' pupils with hats>i language, nor to throw stones at them,' which, says
he ' many masters do, and for that purpose carry them in their pockets.
Chap XL VII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
213
that age he says they are ' plyaunt of body, able and
* lyghte to moeuynge, wytty to lerne carolles, and
' wythoute beiyneffe, and drede noo perylles more
* thane betynge with a rodde ; and they loue an apple
' more than golde.' Farther that they ' loue playes,
* game, and vanytee, and forfake worthynes ; and of
* contrarite, for mooft worthy they repute leeft worthy,
' other not worthy, and defire thynges that is to theym
' contrary and greuous ; and fette more of the ymage
' of a chylde than of thymage of a man ; and make
' forrowe and woo, and wepe more for the loffe of an
' apple than for the lofle of theyr heritage ; and the
' goodneffe that is done for theym they lete it pafle out
' of mynde. They defire all thynges that they fe, and
' praye and afke wyth voyce and wyth honde. They
' loue talkynge and counfcylle of fuch children as they
* ben, and voyde company of olde men. They kepe no
' C(.unfeylle, but they telle all that they here : fodenly
* they laugh, and ibdenly they wepe : alwaye they
' crye, jangle, and jape, uneth they ben ftylle whyle
' they flepe. Whan they ben waffhe of fylthe, anone
' they defoyle themfelfe ayen ; whan the nioder walfh-
' ith and kometh them they kick and fpraul, and put
* wyth fete and wyth hondes, and wythftondyth wyth
* al theyr myghte, for they thynke onnly on wombe-
' joy, and knowe not the mefure of their wombes :
* they defire to drynke alwaye uneth they are oute of
' bedde, whan they crie for mete an oue.
In the sixth chapter a damsel is thus described : —
[De Puella.\ ' A mayde, chylde, and a damoyfel
* is callyd Puella, as it were Clene and Pure as the
* blacke of the eye. Amonge all thynges that ben
' louyd in a mayden, chailyte and clennelfe ben louyd
' molT:. Men byhoue to take hede of maydens, for
* they ben hote and moylle of complexyon, aiid tendre,
' fmale, plyaunt, and fayr of dilpofycyon of body.
' Shamtalle, ferdefuU, and mery, touchynge with al^ec-
* cyon, delycate in clothynge, for, as Senica fayth,
' that femely clothynge bylemyth to them well that
' ben chaite damoyfels. Puella is a name of aege of
' foundnes wythout wem, and alfo of honelle. And
' for a woman is more meker than a man, and more
' enuyous, and more laughynge and louynge, and males*
* of Ibule is more in a woman than in a man ; and fhe
' is of feble kynde, and fhe makyth more lefynges, and
' is more fhamefail, and more flowe in werkynge, and
* in meuynge, than is a man.
' \_De Ancilla\ * A feruant-woman is ordeyned to
* lern the wyues rule as it is put to ofiyce, aud werke
' of traueyle and of defoyle, and is fedde wyth grete
* mete and fimple, and clothed in toule clothes, and
' kepte lowe under the yocke of thraldom and of fer-
' uage ; and yf fhe conceyue a chylde, (he is yeue in
* thralle, or it be born, and take from the moders
' wombe to feruage. Alio yf a feruying-woman be of
' bond condycyon fhe is not fufired to take an hufbond
* at her owne wylle : and he that weddyth her, ^{ he
' be fre afore, he is made bonde after the contrafte.
* A bonde-feruaunte-woman is boute and folde lyke
•a beell; and ^'i a bonde-feruaunt-man or woman is
* Malice.
* made fre, and afterwarde unkynde, he fliall be callyd
' and brought ayen into charge of bondage and
* of thraldom. Alfo a bonde feruant fufirith many
' wronges, and is bete wyth roddes, and conllreyned,
* and holde lowe wyth dyuerfe and contrary charges
* and trauelles ; amonges wretchydnes and woo, uneth
' he is fuffred to relle or to take brethe ; and therefore
' amonge all wretchydnes and woo the condycyon or
' bondage and thraldom is mofl wretchid. It is oo
' proprite of bonde-feruynge-wymmen, and of them
' that ben of bonde condycyon, to grutche and to be
' rebell and unbuxom to theyr lordes and ladies. And
' whan they ben not holde lowe wyth drede, their
' hertes fwelle, and wer Itoute and proude ayenft the
' commaundmentes of their fbueraynes, as it farid of
' Agar, a woman of Egypt, feruaunt of Saira, for flie
' fawe that fhe had conceyued, and was wyth chyld,
' and dyfpleyfed her owne lady, and wolde not amende
' her ; but then her lady putte her to be fcourged, and
' bete her, and foo it is writ that Saira chaftyfed her
' and bete her, &c. Pryde makyth bonde-men and
' wymmem meke and lowe : and goodly loue makyth
' theim prowde, and floute, and dyfpiteous; and fo it
' is fayd there it is wrytte, he that nouryffhyth his
' feruant delycatly, he fhall fynde hym rebell at thende.
\^De Firo.] ' A man is callyd f^ir in Latyn, and
' hath that name of mighte and uertue, and flrengthe,
' for in myghte, and in ftrengthe a man pafTyth a
' woman. A man is the hede of a woman, as the
' Appoftle fayth, therefore a man is bounde to rule his
' wife, as the heed hath cure and rule of the body.
* And a man is callyd Mantus, as it were wardynge
' and defendyng the moder, for he taketh warde and
' kepynge of his wyfe, that is moder of the chyldren,
* and is callyd Sponjus alfo, and hath that name of
' Spondee, for he byhotyth and oblygith himfelf ; for in
' the contrafte of weddinge he plighteth his trouth to
'lede his lyfe wyth hys wyfe, wythout departynge,
' and to paye her dettes, and to kepe and loue her afore
' all other. A man hath foo grete loue to his wyfe,
' that becaufe hereof he auentryth hymfelf to perylles,
' and fettyth her loue afore his moders loue : for he
' dwellyth with his wyfe, and forfakyth his moder and
' his fader, for foo fayth God, a man fhall forfake fader
' and moder, and abyde wyth his wyfe.
' Afore weddynge the fpoufe thynkyth to Wynne the
' loue of her that he wowyth, with yefte, and certefyeth
' of his wyll wyth lettres and meilengers, and wyth
' diuerfc prefcnts, and yeuyeth many yeftes and moche
' good and catayle, and promyfeth moche more ; and
' to playfe her puttyth hym to diuerfe playes and games
' among gadering of men ; and ufe ofte dedes of amies
' of myght and of mayftry ; and makyth hym gay and
' femely in dyuerfe clothynge and araye ; and all that
' he is prayed to giue thereto for her loue he yeuyeth,
' and dooth anone with all his myght, and denyeth no
' peticyon that is made in her name, and for her loue.
' He fpekyth to her pleyfauntly, and byholdeth her
' cheer in the face wyth pleyfynge and glad cheer, and
' wyth a fharp eye, and ailentyth to her at laile, and
' tellith openly his wyll in prefence of her frendes, and
' fpoufith her with a rynge, and takyth her to wyfe.
214
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE.
Book VI.
and yeueth her yeftes in token of contradl of weddynge,
and makyth her chartres and dedes of graunt, and of
yeftes ; and makyth reuels, and feeftes, and fpoulayles,
and yeuyth many good yeftes to frendes and giftes,
and comfortyth and gladdith his giftes with fonges
and pypes, and other mynftralfye of mufyke ; and
afterwarde he bringeth her to tlie pryuitees of his
chambre, and makyth her felovv at borde and at bedd;
and thene he makyth her lady of money, and of his
hous meyny. Thene lie hath caufe to her as his
owne, and takyth the charge and keepynge of her,
and fpecyally louyingly auyfeth her yf flie doe amys,
and takyth of her berynge and gooynge, of fpekynge
and lokynge ; of her paffynge and ayencomynge, and
entrynge. Noo man hath more welth than he that
hath a gode woman to his wyfe, and no man hath
more woo than he that hath an euyll wyfe, cryenge
and janglynge, chydynge and fkoldynge, dronklewe
and unftedfalle, and contrary to hym : coftlewe,
ftowte, and gaye, enuyous, noyful, lepynge ouer
londes, mocli fufpycyous, and wrathful.
' In a good fpoufe and wyfe byhoueth thife condy-
cyons, that fhe be befye and deuote in Goddys feruyle;
meke and fervyfeable to her hufbonde, and fayre
fpekynge and goodly to her meyny ; merycable and
good to wretches that ben nedy, eafy and peafyable
to her neyghbours, ready waar and wife in thynges
that fliold be auoyed, ryghtfull and pacyent in fuf-
frynge, befy and dilygente in her doinge, manerly in
clothyinge, fobre in mouyng, waar in fpekynge,
charte in lokynge, honefte in beringe, fadde in goynge,
fhamfafte amonge the people, mery and gladde amonge
men wyth her hufbonde, and chafte in pryuyte.
Such a wyfe is worthy to be prayfed that entendyth
more to pleyfe her hufbonde wyth her homely word,
than with her gayly pinchynge and nycetees, and
defyreth more with vertues than with fayr and gay
clothes. She ufyth the goodnes of matrymony more
bycaufe of chyldren than of fleflily lykynge, and
more lykynge in chyldren of grace than of kynde.'
BOOK VI. CHAP. XLVIII.
The description given by Bartholomaeus of the
several states and conditions of life, refer to the re-
lations of father, mother, son, daughter, and female
servant, and the duties resulting from each, adapted
to the manners of the fottrteenth century, which,
though comparatively rude and xmpolished, were not
so very coarse and sordid as not to admit of those
recreations and amusements, which are common to
all ages and countries, and are indeed as necessary
for the preservation of mental as corporeal sanity,
and among these are to be reckoned music and
dancing.
Mention has already been made in general terms
of those songs and ballads which were the enter-
tainment of the common people ; and examples of
poetical compositions, suited to the mouths of the
vulgar, will occur in their place.
These it may be said are very homely represent-
ations of ancient manners : it is true they are, but
they are representatives of the manners of homely and
iminstructed people, the better sort of both sexes
entertaining formerly, as now, very different senti-
ments : and what respect and civilities were anciently
thought due to women of rank and character, may be
learned from the feigned conversations between knights
and their ladies, with which the old romances abound.
Nay, such was the respect paid to the chastity of
women, that the church lent its aid to qualify men
for its protection : and over and above the engage-
ments which the law of arms required as the con-
dition of knighthood, most of the candidates for that
honour, that of the Bath in particular, were obliged
to fast, to watch, to pray, and to receive the sacra-
ment, to render them susceptible of it ; and their in-
vestiture was attended with ceremonies which had
their foundation in Gothic barbarism and Romish
superstition. How long the idea of sanctity of life
and manners continued to make a part of the knightly
character, maybe inferred from Caxton's recommend-
ation of his Boke of the Ordre of Chyvalry or
Knighthood, translated out of French, and imprinted
by him, wherein are these words : — ' O ye knights
' of Englond ! where is the cuftom and ufage of noble
* chyvalry that was ufed in thofe dayes ? What do you
* now, but go to the baynes, \baths^ and play at dyfe ?
* and fome not well aduifed, ufe not honeft and good
' rule, agayn all order of knighthood. Leue this, leue
' it, and rede the noble volumes of Saynt Greal,* of
' Lancelot, of Galaad, of Triftram, of Perfeforeft, of
' Percyual, of Gawayne, and many mo : There fhall
* ye fee manhode, curtoys, and gentlenes ; and loke in
« The noble volume thus entitled is said to be no other than the
romance of Sir Laiincelot of the Lake, and King Arthur and his Knights.
See the Supplement to the translator's preface to Jarvis's Don Quixote,
where it is also said that St. Greaal was the name given to a famous
relic of the holy blood, pretended to have been collected into a vessel by
Joseph of Arimathea, and that the ignorance of the times led men to the
belief that it was the name of a knight. Huetius, in his Treatise on the
Origin of Romances, says that Kyrie Eleison [Lord have mercy on us]
and Paralipnmenon [the title of the two books of Chronicles] and another
eminent writer adds the word Deuteronomy, were in like manner taken
for the names of saints or holy men. Other instances to this purpose
might be produced, but this that follows of St. Veronica, a holy young
woman said to have been possessed of a handkerchief with the impression
of Christ's face on it, surpasses all of the kind. Misson, in his De-
scription of the Chapel of the Holy Handkerchief [Le Saint Suaire] at
Turin, giving an account of this inestimable relic, relates the story of it
in these words : — ' It is a pretended veil, or handkerchief which was
'presented (says the tradition) to our Saviour as he was carrying the
' cross (according to St. John) by a maid named Veronica. They pretend
' that Jesus Christ wiped his face with it, and gave it back to her who
'had ]>resented him with it; and that the face of Jesus Christ remained
'imprinted upon it with some colour. This is the holy handkerchief,
' Sudarium ; and as for Veronica, the devout virgin, 'tis a pretty diverting
'stroke of ignorance: with these words Vera Icon, tliat is to say, a true
' image or representation (viz., of the face of Jesus Christ) those curious
'doctors have made Veronica, and afterwards they took a fancy that
' Veronica was the name of the pretended young woman supposed by
' themselves to have presented her handkerchief to our Saviour. The
'Sudarium was carried from Chamberry in the year 1532, the chapel
' where it was at Chamberry having been accidentally burnt. There are
'five or six more at Rome and other places. See Reiskius de Imagini-
' bus Christi, and Bede de Locis Sanctis.' Misson's new voyage to Italy,
London, 1714. vol. II. part II. pag. ;iSS. The famous story of the eleven
thousand virgins is as void of foundation in historical truth as that
above related. It arose thus : some blunderer seeing in a calendar upon
the twelfth of the calends of November, Vndeciiiiilla, Virgo S; Martyr,
read Uiulecim viille; and of course Viryines % Marlyres. Undecimilla,
a diminutive of Undecima, was undoubtedly the name of a woman,
probably the eleventh child of her parents, who might have been a
martyr. Vide Pref. to Castley's Catalogue of the Manuscripts of the
King's Library, pag. xvii.
Chap. XL VIII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
215
' latter dayes of the noble actes fyth the conquefte, as
* in king Richard's days, Cuer de Lion : Edward I. and
* III. and his noble fonnes : Sir Robert Knolles, &c.
' Rede, FroilTart. Alfo behold that victorious and
* noble king, Harry the Fifth, &c.'
But to reassume the proposed discrimination be-
tween the manners of the higher and lower orders of
the people. It is certain that the courtesy and
urbanity of the one was at least equal in degree to
the rudeness and incivility of the other ; for, not to
recur to the compositions of the Proven jal poets,
Boccace himself is in his poetical compositions the
standard of purity and elegance. He it is said was
the inventor of the Ottava Rima, of which a modern
writer asserts that it is the nol:)lest concatenation of
verses the Italians have ; and the sonnets, and c«ther
poetical compositions interspersed throughout the
Decameron, may serve to shew what a degree of re-
finement prevailed in the conversations of the better
sort at that early period. If farther proofs were
wanting, the whole of the compositions of Petrarch
might be brought in support of this assertion. The
sonnets of this elegant and polite lover are not more
remarkable for their merit as poetical compositions,
than for charity and purity of sentiment : and much
of that esteem and respect with which women have
long been treated, is owing to those elegant models
of courtship contained in the addresses of Petrarch to
his beloved Laura, which have been followed, not
only by numberless of his own countrymen, but by
some of the best poets of this nation, as namely, the
earl of Surrey, Sir Thomas Wiat, Sir Edward Dyer,
Vere, earl of Oxford, Spenser, Shakespeare, and
others.
A few enquiries touching the recreation of dancing,
will lead us back to the subject of this history, from
which it is to be feared the foregoing disquisition
may be thought a digression ; and here it is to be
observed, that even at the times now spoken of,
dancing was the diversion of all ranks of people ;
though to ascertain the particular mode of this exer-
cise, and how it differed from that now in use, is a
matter of great difficulty. The art of Orchesography,
or denoting the several steps and motions in dancing
by characters, is a modern invention of a French
master, Mons. Beauchamp, who lived Jn the time of
Lewis XIV., though it has been improved and per-
fected by another, namely, Mons. Feuillet : * and of
the several kinds of dance in fashion in the days of
queen Elizabeth, we know little more than the names,
such as the Galliard, the Pavan,! the Coranto, and
some others. Sir Thomas Elyot, in his book called
the Governor, says in general, that dancing by persons
of both sexes is a mystical representation of matrimony,
* Furetiere, in his Dictionary, ascribes this invention to one Thoinet
Arbeau, a Frenihmaii. mentioned by VValther in Iiis Musical Lexicon,
pas 43, to have published in 1558, a book with the title of Orcheso-
graphio. Furetiere confesses he never couJd get a sight of the book ; but
Mr. Weaver, the dancing-master, who had perused it, says that it treats
on dancing in general, beating the drum, and playing on the fife ; and
contains nothing to the purpose of the Orchesograpliy here spoken of.
Feuillet's book was translated into English, and published by Mr. Weaver
about the beginning of this century. Vide Weaver's Essay towards an
History of Dancing, 12mo. pag. 171.
+ See an explanation of these tw'o words in the opposite note. The
Cor-into is of Fiencl; original, and is well understood to mean a kind of
dance resembling running.
those are his words : ' It is diligently to be noted that
' the company of man and woman in dancing, they
' both observing one number and time in their
' movings, was not begun without a special consider-
' ation, as well for the conjunction of those two per-
' sonnes, as for the imitation of sundry vertues which
' be by them represented, ij:
' And forasmuch as by the joyning of a man and
' woman in daimcing may be signified matrimony,
' I could in declaring the dignitie and comoditie of
' that sacrament make intier volumes if it were not
' so commonly knowen to al men, that almost every
' frier lymitour carj^eth it written in his bosome.' §
And elsewhere he says,;. ' In every daunce of
' a most ancient custome therida,unced together a man
' and a woman, holding each. other by the hand or
' by the arme, which betpkeneth concord. Now it
' behoveth the dauncers, and also the beholders of
' them, to know al qualities incident to a man, and
' also al qualities to a woman likewise appertaining.']!
A little farther he speaks of a dance called the
Braule, by which he would have, his reader under-
stand a kind of dancing, the motions and gesti-
culations whereof are calculated to express something
like altercation between the parties : whether this
term has any relation to that of the Bransle of
Poitiers, which occurs in Morley's Introduction, may
be a matter of some question : Minshew and Skinner
derive it from the verb Bransler, Vibrare, to brpind-
ish ; the former explains the word Braule, by saj'ing
it is a kind of dance. Phillips is more particular,
calling it ' a kind of dance in which sever,aL persons
' danced together in a ring, holding one anpth(^r by
' the hand.'
Over and above this particular specification, of one
of the old dances, Sir Thomas Elyot mentions some
other kinds, as Bargenettes, Pauyons, Turgyons,^}
and Roundes, concerning which he says, ' tliat as for
' the special names, they were taken as they be now,
' either of the names of the first inventours, or of
' the measure and numl)er that they do conteine ; or
' of the first words of the dittie which the song
' comprehendeth, whereoff the daunce was made.
' In every of the said daunces thei;e was a coutinuitie
' of moving tlie foote and body, expressing some
' pleasannt or profitable affects or motions of the
' mind.'*'^'
This account carries the. present enquiry no farther
back than to somewhat befjOre the author's time, who
flourished under Henry the Eighth, and whose book
is dedicated to that monauch; and therefore what
t Pag. 69. a.
§ Ibid.
II Ibid. C9. b.
IT Of the worn Bargenett there is no explanation to be met witli in
any of our lexicographers, and yet in the collection of poems entitled
England's H'elicon, is one called the Barginet of Antimachus. Skinn"r
has Blargaret, Tripudium Pastoritium, a dance used by shepherds, from
the French Berger a shepherd. For Turgyon no signification is to be
found.
The Pavan, from Pavo, a peacock, is a grave and majestic dance; the
method of performing it was anciently by gentlemen, dressed with a cap
and sword; by those of the long robe in their gowns ; by princes in their
mantles; and by ladies in gnwn.s with long trains, the motion whereof
in the dance resembled that of a peacock's tail. This dance is supposed
to have been invented by the Spaniards. Grassineau says its tablature on
the score is given in tlie Orchesographia of Thoinet Arbeau. Every
Pavan has its Galliard, a lighter kind of air, made out of the fonner.
** Ibid. CS. b.
216
HISTORY OF THE SCIEXCE
Book VI.
kind of dances were in use during the preceding
century cannot at this distance of time be ascertained.
It is highly probable that in this period the
IMorrice Dance was introduced into this and other
countries ; it is indisputable that this dance was the
invention of the Moors, for to dance a Morisco is
a term that occurs in some of our old English writers.
The lexicographers say it is derived from the Pyr-
vliic dance of the ancients, in which the motions of
combatants are imitated. All who are acquainted
with history know, that about the year 700 the
jMoors being invited by count Julian, whose daughter
Gava,Iloderic king of Spain had forced, made a con-
quest of that country ; that they mixed with the
natives, built the city of Granada, and were hardly
expelled in the year 1609. During their continuance
in Spain, notwithstanding the hatred which the natives
bore them, they intermarried with them, and corrupted
the blood of the whole kingdom : many of their
customs remain yet unabrogated ; and of their recre-
ations, the vlance now spoken of is one. The practice
of dancing with an instrument called the Castanet,
formed of two shells of the chesnut, is so truly of
Moorish original, that at this day a puppet-show is
hardly complete without a dance of a Moor to the
time of a pair of Castanets, which he rattles in each
hand. Nay, the use of them was taught in the
dancing-schools of London till the beginning of the
present century ; and that particular dance called
the Saraband is supposed to require, as a thing of
necessity, the music, if it may be called so, of this
artless instrument.*
But to return to the Morrice Dance, there are
few country places in this kingdom where it is not
known ; it is a dance of young men in their shirts,
with bells at their feet, and ribbons of various co-
lours tied round their arms, and slung across their
shoulders. Some writers, Shakespeare in particular,
mention a Hobby-horse and a Maid Marian, as
necessary in this recreation. Sir William Temple
speaks of a pamphlet in the library of the earl of
Leicester, which gave an account of a set of morrice-
dancers in king James's reign, composed of ten men
or twelve men, for the ambiguity of his expression
renders it impossible to say which of the two num-
bers is meant, who went about the country : that
they danced a IMaid ]\Larian, with a tabor and pipe,
and that their ages one with another made up twelve
hundred years.f It seems by this relation, which
the author has given with his usual inaccuracy of
style and sentiment, that these men were natives
of Herefordshire.
It seems that about the year 1400 the common
country dance was not so intricate and mazy as now.
Some of the ancient writers, speaking of the Roun-
delay or Roundel, as a kind of air appropriated to
dancing , which term seems to indicate little more
* ' I remember, said an old beau of the last age (speaking of his
mother as one of the most accomplished women of her time) 'that when
' Hamet Ben Harigi, the Morocco ambassador, was in England, my
' mother danced a saraband before him with a pair of Castanets in each
'hand ; and that his excellency was so delighted with her performance,
' that as soon as she had done he ran to her, took her in his arms, and
' kissed her, protesting that she had half persuaded him that he was in
'his own country.'
t Miscel. part III. pag. 277.
than dancing in a circle with the hands joined.
Stowe intimates that before his time the common
people were used to recreate themselves abroad,
and in the open air, and laments the use of those
diversions which were followed within doors, and
out of the reach of the public eye ; and while dan-
cing was practised in fields and other open places,
it seems to have been no reproach to men of grave
professions to join in this recreation, unless credit
be given to that bitter satire against it contained in
the Stultifera Navis, or the Ship of Fools, written
in Dutch by Sebastian Brant, a lawyer, about the
middle of the fifteenth century, afterwards translated
into Latin by James Locher, and thence into English
by Alexander Barclay, in which the author thus
exclaims against it : —
' What els is daunfing, but even a nurcery,
* Or els a bayte to purchafe and mayntayne
' In yonge heartes the vile finne of ribawdry,
' Them t'ettring therin, as in a deadly chayne ?
' And to fay truth, in wordes cleare and playne,
' Generous people have all their whole plealaunce
'Their vice to norifhe by this unthrifty daunce.
' Then it in the earth no game is more damnable :
' It femeth no peace, but battayle openly ;
' They that it ufe of mindes feme unftable,
' As mad folk running with clamour fhout and cry.
' What place is voide of this furious folly ?
' None, fo that I doubt within a while
' Thefe fooles the holy church fhall defile.
' Of people what fort or order may we find,
' Riche or poore, hye or lowe of name,
' i3ut by their foolifhness and wanton minde,
' Of eche lorte fome are geven unto the fame.
' The prieftes and clerkes to daunce have no ihame ;
* The frere or monke in his frocke and cowle,
' Muft daunce in his do6tor, leping to play the foole.
•To it comes children, maydes, and wives,
* And flatering yonge men to fee to haue their pray,
' The hande in hande great falfhode oft contrives,
' The old quean alfo this madnefs will affay ;
' -And the olde dotarde, though he fcantly may,
' For age and lamenes ftyrre eyther foote or hande,
' Yet playeth he the foole with other in the bande. %
' Do aw.iy with your daunces yc people much unwife,
' Uefift your foolifhe pleafure of travayle :
' It is methinke an unwyfe ufe and gyfe
' To take fuche labour and payne without avayle.
The same author censures as foolish and ridiculous
the custom of going about the streets with harps,
lutes, and other instruments by night ; and blauies
t It seems that the recreation of dancing was in ancient times prac-
tised by men of the gravest professions. It is not many years since the
Judges, in compliance with ancient custom, danced annually on Candle-
mas-day in the hall of Serjeant's Inn, Chancery-lane. Dugdale, speaking
of the revels at Lincoln's Inn, gives the following account of them : —
' And that nothing might be wanting for their encouragement in this
'excellent study [the law] they have very anciently had Dancings for
' their recreations and delight, commonly called revels, allowed at certain
' seasons ; and that by special order of the society, as appeareth in
'9 Hen. VI. viz., that there should be four revels that year, and no
' more ; one at the feast of All-hallown, another at the feast of St. Erken-
' wald ; the third at the feast of the Purification of our Lady ; and the
' fourth at Widsummer-day, one person yearly elected of the society
' being made choice of for director in those pastimes, called the master
'of the revels. Which sports were long before then used.' And again
he says, ' Nor were these exercises of dancing merely permitted, but
' thought very necessary, as it seems, and much conducing to the
' making of gentlemen more fit for their books at other times ; for by an
' order made 6th Feb. 7 Jac. it appears that the under barristers were by
' decimation put out of commons for example's sake, because the whole
' bar offended by not dancing on Candlemas-day preceding, according to
'the ancient order of this society when the judges were present ; with
'this that if the like fault were committed afterwards they should be
'fined or disbarred.' Dugd. Grig. Jurid. cap. 64.
Chap. XLIX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
217
young men for singing songs under the windows
of their lemans : in sliort, the practice here meant
is that of serenading, which is yet common in Spain,
and other parts of Europe, and is allowed by him,
even in his time, to have been more frequent abroad
than in this country. The verses are very humourous
and descriptive, and are as follows : —
' The furies fearful, fprong of the floudes of hell,
' Bereft thefe uagabondes in their minds, fo
' That by no meane can they abide ne dwell
' Within their houfes, but out they nede muft go ;
' More wildly wandring then either bucke or doe.
' Some with their harpes, another with their lute,
* Another with his bagpipe, or a foolifhe flute.
' Then meafure they their fonges of melody
' Before the doores ot their lemman deare ;
* Howling with their fooliilie fonge and cry,
' So that their lemman may their great folly heare :
' But yet moreover thefe fooles are fo unwife,
' That in colde winter they ufe the fame madnes.
* When all the houles are lade with fnowe and yfe,
' O madmen amafed unftable, and witlefs I
' What pleafure take you in this your foolifhnefs .'
' What joy haue ye to wander thus by night,
' Saue that ill doers alway hate the light ?
* But foolifhe youth doth not alone this ufe,
' Come of lowe birth, and fimple of degree,
* But alio ftates themfelves therein abuie,
' With lome yonge fooles of the fpiritualtie :
' The fooliflie pipe without all gravirie
* Doth eche degree call to his frantic game ;
'The darknes of night expelleth feare of fhame.
' One barketh, another bleateth like a fhepe ;
' Some tore, lome countre, lome their ballades fayne
' Another from finging gevech himfelf to wepe ;
* When his foveraigne lady hath of him difdayne,
* Or fhutCeth him out : and to be fliort and playne,
* Who that of this fort beft can play the knave,
' Looketh of the other the mayftery to have.
' When it is night, and eche fhould drawe to reft,
' Many of our fooles great payne and watching take
* To proue mayftryes, and fee who can drinke beft,
* Eyther at the tauerne of wine or the ale ftake,
* Eyther all night watcheth for their lemmans fake,
' Standing in corners like as it were a Ipye,
* Whether that the wether be whot, colde, wet, or dry.'
The passages above -cited are irrefragable evidence,
not only that dancing was a favourite recreation with
all ranks of people at the period now spoken of, but
that even then it was subject to rule and measure :
and here a great difficult}^ would be found to attend
our researches, supposing music to have continued
in that state in which most writers on the subject
have left it : for notwithstanding the great deal
which Vossius and other writers have said concern-
ing the Rythmus of the ancients, there is very little
reason to think that they had any method of denoting
by characters the length or duration of sounds ; the
consequence whereof seems to be that the dancing of
ancient times must have wanted of that perfection
which it derives from its correspondence with men-
surable music. Nay if credit be given to the accounts
of those writers who ascribe the invention of the
Cantus IMensurabilis to Johannes de jMuris, we shall
be at a loss to account for the practice of regular
dancing before the commencement of the fourteenth
century ; but if the Cantus Mensurabilis be attributed
to Franco, the scholastic of Liege, who flourished in
the eleventh century, the antiquity of regular dancing
is removed near three hundred years farther back.
This historical fact merits the attention of every
curious enquirer into the history and progress of
music, not only as it carries with it a refutation not
ot a vulgar, but of a general and universal error,
but because without the knowledge of it the idea of
dancing to regular measures before the year 1330, is
utterly inconceivable.*
CHAP. XLIX.
The £era of the invention of mensurable music is
so precisely determined by the account herein before
given of Franco, that it is needless to oppose the
evidence of his being the author of it to the ill-
grounded testimony of those writers who give the
honor of this great and last improvement to De
Muris : nevertheless the regard due to historical
truth requires that an account should be given of
him and his writings, and the order of chronology
determines this as the proper place for it.
Johannes de Muris was a doctor of the Sorbonne,
and flourished in the fourteenth century. IMersennus
styles him ' Canonicus et Decanus Ecclesise Paris-
'iensis.'f The general opinion is, that he was
a native of Normandy ; but bishop Tanner has ranked
him among the English writers ; in this he has
followed Pits,| who expressly asserts that he was an
Englishman ; and though the Oxford antiquary,
fullowing the French writers, says that he was a
Frenchman of Paris, § the evidence of his being a
native of England is stronger than even Pits or
Tanner themselves were aware of; for in a very
ancient manuscript, which it no where appears that
either of them had ever seen, and of which a very
copious account will hereafter be given, are the
following verses : —
' Ihon de Muris, variis floruitque figuris,
' Anglia cantorumnomen gignitplurimorum.
Monsieur Bourdelot, the author of the Histoire de
la Musif^iie et ses Effets, in four tomes, printed at
Paris in 1715, and at Amsterdam in 1725, has
grossly erred in saying of De Muris, that he lived
in 1553 ; for it was more than two hundred yeai'S
before that time, that is to say in 1330, that we are
told by writers of the greatest authority he flourished.
To shew his mistake in some degree we need only
appeal to Franchinus, who in his Practica Music^e,
printed in 1502, lib. II., besides that he gives the
several characters of which De Muris is said to have
been the inventor, cap. 13, expressly quotes him by
name, as he does also Prosdocimus Beldemandis, his
commentator, cap. 4. Glareanus also in his Dodeca-
chordon, published at Basil in 1540, has a chapter
De Notarum Figuris, and has given compositions
* Franco is supposed to have invented the Cantus Mensurabilis ahout
tlie year 1060 ; and it is certain that Guido reformed the scale about the
year 1()2S. It is very reinarkable that two such considerable improve-
ments in music sliould be made so nearly together as that the difference
in point of time between the one and the other should be less than forty
years.
+ Harmonic, lib. I. prop, xxv, pag. 8.
1 Append. 872.
§ Atheu. Oxon. 407.
218
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VI.
of sundry musicians of that day, in notes of different
lengths, that could not have existed, if we suppose
that De Muris invented these characters, and conse-
quently that they were not known till 1553.
By the account which Bishop Tanner gives of him
in his Bibliotheca, it appears that De Muris was a
man of very extensive knowledge ; and in particular
that he was deeply skilled in the mathematics. In-
deed the very titles of his books seem to indicate a
propensity in the author to the more abstruse parts
of learning. His treatise on the Quadrature of the
Circle, shews him to have been a geometer ; and that
on the Alphonsine Tables, an astronomer.*
The tracts on music written by De Muris exist
only in manuscript, and ajjpear by Bishop Tanner's
account to have been four, namely, one beginning
' Quoniam Musica est de sono relato ad numeros.'
2. Another intitled, ' Artem componendi (metiendi)
' fistulas organorum secundum Guidonem,' beginning
' Cognita consonantia in chordis.' 3. Another with
this title ' Sufficientiam musical organicaj editam,
' (ita habet MS.) a mag. Johanne de Muris, musico
* sapientissimo, et totius orbis subtillissimo experto,'
beginning * Princeps philosophornm Aris'toteles.'
4. Another entitled ' Compositionem consonantiarnm
' in symbolis secundum Boetium,' beginning ' Omne
' instrumentum musicae.' f Besides these Mersennus
mentions a tract of his entitled Speculum IMusicee,
which he had seen in the French king's library, and
attentively perused. | And IMartini has given a short
note of the title of another in the words following :
* De Muris Slag. Joan, de Normandia alias Paris-
' iensis Practica Mensurabilis Cantus, cum exposit.
Prosdocimi de Beldemandis.' Patav. MS. an. 1404:.
The manuscripts of De IMuris above-mentioned to
be in the Bodleian library, have been carefully perused
with a view to ascertain precisely the improvements
made by him in mensurable music, but they appear
to contain very little to that purpose. Nevertheless,
from the title of the tract last-mentioned, there can
be scarce a doubt but that it is in that that he explains
the nature and use of the character used in mensurable
music ; and there are yet extant divers manuscrii)ts
written by monks, chanters, and precentors in the
choirs of ancient cathedrals and abbey-churches,
mostly with the title of IMetrologus, that sufficiently
explain the nature of the Cantus Mensurabilis, though
none so clearly and accurately as the Practica Mn-
sicse utriusque Cantus of Franchinus. But besides
that many of them attribute to De Muris this im-
provement, they ascribe to him the invention of
characters which there is great reason to believe were
» The Alphonsine Tables derive their name from Alphonsus. sur-
named the AVise, king of Leon and Castile about the year 1260 ; a man
possessed of so great a share of wisdom, learning, and other great
qualities, that we are unwilling to credit Lipsius when he relates, as he
does, that having read the Bible fourteen times through, and deeply con-
sidered the fabric of the universe, he uttered this impious sentiment :—
'That if God had advised with him in the creation, he would have
'given him good counsel' As to the tables that bear his name, they
are founded on the calculations of the ablest astronomers and mathe-
maticians of his time, employed by him for that purpo.se, and were
completed at an expence of not less than four hundred thousand crowns.
+ These are all in the Bodleian library, and may easily be found by
the help of the printed catalogue, and the references to them in the
article Muris, in Tanner's Bibliotheca.
t Harmonic, lib. I. prop. xxv. pag. 8. Harm. univ. part II. pag. 11.
not made use of till many j^ears after his decease. In
a tract entitled Regulse Magistri Joannes de IMuris.
contained among many others in a manuscript col-
lection of musical tracts, herein-before referred to by
the appellation of the Manuscript of Waltham Holy
Cross, mention is made of the following characters —
the Long, the Breve, the Semi breve, the Minim, and
the Simple, which can be no other than the Crotchet,
inasmuch as two simples are there made equivalent
to a minim, and the simple is said to be indivisible,
and to be accounted as unity.
Thomas de Walsyngham,§ the author of one of
the tracts contained in the above manuscript, and
who it is conjectured flourished about the year 1400.
makes the number of the characters to be five,
namely, the Large, Long, Breve, Semibreve, and
Minim. But he adds, that ' of late a New character
' has been introduced, called a Crotchet, which would
' be of no use, would musicians remember that beyond
' the minim no subdivision ought to be made.'
Indeed a strange fatality seems to have attended
all the enquiries concerning the particulars of De
Muris's improvements ; for first no writer has yet
mentioned in which of the several tracts, of which
he was confessedly the author, they are to be found ;
secondlj^, there is a diversity of opinions with respect
to the number of characters said to be invented by
him. Nay, Mersennus goes so far as to say he had
read the manuscripts of Johannes de Muris, which
are in the library of the king of France, but never
found that he invented any of the characters in
modern use.
That tliese mistaken opinions respecting De Muris
and his improvements in music should ever have
obtained, is no other way to be accounted for than
by the ignorance of the times, and that inevitable
obscurity which was dispelled by the revival of
literature and the invention of printing. But the
greatest of all wonders is, that they should have
been adopted by men of the first degree of eminence
for learning, and propagated through a succession
of ages. The truth is, that in historical matters the
authority of the first relator is in general too im-
plicitly acquiesed in ; and it is l)ut of late years that
authors have learned to be particular as to dates and
times, and to cite authorities in support of the facts
related by them.
Franchinus indeed may be remarked as an excep-
tion to this rule ; and whoever peruses his works
will find his care in this respect equal to the modesty
and diffidence with which he every where delivers
his opinion. Now it is worthy of note that through-
out his writincrs the name of De Muris occurs but
in very few places ; that he ranks him with Mar-
chettus of Padua, Anselmus of Parma, Tinctor, and
other writers on the Cantus Mensurabilis ; and that
he is as far from giving the honour of that invention
to De IMuris as to Prosdocimus Beldemandis, his
commentator. Neither do the authors who wrote
§ The name of this person does not occur in any catalogue of English
writers on music. Bishop Tanner mentions two of that name, the one
an historian, the other precentor of the alibey-church of St. Alban : that
the latter of these was the author of the above-mentiu;:ed treatise is
very probable. Tanner, pag. 752, in not.
Chap. XLIX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
21i^
immediately after Franchinus, as namely, Peter Aron,
Glareanus, Jacobus Faber Btapulensis, Ottomarus
Luscinius, or any other writer of the German or
Italian schools before the year 1555, as far as can
be collected from an attentive perusal of their works,
assert, or even intimate, tliat the cliaracters now used
to denote the length or duration of sounds in music
were contrived by Johannes De Muris ; and the
declaration of Mersennus above-cited may almost be
said to be evidence of the contrary. Upon this
state of facts a question naturally arises, to what
mistaken representation is it owing that the honoi;r
of this important improvement in music is ascribed
to one who had no title to it, and that not by one,
but many writers ? for Zarlino, Berardi, and all the
Italians, Kircher, Brossard, and Bourdelot relate it
with a degree of confidence that seems to exclude
all doubt.
An answer to this question is at hand, which upon
the face of it has the appearance of probability. In
short, this erroneous opinion seems to have been
originally entertained and propagated by an author
whose character as a musician has held the world in
suspense for two centuries ; and it seems hardly yet
determined whether his ingenuity or his absurdity
be the greater. The person here meant is Don
Nicola Vicentino, a Roman musician, hereinbefore
spoken of, as having attempted to restore the ancient
genera, who flourished about the year 1492, and in
1555 published at Rome, in folio, a work entitled
L'Antica Musica Ridotta alia moderna Prattica, con
la Dichiaratione, et con gli Essempi de i tre Generi,
con la loro Spetie, which contains the following
relation : —
' After the invention of the hand by Guido, and the
* introduction of the stave with lines, the method to
* express the sounds was by points placed on those
' lines ; from whence it became a usual form of com-
' mendation of a cantus for more voices than one, to
' say, " Questo e' un bel contrapunto," " this is a fine
" counterpoint ; " plainly indicating that the notes
' were placed against each otlier, and consequentlv
* that they were of equal measures. But Giovanni de
' ]\[uris, grandissimo Filosofo in the university of
* Paris, found out the method of distinguishing by
' eight characters the notes which we .now place on
' the lines and spaces, and also invented those charac-
* ters the circle and semicircle, traversed and un-
' traversed, together with the numbers, as also the
' written marks for pauses or rests ; all which were
' added to his invention of the eight characters.
' Others added the round b to e la mi in their com-
' positions, and likewise the mark of four strokes,
' described in this manner M ; and so from time to
' time one added one thing, and another anotlier, as
' happened a little while ago, when in the organ to
' the third a la mi re above g sol re ut, a fifth was
' formed in e la mi with a round b, or, as you may
' call it, e la mi flat : * and from those characters
' h and b, and also this ^, many others have been
* This is a very curious anecdote, for It goes near to ascertain the
time when many of the transposed keys could not have existed. The
author is however mistaken in making e la mi b the fifth to a la mi re,
for it is an interval consisting of but three tones. He had better have
called it the fourth to b fa, which it truly is.
invented of great advantage to music, for I am of
opinion that the characters h and b were the first
principles upon which were invented the eight
musical figures now treating of; for John De Muris
being desirous of distinguishing those several figures
the Large, Long, Breve, Semibreve, Minim, Semi-
minim, or Crotchet, Chroma, or Quaver, and Semi-
chroma, was necessitated to seek such forms as
seemed to him fittest for the purpose, and by the
help of these to frame such other characters as could
be best adapted to musical practice ; and to me it
seems that none could be found so well suited to his
intention as these two of Q and b.
' For first it is to be observed that the breve H is
derived from jj, and so also are the large and the
long ; the breve being but h without legs, and the
large and the long being the same h with one leg,
with this only difference, that the large 1^3 exceeds
considerably in magnitude the long ^ . From the
other of the two characters above-mentioned, viz., b,
was formed the semibreve 0, or o, by cutting off the
leg. After the philosopher had so far adjusted the
form of tlie characters, he assigned them their proper
names ; and first to that note which was simply the fi
without the legs, he gave the name of Breve, thereby
meaning to express only the shortness of its propor-
tion in comparison with the figure from whence, as
has been shewn, it was derived.
' It seems that the breve and the semibreve were
the roots from wlience the several other notes of
addition and diminution sprang ; and seeing that a
greater variety was wanting, De Muris, for the
avoiding a multiplicity of characters, as it were gave
back the leg of the breve, and placing it on the right
side BS , called it a long, giving to it twice the
value or time of the breve. Farther, he added to
the long half its breadth 1^3 , and called it a large,
at the same time assigning to it the value of ^wo
longs.
' From those several characters arose the invention
of various tyings and bindings, and other com-
binations, called by modern writers. Ligatures, some
in a square or horizontal position, and others in a
direction oblique, and both ascending and descend-
ing, as the progression of the sounds re( quired ; but
of these it is not here intended to treat.
' Having spoken sufficiently of the origin and use of
the Breve, the Long, and the Large, it remains to
account for the invention of the jMinim, the Semi-
minim, Chroma, and Semichroma, which, as have
already been mentioned, were generated from the
b round. As to the semibreve, it is clearly the b
round without a leg ; and the minim is no other
than the semibreve with a stroke, proceeding not
from either side, but from the middle of the figure
thus i , in order that no confusion might arise from
its similitude to b. And to this character was
assigned half the value of the semibreve. From the
same figure diversified by blackness, and by marks
added to the leg, the philosopher formed three other
characters of different values, the first was the ser::i-
miuim |, in value, as its name imports, half tho
220
HISTORY OF TPIE SCIENCE
Book VI.
' minim ; and which is no other than the minim
• blackened. To the leg of this semiminim he added
' a little stroke thus | , and thereby reduced it to half
' its value, and called the character thus varied a
' Chroma : he proceeded still farther, and by the
' addition of a little stroke to the chroma formed the
' Semichroma | .' *
Kircher delivers the above as his opinion also, for
after relating the manner of Guido's improvement of
the scale, he expresses himself to the following
purpose : —
' And these were the elements of the figurate
' music of Guido, which, like all other inventions, in
' their infancy, had something I know not what of
' rude and unpolished about it, while, instead of notes,
' points only, without any certain measure or propor-
' tiun of time were used, which was the case till aboiit
' two hundred years after, when Joannes de Muris
• resuming tlie invention of Guido, completed the
' musical art, for from J] and b, by which characters
' Guido was accustomed to distinguish certain notes
' in his system, he produced those characters, whereof
' each was double to the preceding one, as to the
' measure of its time ; the first note produced from b
' he called the minim, and the same blackened the
• semiminim ; the latter character with a tail he
' called Fusa, and that with two tails Semifusa ; so
' that there proceeded from b only four different
• species of character, namely, the minim, semiminim,
' fusa, and semifusa ; "]" and from b hard or scpiare J]
' he formed the remaining notes of a longer time,
' except that from J] defective, and wanting both
' tails, he formed the breve, and from b round the
' semi breve.' J
After such a testimony as this of Kircher, it may
be unnecessary to add that the modern writers seem
to be as unanimously agreed in attributing the inven-
tion of all the characters used to denote the measure
of sounds to De ]\Iuris, as they are in ascribing the
reformation of the ancient Greek scale to Guido
Aretinus. But in this they are greatly mistaken,
and the account herein-before given of Franco is
undeniable evidence of the countrary.
jMorley, who was a man of learning in his pro-
fession, and a diligent researcher into such matters of
antiquity as were any way related to it, has in the
annotations on the first book of his Plain and easie
Introduction to practicall Musicke, given a short
history of the art of signifying the length or duration
of sounds by written characters, which, as it is
curious, is here given in his owmi wortls : ' There
' were in old time foure maners of pricking [writing
* The writers on the Cantus Mensurabilis seem to have been hard put
to it to fiiul names for their characters. Francliinus and his followers
call the semiminim Fusa, which in the barbarous Latin signifies a Spin-
dle. Litt. We at tliis day call it a crotchet, but that name seems more
properly to belong to the quaver, by reason of its curved tail, the word
crotchet being, as Butler says. Princ. of Mus. pag. 2S, derived from the
French Croc, a crook. The word Chroma, which in the Greek signifies
Colour, is properly enough given to those characters that are not evacu-
ated, but coloured either black or red ; and if so, it is in strictness
common to all the characters under the minim, and cannot be appro-
priated to the quaver.
+ Isaac Vossiu.s censures the terms Maxima;, Longs, Breves, Semi-
breves, Minima;, Semiminimae, Fus<-e, and Semil'uScB, as barbarous.
De Poem. Cant, et Virib. Rytlimi, pag. 128.
X Musurg. torn. L pag. 556.
of music], one al blacke, which they termed blaclce
Full, another which we use now% which they called
blacke Void ; the third all red, which they called
red Ful, the fourth red, as ours is blacke, which they
called redde Void ; al which you may perceive
thus : —
[printed in black.] [printed in red.]
:i-*-A-::-H
:t=:
r^^im
' But if a white note (which they called blacke
voide) hajjpened amongst blacke full, it was di-
minished of halfe the value ; so that a minims was
but a crotchet, and a semibriefe, a minime, &c. If
a redde full note were found in blacke pricking, it
was diminished of a fourth part ; so that a semi-
briefe was but three crotchettes, and a red minime
w-as but a crotchette : and thus you may perceive
that they used their red pricking in al respects as
we use our blacke noweadaies. But that order of
pricking is gone out of use now, so that woe use the
lilacke voides as they used their blacke fuUes, and
the blacke fulles as they used the red fuUes. The
redde is gone almost quite out of memorie, so
that none use it, and fewe knowe what it meaneth,
Nor doe we pricke anye blacke notes amongst
white, except a semibriefe thus ^p--»-"^— in which
case the semibriefe so blacke is a minime and a
pricke (though some would have it sung in tripla
maner, and stand for f of a semibriefe), and the
blacke minime a crotchet, as indeede it is. If more
blacke semibriefes or briefes bee togither, then in
there some proportion ; and most commonly either
Tripla or Hemiolia, which is nothing but a rounde
common tripla or sesquialtera. As for the number
of the formes of notes, there were within these two
hundred yeares but foure knowne or used of the
musytions : those were the Longe, Briefe, Semi-
briefe, and Minime. The minime they esteemed
the least or shortest note singable, and therefore
indivisible. Their long w^as in three maners, that
is, either simple, double, or triple ; a simple long
was a square form, having a tail on the right side,
hanging downe or ascending ; a double long was so
formed as some at this dale frame their larges, that
is as it were compact of two longs. The triple was
bigger in quantitie than the double ; of their value
we shall speake hereafter. The semibriefe was ;>t
the first framed like a triangle thus r', as it were the
halfe of a briefe, divided by a diameter thus 0 ; but
that figure not being comly, or easie to make, it
grew afterward to the figure of a rhombe or loseng
thus ♦, which forme it still retaineth. The minime
was formed as it is now, but the taile of it tliey ever
made ascending, and called it Signum Minimitatis
in their Ciceronian Latine. The invention of the
minime they ascribe to a certaine priest (for who he
was I know not) in Navarre, or what countrie else
it was which they tearmed Navernia ; but the first
who used it was one Philip2:ius De Vitriaco, whose
motetes for some time were of al others best esteemed
and most used in the chuch. Who invented the
Chap. XLIX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
221
' crotchet, quaver, and semiquaver, is uncertaine.
* Some attribute tlie invention of the crotchet to the
'afore-named Philiji, but it is not to be found in his
' workes ; and before the saide Philip the smallest
' note used was a semibriefe, which the authors of
' that time made of two sortes, more and less ; for
' one Francho divided the briefe, either in three equal
' partes (terming them semibriefes) or in two unequal
' partes, the greater whereof was called the more
' semibriefe (and was in value equal to the imperfect
' briefe) : the other was called the less semibriefe, as
' being but halfe of the other aforesaid. This Francho
' is the most ancient of all those whose workes of
' practical music have come to my handes : one
* Koberto De Haulo hath made as it were commen-
* taries upon his rules and termed them Additions.
* Amongst the rest, when Francho setteth downe that
' a square hody having a taile coming downe on the
' riarht side is a long, he salth thus : " Si tractum
" habeat a parte dextra ascendente, erecta vocatur ut
" hie; — BJ— '— d~ ponuntur enim iste longae erectaj
" ad difforentiam longarnra qnx, sunt rectae et vocaniur
" erectai quod ubicunque inveniuntur per semitonium
" eriguntur," that is, " if it have a taile on the righte
" side going upwards, it is called erect or raised
" thus : izB^_B^ for these raised longes be put
" for difference from others which be right , and are
" raised because wheresoveer they be found, they be
" raised halfe a note higher ; " a thing which I be-
* lieve neither he himselfe, nor any other ever saw in
' practice. The like observation he givcth of the
' briefe, if it have a taile on the left side going
' upward. The large, long, briefe, semibriefe, and
* minime (saith Glareanus) have these seventy yeares
' been in use ; so that reckoning downeward from
' Glareanus his time, which was about fiftie years
' ago, we shal find that the greatest antiquitie of our
' pricked Bong is not above 130 years old.' *
The account above-given from Morley is extremely
curious, and coincides with the opinion that De Muris
was not the inventor of the characters for notes of
different lengths ; and lest the truth of it should be
doubted, recourse has been had to those testimonies
on which it is founded ; and these are evidently the
writincrs of ecclesiastics and others, who treated on
this part of musical science m the ages precedmg
the time when Morley wrote. A valuable collection
of tracts of this kind in a lai'ge volume, was extant
in the Cotton libj-ary in the year 1731, when a fire
Avhich happened at Ashburuham -house in West-
minster, wiierc it was then deposited, consvmied many
of the manuscripts, and did great damage to this
and divers other valuable remains of antiquity. It
fortuned however that before that accident a copy
had been taken of this volume by Dr. Pepusch, which
is now extant.f and it appears to contain some of the
« Mori. Introd. Annotations on the first part.
+ Dr Smith, in his Catalogue of the Cotton library, paj. 24, has
given the title of the tracts contained in tlie volume ; and Mr. Castley,
in tlie Appendix to his catalogue of tlie kind's library, pag. 314, has
given the following note concernins it :—' Tiberius, B. IX. hurnt to
' a crust. Dr. Pepusch ha* copies of the 3, 4, and .5th tracts.' It seems
bv Dr. Pepusch's copy that the musical tracts were at least seven in
tumuer ; they make tojiatl- er two hundied and ten folio pages.
tracts expressly referred to by Morley, and by means
thereof we are able not only to clear up many diffi-
culties that must necessarily attend an enquiry into
the state of music during that long interval lietween
the time of Guido, and the end of the fifteenth century,
when Franchinus flourished, but to establish the
authority of Morley's testimony in this respect beyond
the possibility of a doubt.
The manuscript above-mentioned contains several
treatises, and first that of Roberto De Haulo, as
IMorley calls him, though by the way his true name
was Handlo,| which he says is a kind of commentary
on the rules of Franco, and are termed Additions.
It is now near four hundred and fifty years since
this copy was made, as appears by an inscription at
the end of it, inporting that it was finished on Friday
next before the feast of Pentecost, a. c. 1326.
Of this writer, Robertus De Handlo, no account
can be foimd, except in the Bibliotheca of bishop
Tanner, taken from the manuscript above-mentioned.
It is however worth observing that the above date,
1326, carries the supposed invention of De INInris
somewhat farther backward than the time at which
most writers have fixed it.
But, to proceed, in a tract of an uncertain author,
part of the Cotton manuscript above spoken of,
mention is made of red notes, and the reader is
referred to the motetts of Philippus De Vitriaco for
instances of notes of different colours.
Morley says that ' the antient mu.sytions esteemed
' the minime the shortest note singable ; ' this is in
a great measure confirmed by a passage above-cited
from Thomas De Walsyngham, and is expressly said
by Franchinus. Morley farther says that the inven-
tion of the minim is ascribed to a certain priest in
Navarre, for so he translates Navernia ; but that the
first who used it was Philippus De Vitriaco ; and
that some attribute the invention of the crotchet to
the aforesaid Philip, but it is not found in his works.
To this purpose the following passage, which IMorley
evidently alludes to, may be seen in the copy of the
above-cited manuscript : Figura verb minimcB est
corpus ohlongum ad nwdum losong<v gerens tractum
recte supra capite qui tracttis signum minitantis
dicitur, ut hie [[[ De minima vera Magister
Franco mentionem. in sua arte non facit sed tan-
tum de hngis et hrevihus, ac semibrevihus, 31inima
autem in Naverina incenta erat, et a Philifi-o De
Vitriaco,§ qidfidt Jilos.totins vnindi vmsicorum
approhata et xmtata;qiii autem dicunt p)^'(^dictum
PMUppum crochatum site semiminimam aut drag'
I De Hanulo is a proper surname: by the Chronica Series, at the
end of Diisdale's Ori^'ines .Turidiciales, it appears that Nicholas de
Handlo was a justice of the court of Common Pleas, and a justice
Itinerant. Ann. 1256.
§ It seems that this Philip was much C3lebrated. In a poem printed
among Skelton's works. 12ino. 1736, entitled A Treatise betwene Trouth
and Infonuacion, said to be written by William Cornishe, chapelman to
the most famose and noble kyng Henry VII., is the following stanza:—
I aflayde theis tunes, methought them not fwete,
The Concordes were nothynge muficall,
I called mafters of mufike cunyng and difcrete ;
And the firft prynciple, whofe name was Tuballe,
Guido, Boke, John de Murris, Vitryaco, am them al
I prayed them of helpe of this combrous fonge,
PrikeJ with force and lettred with wronge.
Ii22
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book Vi.
mam fecisse aut eis concessisse , errant, ut in notis
sicis ma)iijesfe apjmret.
Each of the sevei'al measures above-eniimerated,
that is to say, the hirge, long, breve, semibreve, and
minim, had then, as now, their correspondent pauses
or rests ; these were contrived to give time for the
singers to take breath ; besides tliis they contributed
to introduce a variety of neumas or points ; the
difference occasioned thereby is obvious.
But besides the characters invented to denote tlie
measures of time which were simple and distinct,
there were certain combinations of them used by the
ancient musicians, known by the name of Ligatures ;
of the invention whereof no satisfactory account is
any where given. The earliest explanation of their
nature and use seems to be that text of Franco, upon
which the additions of Robertus De Handlo are a
comment. Farther back than to these rules and
maxims, or, as his commentator styles them, the
Rubric, probably from the red character in which
they might have been written, to distinguish the text
from the comment, it would be in vain to look for
the doctrine of the ligatures, they were most probably
of his own invention, and seem to be coeval with
mensurable music.
Upon the whole it seems to be clear that Franco,
and not De Muris, is intitled to the merit of having
invented the more essential characters, by which the
measures of time are adjusted, with their respective
pauses or rests ; and it detracts very little from the
merit of this improvement to say that the lesser
measures were invented by others, since the least
attention to his principles must have naturally
8U!J:2:ested such a subdivision of the greater characters
ns could not but terminate in the production of the
lesser. We have seen this kind of subdivision carried
much farther than either Franco, Vitriaco, or any of
tlieir followers, thought necessary ; and were any
one to extend it to a still more minute division than
we know of at present, the merit of such a refineiiient
would hardly insure immortality to its author.
CHAP. L.
The rules of Franco, and the additions of his
commentator, shew that the ligatures were in use
as early at least as the year 1236. By another tract,
of an anonymous author, written, as it is presumed
at a small distance of time after the former, and of
which an account will be given hereafter, it appears
that this invention of the ligatures was succeeded by
another variety in the method of notation, namely,
evacuated, or, as IMorley calls them, void characters,
concerning which it is laid down as a rule, that
every full or perfect character, if it be evacuated,
receives a diminution, and loses a third part of its
value, as for instance, the perfect semibreve ♦, which
when full is equal in value to three minims, is when
evacuated o reduced to the value of two ; and the
same rule holds with respect to the breve, the long,
and the large, and also to the punctum or semiminim.
Other modes of diminution are here also men-
tioned, as the cutting off the half of either a full or
an evacuated character, as here r- <j, by which they
are respectively reduced to half their primitive value.
Another kind of diminution consisted in the use of
red instead of black ink, which it seems at that time
was a liquid not always at hand, as appears by this
passage of the author : ' The diversities of time may
' be noted by red characters, when you have where-
withal to make red characters, and these also it is
allowed to evacuate.'
The signs of augmentation are here also described,
as first that of a point after a note, which at this day
is used to encrease its value by one half. Another
sign of augmentation, now disused, was a stroke
drawn from any given character upwards, as here J,
where a minim is augmented so as to be equal in
value to a semibreve.
It appears very clearly from this little tract, and
also from numberless passages in others, written
about the same time and after, that in music in
consonance, the part of all others the most regarded,
and to which the rest seem to have been adapted,
was the tenor, from the verb teneo, to hold. This
was the part which contained the melody, and to
this the other parts were but auxiliary.
Those who consider how very easily all the mea-
sures of time, with their several combinations, are
expressed by the modern method of notation, will
perhaps wonder to find that the Cantus Mensurabilis
makes so considerable a part of the musical treatises
written about tliis time ; and that such a diversity
of opinions should subsist about it as are to be found
among the writers of the fourteenth century. The
true reason of all this confusion is, that the invention
was new, it was received with great approbation,
and immediately spread throughout Europe ; the
utility of it was universally acknowledged, and men
were fond of refining upon, and improving a con-
trivance so simple and ingenious ; but they carried
their refinements too far, and we are now convinced
that the greater part of what has been written on
the subject since the time of De Muris might very
well have been spared.
As to the ligatures, they are totally disused; every
conjunction of notes formerly described by them
being novp much more intelligibly expi'essed by
separate characters conjoined by a circular stroke
over them, and to this improvement the invention
of bars has not a little contributed. The doctrine
of the ligatures can therefore no farther be of use
than to enable a modern to decypher as it were, an
ancient composition, and whether any of those com-
posed at this early period be worthy of that labour
may admit of a question. If it should be thought
otherwise, enough about the ligatures to answer this
purpose is to be found in Morley, and other writers
his contemporaries.
It may however not be improper to exhibit a gene-
ral view of the simple and unligated characters of
those times, and to explain the terms Perfection and
Imperfection as they relate to time, which latter
cannot be better done than from the manuscript
treatise last above-cited.
It is to be observed that in mensurable music
Chai". L.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
223
perfection is ascribed to the Ternary, and imper-
fection to tlie Binary number, whether the terms be
applied to longs, breves, or semibreves ; for as to
the minim, it is simple, and incapable of this dis-
tinction. The reason the ternary number is said to
be perfect is that it has a beginning, a middle, and
an end. If a compounded whole contains two equal
parts, it is said to be imperfect, if three it is perfect :
two minims make an imperfect, and three minims
a perfect semibreve, and so of the larger measures ;
and this rule is general.
With respect to the iinligated characters, though
few in number, their different adjuncts and various
modifications rendered their respective values so pre-
carious, that whole volumes have been written to
explain their nature and use. Indeed, towards the
end of the sixteenth century much of this kind of
learning was become obsolete, and the modes of time
with their several diversities were reduced within
an intelligible compass. In order however to under-
stand the language of these writers, it may be neces-
sary to explain the terms used by them, and exhibit
a general view of mensurable music in this its infant
state.
And first with respect to the terms, the most
essential were jMode, Time, and Prolation ; and to
each of these, as applied to the suliject now under
consideration, a secondary sense was affixed widely
different from its primitive meaning. In the first
place the word Mode was made to signify that kind
of progression wherein the greater characters of time
were measured by the next lesser, as larges by longs,
or longs by breves. Where the admeasurement was
of breves by semibreves it was called Time ; perhaps
for this reason, that in musical speech Semibreve
and Time ai'e convertible terms, it being formerly,
as usual, to say for instance a pause of two or more
Times, as of so many semibreves;* and lastly, if the
admeasurement was of semibreves by minims, it was
called Prolation.'" Vide Morley, pag. 12. Franch.
Pract. Mus. lib. II. cap. iii. ix.
* Glareanus, in liis Dodechachordon. lib. III. cap. viii. pag. 203, and
Ornithoparcus in his Micrologus, translated by John Douland, pag. 46,
say that time is measured by a semibreve. Morley, Introd. pag. 9, calls
a time a stroke, and gives examples of semibreves for whole strokes or
times. Nevertheless he adds that there is a more stroke, comprehending
the time of a breve, but that the less stroke seems the most usual.
Butler says the principal time-note is the semibreve, by whose time the
time of all notes is known ; and that it is measured by tactus, or the
stroke of the hand. Princ. of Music, lib. I. cap. ii. § iv. And in a note
on the above passage he speaks thus : — ■' As in former time, when the
' semibreve and minim were the least notes, the breve was the measure-
' note, or principal time-note (by which being measured by the stroke of
' the hand, the just time of all other notes was known) so since the in-
' venting of the smaller notes (the breve growing by little and little out
' of use) the semibreve became the measure-note in his stead ; as now
' in quick time the minim beginneth to encroach upon the semibreve.
' The time-stroke of the breve Listenius termeth Tactus major, and of
' the semibreve tactus minor, the which he doth thus define : — " Tactus
" major est, cum brevis tactu mensuratur : Minor est, ciim semibrevis
" sub tactum cadit integrum." But now the semibreve time is our
' major tactus. and the minim-time our Tactus minor.
'The Tactus major of Listenius, which g'vci a breve to a stroke, is
'the time that is meant in the canons of fugues, as " fuga in unisono,
" post duo tempora : i. e. post 4 semibrevia." lb. pag. 28.
t Prolation, from the Latin Prolatio, a speaking, uttering, or pro-
nouncing, in the language of musicians, signifies generally singing as
opposed to pausing or resting. But in the sense in which it is here used
it is supposed to mean singing by the notes that most frequently occur,
viz., Minims; for Listenius remarks that the notes invented since the
Minim served rather for instrumental than vocal music. Vide Butl,
pag. 28. Andreas Ornithoparcus in his Micrologus, lib. IL can. iv. thus
explains the term : — ' Prolation is the essential quantitie of semibreves ;
' or it is the sotting of two or three minims against one semibreve; and
' it is twofold, to wit, the greater, which is a semibreve measured by
To each of those, that is to say Mode, Time, and
Prolation, was annexed the epithet of Perfect or
Imperfect, according as the progression was of the
ternary or binary kind ; and amongst these such
interchanges and commixtures were allowed, that in
a cantus of four parts the progression was frequently
alternative, that is to say, in the bass and contra-
tenor binary, and in the tenor and altus ternary, or
otherwise in the bass and contra-tenor ternary, and
in the tenor and altus binary.
This practice may be illustrated by a very familiar
image ; a cantus of four parts may be resembled to
a tree, and the similitude will hold, if we suppose
the fundamental or bass part to answer to the root,
or rather the bole or stem, the tenor to the branches,
the contra-tenor to the lesser ramifications, and the
altus to the leaves. We must farther suppose the
bass pai't to consist of the greater simple measures,
which are those called longs, the tenor of breves,
the contra-tenor of semibreves, and the altus of
minims. In this situation of the parts, the first
admeasurement, viz., that which is made by the
breaking of the longs into breves, acquires the
name of mode ; the second, in which the breves are
measured by semibreves, is called time ; and the
third, in which the semibreves are broken into
minims, is termed prolation, of which it seems there
were two kinds, the greater and the lesser; in the
former the division into minims was by three, in the
latter by two, answering to perfection and imper-
fection in the greater measures of the long, the breve,
and the semibreve.
As to the modes themselves, they were of two
kinds, the greater and the lesser ; in the one the large
was measured by longs, in the other the long was
measured by breves.j' There were also certain
arbitrary marks or characters invented for dis-
tinguishing the modes, such as these 0 Q G 5 but
concerning their use and ajiplication there was such
a diversity of opinions that Morley himself professes
almost to doubt the certainty of those rules, which,
being a child, he had learned with respect to the
measures of the Large and the Long.§ And farther
he says that though all that had written on the modes
agree in the number and form of degrees, as he calls
them, yet should his reader hardly find two of them
tell one tale for the signs to know them. For time
and prolation he says there was no controversy, but
that the difficulty rested in the modes ; || for this
reason he has bestowed great pains to explain the
several characters used to distinguish them, and
rejecting such as he deemed mere innovations, has
reduced the matter to a tolerable degree of certainty.
For first he mentions an ancient method of de-
noting the degrees, which, because it naturally leads
to an illustration of the subject, is here given in his
own words : ' The auncient musitians' (by whom
' three minims, or the comprehending of three minims in one semibreve,
' and the lesser, wherein the semibreve is measured by two minims only.'
Grassineau, notwithstanding he had Brossard before him, betrays great
ignorance in calling prolation the art of shaking or making several in-
flexions of the voice on the same note or syllable, a practice unknown to
the ancients, and not introduced till the middle of the last century.
t Mori. Introd. pag. 12, 13.
§ Annotat. on book I. pag. 12. ver. 16.
II ibid.
224:
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VI.
v:e understand tliose who lived within about three
hundred years preceding the time when Morley
wrote) ' did commonlie sette downe a particular
' signe for every degree of music in the song ; so
' that they having no more degrees than three, that
' is the two modes and time, (prolation not being in-
' vented.) they set down three signs for them : so
' that if the great moode were perfect it was signified
' by a whole circle, which is a perfect figure, and if
' imperfect by a halfe circle. Therefore wheresoever
' these signs O 33 were set before any songe, there
* was the great moode perfect signified by the circle,
' the small moode perfect signified by the first figure
' of three, and time perfect by the last. If the song
' were marked thus C 33, then was the great moode
' unperfect, and the small moode and time perfect.
' But if the first figure were a figure of two thus C
* 23, then were both moodes unperfect, and time
* perfect. If it were thus C 22, then were all uu-
* perfect. But, if in all the songe there were no large,
' then did they set downe the signes of such notes as
' were in the songe, so that if the circle or semicircle
' were set before one onelie cifer, as O 2, then did it
* signifie the lesse moode, and by that reason that
' circle now last sette downe with the binarie cifer
' following it, signified the lesse moode perfect, and
' time unperfect. If thus C 2, then was the lesse
' moode unperfect, and time perfect. If thus C 3,
' then was both the lesse moode and time unperfect,
' and so of others. But since the prolation was in-
* vented, they have set a pointe in the circle or halfo-
' circle, to shew the More prolation, which notwith-
' standing altereth nothing in the moode nor time.
' But these are little used now at this present.'
The above-cited passage is taken from the annota-
tions on the first book of Morley's Introduction.^'
His account of the characters used to distinguish the
several modes is contained in the text,f and by that
it appears that in his time, and long before, the Great
Mode Perfect, which, as he says, gave to the large
three longs, was thus signified 0 3. The Great
Mode Imperfect, which gave to the large only two
lonsrs, thus C 3. The lesser mode which measured
the longs by breves, was also either perfect or
imperfect : the sign of the former, wherein the
long contained three breves, was this O 2 ; that of
the latter, wherein the long contained only two
breves, was this C 2. As to Time, which was the
measure of breves by semibreves, that also was of
two kinds, perfect and imperfect : perfect time, which
was when the breve contained three semibreves, had
for signs these marks 0 3. C 3. 0. Imperfect time,
which divided the breve into semibreves, had these
O 2. C 2. C. As to Prolation, that of the IMore,
wherein the semibreve contained three minims, its
signs were a circle or half circle with a point thus
Q (£ • Prolation of the less, which was when the
semibreve was but two minims, was signified by the
same characters without a point, as thus O C.
From all which the same author deduces the
following position, ' that the number doth signifie
' the mode, the circle, the time, and the presence or
* absence of the poynt the prolation.' |
So much as above is adduced for the explanation
of the degrees and the signs or marks by which
they were anciently distinguished, seems absolutely
necessary to be known, in order to the understanding
a very elaborate and methodical representation of all
the various measures of time, with their several com-
binations contained in a collection of tracts already
mentioned by the name of the Cotton manuscript,
and frequently referred to in the course of this en-
quiry concerning the doctrine and practice of men-
surai)le music. A more particular account of this
invaluable manuscript, with a number of copious ex-
tracts therefrom, is inserted in that part of this work
wherein the aid of such intelligence as it abounds
with seems most necessary.
It is true that for this purpose recourse might
have been had to the printed works of Franchiiuis,
Glareanus, and other ancient writers, who have
written on the subject, and whose autliority in this
respect is unquestionable. But to this it is answered,
that not only Glareanus, but Franchinus, who on
account of his antiquity is justly deemed the Father
of our present music, represent the Cantus Men-
surabilis as in a state of maturity : and our business
here is not so much to explain the principles of the
science, as to trace its progress, and mark the several
gradations through which it is arrived to that state
of perfection in which we now behold it.
If this be allowed, it will follow that in a regular
deduction of the several improvements from time to
time made in music, the earliest accounts are the
best : and, setting aside other evidences, when it has
been mentioned that the MS. above referred to
abounds with frequent commendations of learned and
skilful musicians, such as Guido, Boetius, Johannes
De jNIuris, and others now less known, but who are
notwithstanding highly celebrated by its author,
while the names of Franchinus and Glareanus do
not once occur in it : when all this is considered, the
point of precedence in respect of antiquity, which is
all that is now contended for, will appear to be in
a manner settled, and we shall be driven to allow
that in this particular the testimony of these writers
is of less authority than the manuscript here spoken of.
For this reason the following types, as being of
very great antiquity, are here inserted as a specimen
of the method which the ancient writers made use of,
to represent the several degrees of measures, and the
order in which they are generated. The author,
whoever he was, has given them the name of musical
trees, and altliough Doni in his treatise De Prpestantia
Musicae Veteris§ in ridicule of diagrams in this
form, terms them cauli-flowers, they seem very well
to answer the end of their invention : —
i:^eit'ect Mode, Peiiect Tiiue. (iieater Prolatiun.
Ml 111 III IN III MI 1 I 1 111 Ml
6^Sd i66 6^* 6<66 ^i>i> 666 666 666 666
o
a
a
^
Viz., on pag. IS, vers. 13
t Pag. 13. t Pag- l-l-
§ Pap;. 16, where the author is unwarrantably severe in his censure of
rhythmical music, and the characters used to denote it.
Chap. L,
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
Perfect Mode, Perfect Time, Lesser rixtljition.
I I M M II II II I I II M
fl
^
The several other species of mode, time, and pro-
hition, ai'e represented in like manner, mi;tatis mu-
tandis ; and the last or most minute division of the
greater quantity in the Cantus JMensurahilis is exhi-
bited in a scheme tliat gives to the triple long no fewer
than eighty -one minims, and may be easily conceived,
of, by means of the two foregoing examples.
None of the several modal characters described by
Morley, are annexed to any of the foregoing types ;
nor do any of those marks or signs, invented to de-
note the time and prolation, occur among them ; but
the author has in a subsequent paragraph given an
explanation of them, which coincides very nearly
with that of IMorley. The augmentation of measures,
by placing a point after a breve or other character,
is also here mentioned, as are likewise sundry
methods of diminution, whereby a perfect measure
is rendered imperfect ; and amongst the rest the
diminution by red characters, which he saj's are used
in motets, and frequently in those of Philippns de
Vitriaco, for three reasons, namely, to signify a
cliange in the mode, the time, or the prolation. As
to the Pauses or Pests, the marks or characters made
use of by the ancient writers to denote them, cor-
respond exactly with those which we meet with in
the works of other writers on the subject of mea-
surable music.
The foregoing pages contain an account of the in-
vention of, and the successive improvements made in,
the Cantus Mensurabilis, which, as it is collected
from the writings of sundry authors extant only in
manuscript, and whose works were probably com-
posed for the instruction of particular fraternities in
different countries, and at different times, and conse-
quently had never received the sanction of public
approbation, is necessarily incumbered with diffi-
culties : the truth of the matter is, that this branch
of musical science had not acquired anv great degree
of stability till towards the close of the fourteenth
century ; for this reason the farther consideration of
mensurable music, and such a representation of the
measures of time, with their several modifications as
corresponds with the modern practice, is referred to
that part of the present work, where onl}' it can with
propriety be inserted.
In order to judge of the effects of this invention,
and of the improvements which by the introduction
of the Cantus Mensurabilis were made in music, it
will be necessary to take a view of the state of the
science in the ages next preceding the time of this
discovery ; and though some of those writers, who
had the good fortune to live in a more enlightened
age, have affected to treat the learning of those times
with contempt ; and, overlooking the ingenuity of
£uch men as Guido, Franco, De Handlo, De Muris,
Vitriaco, Tinctor, and many others, have reproaclied
them with barbarism, and the want of classical
elegance in their writings, perhaps there are some
who consider philology rather as subservient to the
ends of science, than as science itself ; and who may
think knowledge of more importance to mankind
than the form in which it is communicated ; such
men may be inclined to excuse the want of that
elegance which is the result of refinement, and may
be pleased to contemplate the progress of scientific
improvement, without attending to the structure of
periods, or bringing a Monkish style to the test of
Ciceronian purity.
The first considerable improvement after the regu-
lation of the tones by Gregory the Great, and the
establishment of the chant known by his name, was
the invention of Polyphonous music, exemplified at
first in that extemporaneous kind of harmony, which
was anciently signified by the term Descant."^'
Guido, besides new modelling the scale, and con-
verting the ancient tetrachords into hexachords,
found out a method of placing the points in the
spaces, as well as on the lines. This, together with
the cliffs, rendered the stave of five lines nearly com-
mensurate to the whole system, and suggested the
idea of written descant, for the notation whereof
nothing more was required than an opposition of
point to point ; and to music written according to
this method of notation, the monks, very soon after
it^ invention, gave the name of Contrapunctum,
Contrapunto, or Counterpoint ; appellations, in the
opinion of many, so strongly favouring of the bar-
barism of the times in which tliey were first intro-
duced, as not to be atoned for by their precision.
From hence it will pretty clearly appear that
counterpoint, that is to say the method of describing-
descant by such characters as we now use, was the
invention of Guido. But it does by no means follow
that he was the inventor of symphoniac music ; on
the contrary it has been shewn that it was in use
among the northern inhabitants of this kingdom, and
that so early as the eighth century, and that Bede had
given it the name of Descant.
To the evidences already mentioned in support of
this assertion, it may here be added, that the inven-
tion and use of the organ amounts to little less than
a proof that symphoniac music was known long before
Guido's time. The fact stands thus : the organ, not
to reassume the enquiry as to the time of its invention,
was added to church music by pope Vitalianus, who,
as some say, was advanced to the papacy anno G55,
though others postpone it to the year GG3. Those
of the first class fix the a?ra of the introduction of the
organ into the choral service precisely at 660, the
others by consequence somewhat later. And Guido
* It we allow for the difference between written and extemporary
music it will appsar that the modern acceptation of the word Descant
differs very little from that of the eighth century. St-e ante, Book IV_
page 150. For a learned musical lexicographer thus explains it : —
DiscAN'TO [Ital.] DiscANTUs [Lat.] quasi Biscaktus, t e., diversus
cantus, not only because tliis part being the highest nf many admits of
the most coloiatures. divisions, graces, and variations of any, but because
the earlier writers among the moderns used to call a tigurate song, in
contradistinction to Canto-fermo or Plain-song. Discantum ; and wliat
we now call the composing of figurate music, discantute. Walth. Lex.
in Art.
Q
22C
HISTORY OP THE SCIENCE
i;ooK VI.
himself, besides frequently mentioning the organ in
the Micrologus, recommends the use of it in common
with the monochord, for tuning the voice to the
several intervals contained in the septenary.
It is true when we speak of the organ we are to
understand that there are two kinds of instrument
distinguishable by that name ; the one, for the small-
ness of its size, and simplicity of its construction,
called the Portative, the other the Positive, or im-
moveable organ ; both of these are very accurately
described by Ottomarus Luscinius, in his Musurgia,
printed at Strasburg, in 1536. As to the first, its
use was principally to assist the voice in ascertaining
the several sounds contained in the system, and
occasionally to facilitate the learning of any Cantus.
The other is that noble instrument, to the harmony
whereof the solemn choral service has ever since its
invention been sung, and which is now degraded
to the accompaniment of discordant voices in the
promiscuous performance of metrical psalmody in
parochial worship.
Guido might possibly mean that the former of
these was proper to tune the voice by ; but he goes
on farther, and speaks of the organ in general terms,
as an instrument to which the hymns, antiphons, and
other offices were daily sung in cathedral and con-
ventual churches, and other places of religious worship.
Now let him mean either the one or the other of the
above-mentioned instruments, it is scarce credible that
during so long a period as that between 800 and 1020,
during all which the world was in possession of the
organ, neither curiosity nor accident should lead to
the discovery of music in consonance. Is it to be
supposed that this noble instrument, so constructed as
to produce the greatest variety of harmony and fine
modulation, v/as played on by one finger only ? was
the organist, who must be supposed to be well skilled
in the nature of consonance, never tempted by
curiosity to try its effect on the instrument the object
of his studies, and perhaps the only one, if we except
the harji, then known, on which an experiment of
this kind could possibly be made ? did no accident or
mistake, or lastly, did not the mere tuning the in-
strument from time to time, as occasion required, or.
if that was not his duty, the bare trying if it were in
tune or no, teach him experimentally that the diates-
saron, diapente, and diapason, to say nothing of the
other consonances, are as grateful to the audible as
their harmonical coincidences are to the reasoning
faculties ?
Perhaps it may be objected that this argument will
carry the use of symphoniac music back to those
times in which it is asserted no such thing was
known ; for it may be asked, does not the hydraulic
organ mentioned by Vitruvius as necessarily pre-
suppose music in consonance, as that in use at the
time of Guido's writing the Micrologus ? In answer
to this it is said, that the hydraulic organ is an in-
strument so very ill defined, that we are incapable of
forming to ourselves any idea of its frame, its con-
struction, or its use. Kircher has wrested Vitruvius's
description of it, so as to make it resemble the modern
organ, and has even exhibited the form of it in the
Musurgia ; but who does not see that the instrument
thus accurately delineated by him is a creature of his
own imagination ? and does be not deny its aptitude
for symphoniac music by saying as he does in the
strongest and most express terms, that after a most
painful and laborious research he had never been able
to find the slightest vestiges of symphoniac harmony
in either the theory or practice of the ancients ?
CHAP. LI.
It now remains to take a view of music as it stood
immediately after this last improvement of Guido.
Descant, in the original sense of the word, was
extemporaneous song, a mere energy ; for as soon as
uttered it was lost : it no where appears that before
the time of Guido any method of notation had been
thought of, capable of fixing it, or that the stave of
eight lines, mentioned by Vincentio Galilei, or that
other of Kircher, on both which the points were
situated on the lines, and not in the spaces, was ever
used for the notation of more than the simple melody
of one part ; whereas the stave of Guido, wherein
the spaces were rendered as useful as the lines, not
only brought the melody into a narrower compass,
but for the purpose of singing written descant enabled
him, by means of the cliffs, to separate and so dis-
criminate the several parts, as to make the practice
of music in consonance, a matter of small difficulty.
The word Score is of modern invention, and it is
not easy to find a synonyma to it in the monkish
writers on music : nevertheless the method of writing
in score must have been practised as well with them
as by us, since no man could know what he was
about, that in framing a Cantus did not dispose the
several parts regularly, the lowest at bottom, and
the others in due order above it. In Guido's time
there was no diversity in the length of the notes,
the necessary consequence whereof was, that the
points in each stave were placed in opposition to
those in the others ; and a cantus thus framed was
no less properly than emphatically called Counter-
point.
It is needless to say that before the invention of
the Cantus Mensurabilis this was the only kind
of music in consonance ; where it was adapted to
words the metre was regulated by the cadence of
the syllables, and where it was calculated solely for
instruments, the notes in opposition were of equal
length, adjusted by the simple radical measures, out
of which all the different modifications of common
and triple time, as we now call them, are known
to spring. But this kind of equality subsisted only
between the integral parts of the Cantus, as they
stood opposed to each other in consonance, and the
radical measures were not less obvious then than
they are now. The whole of the Rythmopoieia was
founded in the distinction between long and short
quantities, and a foot, consisting solely of either, is
essentially different from one in which they are
combined ; in one case the Arsis and Thesis are
equal ; in the other they have a ratio of two to one.
From hence there is reason to conclude that tho
Chap. LI.
AXD PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
227
primitive counterpoint, as being subject to different
general measures, was of two forms, answering pre-
cisely to the common and triple time of the moderns.
The former of these may thus be conceived of : —
ate
n
ii^^ii^=^^i
:i^
-I.V7 *
q-t
3=^*^^^*jz!»:
And the latter thus : —
im
^t
^:
iEH:
:!zzm=i±!='=S:^=i=M±^
But although these were all the varieties in respect
to time or measure, which it was originally capable
of, counterpoint was even then susceptible of various
forms, and admitted of an almost endless diversity
of combinations, arising as well from a difference
in the motion or progression of the sounds, as in
the succession of consonances. The combinations,
in a series of those eiglit sounds which constitute
the diapason, are estimated at no fewer than 40,320.
And in the case of a cantus in consonance these
allow of a multiplication by the number of the
additional parts to the amount of four. Hence it
is that in a cantus thus constituted, the iteration of
the same precise melody and harmony is an event
so extremely fortuitous, that we estimate the chance
of its happening, at nothing.
Another source of variety is discernible in the
different motions which may be assigned to the
several parts of a cantus in consonance, which, as
they stand opposed to each other, may be in either
of the following forms : —
VARIOUS PROCESSES OF HARMONY.
5E
jE
^ — <&—
Direct
Motion.
^21^
4=
-- &— V — I — ♦
Direct Motion
by conjunct
Degrees.
o — ^--i
-•
i
— »
-t-^
t-t
Direct IMotion
by disjunct
Degrees.
z:j=::l-j=:j-
:t:=t;
Oblique Motion
by conjunct
Degrees.
3
itz
mi
--^a
Oblique IMotion
by disjunct
Degrees.
^m
np
«•—
=t:-v:-^i=;F3
±-^l
Contrary
Motion.
-^=i:
::]=:1=rz=z-^-ir
— f— 0-
-0-
-i — o — I —
Motion
by leaps.
6
These observations may serve as a general ex-
planation of the nature of counterpoint, of which it
will appear there are several kinds ; for the thorough
understanding whereof it is necessary to be remem-
bered that the basis of all counterpoint is simple
melody, to which the concords placed in the order
of point against point are but auxiliary. The foun-
dation on which the harmonical superstructure is
erected is termed by the ancient Italian writers Canto
Fermo, of which the following is an example : —
EgdS^^:.J-iLr4:|i,ja-J'i^=t:ai»-»:^
^j Ec - - ce appare - bit Domi
♦ ■-
-t
nus.
As to counterpoint, notwithstanding the several
divisions of it into Contrapunctus simplex, Contra-
punctus diminutus sive floridus, Contrapunctus color-
atus, Contrapunctus fugatus, and many other kinds,
it is in truth that species of harmony only, in which
the notes contained in the Canto Fermo, and each
of the other parts, are of equal lengths, as here : —
CONTRAPUNCTUS SIMPLEX.
-o-
• From a MS. cited by Martini, supposed to have been written in the
thirteenth century. Storia della Musica, torn. I. pag. IS".
This kind of symphoniac harmony was doubtless
very grateful to the hearers as long as it retained the
charm of novelty, and when adapted to words, waa
not liable to any objection arising from its want of
metrical variety ; but in music merely instrumental,
the uni-formity of its cadence, and the unvaried
iteration of the same measures, could not at length
fail to produce satiety and disgust. For it is not in
the bare affinity or congrnity of sounds, though ever
so well adjusted, combined, or uttered, that the ear
can long find satisfaction : this is experienced by
those who study that branch of musical science
known by the name of continued or thorough bass,
the private practice whereof, whether it be on the
organ, harpsichord, arch-lute, or any other instrument
adapted for the jDurpose, in a short time becomes
irksome. But the invention of the different measures
for time, together with the pauses or rests, and also
of the ligatures, gave rise to another species, in
which the rigorous opposition of point to point was
dispensed with ; and this relaxation of a rule which,
while it was observed, lield the invention in fetters,
gave rise to those other species of harmony above -
enumerated, improperly called counterpoint.
The Contrapunctus diminutus was evidently the
first improvement of the Contrapunctus simplex, in
which it is observable tliat the notes opposed in the
Canto Fermo are more in number, and consequently
less in value, than the latter of this species. The
following, though not a very ancient composition,
may serve as an example : —
228
HISTORY OP THE SCIENCE
Book VI.
CONTRAPUNCTUS DIMINUTUS sivc FLORIDUS.
:>-*-r
^j^^^$^^-^^5ej,e^^^-z:!e^-
^\^
Ekz=±.
-♦-*-
itrztH;
^mm
^^.
»
-e-
^
-
-f] ^ —
~
-1 ^■ ">■
-■v
<?
£\
o
^ipj^^E^^fe^Ea^^E.^
This was followed by the introduction of little
points, imitations, colligations of notes, and responsive
passages, not so elegant in their structure and con-
trivance as, but somewhat resembling, the fugue of
modern times.
The rudiments of this species are discernible in
the following Kyrie, said to have been composed
about the year 1473 : — *
CANTO FIGURATO.
Ky - ri - e o
ley - son.
H
-t:
Ky - ri - e o
^?=5EM-^=
'a^=v-
fet
:5--g:
:ii=«i=g:
fr-SElEFE|
leyson.
Ky - li - e e
m^^^
Ici - son, Ky - ri - e e
leison.
m
^^:^'
^=^EE^.
^^t
±i5rg=
o--a— g-
Ky - ri - c e
lei - son, Kyri-e
leison.
To this latter kind of music were given the epithets
of Figurate, Coloured, and many others of the like
import. The Italians to this day call it Canto
Figurato, and oppose it to Contrapunto or counter-
point. Other countries have relaxed the signification
of the word Descant, and have given that name to
counterpoint ; and the two kinds are now distin-
guished by the appellations of Plain and Figurate
descant.
From hence it appears that the word Descant,
considered as a noun, has acquired a secondary signi-
fication ; and that it is now used to denote any kind
of musical composition of more parts than one ; and
as to the verb formed from it, it has, like many
others, acquired a metapliorical sense, as in the
following passage : —
' And Descant on mine own deformity.'
Shakespeare, Rich. III.
But neither can its original meaning be understood,
nor the propriety and elegance of the above figure
be discerned, without a clear and precise idea of the
nature of descant, properly so called.
If we compute the distance in respect of time
between the last improvement of the Cantus Eccle-
Biasticus by St. Gregory, and the invention of the
Cantus Mensurabilis by Franco, it will be found to
include nearly five hundred years ; and although that
period produced a great number of writers on the
subject of music whose names and works have herein
before been mentioned in chronological order, it does
not appear that the least effort was made by any of
them towards such an improvement as that of Franco,
which is the more to be wondered at as the ratio of
accents, which is what we are to understand by the
term Prosody, was understood to a tolerable degree
of exactness, even after the general declension of
literature ; and long before the commencement of
that period was deemed, as it is now, a necessary
part of grammar. St. Austin has written a treatise
on the various measures of the ancient verse, and our
countryman Bede has written a discourse De Metrica
Batione ; but it seems that neither of them ever
thought of applying the ratio of long and short
measures to music, abstracted from verse.
Neither can it be reasonably inferred from any
thing that Isaac Vossius has said in his treatise De
Poematum Cantu et Viribus Bythmi, admitting all
that he has advanced in it to be true, that the Ryth-
mopoieia of the ancients had any immediate relation
to ^lusic : it should rather seem by his own testimony
to refer solely to the Poetry of the ancients, and to
be as much a branch of grammar as prosody is at
this day. This however is certain that the ancient
method of notation appears to be calculated for no
other end than barely to signify the diversities of
sounds in respect of their acuteness and gravity. Nor
do any of the fragments of ancient music now extant
* Martini, Storia della Musiea, torn. I. pag. 188.
Chap. LI
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
229
furnish any means of ascertaining the respective
lengths of the sounds, other than the metre of the
verses to which they are adapted. It may perhaps
be urged as a reason for the practice of adjusting the
measures of the music by those of the verse, rather
than the measures of the verse by those of the music,
that the distinction of long and short times or quan-
tities could not with propriety be referred to music :
but this is to suppose that music merely instrumental
has no force or efficacy save what arises from affinity
of sound ; the contrary whereof is at this day so
manifest, that it would be ridiculous to question it :
nay the strokes on an anvil have a metrical ratio, and
the most uniform monotony may be so broken into
various quantities, and these may again be so com-
bined as to form a distinct species capable of producing
wonderful effects.
If this should be doubted, let it be considered that
the Drum, which has no other claim to a place among
the pulsatile musical instruments, than that it is
capable of expressing the various measures and
modifications of time, owes all its energy to that
which in poetry would be called Metre, which is
nothing more than a regular and orderly commixture
of long and short quantities ; but who can hear these
uttered by the instrument now speaking of, who can
attend to that artful interchange of measures, whicli
it is calculated to express, and that in a regular sub-
jection to metrical laws, without feeling that he is
acted upon like a mere machine '?
With the utmost propriety therefore does our great
dramatic poet style this instrument the Spirit-stirring
drum ; and with no less policy do those act who trust
to its efficacy in the hour of battle, and use it as the
means of exciting that passion which the most
eloquent oration imaginable would fail to inspire*
* It seems that the old English march of the foot was formerly in
high estimation, as well abroad as with us ; its characteristic is dignity
and gravity, in which respect it differs greatly from the French, which,
as it is given by Mersennus, is brisk and alert. Sir Roger Williams,
a gallant Low-country soldier of queen Elizabeth's time, and who has
therefore a place among the worthies of Lloyd and Winstanley, had
once a conversation on this subject witn marshal Biron, a French
general. The marshal observed that the English march being beaten
by the drum was slow, heavy, and sluggish: 'That may be true,'
answered Sir Roger, ' but slow as it is, it has traversed your master's
' country from one end to the other.' This bon mot is recorded in one
of those little entertaining books, written by Crouch the bookseller in
the Poultry, and published about the end of the last century, under the
fictitious name of Robert Burton ; the book here referred to is entitled
Admirable Curiosities, Rarities, and Wonders in England, Scotland, and
Ireland ; the story is to be met with in pag. 5, of it, but where else is
not said.
Notwithstanding the many late alterations in the discipline and
exercise of our troops, and the introduction of fifes and other instru-
ments into our martial music, it is said that the old English march is
still in use with the foot. Mr. Walpole has been very happy in dis-
covering a manuscript on parchment, purporting to be a warrant of
Charles L, directing the revival of the march agreeably to the form
thereto subjoined in musical notes signed by his majesty, and counter-
signed by the earl of Arundel and Surrey, the then earl marshal. This
curious manuscript was found by the present earl of Huntingdon in an
old chest, and as the parchment has at one corner the arms of his lord-
ship's predecessor, then living, Mr. Walpole thinks it probable that the
order was sent to all lords lieutenants of counties.
The following is a copy of the warrant, and of the musical notes of
the march, taken from the Catalogue of Royal and Noble Au-thors,
vol. I. pag. 201 :—
'CHARLES REX,
' Whereas the ancient custome of nations hath ever bene to use one
' certaine and constant forme of march Yn the warres, whereby to be dis-
'tinguished one from another. And the march of this our English
nation, so famous in all the honourable atchievements and glorious
warres of this our kingdome in forraigne parts [being by the appro-
bation of strangers themselves confest and acknowledged the best of all
marches] was through the negligence and carelessness of drummers,
and by long discontinuance so altered and changed from the ancient
gravitie and majestie thereof, as it was in danger utterly to have bene
It may be remembered that in the foregoing de-
duction of the improvements made in music, counter-
point was mentioned as the last that preceded the
invention of the Cantus Mensurabilis. To shew the
importance of this last, it was necessary to state the
defects in that species of harmony which admitted of
no metrical variety. It was also necessary in the
next place to shew that although the Rythmopoieia
of the ancients has long ceased to be understood, yet
that the rudiments of it subsist even now in the
j:)rosody of the grammarians. Seeing then that the
art of combining long and short quantities, and the
subjecting them to metrical laws was at all times
known, it may be asked wherein did the merit of
Franco's invention consist ? The answer is, in the
transferring of metre from poetry or verse to mere
sound ; and in the invention of a system of notation,
by means whereof all the possible modifications of
time are definable, and that to the utmost degree of
exactness.
But tlie merit of Franco's invention, and the sub-
sequent improvement of it by De Muris and other
writers, are best to be judged of by their consequences,
which were the union of the Melopoieia with the
Rythmopoieia, or, in other words, Melody and Metre ;
and from hence sprang all those various species of
counterpoint, which are included under the general
' lost and forgotten. It pleased our late deare brother prince Henry to
' revive and rectifie the same by ordayning an establishment of one
' certaine measure, which was beaten in his presence at Greenwich,
' anno 1610. In confirmation whereof wee are graciously pleased, at the
'instance and humble sute of our right trusty and right well-beloved
' cousin and counsellor Edward viscount Wimbledon, to set down and
' ordaine tliis present establishment hereunder expressed. Willing and
' commanding all drummers within our kingdome of England and prin-
' cipalitie of Wales exactly and precisely to observe the same, as well in
' this our kingdome, as abroad in the service of any forraigne prince or
• state, without any addition or alteration whatsoever. To the end that
' so ancient, famous, and commendable a custome may be preserved as a
' patterne and precedent to all posteritie. Given at our palace of West-
'niinsterthe seventh day of February, in the seventh yeare of our raigne,
' of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland.
VOLUNTARY before the MARCH.
Pou tou pou tou pou R pou toupoupou tou pou R poung.
The MARCH.
-4-
-\-
Pou
tou
Pou
tou
i-E^i=i:
poung.
Pou
tou
Pou
R
poung.
-"J"
=i=il
R
pou
tou
-H
R
-e^-
pou
R
i
poung
3
3
3
R
poung.
R R pou tou R pou tou pou R tou pou R poung.
--1 -i- ' '^
±
^i-
R
R
R
R
poung.
R R R pou R R pou tou pou R tou pou R poung potang.
'Subscribed AllUNDELL & SURREY.
' This is a true copic of the original, signed bv his Majestie
■ EL\ NOUGATE, Windsor.
230
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VI.
appellation of Canto Figurato. The first and most
obvious improvement of counterpoint, which, as has
been already shewn, was originally simple, and con-
sisted in a strict opposition of note to note, is visible
in that which is termed Contrapunctns iminutus sive
lloridus, wherein the notes in one part, the plain -song
for instance, are opposed by others of a less value,
but corresponding to the former in the general
measure of its constituent sounds, of which kind
of composition an example has herein before been
given. The subsequent improvements on this in-
vention have been shewn to be, the Canto Figurato,
Canon, and other kinds of symphoniacal composition,
all which are evidently the offspring of the Cantus
]Mensurabilis, an invention so much the more to be
valued, as it has rendered that fund of harmonical
and metrical combination almost infinite in its extent,
which else must long ago have been exhausted.
If we take a view of music in the state in which
Guido left it, it will be found to have derived all its
power and efficacy from the coincidence of sounds,
and that those sounds being regulated by even and
uniform measures, though they might be grateful to
the ear, which is delighted with harmony even in
cases where it refers to nothing beyond itself, must
necessarily fail of producing those effects which follow
from their being subjected to metrical regulations.
Proofs abundant of these effects might be adduced
from the compositions of the last century, as namely,
Carissimi, Stradella, Gasparini, and others of the
Italians, and our own Purcell, but were these wanting,
and no evidence subsisted of the benefits which have
resulted to music from the union of harmony and
metre, those of Handel are an irrefragable testimony
of the fact, the force and energy of whose most
studied works is resolvable into a judicious selection
of measures calculated to sooth or animate, to at-
temper or inflame, in short to do with the human
mind whatever he meant to do.
Having thus explained the nature of the Cantus
Mensurabilis, and also of Descant, the knowledge
whereof is alsolutely necessary to the understanding
the writers who succeeded John De IMuris, it remains
to give an account of a number of valuable tracts,
composed, as it is conceived, subsequent to the time
Avhen he lived and of the final establishment of an
harmonical and metrical theory by Franchinus.
Mention has been made in the course of this work
of a manuscript, to which, for the want of another
title, that of the Cotton MS. has been given, and also
of another, for distinction-sake called the manuscript
of Waltham Holy Cross. The former of these is
now rendered useless by the fire that happened at
Ashburnham-house. But before this disastrous event
a copy thereof, not so complete as could be wished,
as wanting many of the diagrams and examples in
notes occasionally inserted by way of illustration,
had been procured and made at the expense of the
late Dr. Pepusch. As to the other manuscript, that
of Waltham Holy Cross, it formerly belonged to
some person who was so much a friend to learning
as to oblige Dr. Pepusch with permission to copy it,
dnd his copy thereof is extant. The original is now
the property of Mr. West, the president of the Pioyal
Society, who, actuated by the same generous spirit as
the former owner, has vouchsafed the use of it for the
furtherance of this work. These assistances afford
the means of giving an account of a number of curious
tracts on the subject of music, which hardly any of
the writers on that science seem ever to have seen,
and which perltaps are now no where else to be
found.
The first of these manuscripts contains tracts by
different authors, most of whom seem to have been
well skilled in the less abstruse parts of the science.
The compiler of this work is unknown, but the time
when it was completed appears by the following note
at the conclusion of the first tract : —
' Finito libro reddatur gloria Christo. Expliciunt
' Regulfe cum additionibus: finitas die Veneris proximo
' ante Pentecost, anno domini millesimo tricentisimo
' vicesimo sexto, et ca;tera. Amen.'
Of the first tract, which bears the title of ' Regulfe
' cum maximis magistri Franconis, cum additioni-
' bus aliorum Musicorum, compilataj a Roberto do
' Handlo,' some mention has already been made ; and
as to Franco, the author of the Rules and Maxims, an
account of him, of his country, and the age in which
he lived, has also been given.* Of his commentator
De Handlo, bishop Tanner has taken some notice in
bis Bibliotheca ; but as his account refers solely to
the manuscript now before ns, the original whereof
it is probable he had seen, it seems that he was un-
able to say more of him than appears upon the face
of this his work.
As to the commentary, it is written in dialogue ;
the speakers are Franco himself and De Handlo, and
other occasional interlocutoi's. The subject of it is
the art of denoting the time or duration of musical
sounds by characters, and there is little reason to
doubt but that it contains the substance of what
Johannes De Muris taught concerning that matter.
It consists of thirteen divisions or Rubrics, as the
author terms them, from their being in red characters,
the titles whereof with the substance of each are as
follow : —
Rubric I. Of the Long, Breve, and Semibreve,
and of the manner of dividing them.
Rubric II. Of the Long, the Semi- long, f and
their value, and of the Double Long.
Rubric III. How to distinguish the Long from
the Semi-long, and the Breve from the Semibreve ;
and of the Pauses corresponding with each ; and of
the equality of the Breve and the Breve altera.
Rubric IV, Of Semibreves, and their equality
and inequality, and of the division of the INIodes
[of time] and how many ought to be assumed.
Under this head the author mentions one Petrus
De Cruce as a composer of motetts ; the names of
Petrus Le Visor, and Johannes De Garlandia also
occur as interlocutors in the dialogue.
* Supra, pag. 17G, to -which may be added that in the Index of Authors,
at the end of Martini's tirst volume, is the following article : ' Fran-
' CONUS Tarisiensis. Ars Cantus Mensurabilis. Codex Ambrosianus
' signal D. 5, in fol.' which is probably no other than a copy of the tracts
there ascribed to hiin.
t This is but another name for the breve.
Chap. f<I.
A^D PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
001
Rubric V. Of the Longs which exceed in value
a double Long.
This rubric exhibits a species of notation unknown
to us at this day, namely, a single character encreased
in its value by the encrease of its magnitude. A
practice which will be best understood from the
author's own words, which are these : — ' A figure
' having three quadrangles in it is called a triple
' long, that is to say a note of three perfections ; if
' it has four, it is called quadruple, that is a note of
' four perfections ; and so on to nine, but no farther.
' See the figures of all the longs as they appear here : —
!^ iz:^ sz^ iZE^i
Rubric VI, Of the beginnings of Ligatures and
Obliquities, and in what manner they are found.
A Ligature is here defined to be a mass of figures,
either in a right or an oblique direction ; and an
Obliquity is said to be a solid union or connexion of
two ascending or descending notes in one. Here
follow examples, from the author, of each : —
LIGATURES.
Jw^^^^^^^^^^
^jjgMjSP^WJ^PlBPMj:
OBLIQUITIES,
i^^^s^iffi^:^
fe^:N^^_%^:H^
Of ligatures, and also of obliquities, some are here
said to be with propriety, others without propriety,
and others with an opposite propriety ; these species
are severally known by their beginnings. The matter
of this rubric, and the commentary on it are of very
little import.
It is farther said that no additional mark or cha-
racter is to be made at the end of an ascending
obliquity, except a Plica, a word which in this place
signifies that perpendicular stroke which is the ter-
mination of such characters as the long.-
Rubric VII. To know the terminations of the
ligatures. The beginnings and terminations of liga-
tures, and also of obliquities, declare the nature of
the time, whether it be perfect or imperfect ; or, as
we should now say, duple or triple.
Rubric VIII. Teaches also to know the termina-
tions of the ligatures.
Rubric IX. Concerning the Conjunctions of aemi-
breves, and of the figures or ligatures with which such
Bemibreves may be joined.
Here we meet with the name of Admetns de
Aureliana, who, as also the singers of Navernia, the
name of a country which puzzled Morley, and which
probably means Navarre, are said to have conjoined
Minoratas and Minims tosrethei'.
Rubric X. How the PHcas are formed in ligatures
and obliquities, and in what manner a plicated long
becomes an erect long.
Rubric XI. Concerning the value of the Plicas.
Rubric XII. Concerning the Pauses.
The pauses are here said to be six in number, the
first of three times, the second of two, and the third
of one. The fourth is of two third parts, and the
fifth one third part of one time. As to the sixth it
is said to be of no time, and that it is better called an
immeasurable pause, and that the use of it is to shew
that the last note but one must be held out, although
but a breve or semibreve. The characters of the
pauses are also thus described : a pause of three times
covers three spaces, or the value of three, namely,
two and two halves, A ; a pause of two times covers
two spaces or one entire space, and two halves, B ;
a pause of one time covers one space or two halves,
C ; a pause of two perfections of one time covers
only two parts of one time, D ; a pause of the third
part of one time covers the third part of one space E ;
a pause, which is said to be immeasurable F, is called
the end of the pnnctums, and covers four spaces, their
five forms appear here : —
=l=zT
TT
^
In this rubric the colloquium is between Franco,
Jacobus de Navernia, and the above-named Johannes
de Gai'landia.
Rubric XIII. How the Measures or Modes of
time are formed.
Here it is laid down that there are five modes of
time used by the moderns, the first consisting of all
perfect longs, as the following motet : —
In Bethleem
The second mode consists of a breve, a long, and
a breve, as in this example : —
:^=i:
The third of a long, two breves and a long, as in
this motet : only it is to be observed that to this
mode belongs a pause of three times, a long going
before ; —
Quid mi - ra - lis i^ar-tum vir - gi - nc - um.
The fourth mode is of two breves, a long, and two
breves, as here : —
:^:
Ro-su-la piiinu-1,1 sal-ve Jes-se vir-gu-la,
and to it belongs a pause of three times. After this
designation of the fourth mode there occurs a caution,
which will doubtless appear somewhat singular,
namely, that care must be taken that in the singing
the notes be not expressed in a lascivious manner.
The fifth mode consists of breves and semibreves of
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VI
l)oth kinds, that is to say, perfect and imperfect, as
apjjcars in the following example : —
-B— ♦—♦—"— ♦—♦—y-^»—»—H
is:
♦— ♦— ♦
Ag-mi - na fi - de - li - um Ka-te - ri - na,
itz*:i*
:-«=»z*:i:»3*.t:*:
:*z:«;
novum lue-los prome-re, Ec-gi-na Regni glo-ri-
c,
- -m-^^ ^-♦-♦--^-H-"-'^-
_fS 1
So - la sal-ve siu-gu - la-ris gratie.
From this mode, it is said, proceed a great number
of melodies or airs, the names whereof can scarcely
be rendered in English, as namely, Hockets, *
Rundelli, Balladea, Coreae, Cantusfracti, Estampetae,
Floriturae. It seems that these five modes may be
mixed or used interchangeably, in which respect
they agree with the modes in use at this day. The
wdiole of the explanation of this last rubric comes
from the mouth of De Plandlo, the author of the
tract, which he concludes with words to this purpose :
' Every mode of measures, and every measure of
' cantns is included in the above five modes and
* rules, and maxims for their use and application
' might be given without end ; nevertheless attend
' to the instructions contained in this small volume.
* All that now hear me are singers, therefore pray
* fei'vently to God for the life of the writer. Amen.'
CHAP. LIE
To the tract of De Handlo, the next in order that
occurs is a discourse by an anonymous author, entitled
' Tractatus diversarum Figurarum per quas dulcis
' ]\Iodis discantantur,'! to appearance a compendium
of the doctrine of De Muris, containing in the begin-
ning of it a remarkable eulogium on him bv the
name of Egidius de Muris, or de Morino, viz., that
he, as it pleased God, most carefully, and to his
great glory, searched into and improved the musical
art. So that the characters, namely, the double
Long 1^S|, Long lx|, Breve p, Semibreve ♦, Minim |'
are now made manifest.
Herein also are treated of the pauses or rests,
which, as well as the characters to denote the lengtii
or duration of the several notes, are said to be of
his invention; also of the several methods of augmen-
tation in the value of the notes by a point, and
diminution by a variation of the character in respect
of colour, that is to say, either by making it black
or red, full or void, or by making it with a tail or
without, are here enumerated. Next follow certain
precepts, tending to facilitate the practice of descant,
whereby it ajipears that the tenor being in one mode
* An explanation of this strange word will be met ■with in a sub-
sequent page.
t This tract contains most evidently a summary of the improvements
of De Muris on the Canfus Mensurabilis, but by an unaccountable mis-
take he is here called Efjidius instead of Johannes, a name which does
not once occur in any of the authors that have been consulted in the
course of this work. ^Ve must therefore look on the character above
given of Giles, to be intended for John, De Muris. It seems that Mr.
Casley, by a mistake of a different kind, looked upon this tract as having
been written by Giles De Muris. See his Catalogue, pag. 320; but Dr.
Pepusch's copy, for the ori^,'iiial has been resorted to and appears to be
not legible, contains the following rubric title of the tract in question:
' Alius Tractatulus de Musica incerto Authorc'
of measure or time, the descant may be another ;
this may be conceived, if it be understood that the
metres coincide in the general division of them,
otherwise it seems to be absolutely impossible.
The use of red characters is but barely liinted at
in the tract now citing : indeed the author does no
more than intimate that where it is necessary to
diminish the value of notes by a third jjart, making
those imperfect which else would be perfect, it may
be done either by evacuating them, or making them
red, ' when the writer has wherewithal to do so.'
This kind of alteration in the value by a change
in the colour of notes, occurs frequently in old com-
positions, and is mentioned by most authors, who
when they speak of the diversity of colours mention
black full and black void, and red full and red void :
Nevertheless in a very curious ancient poem, entitled
A Treatise betweene Trouth and Information, printed
at the end of Skelton's works, there is the following
passage, whereby it may seem that Vert or Green,
was also used among musicians to note a diversity
of character : —
In mufyke I have Icrned iiii colors as this,
Blake, ful blnkc, Vcrte, and in lykewyle rcdde ;
By thele colors many fubtill alteracions there is,
That wil begile one tho in conying he be well fpcd.
The author of this poem was William Cornysh,
of the royal chapel in the reign of Henry VIL,
a man so eminent for his skill in music, that Morley
has assigned him a place in his catalogue of English
musicians, an honour, which, to judge of him by
many of his compositions now extant, he seems to
have well deserved ; and these considerations do
naturally induce a suspicion, if not a belief, that
notwithstanding the silence of other writers in this
respect. Green characters might sometimes be made
use of in musical notation.
But a little reflection on the passage will suggest
an emendation that renders it consistent with what
others have said on the subject. In short, if we read
and point it thus : —
In mufyke I have lerned iiii colors ; as this,
Blake ful, blake -voide, and in lykevkfife redde,
it is perfectly intelligible and is sound musical
doctrine.
The next in order of the tracts contained in the
Cotton manuscript is a very copious, elaborate, and
methodical discourse on the science of music in
general, by an imknown author. The initial words
of it are 'Pro aliquali notitia de musica habenda :'
it begins with the etymology of the word music,
which he says is derived either from the Muses, or
from the Greek word Moys, signifying water, because
without water or moisture no sweetness of sound
can subsist.^ Boetius's division of music into mun-
t That there is such a Greek word as Moys does not anywhere appear.
Kircher, who adopts this far-fetched etymology of the word Music, says
that it is an Hebrew appellation, Musurg. torn. I. pag. 44., but in this he
elsewhere contradicts himself, by asserting that it is an ancient Egyptian
or Coptic word ; and this is rather to be credited because it is said in
scripture that Moses, or as he is also called, Moyses, was so named be-
cause he was taken out of the water. Exod. chap. ii. ver. 10., and it is
remarkable that this name was given him, not by his Hebrew parents,
but by Pharaoh's daughter, an Egyptian ])rinccss.
The meaning of the above passage is very obscure, imless it be known
that the ancient Egyptian litui or pipes were made of the reeds and
papyrus growing on the banks of the river Nile, or in other marshy
places ; wherefore it is said that without water, the efficient cause of
Chap. LII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
233
dane, humane, and instrumental, is liere adopted.
The first, says this author, results from the orderly-
effects of the elements, the seasons, and tlic planets.
The second is evident in the constitution and union
of the soul and body. And the third is produced
by tlie human voice, or the action of human organs
on certain instruments. He next proceeds to give
directions for the making of a monochord, which as
they differ but little from those of Guido, it is not
necessary here to repeat. It is however worth ob-
serving, that he recommends for that purpose some
instrument emitting sound as a Viol [Vielle, Fr.]
a circumstance that in some sort ascertains the
antiquity of that instrument, of which there are now
so many species, and which is probably of French
invention.
He next proceeds to explain the nature of the
consonances, in which it is evident that he follows
Boctius. Indeed we may conclude that his intelli-
gence is derived from the Latin writers only, and
not from the Greeks; not only because the Greek
language was very little understood, even among the
learned of those times, but also because this author
himself has shewn his ignorance of it in a definition
given by him of the word Ditone, which says he,
is compounded of Dia, a word signifying Two, and
Tonos, a Tone, whereas it is well known that it is
a composition of Dis, twice, and Tonas ; and that
the Greek preposition Dia, answers to the English
by, wherefore we say Diapason, by all ; Diapente,
by five ; Diatessaron, by four.
After ascertaining the difference between b and J],
he proceeds to a brief explication of the genera of
the ancients, the characters of the three he thus
discriminates : the Chromatic as soft, and conducing
to lasciviousness ; the Enarmonie as hard and dis-
cfustins: ; and the Diatonic as modest and natural :
and it is to this genus that the division of the mono-
chord by tones and semitones is adapted.
What immediately follows seems to be little less
than an abridgement of Boetius, whose work De
Musica, the author seems to have studied very
diligently.
In the next place he treats of the plain cantus as
distinguished from the Cantus Mensurabilis, which
he makes to consist of five parts, namely, first the
Characters, with their names ; second, the Lines and
spaces; third, the Properties; fourth, the Mutations;
and fifth, the eight Tropes or Modes. As to the
first, he says they are no other than the seven Latin
letters A, B, C, D, E, F, G, which also are called
Keys, because as a key opens a lock, these open the
melody of music, although F Greek is placed before
A, to signify that music was invented by the Greeks.
He then relates, that six names for the notes were
given by Guido to these seven letters, ux, re, mi, fa,
BOL, LA ; and that he placed a tone between ux and
RE, a semitone between mi and fa, a tone between
PA and SOL, and a tone between sol and la, that the
music, there can be no sweetness of sound. IMnvtini, Stor. dell. Mus.
torn. II. pag. 2, very ju.stly remarks on tlie credulity of Kircher in enter-
taining this wild and extravagant conjecture. Xhe most probable
derivation of the word music is from MKcrat the Muses, who .are said to
have excelled in it, and are constantly represented playing on musical
instruments.
progression might be according to the diatonic genus.
But because there are more letters used in the division
of the monochord than there are notes or syllables ;
for no one can ascend above la, nor descend below
ux, without a repetition of the syllables, seven deduc-
tions were constituted, which appoint the place of
the syllable ux, and direct the application of the
rest in an orderly succession. The place of ux is
either at C, F, or g ; the deductions he says might
be infinitely multiplied, but seven are sufficient for
the human voice. It is well known that every
repetition of the letters in the musical scale is sig-
nified by a change, not of the letter, but of the
character ; for this reason the author of the tract
now before us observes, that ijumediately after C we
are to take the smaller Roman letters; and in the
third series w^e are to use other characters having
the same powers ; we now double the former thus
aa, bb, }]J], cc, dd, ee, but he has chosen to express
them by Gothic characters. The first series are
termed Graves, the second Acutes, and the last
Snperacutes.
Having thus explained the names and characters
of the musical notes, the author proceeds to shew
the use of the lines and spaces, which he does in
very few words ; but as sufficient has been said on
that subject by Guido himself, and the substance of
his doctrine is contained in an abstract of his own
work herein-before given, what this author has said
upon it is here purposely omitted. He mentions,
though without ascribing it to Guido, the invention
of the hand for the instruction of boys, and, taking
the left for an example, he directs the placing ux at
the end of the thumb, and the other notes in the
places following : —
'-^irXi^i f '''■'^^
'2U
niSTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VI.
He next proceeds to treat of the Proprieties,
meaning thereby not those of the Cantus Mcnsiira-
bilis, but of the Monochord ; and these he defines to
be certain affections, from wliich every cantus takes
the denomination of Hard or Soft, according as it is
determined by one or other of these characters Jj,
or b ; or Natural, which is ^A•llen the Cantus is con-
tained within such a limit, namely, tliat of a hexa-
chord, as that neither the }^ hard, nor b soft, can
possibly occur : to render this intelligible he adds,
that every cantus which begins in b is by sung by j-j
hard in F, by b soft, and in C by nature.*
The author then goes on to explain the mutations,
which are necessary, when the six syllables are too
few to express the whole Cantus ; or, in other words,
when the cantus requires a conjunction of another
hcxachord, by certain diagrams of a circular form,
supposed to be taken from a tract intitled De Quatuor
Principalium, f mentioned in the preceding note, and
which diagrams, to the number of nineteen, Morley
has given with his own improvements ; but the whole
is a poor contrivance, and so much inferior to that
most ingenious one, representing the three hexa-
* To explain this matter a little more fully, we must torrow the
assistance of our countryman IMorley, who in the instructions to Philo-
mathes, his imaginary pupil, tells him tiiat ' tliere be three principal
keys, containing the three natures or proprieties of singing.' Whicli
position of his occasions tlie following short dialogue : —
'Phi. Which be the three properties of singing? Mast, b Qiiarre,
' Properchant, and b MoUe. Phi. What is bQuarre? Mast. It is a
',I)roperty of singing wherein MI is alwaies sung in h fa J] mi, and is
ahvaies when you sing ut in gamut. Phi. What is Properchant?
'Mast. It is a property of singing wherein you may sing either fa or
' mi, in b FA ]] mi, according as it shall he marked b or thus, ];], and is
' when the ut is in C fa ut. Phi. What if there be no marke ? Mast.
' There it is supposed t(i be sharpe ]]. Pni. What is b Molle? JIast. It
' is a propertie of singing, wherein fa must always be sung in b fa J]
' MI, and is when the ut is in F pa ut.'
Upon this passage the following is the note of the author: —
" A propertie of -singing is nothing else but the
"difference of plain-songs caused by the note in
•' b FA ti MI having the halfe note either above or „
" belowe it. And it may plainly be seen that
"those three properties have not bin devised for q
"prickt-song ; for you shal find no song included
"in so smal bounds as to touch no b. And there-
"fore these plain songs which were so conteined
" were called natural], because every key of their ^
"six notes stood invariable the one to the other,
"howsoever the notes were named; as from
" d SOL RE to e LA MI, Was ahvaies a whole note, T
"whether one did sing sol la, or re mi, and so-forth of others. If the
" b had the semitonium under it, then was it noted b, and was termed
" b molle or soft ; if above it, then was it noted thus ]j, and termed
"b Quadratum, or b quarre. In an olde treatise, called Tractatus
" quatuor Principalium, I find these rules and verses, ' Omne ut inci-
"piens in C cantatur per naturum. In F per b molle. In g per ]]
"quadratum,' that is every ut beginning in C is sung by properchant,
"ini F by b molle or flat; in g by the square ]] or sharpe. The verses
"be these.
" C. naturum dat F b molle nunc tibi signat, g quoque
" b durum tu semper habes caniturum.
" Which if they were no truer in substance than they be fine in words,
" and right in quantitie of syllables, were not much worth."
+ This tract, the title whereof is Quatuor, Principalia Artis Musicae,
and, as it is elsewhere described, De quatuor Principiis Artis Musica?,
is by Wood, Hist. et. Antiq. Oxon. ii. 5, and in the Oxford Catalogue of
Manuscripts, ascribed to one Thomas Teuksbury, a Franciscan of
Bristol ; for what reason bishop Tanner says he does not clearly see ;
but upon looking into the manuscript, there appears at least a colour for
Wood's assertion, for the name Tho. de Tewkesbury is written on the
outer leaf of it. It is true, as Tanner says, Biblioth. pag. 707, the name
Johannes de Tewkesbury is written on a loose leaf; but it is manifest
that he was not the author of it, and no such person as Johannes de
Tewkesbury occurs in any of the catalogues of the old English musicians ;
besides this, in the Catalogue of the Bodleian manuscripts, the tract
above-mentioned is ascribed to Tho. de Teukesbury. Nevertheless
bishop Tanner asserts that it was written by one John Hamboys, an
eminent musician, and a doctor in th;it faculty, who flourished about the
year 1470, and is mentioned by Holinshed among the famous writers of
Edward the Fourth's time. The reason he gives is this: it api)ears
from Pits, pag. 662, that Hamboys was the author of a work entitled
Summam Artis MusicEe, the initial sentence whereof, as Tanner reports,
is this : ' Quemadmodum inter Tritico,' and the Quatuor Principalia
MusiccE has precisely the same beginning.
chords, and directing the method of conjoining them
in plate IV. at the end of Dr. Pepusch's Short Intro-
duction to Harmony, that the not inserting the cir-
cular diagrams in this place will hardly be regretted.
Of the Tropes or Modes, though he includes
them in the general division of his subject, the author
has said nothing in this place. But he proceeds to
an explanation of the nature of mensurable music,
which, after Franco, he defines to be a cantus
measured by long and short times. In this part
of his discourse there will be little need to follow
him closely, as a more distinct account of the modes
or ecclesiastical tones has already been given from
Franchinus.
His first position is that all quantity is either con-
tinuous or discrete ; and from hence he takes occasion
to observe that the minim is the beginning of measured
time, in like manner as unity is the beginning of
number ; and adds, that time is as well the measure
of a sound prolated or uttered, as of its contrary, a
sound omitted.
The comparison which the author makes between
the minim and the unit, induces a presumption, to
call it no more, that in his time the minim was the
smallest quantity in use. But he explains the matter
very fully, by asserting that the minim was invented
by Philippus de Vitriaco, who he says was a man
very famous in his time, and approved of by all the
world ; and that the semiminim was then also known,
though Vitriaco would never make use of it in any
of his works, looking upon it as an innovation.
From hence it is manifest, notwithstanding that
formal relation to the contrary, which is given by
Vicentino, that De IMuris was not the inventor of
the characters for the lesser quantities from the breve
downwards ; nay it is most apparent in the rules of
Franco, and the commentary thereon by De Handlo,
that even the breve was made use of by the former ;
and it is highly probable that that character, together
with the semibrcve, for that also is to be found in his
rules, was invented by him at the same time with the
large and the long.
And here it may not be improper, once for all, to
observe, that the necessary consequence of the intro-
duction of these lesser quantities into the Cantus
Mensurabilis was a diminution in value of the lar2:er ;
and we are expressly told by the author now citing,
some pages forwarder in his work, not only that at
the time when Franco wrote, to say nothing of the
minim, neither the imperfect mode, nor the imperfect
time were known, but that the breve and the long,
which seem to be put as examples for the rest of the
notes, were then pronounced as quick as now they
are in the imperfect time, so that the introduction of
the imperfect time accelerated the pronunciation of
the several notes, by subtracting from each one third
part of its value. The invention of the minim, and
the other subordinate characters, was attended with
similar consequences ; so that if we measure a time,
or, as we now call it, a bar, by pauses, as Franchinus
directs, it will be found that in triple, for that is
what is to be understood by perfect time, the crotchet
has taken the place of the minim, which before had
Chap. LIII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
235
taken place of the semibreve, and so progressively
backwards. All which considered, it is clear that
though by the invention of the minim, crotchet,
quaver, and other notes of a still less value, the
modern music is comparatively much more quick
than the ancient, the ancient music was not uttered
60 slowly as the characters, which most frequently
occur in it, seem to indicate.
We meet here also with directions concerning the
use and application of the Plica, as it is called, which
is nothing more than that stroke, which, drawn from
the body of a breve, makes it a long, as thus ■ ^, and
is at this day called the tail of a note ; but it seems
that the due placing this was formerly a matter of
some nicety, the reason whereof may be that it pre-
vented confusion among the charactei's, and that fair,
curious, and correct writing was then a matter of
more consequence than it has been at any time since
the invention of printing, a fact, which all who have
been conversant with manuscripts, or have been
accustomed to the perusal of ancient deeds or charters,
well know to be true.
Franco's definition of the Plica is, that it is a mark
of distinction between a grave and an acute character ;
but surely the best distinction of a character in this
respect is its situation in the stave. Others term it
an Inflexion of a note ; but neither is this an adequate
definition, nor indeed does the subject seem to be
worth one ; all that need here be said about it is, that
ascending, the Plica of the long was drawn upwards
on the right side of the note thus ri, descending, it
was drawn downwards thus b|.
Our author next proceeds to a description of the
ligatures, taking notice of that threefold distinction
of them into those with Propriety, those without
Propriety, and those with an opposite Propriety, the
nature of which division is explained by Robert De
Handlo, adding, as his own judgment, that every
descending ligature having a stroke descending from
the left side of the first note, is said to be with Pro-
priety, if the ligature has no stroke, it is said to be
without Propriety ; likewise every ascending ligature,
without a stroke on either side, is said to be without
propriety ; and lastly, every ligature, whether ascend-
ing or descending, having a stroke ascending from
the first note, is said to be with an opposite Pro-
priety. To this he opposes the rule of Franco,
which agrees but ill with this definition, but de-
clines attempting to reconcile the difference, for the
reason, that, whether true or false, the rule of Franco
is grown out of use.
CHAP. LIII.
The several measures of time, called, rather im-
properly, the Modes or Moods, and the methods of
distinguishing the one from the other, are now so
well adjusted, that their respective characters speak
for themselves ; but it seems that for some time after
the invention of the Cantus ^Mensurabilis, these, as
being regulated by certain laws, the reason whereof
is not very apparent, were the subject of great
speculation, as appears by the author now before
us ; for, after mentioning the modes of the plain
cantus to be eight, as undoubtedly they are, being
the same with the eight ecclesiastical tones, and to
consist in a certain progression of grave and acute
sounds, he proceeds to speak of other modes, namely,
those of time, or which refer solely to the Cantus
Mensurabilis ; and a mode in this sense of the word
he defines to be a representation of a long sound
measured by short times. As to the number of these
modes, he says it had been a matter of controversy,
tliat Franco had limited it to five ; but that the more
modern writers, and the practice of the singers in the
Roman church had extended it to six.
To give a general idea of these six modes of time,
it is sufficient to say, that the first consisted of a long
and a breve i^ a ^ a ; the second of a breve and a
long ■ ^ H ^ ; the third of one long and two breves
^ ■ ■ B| B D ; the fourth of two breves and one long
■ " 1 ■ ■ ^ J the fifth, of a progression by longs only
i[| ^ i^ i| ^ ; and the sixth of breves and semibreves
interchanged, in the following order : ■ ■ ■ ♦ 4 #
■♦♦■«♦♦
Biit notwithstanding this variety of six, and a
greater that might be formed, the author now citing
observes, that the modes are reducible to two, namely,
the Perfect and the Imperfect, most exactly agreeing
with the present theory of mensurable music, accord-
ing to which it is well known that all the possible
diversities of measure are comprehended within the
general division of duple and triple time ; the first
whereof being regulated by a measure of two, answer-
ing precisely to the old imperfect mode, and the other
as exactly corresponding with the perfect mode, the
measure whereof is the number three.
Next follow some remarks tending to an explana-
tion of the Ligatures, so obscurely worded that it
would answer no purpose to transcribe it ; and indeed,
after reflecting that Morley lived at a time when this
method of notation was practised ; and that he,
speaking of the ancient writers on the ligatures, says,
that * scarce any two of them tell the same tale,' there
is very little ground to hope for more information
from any of them than is to be met with in his own
valuable work.
The author then goes on to shew that mensurable
music proceeds by a gradation from unity to the
binary, and from thence to the ternary number, and
that within the numbers two and three, all mensura-
ble music is comprehended. To explain this, it may
be necessary to mention that where the progression
is duple, as when the semibreve contains two minims
only, it is said to be Imperfect ; and where it is triple,
the semibreve containing three minims, it is called
Perfect : and this is the author's meaning when he
lays it down as a rule that where a compounded whole
contains two equal parts it is called imperfect ; if
three, it is called perfect ; the reason of which dis-
tinction is founded in an opinion of a certain j^erfection
inherent in the number three, which, as well among
the learned as the illiterate has long prevailed. And
it seems that this attribute of perfection was appli-
cable in three ways, to the Mode, the Time, and the
236
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE.
Book VI.
Prolation : to the Mode, when the greater measure,
the long for example, contained three breves ; to the
Time, when the breve, which by Franchinus and other
authors is also called a time, contained three semi-
breves ; and to the Prolation, when the semibreve
contained three minims ; though it is to be remarked,
that it is more usual to apply the epithet of Greater
and Lesser than Perfect and Imperfect to Prolation ;
but this distinction of perfection and imperfection,
with its various modifications, will be more clearly
imderstood from a perusal of the musical trees, as
they are called, herein before inserted, than by any
verbal description.
It appears also from the work now citing, that the
point, by which at this day we augment any given
note half its length in value, was in use so early as
the period now speaking of. Its original and genuine
uses, according to this author, were two, namely,
Perfection and Division ; the first is retained by the
moderns, the latter seems to have been better supplied
by the invention of bars.
The placing a point after a note is called Augmen-
tation ; but it appears by this author and others, that
among the old musicians there was a practice called
Diminution, to which we at this day are strangers,
which consisted in rendering a perfect note imperfect.
Of this our author gives many instances, which seem
to establish the following position as a general rule,
that is to say, a perfect note consisting necessarily of
three units, is made imperfect, or to consist of only
two, by placing a note of the next less value imme-
diately before it, as in this case ■ ""j , where by
placing a breve before a perfect long, the long is
diminished one third part of its value, and thereby
made imperfect ; and the same rule holds for the
other characters.
Other methods of diminution are here also men-
tioned, but the practice is now become not only
obsolete, but so totally unnecessary, the modern
system of notation being abundantly sufficient for
expressing every possible combination of measures,
that it would be lost time to enquire farther about it.
In the former part of the tract now citing, the
author had given a general idea of the consonances
in almost the very words of Boetius, whom he appears
to have studied very attentively ; but proposing to
himself to treat of the practice of descant, which we
have already shewn to be in effect composition, and
consequently to require a practical knowledge of the
use and application of the consonances, he takes occa-
sion in his Rules for Descant, which immediately
follow his explanation of the Cantus Mensurabilis, to
resume the consideration of the nature of the several
intervals tliat compose the great system. These he
divides into consonances and dissonances, and the
former again into perfect and imperfect ; the Perfect
consonances he makes to be four, namely, the diapa-
son, diapente, diatessarou, and tone, and gives it as a
reason for calling them perfect, that the ratio between
each of them and its unison is simple and uncom-
pounded, and by these and no other the monochord
is divided. The Imperfect consonances he makes
also to be four, viz., the semiditone, ditone, semitone
with a diapente, and a tone with a diapente, which he
says are called Imperfect, being commensurable by
simple proportions, but arising out of the others by
such various additions and subtractions as are neces-
sary for their production.
The reason given by this author for reckoning the
tone among the consonances, is certainly an inadequate
one, since no man ever yet considered the second as
any other than a discord, and that so very offensive
in its nature, as to excite a sensation even of pain at
the hearing it. Of the perfect consonances he makes
the diatessaron to be the principal, at the same time
that he admits it is not a concord by itself, or, in other
words, that it is only a concord when the harmony
consists of more than two parts ; to which position
the modern practice of using it as a discord in com-
positions of two parts only, is perfectly agreeable, *
Boetius has by numbers demonstrated the singular
properties of this consonance, and shewn that it can
only under particular circumstances be received as a
concord. His reasoning is very clear and decisive
about it ; nevertheless many, not knowing perhaps
that the contrary had ever been proved, have ranked
the diatessaron among the perfect concords, and that
without any restriction whatsoever, f
But whatever may be urged to the contrary, it is
certain that the diatessaron is not a perfect consonance ;
for wherever a sound is a perfect consonance with its
imison, the replicate of that sound will also be a con-
sonance, as is the case with the diapente and diapason,
Avhose replicates are not less grateful to the ear than
are the radical sounds themselves ; on the contrary,
the replicate of the diatessaron is so far from being a
consonance, that the ear will hardly endure it. They
that are curious may see this imperfection of the
diatessaron demonstrated by numbers in the treatise
De Musica of Boetius, lib. II. cap. xxvi |. But to
return to our author.
It is to be remarked that in this place he has not
reckoned the unison among the consonances, as all
the moderns do ; the reason whereof is, that a sound
and its imison are so perfectly one and the same,
* Vide Dr. Pepusch's Short Introduction to Harmony, second edition,
pag. 39. 41. In the course of the controversy between Mons. Burette and
Mons. Frajruier, mentioned in chap. XXII. the former asserts that in
order to render the fourth a concord it must be taken with the sixth.
Mem. de I'Academie Royale des Inscriptions, &c. tome xi.
f Lord Bacon professes to be of opinion with the ancients, that the
diatessaron is to be numbered among the consonances. Nat. Hist. Cent.
II. No. 107. But it is to be remarked that he ranks it among tlie semi-
perfect consonances, viz., the third and sixth ; and Butler, who calls the
rejection of this ancient concord a novel fancy, notwithstanding the
authority of Sethus Calvisius, whom he cites, leaves it a question whether
the diatessaron be a primary or secondary concord, and after all inclines
to the latter opinion. Principles of Music, pag. 53, et seq.
The late Dr. Atterbury, bishop of Rochester, who it is supposed had
learned a little of music from Dr. Aldrich, affected to think with the
ancients that the diatessaron was a perfect consonance. He drew up
a small tract on the subject of music, wherein he complains in very
affecting terms of the injuries which the diatessaron has sustained from
modern musicians, by being degraded from its rightful situation among
the concords, and concludes with as ardent wishes and prayers for its
restoration, as he could have offered up for that of his master. A MS.
of the tract above-mentioned was formerly in the hands of Mr. Tonson
the bookseller ; it appeared to be a very futile performance, written pro-
bably while the author was at college, extremely rhetorical and declama-
tory, abounding with figures, but destitute of argument.
X It is to be supposed that Salinas was not aware of this demonstration
of Boetius, since he mentions a Resurrexit for two voices in the famous
mass of Jodocus Pratensis, intitled, but for what reason is not known,
L'Homme arm6, so often celebrated by Glareanus, and other writers,
wherein the composer has taken the diatessaron, which, says Salinas, he
would never have done had he judged it to be a dissonant. De Musica,
lib. II. cap. 21.
Chap. LIII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
:S7
that they admit of no comparison; and, according
to Boetius, coiisonancy is a concordance of dissimilar
sounds.
Having exphxined tlie nature of concords, he pro-
ceeds to give directions for the jDractice of descant;
and first he supposes a plain-song to descant on,
to which plain-song he gives the name of Tenor,
a teneo, to hold, for it holds or sustains the air, the
point, the substance, or meaning of the whole Cantus;
and every part superadded to it, is considered merely
as its auxiliary : and in this disposition of parts,
which M'as constantly and uniformly practised by the
old musicians, there appears to be great propriety.
Lord Verulam's remark that the extreme sounds,
not only of all instruments, but of the human voice,
are less pleasing to the ear than those that hold
a middle situation, is indisputably true ; what there-
fore can be more rational than that the Air, to borrow
a word from the moderns, of a musical composition,
should be prolated, not only by sounds the most
audible, but also the most grateful to the ear.*
After premising that the perfect concordances are
the unison, the fifth, eighth, twelfth, and fifteenth,
he says that the Descantus or upper part must begin
and also conclude with a perfect concord ; that where
the plain-song is situated among the grave sounds,
the Descantus may begin in the twelfth or fifteenth,
otherwise in the eighth or twelfth ; and if the plain-
song lies chiefly among the acutes, the descant may
be in the fifth or eighth. Again, the descant begin-
ning on one or other of the above concords, the
descanter is to proceed to the nearest concords,
avoiding to take two perfect concords of the same
kind consecutively, and so to order his harmony,
that when the plain-song ascends the descant shall
descend, and vice versa. Farther, if two or more
sing upon a plain-song, they must use their best
endeavours to avoid taking the same concords. These,
as far as they go, are the authors' rules for descant ;
and to them succeed others more particular, which,
as they are peculiarly adapted to, and are descriptive
of the practice of descant, are here given in nearly
his own words : —
' Let there be four or five men, and the first of
'them begin the plain-song in the tenor; let the
' second begin in the fifth, the tliird in the eighth,
* and the fourth in the twelfth ; and let all continue
' the plain-song in these concords to the end, observ-
' ing this, that those who sing in the eighth and
' twelfth do Break and Flower the notes in such
' manner as best to grace the melody. But note well
' that he who sings the Tenor must utter the notes full
' and distinctly, and that he who descants must take
' only the imperfect concords, namely, the third, sixth,
' and tenth, and must proceed by these ascending
* and descending, as to him shall seem most expedient
'and pleasing to the ear.' The author adds, that
observing these rules each of the singers will appear
to descant, when in truth only one does so, the rest
* It Ecems that the contrary practice, namely, that of iiiving the air to
the Soprano, or upper part, had its rise in tlie theatre, and followed the
introduction of Castrati into musical performances ; since that it has been
adopted by the composers of instrumental music, and it is now universally
the rule to give the principal melody to the fust violin.
simply modulating on the fundamental melody of
the tenor or plain-song.
To give weight to the above precept, which re-
quires the person who sings the tenor to utter the
notes fully and distinctl}^, the author adds, that it is
the jji-actice of the Roman palace, and indeed of the
French and all other choirs, where the service is
skilfully performed, for the tenor, which is to regulate
and govern the Descantus, to be audibly and firmly
pronounced, lest the descanter should be led to take
dissonances instead of concords.
From this and many other passages in this work,
wherein the singer is cautioned against the use of
discords, and more especially as nothing occurs in it
concerning their preparation and resolution, without
which every one knows they are intolerable, there
is good reason to infer that the use of discords in
musical composition was unknown at the time when
this author wrote, which at the latest has been shewn
to be anno 1326. But the particular rera of this
improvement will be the subject of future enquiry.
Whoever shall attentively peruse the foregoing
passages, and reflect on the nature and end of musical
composition, in fact will find it extremely difficult to
conceive it possible for five, or four, or even three
persons, thus extemporaneously, and without any
other assistance than a written paper, which each
is supposed to have before him, containing the melody
upon which he is to sing, to produce a succession of
such sounds as shall be grateful to the ear, and con-
sequently consistent with the laws of harmony. As
difficult also is it to discern the possibility of avoiding
the frequent repetition of the same concords, the
taking whereof in consecution is by the rule above
laid down expressly forbidden.
This is certain, that notwithstanding the generality
of the practice of extempore descant, and the effects
ascribed to it, so long ago as the reign of queen
Elizabeth it w\as a matter of doubt with one of the
greatest masters of that time, whether, supposing
three or more persons to sing extempore on a plain-
song, the result of their joint endeavours could
possibly be any other than discord and confusion.
Having thus explained the nature of extempore
descant, the author proceeds to treat of Polyphonous
or Symphoniac music at large ; and here it is neces-
sary to be observed, that although the precepts of
descant, as given by him, do in general refer to that
kind of musical composition, which is understood by
the word Counterpoint ; yet, from the directions which
he gives for Flowering or breaking the notes, and from
sundry passages that occur in his w'ork, where he
speaks of a Conjunction, and in others of a Conglu-
tination of notes in one and the same part, there is
ground to imagine that even so early as the time of
composing this tract the studies of musicians were
not confined to counterpoint, but that they had
some idea of Canto Figurato. And this opinion is
rendered to the highest degree probable by the
concluding pages of his w^ork, which contain an
explanation of the nature and itse of Hockets.
It must be confessed that at this day the word
Hocket is not verv intelligible ; its etymology does
23S
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VI.
not oceiu" on pemsal, and none of our dictionaries,
either general or technical, furnish us with a definition
of it. We must therefore be content with such an
explanation of this barbarous term as is only to be
met with in the authors that use it ; the earliest of
these is De Handlo, w^ho, in his twelfth rubric,
without professing to define the term, says, that
' Hockets are formed by the combination of notes
and pauses.' The author of the tnct now citing
has this passage : ' One descant is simply prolated,
' that is without fractions or divisions ; another is
' copulated or flowered ; and another is Truncatus or
' mangled, and such as this last are termed Hockets;'
the meaning whereof in other words seems to be,
that one descant is simple, even, and corresponding
in length of notes with the plain-song ; another
copidated, and consisting of certain bundles or Com-
pages of notes, coinciding with the plain-song only
in respect of the general measure by which it is
regulated ; and another consisting of notes and pauses
intermixed ; and a combination of notes and pauses
thus formed is called a Hocket. And elsewhere he
says a truncation [Truncatio, Lat.] is a Cantus, pro-
lated in a maimed or mangled manner by expressed
[rectre] notes, and by omitted notes, which can mean
only pauses ; and that a truncation is the same
as a hocket, as an example whereof he gives the
following : —
IS
-♦-♦-^-
-^Ji-«H-
-♦H-
'-♦+♦**
Upon which he remarks that a hocket maj^ be
formed upon any given tenor or plain-song, so that
while one sings, the other or others may be silent ;
but yet there must be a general equivalence in the
times or measures, as also a concordance between
the prolated notes of the several parts.
The author next proceeds to speak of the organ
as an instrument necessary in the Cantus Eccle-
siasticus, the antiquity whereof he confesses himself
at a loss to ascertain. He says it is of Greek inven-
tion, for that in the year 797 an organ was sent by
Constantine king of the Greeks to Pepin, emperor
of France, at which time he says the Cantus Men-
surabilis was unknown. He says that this improve-
ment of music was made by slow degrees, and that
Franco was the first approved author who wrote on it.
CHAP. LIV.
The next succeeding tract in the Cotton manu-
script, beginning ' Cognita modulatione Melorum
' secundum viam octo Troporum,' by an anonymous
author, is altogether as it should seem on the Cantus
Mensurabilis ; and by this it clearly appears, that as
among the ancient musicians there were eight tones,
modes, or tropes of melody, or, in other words, eight
ecclesiastical tones, so were there eight modes of time
in use among them ; and this, notwithstanding it is
said in the former tract that Franco had limited the
number to five ; but for this the same reason may be
given as for extending it to six, against the precept
of Franco, to wit, that it was the practice of tho
singers in the Roman palace.^-'
The author speaks of one IMagister Leoninus ns
a celebrated musician of the time, and also of a person
named Perotinus,f whom he surnames the Great
whenever he takes occasion to mention him.
The tract now citing goes on to sa}'^ of Leoninus,
before-mentioned, that he was a most excellent
organist, and that he made a great book of tiio
Organum for the Gradual and the Antiphonam, in
order to improve the divine service ; and tliat it was
in use till the time of Perotinus ; but that the latter,
who was an excellent descanter, indeed a better than
Leoninus himself, abbreviated it, and made better
points or subjects for descant or fugue, and made
also many excellent quadruples and triples. The
same author says that the compositions of Perotinus
Magnus were used till the time of Robertus de
Sabilone, in the choir of the greater church of the
Blessed Virgin at Paris. Mention is here also made
of Peter, a most excellent notator, and John, dictus
Primarius, Thomas de Sancto Juliano, a Parisian, and
others deeply skilled in the Cantus Mensurabilis.
These for the most part are celebrated as excellent
notators ; but the same author mentions some others
as famous for their skill in descant, and other parts
of practical music, as namely, Theobaldus Gallicus,
Simon de Sacalia, and Joannes de Franconus of
Picardy. He says farther that there were in Eng-
land men who sang very delightfully, as Johannes
Filius Dei, one IMakeblite of ^Yinche3ter, and another
named Blakismet, probably Blacksmith, a singer in
the palace of our lord Henry the last. He speaks of
the Spaniards, and those of Pampeluna, and of the
Ens:lish and French in general, as excelling in music.
The author, after an explanation of the modes of
time, the nature of the ligatures, and other particulars,
of which an account has already been given, proceeds
to relate what must be thought a matter of some
curiosity, namely, that the stave of five lines, which
was, as indeed appears from old musical manuscripts,
for some purposes reduced to a less number, was fre-
quently made to consist of lines of different colours.
As this seems to coincide with a passage in the
Micrologus of Guido, it is worthy of remark.
The passage in the author now citing is very
curious, and is here given in a translation of his own
words : — ' Some notators were accustomed in the
' Cantus Ecclesiasticus always to rule Four lines of
* the same colour between two of writing, or above
' one line of writing ; but the ancients were not ac-
' customed to have more than three lines of different
* colours, and others two ' of different colours ; and
' others one of one colour, their lines were ruled with
* Vide supra, pag. 235.
t In bishop Tanner's Bibliotheca, and also in the Fasti Oxon, vol. I.
col. 23, is an article for Robert Perrot, born at Haroldston in the county
of Pembroke, a doctor of music, and organist of Magdalen college in
Oxford, the composer of the music to various sacred hymns ; and there
■would be little doubt that he was the person here meant, but that he is
said to have died in 1550. However it is to be observed that the Cotton
manuscript contains a number of treatises on music by different authors ;
and though the first carries evidence on the face of it, that it was com-
posed so early as 1326, it does not follow that the others are of as great
antiquity. Nay there is no reason to suppose that that now under con-
sideration is so ancient as that the person mentioned by Tanner might
not be the Perotinus Magnus above celebrated.
Chap. LIV.
AXD PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
239
' some hard metal, as in the Cartumensian and other
' books, but such books are not used among the or-
' gauists in France, in Spain and Arragon, in Pam-
* pelone, or EngLind, nor many other places, accord-
' ing to what fully appears in their books, but they
' used Red or Black lines drawn with ink. At the
' beginning of a cantus they placed a sign, as, F or c
* or g ; and in some parts d. Also some of the an-
' cients made use of points instead of notes. Observe
'that organists in their books make use of five lines,
'but in the tenors of descants are used only four, be-
' cause the tenor was always used to be taken from
* the ecclesiastical cantus, noted by four lines, &c.'*
Farther on the author speaks of a method of no-
tation by the letters of the alphabet, which is no
other than that introduced by St. Gregory ; the ex-
amples he gives are of letters in the old Gothic cha-
racter, and such are to be seen in the Storia della
Musica of Padre Martini, vol. I. pag. 178 ; but he
says that the method of notation in use in his time
was by points, either round or square, sometimes
with a tail and sometimes without.
Having treated thus largely of the Cantus ^lensu-
rabilis, he proceeds to an explanation of the harmo-
nical concordances, in which as he does but abridge
Boetius, it is needless to follow him.
He then proceeds to relate that the word Organum
is used in various senses, for that it sometimes signifies
the instrument itself, and at other times that kind of
choral accompaniment which comprehends the whole
harmony, and is treated of in the Micrologus of
Guido. He speaks also of the Organum Simplex, or
pure organ, a term which frequently occurs in the
monkish musical writers, and which seems to mean
the unisonous accompaniment of the tenor or other
single voice in the versicles of the service. The pre^
cepts for the Organum or general accompaniment are
manifestly taken from Guido, and the examples are
in letters like those in the Micrologus.
Next follow the rudiments of descant, of which
sufficient has been said already.
Speaking of the Triples, Quadruples, and Copulaa,
terms that in this place relate to the Cantus Mensu-
rabilis, he digresses to descant ; and, speaking of the
concords, says that although the ditone and semi-
ditone are not reckoned among the perfect concords,
yet that among the best organists in some countries,
as in England, in the country called Westcontre, they
are used as such.
And here it is to be observed, that for the first
time we meet with the mention of Discords ; for the
author now citing says, that many good organists and
makers of hymns and antiphons put discords in the
room of concords, without any rule or consideration,
except that the discord of a tone or second be taken
before a perfect concord. He adds, that this practice
was much in use with the organists of Lombardy.
A little farther on he spealcs of the works of Pero-
tinus Magnus, in six volumes, which he says contain
the colours and beauties of the whole musical art.
The author of the above-cited tract appears to have
• The number of lines for the Cantus Ecclesiasticus was settled at
four in the thirteenth centur>-. Stor. della Musica, pag. 399, in not.
been deeply skilled, at least in the practical part of
music, and to have been better acquainted with the
general state of it, than most of the writers in those
dark times. It should seem by his manner of speak-
ing of England and of the West Contre, which very
probably he mistook for the North country, which
abounded with good singers and musicians, that he
was a foreigner ; and his styling Pepin Emperor of
France, at the instant that he calls Constantine King
of the Greeks, is a ground for conjecture that he was
a Frenchman.
What follow in the Cotton manuscripts are rather
detached pieces or extracts from some larger M'orks.
than complete treatises themselves : the first of these,
beginning ' Sequitur de Sineminis,' is a short dis-
course, chiefly on the use and application of the
Synemmenon tetrachord, in which it is to be re-
marked that the author takes occasion to mention
the use of a cross between F and G, corresponding
most exactly to that acute signature which is used at
this day to prevent the tritonus or defective fifth
between J] and f.
The next, beginning ' Est autem unisonus,' treats
very briefly of the consonances, of descant, and of
solmisation, the practice whereof is illustrated by the
figure of a hand, with the syllables placed on the
several joints, as represented by other authors, to-
gether with examples in notes to explain the doctrine.
The last tract, beginning ' Cum in isto tractatu,'
which is chiefly on the Cantus Mensurabilis, contains
little worthy of observation except the words ' Ha^c
Odyngtonus,' at the end of it, to account for which is
a matter of great difficulty.
Odingtonus [Gualterus,] Odendunus, et Gualteriu;
Eoveshamensis, or Walter of Evesham, was a monk
of Evesham, in the county of Worcester, and a very
able astronomer and musician. f He wrote De Specu-
latione Musices, lib. VI., and the manuscript is in the
library of Christ Church college, Cambridge. The
titles of the several books are as follow : —
' Prima pars est de inaequalitate numerorum et
' eorum habitudine. Secunda de inaequalitate sono-
' rum sub portione numerali et ratione concordiarum.
* Tertia de compositione instrumentorum musicorum,
' et de . . . . Quarta de inaequalitate temporum in
' pedibus, quibus metra et rhythmi decurrunt. Quinta
'de harmonia simplici, i.e. de piano cantu. Sexta et
' ultima de harmonia multiplici, i.e. de organo et ejus
'speciebus, necnon de compositione et figuratione.';}:
Xow it is observable that not one of the six books
professes to treat of the Cantus Mensurabilis ; on the
contrary, the title of the fourth is ' De inaequalitate
' temporum in pedibus, quibus metra et rhythmi de-
' currunt ; ' terms that ceased to be made use of after
the invention of the Cantus Mensurabilis. This is
enough to excite a suspicion that Odyngtonus was
not the author of the tract in question : but the time
when he lived is not to be reconciled to the sup-
position that he knew aught of its contents.
In short he flourished about the beginning of the
thirteenth century : his name occurs as a witness to
t Vide supra, pag. 184.
I Tann. Biblioth. 558, in not.
210
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book Vj.
a charter of Stephen Langton, archbishop of Canter-
bury, ill the year 1220. It is said that Walter of
Evesham, a monk of Canterbury, was elected arch-
bishop of Canterbury 12 Hen. III. a. p. 1228, but
that the pope vacated the election.'^' Tlie conclusion
deducible from these premises is obvious.
A few loose notes of the different kinds of metre
conclude the collection of tracts above-cited by the
name of the Cotton Manuscript, of which perhaps
there is no copy extant other than that made use of
in this work. It contains 210 folio pages, written in
a legible hand ; and as the original from whence it
was taken is rendered useless, it may possibly here-
after be given up to the public, and deposited in the
British Museum.
Another manuscript volume, little less curious than
that above-mentioned, has been frequently referred
to in the course of this work by the name of the
manuscript of Waltham Holy Cross. The title
whereof is contained in the following inscription on
the first leaf thereof : ' Hunc librum vocitatum Mu-
' sicam Guidonis, scripsit dominus Johannes Wylde,
' quondam exempti monasterii sanctae Crucis de
' Waltham precentor.' And then follows this, which
imports no less than a curse on any who should by
stealing or defacing the book deprive the monastery
of the fruit of his labours : —
' Quern quidem librum, aut hunc titulum, qui
' malitiose abstulerit aut deleverit, anathema sit.' f
Notwithstanding which, upon the suppression of
the monastery, violent hands were laid on it, and it
became the property of Tallis, as appears by his
name of his own handwriting in the last leaf; and
there is little reason to suspect that he felt the effects
of the anathema.
Of this religious foundation, the monastery of
Waltham Holy Cross, in Essex, which in truth was
nothing less than a mitred abbey, possessed of great
privileges, and a very extensive jurisdiction in the
counties of Hertford and Essex, in which last it was
situated, a history is given in the JMonasticon of Sir
William Dugdale ; and some farther particulars re-
lating to it may be found in the History of Waltham
Abbey, by Dr. Fuller, at the end of his Church
History. Here it may suffice to say, that the churcli
and buildings belonging to it were very spacious and
magnificent; and here, as in most abbeys and con-
ventual churches, where the endowment would admit
of it, choral service was duly performed, the conduct
whereof was the peculiar duty of a well-known officer
called the precentor.
At what time the above-mentioned John Wylde
lived does no where appear, but there is reason to
conjecture that it was about the year 1400.
Upon the title of this manuscript, Musicam Gui-
■ * Tann. in loc. citat.
t Admonitions of this kind are frequently to be met with in nian\i-
scripts that formerly belon^'ed to relifiious houses. That mentioned in
pag. 234 of this work, as containing tlie tract De quatuor Principa!i;i,
&c. now in the Bodleian library, had been piven to a convent of friars
minors in 1388 ; and the last leaf of it is thus inscribed : ' Ad informa-
' tionem scire voleiitibus princijiia artis musice : istum libellum vocatur
' Quatuor Principalia Musice. Frater Johannes de Tewkesbury contulit
'communitati fratrum mynorum Oxonia anctoritate et assensu fratris
■ Thomae de Kyngusbury tunc ministri Anglia, viz. Anno Domini
* 1388. Ita qui non alienatur a praedicta communitate fratrum sub
' penS sacrilegii.'
donis, it is to be observed that it is not the work
of Guido himself, \mt a collection of the precepts
contained in the Micrologus, and other of his writings,
and that therefore the appellation which Wylde has
given to it, importing it to be Guidonian music, is
very proper.
The manuscript begins ' Quia jnxta sapientissimum
' Salomonem dura est, ut inferius emulatio,' which
are the first words to the preface of the book, in
which the compiler complains of the envy of some
persons, but resolves notwithstanding to deliver the
precepts of Boetius, Macrobius, and Guido, from
whom he professes to have taken the greatest part of
his work ; meaning, as he says, to deliver not their
words, but their sentiments. He distinguishes music
into Manual and Tonal, the first so-called from the
Hand, to the joints whereof the notes of the Gamut
or scale are usually applied. The Tonal he says is
so called, as treating particularly of the Tones.
Upon the use of the hand he observes that the
Gamut is adapted to the hands of boys, that they may
always carry, as it were, the scale about them ; and
adds that the left hand is used rather than the right,
because it is the nearest the heart.
The tract now citing contains twenty-two chapters
with an introduction, declaring the pre -requisites to
the right understanding the scale of Guido, as namely,
the succession of the letters and syllables in the first
or grave series, with the distinction between J^ and b.
Then follows the scale itself, called the Gamma, an-
swering to Guide's division of the monochord, which
is followed by the figure of a hand, with the notes
and syjlables disposed in order on the several joints
thereof, as has already been represented.
In the first chapter the author treats of the inven-
tion of music, of those who introduced it into the
church, and of the etymology of the word Music.
Upon the authority of the book of Genesis he asserts
that Tubal Cain invented music ; and, borrowing
from the relation of Pythagoras, he interposes a
fiction of his own, saying that he found out the pro-
l^ortions by the sound of hammers used by his brother,
who, according to him, Mas a worker in iron'. He
says that St. Ambrose, and after him pope Gregory,
introduced into the church the modulations of
Graduals, Antiphons, and Hymns. As to the ety-
mology of the word Music, he says, as do many
others, that it is derived from the word Moys, signi-
fying water.
In Chap, II. the author speaks of the power of
music, and cites a passage from Macrobius's Com-
mentary on the Somniuni Scipionis of Cicero, to
shew tiiat it banishes care, persuades to clemency,
and heals the diseases of the body. He adds that the
angels themselves are delighted with devout songs,
and that therefore it is not to be wondered that the
fathers have introduced into the church this alone of
the seven liberal sciences.
In Chap. HI. it is said that the ancient Greeks
noted the musical sounds with certain characters, as
appears by the table in Boetius, but that the Latins
afterwards changed them for those simple letters,
which in the calendar are made use of to denote the
Chap. LIV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
241
seven days of the week, as A, B, C, J), E, F, G ; and
that they assumed only seven letters, because, as
Virgil says, there are only seven differences of sounds ;
and nature herself witnesses that the eighth is no
other than the replicate of the first, with this differ-
ence, that the one is grave and the other acute.
Chap. IV. contains the reasons why the Greek T
was prefixed by the Latins to the scale, and why that
letter rather than any other. The reasons given by
the author seem to be of his own invention ; and he
seems to have forgot that Guido was the first that
made use of that character.
The reasons contained in Chap. V. for the repe-
tition of the letters to the number nineteen, are not
less inconclusive than those contained in the former
chapter, and are therefore not worth enumerating.
Chap VI. assigns a reason why the letters are
differently described in the monochord, that is to say,
some greater, some lesser, some square, some round,
and some doubled. The following are the author's
words : —
* As the foundation is more worthy and solid than
* the rest of the edifice, so in the musical fabric the
' letters that are placed in the bottom are not im-
' properly made larger and stronger than those which
' follow, it is therefore that they should be made
' square, as every thing that is square stands the
'firmest.* The other septenary ought to be made
* less, for as we begin from the bottom, the higher we
' ascend by regular steps, the more subtle or acute
' does the sound become : roundness then best suits
'in its nature with these seven letters, for that
' which is round is more easily moved about ; and the
' sounds which are placed between the grave and
* superacute are the most easy for the voice of the
* singer to move in, seeing he can readily pass from
* the one to the other freely and at his pleasure ; the
' four remaining letters are formed double, and as it
' were with two bellies, because they are formed to
' make a bisdiapason with the grave, that is a double
' diapason.'
In Chap. VII. we meet with the names of Guido
the Younger, and Guido the Elder, by the latter of
whom the author certainly means Guido Aretinus,
* This method of illustration by reasons drawn from a subject foreign
to tliat to which they are applied, is not unusual with the authors who
wrote before the revival of literature. Bracton, an eminent civil and
common lawyer of the thirteenth century, speaking of the right to the
inheritance of land, and the course of lineal descent, says that it is ever
downwards, that is to say, from father to son, and for it gives this notable
reason: 'Quod quasi ponderosum quiddam jure naturae descendit, nam
'omne grave fertur deorsum.' De Legibus lib II. cap. 29, et vide
Coke's Reports, part III. fol. 40, Ratcliff's case. In a life of ^Esop, the
reputed author of the fables that go under his name, supposed to be
written by a Greek monk named Maximus Planudes, who lived about
the year 1317, is a curious specimen of physiological ratiocination, some-
what resembling the former. A gardener proposed this question to
Xanthus, a philosopher, the master of iEsop : ' What is the reason that
' the herbs which I plant grow not so fast as those which the earth pro-
' duces spontaneously?' The philosopher resolved it into the divine
Providence ; but the gardener not being satisfied with this answer,
Xanthus, unable to give a better, refers him to his slave JEsop, who
bespeaks the gardener thus :— ' A widow with children marries a second
' husband, who hath children also : to the children by her former husband
' she stands in the relation of mother ; but to those of her second hus-
' band, the issue of his former marriage, she is nn more than step-mother,
'the consequence whereof is, that she is less affectionate to them than to
' the children of her husband. In like manner,' continues JEsop to the
gardener, ' the earth, to those things which she produces spontaneously
' is a mother, but to those which thou plantest she is a step-mother : the
'one she nourishes, and the other she slights.' The gardener was as
much the wiser for this answer as those who enquire why the great
letters are the lowest in the scale, or why land descends rather than
ascends, are made, by the answers severally given to those demands.
for he cites the Sapphic verse, ' Ut queant laxis,' &c.
from whence the syllables ct, re, mi, fa, sol, la, are
universally allowed to have been taken ; who is meant
by Guido the Younger will be shewn hereafter.
In Chap. VIII. he speaks of the six syllables, and
the notes adapted to them, and seems to blame Guido
for not giving a seventh to the last note of the sep-
tenary. It has already been mentioned that Dr.
Wallis and others have lamented that Guido did
not take the first syllable of the last line of the verse
* Sancte Johannes ; ' and the author here cited seems
to intimate that he might have done so ; but it
evidently appears that he was not in earnest, for see
his words : ' The author seems here blameable for
not marking the seventh with a syllable, especially
as there are so many particles in that verse ; he
might have assigned the first syllable of the last line
to the seventh note thus, Sancte Joannes, as this
syllable is as different from all the rest as the
seventh sound is. What fault, I pray you, did the
last line commit, that its first syllable should not be
disposed of to the seventh note, as all the other first
syllables were assigned to the rest of the notes ?
But fair and soft, because a semitone always occurs
in the seventh step, which semitone is contained
under these two notes, fa and mi ; for when the
semitone returns to the seventh step, in the sixth
you will have mi, and in the seventh fa. But if
the eighth step, a tritone intervening, makes the
semitone, all the syllables of the notes are expended ;
therefore whether you will or no, unless you make
false music, the semitone, to wit mi, returns in tha
seventh, if the disposition be elevated ; but if it be
remitted it will give fa, which nevertheless makes
a semitone under it ; therefore these two notes, on
whose account these names were particularly insti-
tuted, will have as many notes above as below,
marked with their proper syllables, for mi has under
it two, RE and ut ; and fa has two above, sol
and LA.'
Chap. IX. treats of the Mutations, which are
changes of the syllables, occasioned by the going out
of one hexachord into another ; concerning which
the author with great simplicity observes, that as the
cutters out of leather or cloth, when the stuff runs
short, are obliged to piece it to make it longer ; so
when either in the intension or remission of the scale
the notes exceed the syllables, there is a necessity for
repeating the latter. ^NTiat follows on this head will
best be given in the author's own words, which are
these : — ' We must substitute for that which is de-
' ficient such a note as may supply the defect by
' proceeding farther : hence it is that with the note
* LA, which cannot of itself proceed any higher, you
' will always find such a note as can at least ascend
* four steps, la, mi, fa, sol, la. In the same manner
' the note ut, which of itself can nowhere descend,
* will have a collateral, which may at least be de-
' pressed four notes, ut, fa, mi, re, ut, the Greek r
' and d superacute are excepted ; the first whereof
' has neither the power nor the necessity of being
' remitted, nor the other that of ascending ; for which
' reason ut and la can never have the same stations.'
B
242
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VI.
The nine succeeding chapters relate chiefly to the
mutations, and the use of the square and round or
soft b, which, as it is sufficiently understood at this
day, it is needless to enlarge upon.
Chap. XIX. treats of the Keys, by which are to
be understood in tliis place nothing more than the
characters P C g prefixed to the head of the stave :
he says these letters are called keys, for that as a key
opens an entrance to that which is locked up, so
the letters give an entrance to the knowledge of the
whole cantus, to which they are prefixed ; and that
without them the singer would find it impossible
to avoid sometimes prolating a tone for a semitone,
and vice versa, or to distinguish one conjunction
from another. At the end of this chapter he cen-
sures the practice of certain unskilful notators or
writers of music, who he says were used to forge
adulterate and illegitimate keys, as by putting D
grave under F, a acute under c, and e acute under g,
making thereby as many keys as lines.
Chap, XX. demonstrates that b round and J]
square are not to be computed among the keys.
This demonstration is effected in a manner curious
and diverting, namely by the supposition of a combat
between these two characters, a relation whereof,
with the various success of the combatants, is here
given in the author's own words : * Observe that
* b round and J] square are not to be computed
' among the keys ; first, because they wander through
* an empty breadth of space, without any certainty
' of a line ; next because they can never be placed
' in any line without the support of another key, for
' it is necessary that another key should be prefixed
' to the line. Moreover as J;j square never appears,
'unless b round come before it ; and b soft ought
' not to be set down unless we are to sing by it : can
' any thing of its coming be expected if it be not
* immediately prefixed to the beginning of a line of
' another key, as it is never to be sung without
' a key? Likewise, as they are mutually overthrown
' by each other, and each is made accidental, who
' can pronounce them legitimate keys ? for unless
' b round comes in and gives the first blow as
' a challenge, \j square would never furnish matter
' for the beginning of a combat ; but as soon as it
' appears it entirely overthrows its adversary b round,
* which only makes a soft resistance. But sometimes
' it happens that b round, though lying prostrate,
' recovering new strength, rises up stronger, and
' throws down Y] square, who was triumphing after
' his victory.' For the reasons deducible from this
artless allegory, whicli it is probable the author of
it, a simple illiterate monk, thought a notable effort
of his invention, and because J] square and b round
are not stable or permanent, he pronounces that they
cannot with propriety be termed keys.
In Chap. XXI. the author gives the reason why
the notes are placed alternately on the lines and
spaces of the stave : but first, to prove the necessity
of the lines, he shrewdly observes, that without them
no certain progression could be observed by the
voice. ' Would not,' he asks, ' in that case the notes
■ seem to shew like >mall birds flying through the
'empty immensity of air?' Farther he says, that
were they placed on the lines only, no less confusion
would arise, for that the multitude of lines would
confound the sight, since a cantus may sometimes
include a compass of ten notes. He says, which is
true, that in order to distinguish between each series
of notes, the grave, the acute, and the superacute,
any one given note, which in the grave is placed
on a line, will in the acute fall on a space, and that
in the superacute it will fall on a line again. He
adds, that in a simple cantus no more lines are used
than four, to which are assigned five spaces,* for
this reason, that the ancient musicians, by whom he
must be understood to mean those after the time of
Gregory, never permitted any tone to exceed the
compass of a diapason ; so that every tone had as
many notes as there were tones. He says farther
that tlie modern musicians would sometimes extend
a cantus to a tenth note ; but that nevertheless it did
not run through ten notes, but that the tenth, which
might be either the highest or the lowest, was only
occasionally touched. He adds that when this is
the case, the key or letter should be changed for
a short time ; or, in other words, that one letter
may be substituted for another on the same line.
Upon this passage is a marginal note, signifying
that it is better in such a case to add a line than to
transpose the letter or cliff, which is the practice
at this day.
To this chapter the author subjoins a cantus for
the reader to exercise himself, in which he says he
will find six verses applied, two for the grave, two
for the acute, and two for the superacute. The
cantus is without musical characters, and is in the
words following : —
For the graves,
Hac puer, arte scies gravium mutamina vocum,
Quoe quibus appropries noim'tia, quemve locum.
For the acutes,
Reddit versutas versuta b mollis acuta,
Quas male dum mutas, mollia quadra putas.
For the superacutes,
Gutturis artei'ias cruciat vox alta b mollis ;
DifRciles collis reddit ubique vias.
Chap. XXII. contains what is called a cantus of
the second tone, in which the mutations of the four
grave letters C, D, E, F, are contained ; it is with
musical notes, but they are utterly inexplicable,
CHAP. LV.
Upon the above twenty-two chapters, which con-
stitute the first part or distinction, as it is termed,
of the first tract, it is observable that they contain,
as they profess to do, the precepts of Manual music ;
and that this first part is a very full and perspicuous
commentary on so much of the Micrologus as relates
to tbat subject.
The second part or distinction, intitled Of Tonal
Music, contains thirty-one chapters. In the first
• That is to say three between the lines, one at top, and another at
bottom. Martini says that the number of lines to denote the tones was
settled at four in the thirteenth century. Stor. dell , Mus. pag. 399, in not.
Chap. LV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
243
whereof is an intimation of the person in the seventh
chapter of the former part, distinguished by the ap-
pellation of Guido Minor ; he says that he was sur-
named Aiigensis, and that by his care and industry
the cantus of the Cistertian order had been regularly
corrected. He cites a little book written by the same
Guido Minor for a definition of the consonances.
In Chap. II. he defines the semitone in a quotation
from Macrobius, demonstrating it to be no other than
the Pythagorean limma.
Chap. III. treats of the Tone, a word which the
author says has two significations, namely, a Maniera,
a term synonymous with ecclesiastical tone, or an
interval in a sesquioctave ratio.
From these two intervals, namely, the tone and
semitone, the author asserts that all the concords are
generated, and the whole fabric of music arises ; in
which respect, says this learned writer, ' They, that
' is to say, the tone and semitone, may be very aptly
' compared to Leah and Rachael, of whom it is re-
' lated in the book of Genesis that they built up the
' house of Israel.' It would be doing injustice to this
ingenious argument to give it in any other words
than those of the author. Here they are, and it is
hoped the reader will edify by them : —
' For as Jacob was first joined in marriage
' to Leah, and afterwards to Rachael, thus sound, the
' element of music, first produces a tone, and after-
' wards a semitone, and is in some sense married to
' them. The semitone, from which the symphony of
' all music principally is generated, as it tempers the
* rigour and asperity of the tones, may aptly be
'assigned to Rachael, who chiefiy captivated the
'heart of Jacob, as she had a beautiful face and
' graceful aspect. Moreover a semitone is made up
' of four parts, and, unless a tritone intervenes, is
' always in the fourth step ; so also Rachael is re-
' corded to have had four sons, two of her own, and
' two by her handmaid. " Enter in, says she, to my
" handmaid, that she may bring forth upon my knees,
" that I may at least have children from her." The
'tone rendering a rigid and harsh sound, but fre-
'qucntly presenting itself, agrees with Leah, who
' was blear-eyed, and was married to Jacob against
' his will ; but fruitful in the number of her children.
' The proportion of the tone is superoctave ; Leah
' had also eight sons, namely, six nafural sons, and
* two adopted, that were born of her handmaid : but
' the ninth part, which is less than the rest or others,
* may aptly be compared to Dinah, the daughter of
' Leah, who bore afterwards eight sons. \Mien Leah
' had four sons she ceased bearing children, and the
' adopted ones followed : when four steps of the notes
* are made, a semitone follows, which is divided into
' two sorts, as has been said ; these may be compared
'to the following sons, the two natural ones, which
* Leah had afterwards, and also the two adopted ones.
' Then follow Joseph and Benjamin, the natural sons
' of Rachael.'
Chap. IV. treats of the ditone.
Chap. V. Of the semiditone and its species, which
are clearly two.
Chapters VI. VII. and VIII. treat respectively of
the diatessaron, diapente, and diapason, with their
several species, which have already been very fully
explained.
Chap. IX. shews how the seven species of diapason
are generated.
Chap. X. contains a Cantilena, as it is said, of
Guido Aretinus, including as well the dissonances as
the consonances. It is a kind of praxis on the inter-
vals that constitute the scale, such as are frequently
to be met with in the musical tracts of the monkish
writers, and in those written by the German musi-
cians for the instruction of youth about the time of
Luther ;* but as to this, whether it be of Guido or
not, it is highly venerable in respect of its antiquity,
as being in all probability one of the oldest compo.
sitions of the kind in the world : —
3:
3E3=EgE
^^iESEt
^
TERter-ni sunt mo-di, quibus omnis can-ti-le-na
3EbE!E5:-
:B=M=i:
contex - i-tur, sci-li-cet, U-ni-sonus, Semi-to-nium,
g=
l^E^'^dL'EEES
-^='
Tonus, Semiditonus, Ditonus, Dyatessaron, Dyapente,
^-i^»
Semitonium cum Dyapente. Ad haec Tonus Dyapason
^=
L-MZ*:
si quern de-lectet, e-jus hunc modum es-se ag-nos-cat
7^^
^^
qu-umque tarn paucis clausulis to-ta armo ni-a forma-tur.
3Er-^iEi
-■-♦•
^^^f^^
u-ti- lis -si-raum est e-as al-t£e me-mo-ri-ajcommec
dare,
^
■ *'*^B ]■ ■■■^■■■''^
V
■ ^Bgi ■- ■"!
Nee pri-us ab hu-jus nio-
di stu-di-o qui-es-ce-re, donee
^ H ■
■ ■'"!'■ H^ ■ ■ ^
■ - !-Bn""T
-. ^ ■ ■ ■ 1
■ 1
^-m '- B
vocum intervallis agnatis Armo-ni-a to-ti-us fa-cil-li-me
K _ ■ ^ s _ 1
fc ■ H'* .
^* H^ ^^ ^^M 1
'^ ■ ■ _ ■ ■ ■
:.-=*H-="-^^-^
■ ■ ■ ■ ■
que-as comprehendere no-ti-ti-am. Tonus.
Se-mi-to-ni-us. Di-to-nus. Se-mi-di-to-nus. Dya-tes-
^a^^^lgffi
- sa-ron. Dyapente. Dy-a-pason.
et intente et re-mis-se pa-ri-ter con-so-nan-ti - a.
* Many such are extant in print ; they are in easy Latin, and resemble
in size and form the common Latin Accidence. The sense that the re-
formers entertained of the great importance of a musical education, may
be inferred from the pains they took to disseminate the rudiments of
plain and mensurable music, and to render the practice of singing
familiar to children ; and there cannot be the least doubt but that the
singing and getting by heart such a Cantilena as is here given, was as
frequent an exercise for a child as the declension of a noun, or the con-
jugation of a verb.
2M
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VJ
Chap. XI. treats of the nature of b round, of which
enough has been said already.
Of Chap. XII. there is nothing more than the title,
purporting that the chapter is an explanation of a
certain Formula or diagram which was never inserted.
Chap. XIII. treats of the species of diapason, and
shews how the eight tones arise therefrom. This
chapter is very intricate and obscure ; and as it con-
tains a far less satisfactory account of the subject than
has already been given from Franchinus, and other
writers of unquestioned authority, the substance of it
is here omitted.
Chap. XIV. treats of the four Manieras, and farther
of the eight tones. Maniera, as this author asserts,
is a term taken from the French, and seems to be
synonymous with Mode ; a little lower he says that a
Maniera is the property of a cantus, or that rule
whereby we determine the final note of any cantus.
In short, he uses Maniera to express the Genus, and
Tone the Species of the ecclesiastical modes or tones.
In this chapter he complains of the levity of the
moderns in making use of b soft, and introducing
feigned music,* which in his time he complains had
been greatly multiplied.
Chap. XV. concerns only the finals of the several
manieras and tones.
Chap. XVI. contains certain curious observations
on the terms Authentic and Plagal, as applied to the
tones ; these are as follow : —
' Some tones are called authentic, and some
* plagal ; for in every maniera the first is called
' authentic, the second plagal. The first, third, fifth,
' and seventh are termed authentic from the word
* Authority ; because they are accounted more worthy
' than their plagals : they are collected by the uneven
' numbers, which among the philosophers were called
' masculine, because they do not admit of being di-
' vided equally into two parts : thus man cannot be
' easily turned aside or diverted from his purpose ;
' but an even number, because it may be divided into
* two equally, is by them not unaptly called woman,
' because she sometimes weeps, sometimes laughs, and
* soon yields and gives way in the time of temptation.
* Hence it is that the second, fourth, sixth, and eighth
' tones are ascribed to the even number, because the
' feminine sex is coupled in marriage to the mas-
' culine sex : they are called collateral or plagal, that
* is, provincials to the authentics. And that you may
' the sooner learn the properties and natures of each
* of the tones, those songs are called authentic which
' ascend more freely and higher from their final letter,
' running more wantonly by leaps and various bend-
' ings backwards and forwards ; in the same manner
* as it becomes men to exercise their strength in
' wrestling and other sports, and to be employed in
' their necessary affairs and occupations in remote
' parts, until they return back to the final letter by
' which they are to be finished, as to their own house
■* Described by Franchinus, Pract. Mus. lib. III. cap. xiii, De fictae
Musicae contrapuncto, and by Andreas Omithoparcus, in his Micrologus,
lib. I. cap. X. tlie latter calls it that kind of music termed by the Greeks
Synemmenon, or a song that abounds with conjunctions ; but it had been
better to have called it music transposed from its natural key by b round,
the characteristic of the synemmenon tetrachord, in which case B b, E b,
or A b, misht be made finals, as they now frequently are, but it seems
that the old musicians abhorred the practice.
' or home, after the completion of their affairs. But
' the plagal or collateral songs are those which do not
' mount up so as to produce the higher parts, but turn
' aside into the lower, in the region under the letter
' by which they are to be terminated, and make their
' stops or delays and circuits about the final letter,
' sometimes below and sometimes above ; as a woman
' that is tied to a husband does not usually go far from
' her home, and run about, but is orderly and decently
' employed in taking care of her family and domestic
' concerns.'
Chap. XVII. assigns the reasons why the final
notes are included between D grave and c acute ; but
the author means to be understood that the double,
triple, and quadruple cantus, which are vocal com-
positions of two, three and four parts, are not re-
strained to this rule, for in such no more is required
than that the under part be subservient to it. It
appears that of the final notes, by which, to mention
it once for all, the terminations of the several tones
are meant, four are grave, and three only acute : for
this inequality the author gives a notable reason,
namely, that by reason of the load of carnal infirmi-
ties that weigh them down, fewer men are found to
have grave and rude, than acute and sweet voices.
Chap. XVIII. the author shews from Guido, and
other teachers of the musical art, that the compass
of a diapason is sufiicient for any cantus. Not-
withstanding which he says some contend that ten,
and even eleven notes are necessary. This notion
the author condemns, and says that the unison and
its octave resemble the walls of a city, and that the
ninth, which is placed above the octave, and the
tenth, stationed under the unison, answer to the
pallisado or ditch ; and that as it is customary to
walk about on the walls, and in the city itself, but
not in the ditch, or by the pallisado, it becomes all
who profess to travel in the path of perfection, to
accommodate themselves to this practice, which he
says is both modest and decent, f
The following chapters, which are fifteen in num-
ber, exhibit a precise designation of the eight eccle-
siastical tones ; but as these have been very fully
explained from Gaffurius, and other writers of ac-
knowledged authority, it is unnecessary to lengthen
this account of Wylde's tract by an explanation of
them from him.
There is very little doubt but that Wylde was an
excellent practical singer, as indeed his office of
precentor of so large a choir as that of Waltham
required he should be. His book is very properly
called a System of Guidonian Music, for it extends
no farther than an illustration of those precepts
which Guido Aretinus taught : hardly a passage
occurs in it to intimate that he was in the least
acquainted with the writings of the Greeks, except-
ing that where he cites Ptolemy by the name of
Tholom^us. The truth of the matter is, that at
the time when Wylde wrote, the writings of Aris-
toxenus, Euclid, Nicomachus, and the other Greek
harmonicians, were at Constantinople, or Byzantium
+ He gives an example of a double cantus at the beginning of Chapter I,
which clearly shews that by a double cantus we are to understand one
in two parts.
Chap. LV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
245
as it was called, which was then the seat of literature.
How and by whom they were brought into Italy,
and the doctrines contained in them diffused through-
out Europe, will in due time be related.
The tract immediately following that of Wylde
in the manuscript of Waltham Holy Cross is entitled
*De octo Tonis ubi nascuntur et oriuntur aut effi-
ciuntur.'
This is a short discourse, contained in two pages
of the manuscript, tending to shew the analogy
between the seven planets and the chords included
in the musical septenary. The doctrine of the music
of the spheres, and the opinion on which it is
founded, has been mentioned in the account herein
before given of Pythagoras. Those who first ad-
vanced it have not been content with supposing that
the celestial orbs must in their several revolutions
produce an harmony of concordant sounds ; but they
go farther, and pretend to assign the very intervals
arising from the motion of each. This the author
now citing has done, and perhaps following Pliny,
who asserts it to be the doctrine of Pythagoras,
he says that in the motion of the Earth r is made,
in that of the moon A, Mercury B, Venus C, the
Sun D, Mars E, Jupiter F, and Saturn g. And
that here the musical measure is truly formed.
Next follows a very short tract, with the name
Kendale at the conclusion of it. It contains little
more than the Gamma, vulgarly called the Gamut, or
Guidonian scale, and some mystical verses on the
power of harmony, said to be written by a woman of
the name of Magdalen. It should seem that Kendale
was no more than barely the transcriber of this tract,
for the rubric at the beginning ascribes it to a certain
monk of Sherborne, who professes to have taken it
from St. Mary Magdalen.
' Monachus quidam de Sherborne talem Musicam
profert de Sancta Maria Magdelene.'
Next follows a tract entitled ' De Origine et
Effectu Musicae,' in four sections, the initial words
whereof are ' Musica est scientia recte canendi, sive
' scientia de numero relato ad sonum,' wherein the
author, after defining music to be the science of num-
ber applied to sound, gives his reader the choice of
two etymologies for the word music. The one from
the Muses, the other from the word Moys, signifying
water, which he will have to be Greek. He then
proceeds, but rather abruptly, to censure those who
through ignorance prolate semitones for tones, in
these words : ' Many now-a-days, when they ascend
* from RE by mi, fa, sol, scarce make a semitone
' between fa and sol ; moreover, when they pro-
' noimce sol, fa, sol, or re, ut, re, prolate a semi-
' tone for a tone ; and thus they confound the dia-
* tonic genus, and pervert the plain -song. Yet these
'may be held in some measure excusable, as not
'knowing in what genus our plain-song is consti-
* tuted ; and being asked for what reason they thus
' pronounce a semitone for a tone, they alledge they
' do it upon the authority of the singers in the chapels
' of princes, who, say they, would not sing so without
' reason, as they are the best singers. So that being
' thus deceived by the footsteps of others, they one
' after another follow in all the same errors, i'here
' are others who will have it that this method of sing-
*ing is sweeter and more pleasing to the ear, and
' therefore that method being as it were good, should
' be made use of. To these Boetius answers, saying
' all credit is not to be given to the ears, but some
'also to reason, for the hearing may be deceived.
' So also is it said in the treatise De quatuor Princi-
' palium, cap. Ivi., and as a proof thereof, it is farther
* said that those who follow hunting are more de-
' lighted with the barking of the dogs in the woods,
' than with hearing the office of God in the church.
'Reason, however, which is never deceived, shews
' the contrary.'
Sect. II. entitled De tribus Generibus melorum,
treats of the three genera of melody, but contains
nothing that has not been better said by others.
Sect. III. entitled Inventores Artis Musicse eque-
formis, contains an account of the inventors of the
musical arc, by much too curious to be given in any
other than the author's own words, which are these : — •
'There was a certain smith, Thubal by name,
who regulated the consonances by the weights of
three hammers striking upon one anvil. Pythagoras
hearing that sound, and entering the house of the
smith, found the proportion of the hammers, and
that they rendered to each other a wonderful con-
sonance. When Thubal heard and knew that God
would destroy the world, he made two pillars, the
one of brick and the other of brass, and wrote on
each of them the equiformal musical art, or plain
cantus ; that if the world should be destroyed by fire,
the pillar of bri-ck might remain, as being able to
withstand the fire ; or if it were to be destroyed by
water, the brazen pillar might remain till the deluge
was subsided. After the deluge king Cyrus, who
was king over the Assyrians, and Enchiridias, and
Constantinus, and after these Boetius, beginning
with the proportion of numbers, demonstrated the
consonances, as appears by looking into the treatise
of the latter, De Musica. Afterwards came Guido
the monk, who was tlie inventor of the Gamma,
which is called the Monochord. He first placed
the notes in the spaces between the lines, as is
shewn in the beginning of this book. Afterwards
Guido de Sancto Mauro, and after these Guido
Major and Guido Minor. After these Franco,
who shewed the alterations, perfections, and im-
perfections of the figures in the Cantus Men-
Burabilis, as also the certitude of the beginnings.
Then Philippus Vitriaco, who invented that figure
called the Least Prolation, in Navarre. After wai-ds
St. Augustine and St. Gi'egory, who instituted
the equiformal cantus throughout all the churches.
After these Isidorus the etymologist, and Joannes
De Muris, who wrote iugenious rules concerning
the measure and the figuration of the cantus, from
whence these verses : —
' Per Thubal inventa musarum sunt elementa.
' Atque collumellis nobis exempta gemellis.
' Et post dihivium tunc subscriptus perhibetur :
' Philosophus princeps pater Hermes hie Trismegistus
' Invenit Musas quas dedit et docuit .
246
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VI.
' Pictagoras turn per martellas fabricantum,
' Antea confusas numerantur tetrarde niusas.
* Quern Musis general medium concordia vera
' Qui tropus ex parte Boicius edidit.
' Unum composuit ad gamma vetus tetrachordum.
' Et dici meruit fuisse Guido monochordum
' Gregorius musas primo carnalitur usas,
' Usu sanctarum mutavit Basilicarum.
' Ast Augustinus formam fert psalmodizandi,
' Atque chori regimen Bernardus Monachus offert,
' Ethimologiarum statuit coadjutor Isidorus
' Pausas juncturas, facturas, atque figuras ;
' Mensuraturam formavit Franco notarum,
' Et John De Muris, variis floruitque figuris.
' Anglia cantorum nomen gignit plurimoruni. '*
Sect. IV. entitled De Musicse instrumentali et ejus
Inventoribns, gives first a very superficial account
of the inventors of some particular instruments,
among whom two of the nine Muses, namely, Eu-
terpe and Terpsichore, are mentioned ; the first as
having invented the Tuba, [trumpet] and the other
the Psalterium. This must appear to every one
little better than a mere fable ; but the author closes
this account with a positive assertion that the Tym-
panum, or drum, was the invention of Petrus de
Sancta Cruce.
In this chapter the author takes occasion to mention
what he terms the Cantus Coronatus, called also the
Cantus Fractus, which he defines to be a cantus tied
to no degrees or steps, but which may ascend and
descend by the perfect or imperfect consonances
indifferently. This seems to be the reason for call-
ing it the Cantus Fractus. That for calling it Cantus
Coronatus is that it may be crowned, namely, that it
may be sung with a Faburden, of which hereafter.
What follows next is a very brief and imme-
thodical enumeration of the measures of verse, the
names of the characters used in the Cantus Men-
surabilis, and of the consonances and dissonances,
with other matters of a miscellaneous nature : among
these are mentioned certain kinds of melody, namely
Roundellas, Balladas, Carollas, and Springas ; but
these the author says are fantastic and frivolous,
adding, that no good musical writer has ever thought
it worth while to explain their texture.
The next in order of succession to the treatise De
Origine et Effectu Musicse, is a tract entitled Spe-
culum Psallentium, in which is contained the Formula
of St. Gregory for singing the offices, together with
certain verses of St. Augustine to the same purpose,
and others of St. Bernard on the office of a precentor;
the formula of St, Gregorv is as follows : —
' Uniformity is necessary in all things. The metre
* with the pauses must be observed by all in psalmo-
' dizing ; not by drawing out, but by keeping up
' the voice to the end of the verse, according to the
' time. Let not one chorus begin a verse of a psalm
' before the other has ended that preceding it. Let
' the pauses be observed at one and the same time
' by all ; and let all finish as it were with one voice ;
* The three last lines of the above verses are additional evidence in
favour of two positions that have been uniformly insisted on in the course
of this work, to wit, that Franco, and not De Muris, was the inventor of
the Cantus Mensurabilis, and that De Muris was not a Frenchman, but
a native of England.
' and, reassuming breath, begin together as one mouth;
' and let each chorus attend to its cantor, that, accord-
* ing to the precept of the blessed apostle Paul, we
' may all honour the Lord with one voice. And, as
' it is said the angels are continually singing with
' one voice, Holy, Holy, Holy ; so ought we to do
' without any remission, which argues a want of
* devotion : whence these verses of St. Augustine
' for the form of singing Psalms : —
' Tedia nulla chori tibi sint, assiste labori,
' Hora sit ire foras postquam compleveris horas,
' Egressum nobis ostendunt perniciosum
' Dyna, Chaim, Corius, Judas, Esau, Semeyque,
' Psallite devote, distincte metra tenete,
' Vocibus estote Concordes, vana canete,
' Nam vox frustratur, si mens hie inde vagatur,
' Vox SEepe quassatur, si mens vana meditatur.
' Non vox, sed votum ; non musica, sed cor
' Non clamor, sed amor sonat in aure Dei.
' Dicendis horis adsit vox cordis, et oris,
' Nunquam posterior versus prius incipiatur,
' Ni suus anterior perfecto fine fruatur.'
The verses of St. Bernard have the general title
of Versus Sancti Bernardi ; they consist of three
divisions, the first is entituled —
' De Regimene Chori et Officio Precentoris.
' Cantor corde chorum roga, cantum lauda sonorum,
' Concors Psalmodia, simui asoiltanda sophia ;
' Praecurrat nullus, nee post alium trahat ullus,
' Sed simul incipere, simul et finem retinere,
' Nulli tractabunt nimis, aut festive sonabunt,
' Vive sed et munda cantabunt voce rotunda
' Versus in medio, bona pausa sit ordine dicto,
' Ultima certetur, brevior quam circa sonetur.
' Ultima dimissa tibi syllaba sit quasi scissa,
' Ars tum excipiat si scandens ultima fiat,
' Tunc producatur monosyllaba, sique sequatur,
' Barbara (si sequitur producta) sonans reperitur.
' Detestatio contra perverse psallentes.
' Qui psalmos resecant qui verba recissa volutant
' Non magis illi ferent quam si male lingue tacerent
' Hi sunt qui psalmos corrumpunt nequiter almos.
' Quos sacra scriptura damnat, reprobant quoque jura
' Janglers, cvun Japers,Nappers, Galpers quoque Dralbers
' Momlers, Forskippers, Ourenners, sic Ourhippers,
' Fragmina verborum Tuttivillus coUigit horum.
' De septem misteriis septem horarum canonicarum.
' Hinc est septenis domino cur psallimus horis ;
' Prnna flagris cedit, adducit tertia morti,
' Sexta legit solem sed nona videt morientem,
' Vespera deponit, stravit completa scpultum ;
' Virium nox media devicta morte revelat
' Si cupis intentam psallendi reddere vocem,
' Crebro crucem pingas, in terram lumina figas,
' Observate preces, et ne manus aut caput aut pes
' Sit motus, pariter animi cum corpore pungas.' f
t The above verses, as they are descriptive of the state of church-
music, and the manner of sinfiinp; the choral offices in the time of St.
Bernard, who lived in the twelfth century, are matter of great curiosity.
They may be said to consist of three parts or divisions : the first is an
exhortation to the precentor to govern the choir with resolution, and to
encourage those who sing to sing the cantus audibly, not wantonly, with
a clear round voice. The second part, entitled Detestatio contra perverse
Psallentes, is an execration on such as in their singing corrupt the
Psalms and other offices. And it seems by the context that the per-
formance of the choral service was not confined to the clerks and officers
of the choir, but that a lewd rabble of lay singers bore a part in it, and
were the authors of the abuses above complained of. These men ar»
Chap. LVI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
247
The next tract has for its title Metrologus, which
any one would take to mean a discourse on metre ;
but the author explains it by the words Brevis Sermo,
which had certainly been better expressed by the
word Micrologus, a title very commonly given to
a short discourse on any subject whatever. Guido's
treatise bearing that name has been mentioned largely
in its place ; and an author named Andreas Ornitho-
parcus has given the same title to a musical tract of
his writing, which was translated into English by
oiir countryman Douland, the luteuist, and published
in the year 1609.
This author says of music, that it is so called as
having been invented by the Muses, for which he
cites Isidore.
Under the head De Inventoribus Artis Musice, he
explodes the opinion that Pythagoras invented the
consonances ; for he roundly asserts, as indeed one of
the authors before-cited has done, that Tubal first
discovered them. The following are his words : —
* The master of history [i e. Moses] says that
'Tubal was the father of those that played on the
' cithra and other instruments ; not that he was the
' inventor of those instruments, for they were invented
' long after ; but that he was the inventor of music,
' that is of the consonances. As the pastoral life was
* rendered delightful by his brother, so he, working
' in the smith's art, and delighted with the sound of
' the hammers, by means of their weights carefully
' investigated the proportions and consonances arising
' from them. And because he had heard that Adam
' had prophesied of the two tokens, he, lest this art,
' which he had invented, should be lost, wrote and
' engraved the whole of it on two pillars, one of
' which was made of marble, that it might not be
* washed away by the deluge, and the other of brick,
' which could not be dissolved by fire : and Josephus
' says that the marble one is still extant in the land
' of Syria. So that the Greeks are greatly mistaken
distinguished by the strange appellations of Janglers, Japers, Nappers,
Galpers, Dralbers, Moralers, Forskippers, Ourenners, and Ourhippers,
for the signification whereof St. Bernard, the author, refers to a writer
named Tuttivillus ; but as his work is not now to be found, it remains to
see what assistance can be derived from lexicographers and etymologists
towards ascertaining the meaning of these very strange terms.
And first Janglers seems to be a corruption of Jongleours, a word
which has already been shewn to be synonymous with minstrels, Japers
are clearly players, Hisriones. Skinner, Voce Jape, Nappers are sup-
posed to be drinkers, from Nappe, the Saxon term for a cup. Benson's
Saxon Vocabulary. For Galpers it is difficult to find any other meaning
than Gulpers, i. e. such as swallow large quantities of liquor, from the
verb Gulp; and for this sense we have the authority of the vision of
Pierce Plowman, in the following passage, taken from the Passus Quintus
of that satire ; —
There was laughing and louring, and let go the cuppe.
And fo fitten they to even fong, and fongen other while
Till Gloton had igalped a gallon and a gill.
Dralbers may probably be from the word Drab. Momlers may signify
Talkers, Praters in the time of divine service, from the verb Mumble,
to talk, which see in Skinner. Forskippers may be Fair skippers, i. e.
dancers at fairs. For Ourenners and Ourhippers no signification can be
guessed at ; nor does it seem possible to ascertain, with any degree of
precision, the meaning of any of the above words, without the assistance
of the book from which they were taken : and supposing none of the
above interpretations to hold, there is nothing to rest on but conjecture;
and one of the most probable that can be offered seems to be this, that
the above are cant terms, invented to denote some of the lowest class of
minstrels, whose knowledge of music had procured them occasional em-
ployment in the church.
The third division of these verses of St. Bernard is entitled ' De septem
Misteriis, septem Horarum canonicarum,' and gives directions to
singers to cross themselves, and perform other superstitious acts at the
canonical hours.
' in ascribing the invention of this art to Pythagoras,
' the philosopher.'
What follows is chiefly taken from the Micrologus
of Guido de Sancto Mauro : that the author means
Guido Aretinus there cannot be the least doubt, for
some whole chapters of the Micrologus are in this
tract inserted verbatim.
Next follow memorial verses for ascertaining the
dominants and finals of the ecclesiastical tones ; a
relation of the discovery of the consonances by
Pythagoras ; remarks on the difference between the
graves, the acutes, and superacutes, and on the dis-
tinction between the authentic and plagal modes,
manifestly taken from the Micrologus ; for it is here
said, as it is there also, that there are eight tones, as
there are eight Parts of Speech, and eight Forms of
Blessedness.
CHAP. LVI.
Next follows a tract with this strange title, ' Dis-
' tinctio inter Oolores musicales et Armorum Heroum,'
the intent whereof seems to be to demonstrate the
analogy between music and coat armour. The au-
thor's own words will best show how well he has
succeeded in his argument ; they are as follow : —
' The most perfect number is sixteen, because it
' may always be divided into two equal parts, as 16,
' 8, 4, 2. There are six natural colours, from which
' all the other colours are compounded. First, the
' colour black, secondly white, thirdly red or ruddy,
' fourthly purple, fifthly green, sixthly fire-red. The
' colour black is in arms called sable ; white, silver ;
' red, gules ; green, vert ; fire-red, or ; thus called in
' cantus in order as they stand —
' Black is the worst
' White better than black
' Red better than white
' Purple better than red
' Green better than purple
' Fire-red better than green
' Fire-red is the worst colour^
n
• White
' Red
' Purple
' Green
' Black
better | g
better \ £
better (<
better ) c
better^ '"
Sable is the best and most>,
Silver second [benign | g
Gules third
Azure fourth
Vert fifth
Gold sixth
Gold is the first and most ■
Silver second [benign
Gules third
Azure fourth
Green fifth
Sable worst
' The musical colours are six ; the principal of
' which is gold, the second silver, the third red, the
' fourth purple, the fifth green, the sixth black ; an
' equal proportion always falls to the principal colour,
' which is therefore called the foundation of all the
' colours ; and it is called the principal proportion,
' because all the unequal proportions may be produced
' from it.' This to the intelligent reader must appear
to be little better than stark nonsense, as is indeed
almost the whole tract, which therefore we hasten to
have done with.
This fanciful contrast of the colours in arms witb
those in music, is succeeded by the figures c.t a
triangle and a shield thus disposed : — '
248
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VI.
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SESaUIALTERA 16
The next tract in order has for its title * Declaratio
' trianguli superius positi et figure de tribus primis
* figuris quadratis et earum specibus, ac etiam scuti
* per Magistrum Johannem Torkesey ;' which decla-
ration translated is in the following words : —
' In order to attain a perfect knowledge of men-
' surable music, we should know that to praise God,
* three and one, there are three species of square
* characters, from whence are formed six species of
* simple notes. In the greatest square consists only
* one species, which is called a large ; and from the
' mediation of that square there are made two species,
' namely, a breve and a long ; from the upper square
' are made three species, namely, the semibreve,
' minim, and simple ; from what has been said it
* appears that no more species could be conveniently
' assigned. All these are found in the small figure of
' the three squares, and in the shield of the six simple
* notes.'
The author then goes on with an explanation of
the above six species of notes, and their attributes of
perfection and imperfection, wherein nothing is ob-
servable, except that the smallest note, which is in
value half the minim, is by him called a Simple ; its
* Notwithstanding the explanation which immediately follows the
two foregoing figures, it seems necessary to mention in this place, that
the first column of numbers contains a series of duple ratios, which are
called imperfect, the attribute of perfection being by all musical writers
ascribed to the number 3. The next series of numbers which have a
diagonal progression from right to left, are triple ratios, and are there-
fore said to be perfect : the others in succession are also said to be once,
twice, thrice, and so on, perfect, in respect of their distance from the
column of duples ; for example, the number 24, being but once removed
from 8, is said to be once perfect ; whereas 36, which is twice removed
from 4, is said to be twice perfect ; and so of the rest.
The first line of numbers below the base of the triangle is a series of
numbers in sesquialtera proportion, as 32. 48. 72. 108. 162. 243. in which
each succeeding number contains the whole and a half of the former.
Those in a diagonal progression from left to right are in sesquitertia pro-
portion, as to take one line only for an example, 32. 24. 18: in which
order each preceding number contains four of those equal parts, three of
which compose the succeeding ones, for instance, 24 is three fourths of
32, and 18 has the same ratio to 24.
As to the shield it is a poor conceit, and contains nothing more than
the six characters used in the Cantus Mensurabilis, which might have
been disposed in any other form ; and as to the representation of the
three first square figures, it speaks for itself.
value is a crotchet, but its character that of a modern
quaver.
A table of the ratios of the consonances and dis-
sonances, with their several differences, follows next
in order, after which occur a few miscellaneous ob-
servations on descant, among which is this rule : —
' It is to be known that no one ought to make two
* concordances the one after the other.'
This, though a well-known rule in composition, is
worthy of remark, and the antiquity of it may be
inferred from its occurring in this place.
The above explanation of the shield and triangle,
with the several matters above - enumerated, sub-
sequent thereto, are followed by a tract entitled
Regule Magistri Johannis De Muris, which, though
it seems to carry the appearance of a tract written by
De Muris himself, is in truth but an abridgment of
his doctrine touching the Cantus Mensurabilis, to-
gether with that of the ligatures, which most writers
seem to agree were an improvement on the original
invention.
The rules contained in this discourse are not only
to be met with in most of the tracts before cited, but
in every book that professes to treat of mensurable
music. We however learn from it that originally
the minim was not, as now, evacuated, or open at the
top, as appears by this author's definition of it : —
' A minim is a quadrangular character resembling a
' semibreve with a stroke ascending from the upper
' angle as here E3E±Eii^ ^^^ *^6 simple or
' crotchet is characterised thus : —p^ I* ^ ^ ♦~
To these rules succeed others of an author herein-
before named, Thomas Walsyngham. of the same
import with those of De Muris, in which nothing
material occurs, save that the author complains, that
whereas there are but five species of character,
namely, the Large, Long, Breve, Semibreve, and
Minim, the musicians of his time had added a sixth,
namely, the Crotchet, which he says would be of no
use, would they but observe that beyond the minim
there is no right of making a division.
Here it may not be amiss to observe, that neither
of the names Johannes Torkesey, nor Thomas Wal-
syngham occur in Leland, Bale, or Pits, or in any
other of the authors who profess to record the names
and works of the ancient English writers. It is true
that bishop Tanner, in his Bibliotheca, pag. 752, has
taken notice of the latter, but without any particular
intimation that he was the author of the tract above
ascribed to him : and it is farther to be noted that
not one of the tracts contained in this manuscript of
Waltham Holy Cross is mentioned or referred to in
any printed catalogue of manuscripts now extant.
Next follow two tracts on the subject of descant,
the first by one Lyonel Power, an author whose
name occurs in the catalogue at the end of Morley's
Introduction, the other by one Chilston, of whom no
account can be given. As to the tracts themselves,
they are probably extant only in manuscript. They
are of great antiquity ; for the style and orthography
of them both, render it probable that the authors
^HAP. LVI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
249
ware among the first writers in the English language
on this subject ; at least if we compare their respective
works with the prose works of Chaucer and Lydgate,
we shall find very little reason to think they were
written a great while after the time when the latter
of those authoi's lived.
Power tells his reader that ' his tretis is contynued
* upon the gamme for hem that wil be syngers, or
' makers, or techers ; ' and as to what he says of
descant it is here given in his own words : —
' For the ferst thing of alle ye must kno how many
cordis of discant ther be. As olde men sayen, and
as men syng now-a-dayes, ther be nine ; but whoso
wil syng mannerli and musikili, he may not lepe to
the fyfteenth in no maner of discant ; for it longith
to no manny's voys, and so ther be but eyght
accordis after the discant now usid. And whosover
wil be a maker, he may use no mo than eyght, and
so ther be but eyght fro unison unto the thyrteenth.
But for the quatribil syghte ther be nyne accordis of
discant, the unison, thyrd, fyfth, syxth, eyghth, tenth,
twelfth, thyrteenth, and fyfteenth, of the whech
nyne accordis, fyve be perfyte and fower be im-
perfyte. The fyve perfyte be the unison, fyfth,
eyghth, twelfth, and fyfteenth ; the fower imperfyte
be the thyrd, syxth, tenth, and thyrteenth : also
thou maist ascende and descende wyth all maner of
cordis excepte two accordis perfyte of one kynde, as
two unisons, two fyfths, two eyghths, two twelfths,
two fyfteenths, wyth none of these thou maist neyther
ascende, neyther descende ; but thou must consette
these accordis togeder, and medele* hem wel, as
I shall enforme the. Ferst thou shall medele wyth
a thyrd a fyfth, wyth a syxth an eyghth, wyth an
eyghth a tenth, wyth a tenth a twelfth, wyth a
thyrteenth a fyfteenth ; under the whech nyne
accordis three syghtis be conteynyd, the mene
syght, the trebil syght, and the quatribil syght :
and others also of the nyne accordis how thou shalt
hem ymagyne betwene the playn-song and the dis-
cant here folloeth the ensample. First, to en-
forme a chylde in hys counterpoynt, he must
ymagyne hys unison the eyghth note fro the playn-
song, benethe hys thyrd ; the syxth note benethe
hys fyfth ; the fowerth benethe hys syxth ; the
thyrd note benethe hys eyghth, even wyth the
playne-song ; hys tenth the thyrd note above, hys
twelfth the fyfth note above, hys thyrteenth the
syxth above, hys fyfteenth the eyghth note above
the playne-song.'
The conclusion of this discourse on the practice of
descant is in these words : —
' But who wil kenne his gamme well, and the
' imaginacions therof, and of hys acordis, and sette
' his perfyte acordis wyth his imperfyte accordis, as
* I have rehersed in thys tretise afore, he may not
faile of his counterpoynt in short tjone.'
The latter of the two tracts on descant above-
mentioned, viz., that with the name of Chilston, is
also part of the manuscript of Walthara Holy Cross :
it immediately follows that of Lyonel Power, and
IS probably of little less antiquity. There is no
* f e. Mingle.
possibility of abridging a discourse of this kind, and
therefore the most material parts of it are here given
in the words of the author. The following is the
introduction : —
' Her followth a litil tretise according to the ferst
* tretise of the syght of descant, and also for the
* syght of conter, and for the syght of the contirtenor,
' and of Faburdon.'
To explain the sight of descant the author first
enumerates the nine accords mentioned in the former
tract ; distinguishing them into perfect and imperfect,
and then proceeds to give the rules in the following
words : —
* Also it is to wete that ther be three degreis of
descant, the quatreble sighte, and the treble sighte,
and the mene sighte. The mene begynneth in
a fifth above the plain-song in vols, and with the
plain-song in sighte. The trebil begynneth in an
eyghth above in voise, and with the plaine-song in
sighte. The quatreble begynnyth in a twilfth above
in voise. and wyth the playne-song in sighte. To
the mene longith properli five accordis, scil. unyson.
thyrd, fyfthe, syxthe, and eyghth. To the treble
song longith properli fyve accordis, scil. fyfthe,
syxthe, eyghth, tenth, and twelfthe. To the qua-
treble longith properli five accordis, scil. eyghth,
tenth, twelfth, thyrteenth, and fyfteenth. Further-
more it is to wete that of al the cords of descant
sume be above the playne-song, and sume benethe,
and sume wyth the playne-song. And so the dis-
canter of the mene shal begyne hys descant wyth
the plain-song in sighte, and a fyfthe above in voise;
and so he shal ende it in a fyfthe, havyng next
afore a thyrd, yf the plain-song descende and ende
downward, as fa, mi, mi, re, re, ut ; the second
above in sight is a sixth above in voise ; the thyrde
benethe in sighte is a thyrd above in voise; the
fowerth above in sighte is an eyghth above in
voise : the syxth above in sight is a tenth above
in voise, the wheche tenth the descanter of the
mene may syng yf the plain-song go low; never-
thelesse ther long no mo acordis to the mene but
fyve, as it is aforsaide.'
The above are the rules of descant, as they respect
that part of the harmony, by this and other authors
called the Mene. He proceeds next to give the rules
for the treble descant, and after that for the quadrible.
By these latter we learn that the mean descant
must be sung by a man, and the quadrible by a child.
Afterwards follow these general directions : —
' Also yt is to knowe whan thou settist a perfite
' note ayenst a fa, thou must make that perfite note
* a fa, as MI, FA, SOL, LA ; also it is fayre and meri
' singing many imperfite cordis togeder, as for to
' sing three or fower or five thyrds together, a fyfth
' or a unyson next aftir. Also as many syxts next
' aftir an eyghth ; also as many tenths nexte aftir
' a twelfth ; also as many thirteenths next aftir
' a fyfteenth : this maner of syngyng is mery to the
' synger, and to the herer.'
And concerning the practice of Faburden, men-
tioned in the title of his tract, the author above-cited
has these words : —
250
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VI.
' For the leest processe of sightis natural and most
' in use is expedient to declare the siglit of Faburdun,
' the whech hath but two sightis, a thyrd above the
' plain-song in sight, the wheche is a syxt fro the
' treble in voice ; and even wyth the plain-song in
' sight, the wheche is an eyghth from the treble in
' voise. These two acordis of the Faburden must
' rewle be the mene of the plain-song, for whan he
* shal begin his Faburdun he must attende to the
' plain-song, and sette hys sight evyn wyth the plain-
' song, and his voice in a fyfth benethe the plain-song;
* and after that, whether the plain-song ascende or
' descende, to sette his sight alwey both in reule and
' space above the plain-song in a thyrd ; and after
' that the plain-song haunteth hys course eyther in
' acutes, fro g sol re ut above, to G sol re ut
' benethe, to close dunward in sight, evyn upon the
' plain-song, upon one of these keyes, I) la sol re,
' C SOL FA UT, A LA MI RE. or G SOL RE UT benethe.
'And yf the plain -song haunt hys course from G
' SOL RE UT benethe, downe towarde A re conveny-
' ently, than to see before wher he may close wyth
' two or three or fower thyrds before, eyther in F
* FA UT benethe, or D sol re, or C fa ut, or A re,
* and al these closis gladli to be sunge and closid at
' the laste ende of a word : and as ofte as he wil. to
' touche the plain-songe and void the fro excepte
' twies togedir, for that may not be : inasmoche as
' the plain-song sight is an eyghth to the treble, and
' a fyfth to the mene, and so to every degree he is
' a perfite corde ; and two perfite acordis of one
* nature may not be sung togedir in no degree of
' descant.'
The foregoing treatise on descant of Chilston is
immediately followed by another of the same author
on proportion, which is thus introduced : —
' Now passid al maner sightis of descant, and with
' hem wel replesshid, that natural appetide not satu-
' rate sufficientli, but ferventli desirith mo musical
* conclusions, as now in special of proporcions, and of
' them to have plein informacion, of the whech after
' myn understonding ye shall have open declaracion.
' But forasmoche as the namys of hem be more con-
' venientli and compendiusli set in Latin than in
' English, therefore the namys of hem shal stonde
* stille in Latin, and as brievely as I can declare the
' naturis of them in English. First ye shal under-
' stond that proporcion is a comparison of two
' thinges be encheson of numbir or of quantitie, like
' or unlike eyther to other ; so that proporcion is
* seid in two maner of wyse, scilicet, Equalitatis and
' Inequalitatis. Proporcion of Equalitie is whan two
' evyn thinges be likenyd, either sette togedir in
' comparison, as 2 to 2, or 4 to 4, and so of others.
* Proporcion of Inequalitie is whan the more thinge
' is sette in comparison to the lasse, or the lasse to
' the more, as 2 to 4, or 4 to 2, or 3 to 5, or 5 to 3 ;
' and thys proportion of inequalitie hath five species
* or naturis or keendys, whois namys be these in
' general : 1, Multiplex ; 2. Superparticularis ; 3. Su-
' perpartiens ; 4. Multiplex superparticularis ; 5. Mul-
' tiplex superpartiens. The first spece of every
' keende of inequalitie is callid Jlultiplex, that is to
sey manifold, and is whan the more nombre con-
teyuyth the lasse manyfolde, as twies 1 ; and that is
callid in special, Dupla, id est, tweyfold, as 2 to 1,
or 4 to 2, or 6 to 3, and so forthe endlesli. Yf the
more numbir conteyne thries the lasse, than it is
callid in special, Tri^Dla, as 3 to 1, 6 to 2, 9 to 3 ;
yf it be four times the lasse conteinid in the more,
than it is Quadrupla, as 4 to 1, 8 to 2, 12 to 3, and
so forthe. Quindupla, Sexdupla, Sepdupla, Ocdupla,
and so upward endlesli. As for other keendis, ye
shall understond that there be two manere of parties,
one is callid Aliquota, and another is callid Non
aliquota. Pars Aliquota is whan that partie be ony
maner of multiplicacion yeldeth his hole, as whan
betweue his hole and him is proporcion Midtiplex,
as a unite is Pars Aliquota of every numbir ; for be
multiplicacion of that, every numbir wexeth tweyne :
or dualite is Pars Aliquota of every evyn numbir ;
and thus this partie shal be namyd in special after
the numbre on whom he is multiplied and yeldeth
his hole ; for if he yeldeth his hole be multiplicacion
of 2, it is callid Altera, one halfe ; and yf he yeldeth
his hole be multiplicacion of three, it is called Tertia,
in the third part ; Sequitur exemplum, two is the
thirde part of 6, and 3 of 9, and 4 of 12 ; and yf he
yeldeth his multiplicacion be 4, than it is called
Quarta, as 2 for 8, for 4 tymys 2 is 8 ; and if it
yeldith his hole be multiplicacion of 5, than it is
callid Quinta, and of 6 Sexta, and so forth endlesli.
Pars non aliquota is whan that partie be no maner
of multiplicacion may yelde his hole, as 2 is a parte
of 5 ; but he is non aliquota, for howsoever he be
multiplied he makith not evyn 5, for yf ye take him
twies he makith but 4 ; and if ye take him thries
he passith and makith 6. Proportio superparticu-
laris is whan the more numbir conteynyth the lasse ;
and moreover a party of him that is Aliquota, and
aftir the special name of that Parties shal that pro-
porcion be namid in special, as betwene 6 and 4 is
Proporcion sesquialtera ; Ses in Greek, Totum in
Latin, al in Englishe, so Sesquialtera is for to sey al
and a halfe, for the more numbir conteynyth al the
lasse, and halfe thereof more over. Between 8 and
6 is proportion Sesquitercia, for the more numbir
conteynyth the lasse, and hys thyrd part over. Be-
twene 10 and 8 is sesquiquarta, betwene 12 and 10
is sesquiquinta, betwene 14 and 12 is sesquisexta, et
sic infinite. Proporcio superparciens is whan the
more numbir conteynyth the lasse ; and moreover
the whech excesse eyther*" superplus is not Pars
aliquota of the lasse numbir, as betwene 5 and 3.
But than thou must loke to that excesse whan the
more number passith the lasse, and devyde it into
sweche parties that be aliquota ; and loke how many
there be thereof, and what is her special namys, and
whether they be thyrde, fow^erth, or fyfthe, and so
forthe. And yf ther be two parties aliquote, than
thou shalt sey in special Superbiparciens ; and yf
ther be three, supertriparciens ; and yf ther be four,
superquartiparciens, and so forthe. And ferther-
more tho parties that be tercie, than thou shalt sey
alwey at last ende, Tercias ; and yf ther be four
• Eyther for or, in this and many other places through this quotation.
Chap. LVI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
251
Quartas, and so forth endlesli. Sequitur exemplum,
betwene 5 and 3 is proporcion Supei'biparciens ter-
tias, for the more number conteynyth the lasse, and
two parties over that be tereie ; but they both
togedir be not pars aliquota of the lasse number ;
betwene 7 and 5 is Superbiparciens quintas ; be-
twene 7 and 3 is Dupla sesquitercias ; betwene 9
and 5 is Superquartiparciens quintas ; betwene 10
and 6 is Superbiparciens tercias : and loke ye take
goode hede that ye devyde the excesse into the
grettest partyes aliquotas that ye may, as here, in
this last ensample, 4 is devyded into 2 dualities, that
beeue tereie of six. And take this for a general
rewle, that the same proportion that is betwene
twoe sraale numberis, the same is betwene her
doubles and treblis, and quatrebils, and quiniblis,
and so forth endlesly. Sequitur exemplum, the
same proporcion that is betwene 5 and 3, is betwene
10 and 6 ; betwene 20 and 12 ; betwene 40 and 24 ;
betwene 80 and 48, and so forth endlesli. IMulti-
plex superparticularis is whan the more numbir
conteynythe the lasse, and a partye of him that is
aliquota ; as 5 and 2 is dupla sesquialtera. and so is
10 and 4 ; and so is 20 and 8 ; but 7 and 3 is dupla
sesquitercia, and so is 14 and 6. Multiplex super-
parciens is whan the more numbir conteynyth the
lasse, and the parties that be over aliquote. But
thei alle togedir be not one parte aliquota, as 8 and
3 is dupla superbiparciens tercias, and so is 16
and 6, 32 and 12.
' Here folowyth a breve tretise of proporcions, and
of their denominacions, with a litil table folwing : —
' The proporcion betwene 1 and 1, 2 and 2, 3 and
3, and so in more numbir, is callid evyn proporcion,
for every parcell be himselfe is evyn in nombir, and
the same.
* Betwene 8 and 4 is callid dowble proporcion, for
the more nombir conteynyth twice the lasse. Be-
twene 5 and 4 is Sesquiquarta, for the more numbir
conteynyth the lasse, and the fourthe parte of him
over. Betwene 5 and 3 is Superbiparciens tercias,
for the more numbir conteynythe the lasse, and 2 par-
ties over, of the whech eche be himselfe, is the thyrde
parte of the lasse. Betwene 14 and 4 is dupla ses-
quialtera, for the more numbir conteynyth thries the
lesse, and the halfe over.* Betwene 8 and 3 is dujtla
superbiparciens tercias, for the more numbir con-
teynyth twies the lasse, and his two parties over ;
of the whech Pars aliquota is not made be the lesse
numbir, but ech be himselfe is the thyrde parte of
the lesse numbir. Betwene 3 and 2 is Sesquialtera,
for the more numbir conteynyth the lesse, and the
halfe of him over ; betwene 4 and 3 is Sesquitercia,
for the more numbir conteynyth the lasse, and thries
one parte over, the whech is the thyrde parte of the
lesse numbir. Betwene 6 and 2 is Tripla, for the
more numbir conteynyth thries the lesse numbir.
Betwene 6 and 3 is Dupla, for the more numbir con-
teynyth twies the lesse. Betwene 3 and 1 is Tripla,
ut supra. Betwene 5 and 2 is Dupla Sesquialtera,
for the more numbir conteynyth twies the lesse, and
the halfe parti of him over. Betwene 6 and 5 is
* Quere, if not Triple sesquialtera, for the reason above.
' Sesquiquinta, for the more numbir conteynyth thries
' the lasse, and his fifth part over. Betwene 7 and
' 2 is Tripla Sesquialtera, for the more numbir con-
' teynytli thries the lasse, and halfe him over. Be-
' twene 7 and 3 is Sesquitercia, ut supra. Betwene
' 8 and 5 is Supertriparciens quintas, for the more
' numbir conteynyth the lasse, and three parties over,
' of the whech pars aliquota is not made. Betwene
' 9 and 2 is Quadrupla Sesquialtera, for the more
' numbir conteynyth the lesse, [four times] and his
' halfe over.'
Then follow two tables of the proportions in
figures, in no respect different from those that are to
be met with in Salinas, Zarlino, Mersennus, Kircher,
and other writers, for which reason they are not
here inserted.
' Thus over passid the reulis of proporcions, and
of their denominacions, now shal ye understonde
that as proporcion is a comparison betwene diverse
quantiteis ov their numbris, so is Proporcionalitas
a comparison eyther a likeness be 2 proporcions
and 3 diverse quantiteis atte last, the whech
quantiteis or numbris been callid the termis of
that proporcionalite ; and whan the ferst terme
passith the seconde than it is callid the ferst ex-
cesse ; and whan the seconde terme passith the
thyrd, than it is callid the seconde excesse : so ther
be 3 maner of proporcionalities, sc. Geometrica,
Arithmetica, and Armonica. Proporcionalitas Geo-
metrica is whan the same proporcion is betwene
the ferst terme and the seconde, that is betwene the
second and the thyrde ; whan al the proporcions be
like, as betwene 8, 4, 2, is Proj^orcionalitas Geo-
metrica ; for proporcion dupla is the ferst, and so is
the seconde ; 9 to 6, 6 to 4 Sesquialtera ; 16 to 12,
12 to 9 Sesquitercia ; 25 to 20, 20 to 16 Sesqui-
quarta ; 36 to 30, 30 to 25 Sesquiquinta, and so forth
upward, encresing the numbir of difference be oue,
Tlie numbir of difference and the excesse is all one
Whan the ferst numbir eyther terme passith the
seconde, eyther the seconde the thyrde, than after
the lasse excesse or difference shall that proporcion
be callid bothe the ferst and the seconde, as 9, 6, 4 ;
the lasse difference is 2, and aliquota that is namyd
be 2, is callid the seconde or altera : put than to
the excesse or difference one unite more, and that is
the more difference, and the tweyne proporcions be
than bothe callid Sesquialtera. Than take the most
numbir of the three termys, and increse a numbir
above what the more difference that was before,
than hast thou 9 and 12, whois difference is 3.
Encrese than the more numbir be 3, and one unite,
scil. be 4, than hast thou 16. So here be 3, 9, 12,
16, in proporcionalite Geometrica, wherof bothe
proporcions be called Sesquitercia, after the lesse
difference. Werk thus forthe endlesli, and thou
shal finde the same Sesquisexta, Sesquiseptima,
Sesquioctava, Sesquinona, Sesquidecima, Sesqui-
undecima.
' Another general reule to fynde this proporcion-
alite that is callid Geometrica is this, take whech
2 numbris that thou wilt that be immediate, and
that one that passith the other be one unite, mul-
252
HISTOEY OP THE SCIENCE.
Book VI.
tiplie the one be the other, and every eche be him-
selfe, and thou shalt have 3 termys in proporcion-
alite Geometrica, and eyther proporcion shal be
namyd in general, Superparticularis, be the lasse
nunibir of the 2, that thou toke ferst. Exemplum,
as 3, 4 ; multiplye 3 be himselfe, and it makith 9 ;
multiply 3 be 4, and it makith 12 : multiplye 4 be
himselfe and it makith 16 ; than thus thou hast 3,
9, 12, 16, in proporcionalite Geometrica, and thus
thou shalt finde the same, what 2 numbris immediate
that ever thou take.
' And take this for a general reule in this maner
proporcionalite, that the medil terme multiplied be
himselfe is neyther mo ne lesse then the two ex-
tremyteis be, eche multiplied be other : exemplum,
12 multiplied be himselfe is 12 tymes 12, that is 144,
and so is 9 tymes 16, or 16 tymes 9, that is al one.
And this reule faylith never of this maner propor-
cionalite in no maner of keende of proporcion, asay
whoso wil. Proporcionalitas Arithmetica is whan
the difference or the excesse be like 1, whan the
more numbir passith the seconde as moche as the
seconde passith the thyrde, and so forthe, yf ther be
mo termys than 3, exemplum 6, 4, 2. The ferst
excesse or difiference is 2 between 6 and 4, and thus
the seconde betwene 4 and 2. Proporcionalitas
Armonica is whan there is the same proporcion be-
twene the ferst excesse or difference and the seconde
that is betwene the ferst terme and the thyrd, ex-
emplum, 12, 8, 6. Here the firste difference
betwene 12 and 8 is 4 ; the seconde betwene 8 and
6 is 2 ; than the same proporcion is betwene 4 and 2
that is betwene 12 and 6, for eyther is proporcion
dupla. These 3 proporcionalites Boys * callith
Medietates, i. e. Midlis, and thei have these namis,
Geometrica, Arithmetica, Armonica. As for the
maner of tretting of these 3 sciences, Gemetrye
tretith of lengthe, and brede of londe ; Arithmeticke
of morenesse and lassnesse of numbir ; INIusike of
the highness and louness of voyse. Than whan
thou biddest me yefe the a midle betwene 2 num-
bris, I may aske the what maner of midle thou wilt
have, and after that shal be the diversite of myn
answer ; for the numbris may be referrid to lengthe
and brede of erth, or of other mesore that longith
to Geometric ; eyther thei may be considered as
they be numbir in himselfe, and so they long
to Arithmetike ; eyther thei may be referrid to
lengthe and shortnesse and mesure of musical in-
strumentis, the whech cause highnesse and lownesse
of voyse, and so thei long to Armonye and to
craft of musike : Exemplum of the ferst, i. e.,
Gemetrye : of 9 and 4 yf thou aske me whech is
the medle by Geometrye, I sey 6 for this skille ;
yf there were a place of 9 fote long and 4 fote
brode be Gemetrye, that wer 36 fote square : than
yf thou bade me yeve the a bodi, or another
place that wer evyn square, that is callid Qnadratum
equilaterum, wherein wer neythir more space ne
lesse than is in the former place that was ferst
assigned, than must thou abate of the lengthe of the
former place, and eke as moche his brede, so that it
* Boetius.
be no lengir than it is brode, that must be by pro-
porcion, so that the same proporcion be betwene the
lenthe of the former bodi and a syde of the seconde
that is betwene the same syde and the brede of the
ferst bodi ; and then hast thou the medil betwene
the lengthe and the bredth of the ferst bodi or place ;
and be that medle a place 4 square that is evyn
thereto, as in this ensample that was ferst assignyd,
9 and 4 and 6 is the medil, and as many fote is in
a bodi or a place that is evyn 4 square 6 fote, as in
tliat that is 9 fote longe and 4 fote brode, viz., 36 in
bothe. The seconde proporcionalite is opin whan
it is callid the medil be Arithmetike, the whech
trettyth of morenesse and lassenesse of numbir, in
as moche as the more numbir passith the seconde
be as moche as the seconde passith the thirde.
Neyther more ne lesse passith 12, 9, than 9 passyth
6, and therefore 9 is Medium Arithmeticum. Tho
thirde proporcionalite is callid Armonica, or a medil
be armonye for this skille. Dyapason, that is pro-
porcion dupla, is the most perfite acorde aftir tho
unison : betwene the extremyteis of the dyapason,
i. e. the trebil and the tenor, wil be yeven a mydle
that is callid the Mene, the whech is callid Dyapente,
I. e. Sesquialtera to the tenor and dyatessaron, i. e.
Sesquitercia to the trebil, therefore that maner of
mvdle is callid Medietas Armonica. Sequitur exem-
plum : a pipe of 6 fote long, with his competent
bredth, is a tenor in dyapason to a pipe of 3 fote
with his competent brede ; than is a pipe of 4 fote
the mene to hem tweyne, dyatessaron to the one
and dyapente to the other. As thou shalt fynde
more pleynli in the makyng of the monocorde,
that is called the Instrument of Plain-song, the
whech monocorde is the ferst trettyse in the begyn-
nyng of this boke, but this sufficith for knowleeg of
proporcions.'
CHAP. LVII.
The two foregoing manuscripts, that is to say, that
in the Cotton library, and the other called the Manu-
script of Waltham Holy Cross, above-mentioned to
be the property of Mr. West, are such valuable
treasures of recondite learning, that they would
justify a copious dissertation on the several tracts
contained in them ; in the course whereof it might
be demonstrated, that without the assistances which
they afford, it had been extremely difficult to have
traced the history of music through a period of three
hundred years, the darkest in which literature of
most kinds can be said to have been involved. But
as a minute examen of each would too much interrupt
the course of this work, some general remarks on
them in their order, must suffice.
And first of De Handlo's Commentary on the
rules and maxims of Franco. The time when it
was compiled appears to be a little before the feast
of Pentecost, 1326 ; but it is observable that the
memorandum at the end, which thus fixes the time,
refers solely to De Handlo's tract, and how long the
rules of Franco had existed before the commentary,
is clearly ascertained by the account herein before
given of him and his improvement.
Chap LVII.
AND PKACTICE OF MUSIC.
253
It must be confessed tliat to carry the invention of
the Cautus Mensurabilis so far back as the eleventh
century, is in effect to deprive De Muris of the
honour of that discovery, and to contradict those
many authors who have ascribed it to him ; but here
let it be remembered, that not one of those vpho give
to De Muris the honour of inventing the Cantus
Mensurabilis, has referred to the authority on which
their several assertions are founded. Vicentino seems
to have been the first of the Italians that speak of De
Muris as the inventor of notes of different lengths ;
and he seems to affect to say more of the matter than
it was possible for him to know, considering that he
lived near two hundred years after him ; for he not
only relates the fact, but assigns the motives to, and
even the progress of the invention, in terms that
destroy the credibility of his relation. As to the
other writers that mention De Muris as the inventor
of the Cantus Mensurabilis, as namely, Doni, Berardi,
Kircher, Mersennus, and many others, they seem to
have taken the fact for granted, and have therefore
forborne the trouble of such a research as was neces-
sary to settle so important a question ; the conse-
quence whereof is, that the evidence of De Muris's
claim rests solely on tradition and a series of vague
reports, propagated with more zeal than knowledge,
through a period of four hundred years.
In opposition to this evidence stands, first, the fact
of Franco's having written on the subject of the
Cantus Mensurabilis in the eleventh century. Next,
the commentary of De Handlo on his rules, extant in
the year 1326, which is some years earlier than the
pretended invention of De Muris. Next a passage
in the succeeding tract entitled Tractatus diversarum
Figurarum, given at large in its place, and importing
that an ingenious method of notation invented by
certain ancient masters in the art of music, had been
improved by De Muris ; so that the characters of the
double long, the long, breve, semibreve, and minim,
are now made manifest to every one. And lastly,
the following passage in the tract ' Pro aliquali notitia
' de Musica habenda,' in the Cotton manuscript,
* non enim erat musica tunc mensurata, sed
' paulatim crescebat ad mensuram, usque ad tempus
* Franconis, qui erat musics mensurabilis primus
* AUCTOR APPR0BATU9.'
These evidences may perhaps be deemed decisive
of the question, By whom was the Cantus Mensura-
bilis invented ? but others are yet behind : in the
manuscript of Waltham Holy Cross are certain
verses, in which Franco and De Muris are mentioned
together ; the former as the Inventor, and the other
as the Improver, of the Cantus Mensurabilis : —
Pauses juncturas, facturas, atque figuras ;
Mensuratarum formavit Franco notarum,
Et John De Muris, variis floruitque figuris
Anglia cantorum nomen gignit plurimorum.
The premises duly weighed and considered, the
conclusion seems most clearly to be, that the opinion
60 long entertained, and so confidently propagated,
namely, that the characters which now, and for several
centuries past have been used to signify the different
lengths of musical notes, were invented by Johannes
De Muris, is no better than an ill-grounded conjecture,
a mere legendary report, and is deservedly to be
ranked among those vulgar errors, which it is one of
the ends of true history to detect and refute.
The tract beginning ' Pro aliquali notitia de mu-
' sica habenda,' contains a great variety of musical
learning, extracted chiefly from Boetius and Guido
Aretinus ; for it is to be noted that the writers of
this period carried their researches no farther back
than the time of the former, for this obvious reason,
that the Greek language was then but little under-
stood, which is in some measure proved by the manner
in which this author uses the Greek terms ; we are
nevertheless indebted to him for the names of many
eminent musicians who flourished in or about his
time, as also for the honour he has done this country
in ranking several persons by name, in different parts
of England, among some of the best practical mu-
sicians of the age. It is farther to be remarked on
this tract, that by the trebles and quadruples, which
Perotinus and Leoninus are by him said to have
made, we are to understand compositions in three
and four parts, and that he has positively asserted of
the Cantus Mensurabilis that Franco was the first
approved author that wrote on it.
Of the manuscript of Waltham Holy Cross it is to
be remarked, that it appears to be a collection of
Wylde's making, and that there is reason to believe
that the first treatise, consisting of two parts, the one
on manual, and the other on tonal music, was com-
posed by Wylde himself. In the latter of these we
meet with the term Double Cantus, and an example
thereof in the margin, by which is to be understood
a cantus of two parts.
Wylde's tract comprehends the precepts of prac-
tical music, and may be considered as a compendium
of that kind of knowledge which was necessary to
qualify an ecclesiastic in that very essential part of
his function, the performance of choral service. His
relation of the combat between J] square and b round,
though it seems to have been but a drawn battle, can
no more be read with a serious countenance than his
learned argument tending to prove the resemblance
of Leah and Rachel to the tone and semitone, and
that the sons of Jacob were produced in much the
same manner as the musical consonances.
Of the treatise De octo Tonis nothing requires to
be said save that it contains a very imperfect state of
that fanciful doctrine touching the Music of the
Spheres, which very few of the many authors that
mention it believe a word about. And as to the
offering of the monk of Sherborne, notwithstanding
his having received it of St. Mary Magdalen, it ap-
pears to "have been a present hardly worth his
acceptance.
The Treatise De Origine et Effectu Musica? is
remarkable for a certain simplicity of style and sen-
timent, corresponding exactly with the ignorance of
the age in which it may be supposed to have been
written. Indeed it would be difficult to produce
stronger evidence of monkisk ignorance, at least in
history, than is contained in this tract, where the
author, confounding profane with sacred history, re-
254
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VI.
lates tliat Thubal kept a smith's shop, and that
Pythagoras adjusted the consonances by the sound
of his hammers. The two piUars which he speaks of
are mentioned by various authors, and Josephus in
particuLar, who says that one of them was remaining
in his time ; but no one except this author has ven-
tured to assert that the precepts of music were en-
graven on either of them. His want of accuracy in
the chronology of his history would incline an atten-
tive reader to think that Cyrus, king of the Assyrians,
lived within a few years after the deluge ; and as to
king Enchiridias, he has neither told us when he
reigned, nor whether his kingdom was on earth or in
the moon. Notwithstanding all these evidences of
gross ignorance, he seems entitled to credit when he
relates facts of a more recent date, to the knowledge
of which he may be supposed to have arrived by
authentic tradition ; and among these may be reckoned
that contained in the verses at the conclusion of the
third chapter of his treatise, which give to England
the honour of having produced Johannes De Mui'is,
the greatest musician of his time.
But besides this relation, which gives credit to the
testimony of bishop Tanner and other writers, who
assert also that De Muris was a native of England,
this tract furnishes the means of ascertaining, to a
tolerable degree of certainty, the time when every
line in the manuscript of Waltham Holy Cross was
written ; at least it has fixed a certain year, before
which the manuscript cannot be supposed to have
existed ; nay, it goes farther, and demonstrates that
this, namely, the treatise De Origine et Effectu Mu-
sicpe, was composed after the year 1451. The proof
of this assertion is as follows : towards the end of the
first chapter, and in several other places, the author
cites a tract entitled De quatuor Principalium, which
by the way is frequently referred to by Morley in
the annotations on his Introduction. This treatise,
which is now in the Bodleian library, is ascribed to
an old author named Thomas de Tewksbury, a Fran-
ciscan friar of Bristol, who lived about the year 1388.
But bishop Tanner has shewn this to be an error,
and that the tract, the proper title whereof is Quatuor
Principalia Artis Musical, was written by Johannes
Hamboys, doctor of music, in the year 1451. But to
return to the treatise De Origine et Effectu Musicae.
In the third chapter, in which the author speaks of
the supposed inventor of music, and of some who
have improved it, he mentions Guido the monk as
the composer of the Gamma, and also Guido de
Sancto Mauro, who, as he relates, lived after him :
besides these two, who will presently be shewn to be
one and the same person, he speaks of Guido Major
and Guido Minor. That Guido de Sancto Mauro is
no other than Guido Aretinus is demonstrably cer-
tain ; for the subsequent tract, entitled Metrologns,
contains several whole chapters, which, though said
to be ' secundum Guidonem de Sancto Mauro,' are
taken verbatim from the IMicrologus of Guido Are-
tinus ; and as to Guido Major and Guido Minor, they
are clearly Guido Aretinus, and that other Guido,
surnamed Augensis, mentioned by Wylde in the first
chapter of the second part of his treatise, to have
corrected the cantus of the Cistercian order.
But here it is to be remarked, that Wylde's tract
contains two designations of Guido Minor, which are
utterly inconsistent with each other, there being no
ecclesiastic or other person surnamed Augensis, men-
tioned in history as the corrector of the Cistercian
cantus. On the contrary, we are told that St. Bernard
the abbot, who was of the monastery of Clairvaux,
and lived about the year 1120, was the person that
corrected the Cistercian cantus, or rather antiphonary.
On the other hand, Berno, abbot of Rickhow, or
Rickenow, in the diocese of Constance, and therefore
surnamed Augensis, Augia being the Latin name of
the place, wrote several treatises on music, of which
some account has herein before been given. And he
does not make the least pretence to the having im-
proved the Cistercian antiphonary ; so that upon the
whole it seems as if Wylde had confounded the two
names together, and that by Guido Minor we are to
understand St. Bernard the abbot.
The Speculum Psallentium contains a few general
directions for singing the divine offices ; the verses
of St. Augustine are to the same purpose, and those
of St. Bernard a satire on disorderly singers, who are
described in such barbarous Latin as it seems im-
possible to translate.
Of the Metrologns little need be said, it being
scarce any thing more than a compendium of the
Micrologus of Guido Aretinus, with some remarks
of the author's own, tending very little to the illus-
tration of the subject. That it should be entitled
Metrologns is not to be accounted for, seeing there is
scarce anything relating to the Cantus Mensurabilis
to be found in it.
The tract entitled Distinctio inter Colores musicales
et Armorum Heroum, is a work of some curiosity,
not so much on account of its merit, for it has not
the least pretence to any, but its absurdity ; for the
author attempts to establish an analogy between
music, the princples whereof are interwoven in the
very constitution of nature, and those of heraldry,
which are arbitrary, and can scarce be said to have
any foundation at all : this may in some measure be
accounted for from the high estimation in which the
science of Coat Armour, as it is called, was formerly
held. Most of the authors who have formerly written
on it, as namely, dame Juliana Barnes, Sir John
Feme, Leigh, Boswell, and others, term it a divine
and heavenly knowledge ; but the wiser moderns
regard it as a study of very little importance to the
welfare of mankind in general. Morley had seen
this notable work, and has given his sentiments of
heraldical, or rather, as he terms it, alciimistical
music, in the annotations on the first part of his
Introduction.
The declaration of the triangle and the shield by
John Torkesey has some merit, for though the shield
be a whimsical device, the triangle, which shews how
the perfect or triple and imperfect or duple propor-
tions are generated, is an ingenious diagram. Zarlino
and many other authors have adopted it ; and Morley
has improved on it in a scheme intitled a table con-
taining all the usual proportions.
The treatise entitled Regule Magistri Johannes
De Muris, can hardly be perused without a wish that
Chap. LVU.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
255
the author had given some intimation touching the
work from which these rules are extracted ; not that
there is any reason to doubt their authenticity, but
that the world might be in possession of some better
evidence than tradition, that he was the author of
that improvement in music which is so generally
ascribed to him.
The treatise of the accords by Lionel Power, as it
contains the rudiments of extempore descant, must be
deemed a great curiosity, were it only because it is
an undeniable evidence of the existence of such a
practice : but it is valuable in another respect ; it is
a kind of musical syntax, and contains the laws of
harmonical combination adapted to the state of music,
perhaps as far back as the time of Henry IV. There
are no other memorials of this author than the cata-
logue of musicians at the end of Morley's Intro-
duction, in which only his christian and surname
occur.
As to Chilston, he seems to have been the author
of three distinct treatises ; the first on descant, the
second on Faburden, and the third on the pro-
portions ; and each of these subjects requires to be
distinctly considered.
The precepts of descant, although the practice is
now become antiquated, so far as they are consistent
with the laws of harmony, and the rules of an orderly
modulation, are of general use ; since they are ap-
plicable, as well to the most studied compositions, as
to extempore practice ; and accordingly we see them
exemplified in many instances, particularly in the
works of Tallis, Bird, Bull, and others, and in a book
published in 1591, entitled ' Divers and sundrie
' Wayes of two Parts in one, to the number of fortie,
' upon one playn-song, by John Farmer.' In these
the office of the plain-song is to sustain, while that
part which is termed the Descantus breaks ; or, as
some of the authors above-cited term it, flowers the
melody according to the will and pleasure of the
composer.
But as to extempore descant, it seems difficult to
assign any reason for the prevalence of it, other than
that it was an exercise for the invention of young
musical students, or that it furnished those a little
above the rank of common people with the means of
forming a kind of music somewhat more pleasing
than the dry and inartificial melodies of those days ;
for as to its general contexture, it was unquestionably
very coarse.
Morley, who in his second dialogue professes to
teach his scholar the art of descant, but in a way
calculated for written practice, has, in the annotations
on that part of his work, given his sense at large on
this practice of extempore descant in the following
words : —
' As for singing upon a plain-song, it hath byn in
' times past in England (as every man knowcth) and
'is at this day in other places, the greatest part of
' the usual musicke which in any churches is sung,
' which indeed causeth me to marvel how men ac-
'quainted with musicke can delight to hear suche
'confusion, as of force must bee amongste so many
* singing extempore. But some have stood in an
' opinion, which to me seemeth not very probable,
' that is that men accustomed to descanting will sing
'together upon a plain-song without singing eyther
' false chords, or forbidden descant one to another,
' which till I see I will ever think unpossible. For
' though they should all be moste excellent men, and
' every one of their lessons by itself never so well
' framed for the ground, yet is it unpossible for them
' to be true one to another, except one man shoulde
' cause all the reste to sing the same which he sung
' before them : and so indeed (if he have studied the
' canon beforehand) they shall agree without errors,
' else shall they never do it.'*
These are the sentiments of Morley with respect
to the practice of descant or extempore singing on
a given plain-song, a practice which seems to have
obtained, not so much on the score of its intrinsic
worth, as because it was an evidence of such a degree
of readiness in singing as few persons ever arrive at ;
and that this was the case is evident from the pre-
ference which the old writers give to written descant,
which they termed Prick -song, in regard that the
harmony was written or pricked down ; whereas in
the other, which obtained the name of Plain-song,
it rested in the will of the singer. Besides many
other reasons for this preference, one was that the
former was used in the holy offices, whereas the
latter was almost confined to private meetings and
societies, and was considered as an incentive to mirth
and pleasantry ; and the different use and application
of these two kinds of vocal harmony, induced a sort
of competition between the favourers of the one and
the other. Such persons as were religiously disposed
contended for the honour of prick-song, that it was
pleasing to God ; and as far as this reason can be
supposed to weigh, it must be admitted that they
had the best of the argument.
Of the different sentiments that formerly prevailed,
touching the comparative excellence of Prick-song
and Plain-song, somewhat may be gathered from an
interlude published about the latter end of the reign
of king Henry VII. by John Rastall, brother-in-law
of Sir Thomas More, with the following title, 'A new
* interlude, and a mery of the nature of the iiii ele-
' ments, declarynge many proper poynts of phylofophy
* natural], and of dyvers ftraunge landys, and of dy vers
' ftraunge efFefts and caufes, whiche interlude, yf the
* hole matter be playde, wyl conteyne the fpace of an
* houre and a halfe, &c.'f The speakers in this
* The difference between written and extempore descant, as above
stated, is obvious ; and unless it be admitted it will be very difficult to
conceive it possible that children of tender years could arrive at any
decree of proficiency in the practice of descant, which yet they are
supposed to be capable of. In a book containing an account of the
household establishment of Edward IV., entitled Liber niger Domus
Regis, it is required of the master of the grammar-school to instruct
the king's Henchmen, and the children of the chapel, 'after they cane
their Descante, and other men and children of the court disposed to learn
'it, the science of gramere.' Now it can hardly be conceived that a child
educated in music, but of such tender age as to be unripe for gram-
matical instruction, could be acquainted with the practice of extempore
descant, or that he could know more of music than was necessary to
enable him to sing the Descantus or the written part assigned hira ;
and therefore it seems that by the expression, ' after they cane their
descante,' &c., nothing more is meant than that after they are become
capable of singing, perhaps at sight, they shall be taught the rudiments
of grammar.
t At the end of the Dramatis Personae is this note : — ' Alfo if ye
lyft ye may brynge in a dyfgyfynge.' Percy's Essay on ancient
Songs and Ballads. Rel. of Ancient English Poetry, vol, I. p. 132, in not
256
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VI.
interlude are the Messengere [or prologue] Nature
naturate, Humanyte, Studious Desire, Sensuall Appe-
tyte, the Taverner, Experyence, Ygnoraunce, between
whom and Humanyte is the following dialogue : —
Humanyte. Prick-fong may not be difpyfed,
For therewith God is well plefyd,
Honoured, prayfd, and fervyd
In the church oft tymes among.
Ygnorance. Is God well pleafyd troweft thou thereby ?
Nay, nay, for there is no reason why,
For is it not as good to fay playnly
Gyf me a fpade,
As gyf me a fpa ve, va, ve, va, ve, vade ?
But yf thou wilt have a fong that is gode,
I have one of Robinhode,
The beft that ever was made.
Human. Then a felefhyp, let us here it.
Ygn. But there is a borden thou muft here,
Or ellys it wyll not be.
Human. Then begyn and care not for,
Downe, downe, downe, &c.
By means of the several passages above-cited some
idea may be formed of the nature of extempore des-
cant, and the degree of estimation in which it stood
about the middle of the sixteenth century ; a kind
of vocal harmony of great antiquity, but of which
it must now be said that there are not the smallest
remains now left amongst us.
As to Faburden, a species of descant mentioned
by Chilston, and which seems not to fall within any
of the above rules, Morley thus explains it.
' It is also to be understood, that when men did
' sing upon their plain-songs, he who sung the ground
' would sing it a sixth under the true pitche, and
* sometimes would breake some notes in division ;
' which they did for the more formall comming to
' their closes ; but every close (by the close in this
' place you must understand the note which served
* for the last syllable of every verse in their hymnes)
' he must sing in that tune as it standeth, or then in
' the eighth below. And this kind of singing was
' called in Italy Falso Bordone, and in England
' Faburden, whereof here is an example ; first the
* plain -song and then the Faburden : —
Hymn ^£
-0—0-
^=2:
"?~o~g"
-2-0
:^Z2Z±=2I^
12^±:^I^IZ2=^Z=s£
Conditor alme syderum.
i
E.^i^=
Faburden
-0—0-
-0-^5-0-^-
-^=^-
' And though this be prickt a third above the
' plain-song, yet was it alwaies sung under the plain-
song.'*
The treatise of Musical Proportions is a very
learned work ; and as it is a summary of those
principles on which the treatise De Musica of Boetius
is founded, and affords the means of judging of the
nature of the ancient arithmetic, so different from
that of modern times, it merits to be read with great
attention.
The two manuscripts from M^hich the foregoing
extracts are severally made, appear to have been
held in great estimation. The latter of them was
formerly the property of Tallis, as appears by the
name Thomas Tallis, written in the last leaf thereof.
And it evidently appears that Morley had perused
• Brossard says of Faburden that it is the burden or ground-bass of
a song, not framed according to the rules of harmony, but preserving the
same order of motion as the upper part, as is often practised in singing
the Psalms and other parts of the divine offices. The Italians, he says,
give this name to a certain harmony produced by the accompaniments of
several sixths following one another, which mal^e fourths between the
two higher parts, because the intermediate part is obliged to make tierces
with the bass, as in this example : —
s
r.U=M=i
ei
A B
6 6 6
-0— ;
-t=t
-0
76
^^3i:
He adds, that some are of opinion that the mi in the middle part
marked A should be proceeded by a B mol, and made fa, to avoid the
false relation of a tritone with the fa in the bass, marked B ; though
others pretend that on many occasions this dissonance has its beauty,
and examples of both these methods occur in eminent authors. Diction.
de Musique, in Voce falso bordone.
them both very attentively, previous to the writing
of his Introduction to Music. That passage thereof
wherein he cites Robert de Haulo, and those other
wherein he mentions Philippus de Vitriaco and the
singers of Navernia, plainly shew that he had perused
the Cotton manuscript. As to the other, as it was
in the hands of his friend Tallis, very little proof
is necessary to induce a belief that he made a very
liberal use of that also ; but the express mention of
the treatise De Quatuor Principalium, his ridicule
of that heraldical musician who undertakes to shew
the analogy between music and coat armour, and,
above all his explanation of the terms Geometrical,
Harmonical, and Arithmetical proportion, in his an-
notations on the first part of his Introduction, are
proofs irrefragable that he had availed himself of
Wylde's labours, and made a due use of the manu-
script of Waltham Holy Cross.
The Cotton manuscript, and that of Waltham
Holy Cross, which seem to contain all of music that
can be supposed to have been known at the time of
writing them, make but a very inconsiderable part of
those which appear to have been written in that
period which occurred between the time of Guido and
the invention of printing ; and innumerable are those
who, in the printed accounts of ancient English
writers in particular, are said to have written on
various branches of the science. That the greater
number of these authors were monks is not to be
wondered at, for not only their profession obliged
tliem to the practice of music, but their sequestered
manner of life gave them leisure and opportunities of
studying it to great advantage.
To entertain an adequate idea of the monastic life
Chap. LVII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC
257
in this country, during the three centuries preceding
the Reformation, it is in some measure necessary that
we should guard against the reports that were raised
to justify that event ; as that religious houses were
the retreats of sloth and ignorance, and that very
little benefit accrued to mankind from the joint
efforts of the whole body of the regular clergy of this
kingdom.
This must appear very improbable to such as are
acquainted with the state of learning at the time now
spoken of, since it is not only certain that all that
was to be known in those days of inevitable igno-
rance was known to them ; but that it was part of
the regimen of every i-eligious house to assign to
the brethren employments suitable to their several
abilities ; and that while some were employed in
offices respecting the oeconomy of the house, and the
improvements and expenditure of its revenues, some
in manual occupations, such as binding books, and
making garments, others were treading the mazes of
logic, multiplying the glosses on the civil, and enlarg-
ing the pale of the canon law, or refining on the
scholastic subtilties of Peter Lombard, Aquinas, and
Scotus. Another class of those engaged in literary
pursuits were such whose abilities qualified them to
become authors in form, and these were taken up in
the composing of tracts on various subjects, as their
several inclinations led them. Nor must those be
forgotten who laboured in the copying of music, in
the transcribing and illuminating of Missals, Anti-
phonaries, Graduals, and other collections of offices
used in the church-service,* the beauty and neatness
* The number of books necessary for the performance of divine service
in the several churches was so great, that tl)e writing of them must have
afforded employment for many thousand persons. By the provincial con-
stitutions of Archbishop Winchelsey, made at Merton, a.d. 1305. Const. 4.
it is required that in every church throughout the province of Canterbury
there should be found a Legend, an Antiphonary, a Grail or Gradual, a
Psalter, a Troper, an Ordinal, a Missal and a Manual. And as there
are but three dioceses in this kingdom, which are not within the pro-
vince of Canterbury, this law was obligatory upon almost the whole
of the realm; as to the religious houses they can hardly be supposed
to have stood in need of any injunction of this sort. Besides that
the writing of service-books was a constant, it appears also to have
been a lucrative employment. Sir Henry Spelman says that two Anti-
phonaries cost the little monastery of Crabliuse in Norfolk, twenty-six
marks, in the year 1424 ; which, he adds, was equal to fifty-two pounds,
according to the value of money in his age. Gloss. Voce Antiphon arum.
And it is elsewhere said that the common price of a mass-book was five
marks, the vicar's yearly revenue. Johnson's Ecclesiastical Laws.
Winchel. in not.
To understand this constitution it may be necessary to explain the
terms made use of in it : a Legend or Lectionary contained all the
lessons, whether out of the scriptures or other books that were directed
to be read in the course of the year. The Antiphonary contained all the
invitatories, responsories, collects, and whatever else was said or sung in
the choir, except the lessons. In the Grail or Gradual was contained all
that was sung by thechoir at high-mass, as namely, the tracts, sequences,
hallelujahs, the creed, offertory, and Trisagium, as also the office for
sprinkling the holy water. Johnson, ibid. Among the furniture given to
the chapel of Trinity-college, Oxford, by the founder, mention is made of
' four Grayles of parchment lyned with gold.' Warton's Observations on
Spencer, Vol. II. p. 244. The Troper contained the sequences, which
were devotions used after the Epistle. Jolmson, ibid. There is now
extant in the Bodleian library a very curious manuscript of this kind,
with musical notes, which the catalogue, page 135, No. 2558, calls a Tro-
parion ; an extract from it is given in the Appendix to this work No. 44,
and referred to in chap. 40, book V. The Ordinal contained directions
for the performance of the divine offices, and is conjectured to be the
same with the Pye, which the preface to queen Elizabeth's liturgy men-
tions as being very intricate and difficult to turn. The Missal was the
whole mass-book used by the priest, and the Manual was the ritual,
containing the rites, directions to the priests, and prayers used in the
administration of baptism and other sacraments ; the blessing of holy-
water, and, as Lyndewode adds, the whole service used in processions.
Johnson, ibid. Vide Lyndw. Prov lib. III. tit. 27, edit. 1679.
Johnson conjectures the Ordinal to be the same with the Pye men-
tioned in queen Elizabeth's liturgy, the words are: ' Moreover, the number
' and hardness of the rules called the Pye, and the manifold chaungings
'of the service, was the cause that to turne the booke only, was so hard
whereof are known only to those who have made it
their business to collect or peruse them. Some of
these in the public libraries and private collections
are, for fine drawing and colouring, as well of a great
variety of scripture histories, as of the numberless
illuminations with which they abound, the objects of
admiration, even among artists themselves ; and as
to the character in which they are written, there are
no productions of modern times that can stand in
competition with it, in respect either of beauty,
neatness, or stability : others were employed in
writing the ledger books of their respective houses,
and in composing histories and chronicles of the
times. Many undertook the transcribing of the
fathers ; and others, even in those times of supposed
ignorance and indolence, the classics. John Whe-
thamstead, abbot of St. Albans, caused above eighty
books to be transcribed during his abbacy, and fifty-
eight were copied by the care of one abbot of Glas-
tonbury. Indeed if we may believe some writers,
others were less laudably employed in the forging
of deeds and ancient charters, in order to fortify the
right of their confreres to such manors, lands, &c.
as they happened to hold under a litigious or dis-
putable title ; these men were both antiquaries and
lawyers ; they were scriveners, or, to go a step
higher, perhaps conveyancers, they made wills and
charters of land, and gave legal counsel to the neigh-
bouring farmers and others.
The benefits that accrued to learning from the
' and intricate a matter, that many times there was more business to find
' out what should be read, then to reade it when it was found out.'
Bishop Sparrow has attempted to explainitllis strange word, and sup-
poses it to be derived from the Greek word' Lltj'af, Pinax, a table or
order how things should be digested or pei'-fermed ; but he adds the
Latin word is Pica, which he imagines came from the ignorance of friars,
who have thrust many barbarous words into liturgies. Farther he sup-
poses it might come from Littera Picata, a great black letter at the
beginning of some new order in the prayer; for that among printers the
term Pica letter is used. See his answer to liturgical demands in his
Rationale of the Common Prayer. And to the same purpose Hamon
L'Estrange in his Alliance of Divine Offices, page 24, thus speaks : —
'Pica, orin English the Pye, I observe used by three several sorts of men,
' first by the quondam Popish clergy here in England before the Reform-
'ation, who called their ordinal or directory Ad usum Sarum (devised
' for the more speedy finding out the order of reading their several
'services appointed for several occasions at several times) the Pye.
'Secondly, by printers, who call the letters wherewith they print books
' and treatises in party colours, the Pica letters. Thirdly, by officers of
'civil courts, who call their callenders or alphabetical catalogues, di-
' reefing to the names and things contained in the rolls and records of
' their courts, the Pyes. Whence it gained this denomination is difficult
' to determine, whether from the bird Pica, variegated with diverse
'colours, or whether from the word Ylii'a^, contracted into ITt, which
' denoteth a table, the Pye in the directory being nothing else but a table
' of rules, directing to the proper service for every day, I cannot say :
' from one of these probably derived it was.'
These authorities seem to justify Johnson in his opinion that the words
Ordinal and Pye are synonymous, to which it may be added that bishop
Gibscm explains the latter by saying that it means a table for finding out
the service belonging to each day. Codex 299, in not.
Such immense numbers of these service-books, and indeed other
manuscripts on vellum and parchment, were seized to the king's use,
and dispersed throughout the realm upon the dissolution of monasteries,
that they became as common as waste paper ; and it is notorious that
the common and ordinary binding of old printed books was originally the
leaves of such manuscripts as are now spoken of: such as remain yet
entire are still sought after as matters of great curiosity ; but none are
more ready to purchase an ancient vellum manuscript than the gold-
beaters, who make use of them in the beating of gold into leaves, in the
doing whereof a leaf of gold is placed between two of vellum. These
artificers may be said to entertain a reverence for antiquity, for they
prefer the more to the less ancient manuscripts, and for so doing give
this notable reason, that the former are less greasy than the latter.
T/ie use of the sei^eral hooks above enumerated, and many others of the like
kind, as ruimeli/, Antiphoners, Missals, Grailes, Processionals, Manuals,
Legends, Pies, Portuasses, Primers Latin and English, Couchers, Journals,
Ordinals and other Imoks, herein before used for service of the church, other
than such as shall be set forth by the king's majesty, is abolished by a statute
of 3 and 4 Edw : VI. chap 10. „
a
26'8
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Cook VII
labours of these men must have been very great, since
it is well known that before the invention of print-
ing the only method of multiplying copies of books
was by writing ; and for the purpose of diffusing
knowledge in the several faculties, the writers of
manuscripts, though very slowly, did the business
of printers ; and the value that was set on their
manual operations is only to be judged of by that
extreme care and caution which men of learning
were wont to exert over their collections of books.
In those days the loan of a book was atterided with
the same ceremonies as a mortgage ; and a scholar
would hardly be prevailed upon to oblige his friend
with the perusal of a Ijook witliout a formal obligation
to return it at an appointed day.*
BOOK VII.
CHAP. LVIII.
The censures of monkish ignorance and dissolute-
ness, so frequent in the works of modern writers, are
become almost proverbial expressions ; and were we
to credit them, we should believe that neither learn-
ing of any kind, nor regularity, nor ceconomy had
the least countenance among them. Objections of
this kind are generally made by men less knowing
than those they thus condemn ; such as speak of the
study of musty records, and researches into antiquity,
with contempt ; men of no curiosity, and who are
willing to take all things upon trust, and who palliate
their ignorance by affecting to despise that of which
they are ignorant. That the world is under great
obligations to the regular clergy is evinced by the
numerous volumes yet extant, the works of monks ;
and that the strictest order and regularity was ob-
served among them, will appear from the following
general detail of the monastic institution, and of the
rule and order observed in the greater abbeys and
religious houses in this kingdom.
The officers in abbeys were either supreme, as the
abbot ; or obediential, as all others under him. The
abbot had lodgings by himself, with all offices there-
unto belonging, the rest took precedency according
to the statutes of their convents.
Immediately next under the abbot was the prior ;
though by the way, in some convents, which had no
abbots, the prior was principal, as the president in
some Oxford foundations ; and being installed priors,
some voted as barons in parliament, as the priors of
Canterbury and Coventry ; but where the abbot was
supreme, the person termed prior was his subordi-
nate, and in his absence, in mitred abbeys, by cour-
tesy was saluted as the lord prior ; there was also
a sub-prior, who assisted the prior when he was re-
sident, and acted in his stead when absent.
The greater officers under these were generally
six in numlier, as in the monastery of Croyland ; and
this order prevailed in most of the larger founda-
tions ; they are thus enulnerated : —
1. Magister operis, or master of the fabric ; who
probably looked after the buildings, and took care to
keep them in good repair.
2. Eleemosynarius, or the almoner ; who had the
oversight of the alms of the house, which were every
day distributed at the gate to the poor, and who
divided the alms upon the founder's day, and at other
obits and anniversaries, and in some places provided
fov the maintenance and education of the choristers.
3. Pitantiarius ; who had the care of the pietances,
which were allowances upon particular occasions,
over and above the common provisions.
4. Sacrista, or the sexton ; who took care of the
vessels, books, and vestments belonging to the church;
looked after and accounted for the oblations at the
great altar, and other altars and images in the church,
and such legacies as were given either to the fabric
or utensils; he likewise provided bread and wine for
the sacrament, and took care of burying the dead.
5. Camerarius, or the chamberlain ; who had the
chief care of the dormitory, and provided beds and
bedding for the monks, razors and towels for shaving
them, and part of, if not all their clothing.
6. Cellerarius, or the cellarer ; who was to procure
provisions for the monks, and all strangers resorting
to the convent ; viz., all sorts of flesh, fish, fowl, wine,
bread, corn, malt for their ale and beer, oatmeal, salt,
&c., as likewise wood for firing, and all utensils for
the kitchen. Fuller says that these officers affected
secular gallantry, and wore swords like lay gentlemen.
Besides these were also —
Thesaurarius, or the burser ; who received all the
common rents and revenues of the monastery, and
paid all the common expences.
Precentor, or the chanter ; who had the chief care
of the choir-service, and not only presided over the
singing men, organist, and choristers, but provided
books for them, paid them their salaries, and repaired
the organ : he had also the custody of the seal, and
kept the liber diurnalis, or chapter-book, and pro-
vided parchment and ink for the writers, and colours
for the limners of books for the library.
Hostilarius, or hospitalarius ; whose business it
was to see strangers well entertained, and to provide
firing, napkins, tov\'els, and such like necessaries for
them.
Infirmarius ; who had the care of the infirmary,
and of the sick monks, who were carried thither, and
was to provide them physic, and all necessaries whilst
* In Selden's Dissertation on Fleta is given a copy of an instrument
of tliis liind, made anno 1277, acknovvledginp; the receipt of a well-known
law-honk, entitled Breton, in the words fnllowing: —
' Universis praesentes literas inspecturis R. de Scardeburgli Archi-
' diacnnus salutem in Domino seminternam. Noveritis me recipisse et
'hahuisse ex causa commodati lihrum queni doniinus Heiirieus de
' Breton coniposuit, a venerabili patre Domino R. Dei gratia Bathoniensi
' Episcopo per nianuni Magistri, Thomse Beke, Archidiaconi Dorset,
'quern eidem restituere teneor in fcsto saneti Joh' Bapiisie, an. Dom.
'MccLxxviii. In cujus rei testimonium praesentibus sigillum meum
'appensum, Datae Dover die Veneris post purific' Virginis Gloriosae,
' anno mcclxxvii.'
The fnllnwinff less ancient instances of the same Ititid, occur in the
catalogue of the Harleian manuscripts. No. 378. Sir Simonds D' Ewes'
bond of jElOO for borrowing Sir Thomas Cntton's book of Saxon Charters
(viz. Augustus II.) which was not executed since Sir Thomas refuted to
lend it. Eight other instances are in the same manuscripts.
Chap. LVIII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
259
living, and to wash and prepare their bodies for burial
when dead.
Refectionarius ; who looked after the hall, pro-
viding table-cloths, napkins, towels, dishes, plates,
spoons, and all other necessaries for it, and even ser-
vants to attend there ; he had likewise the keeping
of the cups, salts, ewers, and all the silver utensils
whatsoever belonging to the house, except the church
plate.
There was likewise Coquinarius, Gardinarius, and
Portarius, ' et in coenobiis, quae jus archiaconale in
' prtediis et ecclesiis suis obtinuerunt, erat monachus
'qui archidiaconi titulo et munere insignittis est.'
The offices belonging to an abbey were generally
these : —
The hall, or refectionary, and, adjoining thereto,
the locutorium, or parlour, where leave was given
for the monks to discourse, who were enjoined silence
elsewhere.
Oriolium, or the oriol, was the next room, the use
whereof was for monks who were rather distempered
than diseased, to dine therein.
Dormitorium, the dormitory, where they all slept
together.
Lavatorium, generally called the landry, where the
clothes of the monks were washed, and where also at
a conduit they washed their hands.
Scriptorimn, a room where the Chartulariiis was
busied in writing, especially in the transcribing of
these books — 1. Ordinals, containing the rubric of
their missal, and directory of their priests in service.
2. Consuetudinals, presenting the ancient customs of
their convents. 3. Troparies. 4. Collectaries, wherein
the ecclesiastical collects were fairly written. This
was the ordinary business of the Chartularius and his
assistant monks, but they also employed themselves
in transcribing the fathers and classics, and in record-
ing historical events.
Adjoining to the Scriptorium was the Library,
which in most abbeys was well furnished with a
variety of choice manuscripts.
The Kitchen, with larder and pantry adjoining.
The abbey church consisted of — 1. Cloisters, con-
secrated ground, as appears by the solemn sepultures
therein. 2. Navis ecclesiae, or the body of the church.
3. Gradatorium, the ascent by steps out of the former
into the choir. 4. Presbyterium, or the choir ; on
the right side whereof was the stall of tlie abbot, with
his moiety of monks, and on the left that of the prior,
with his : and these alternately chanted the responsals
in the service. 5. Vestiarium, or the vestry, where
their copes, surplices, and other habiliments were
deposited. 6. Vaulta, a vault, being an arched room
over part of the church, which in some abbeys, as
St. Albans, was used to enlarge their dormitory,
where the monks had twelve beds for their repose.
Concameratio, being an arched room betwixt the
east end of the church and the high altar, so that in
procession they might surround the same, founding
their practice on David's expression — ' and so will
' I compass thine altar, 0 Lord.'*
* Tlie want of this in the new cathedral of St. Paul is not to be imputed
to Sir Christdpher Wren as a!i omission, but to tlie disuse of processions
in our reformed church, which lias rendered such a provision unnecessary.
To the church belonged also, Cerarium, a reposi-
tory for wax candles. Campanile, the steeple. Poly-
andrium, the church-yard. The remaining rooms of
an abbey stood at a distance from the main structure,
and were as follow : —
Eleemosynaria, the almonry, vulgarly the ambry,
a building near or within the abbey, wherein poor
and impotent persons were relieved and maintained
by the charity of the house.
Sanctuarium, or the sanctuaiy, wherein debtors
taking refuge from their creditors, malefactors from
the judge, lived in all security.
At a distance stood the stables, which were under
the care and management of the Stallarius, or master
of the horse, and the Provendarius, who, as his name
imports, laid in provender for the horses ; these were
of four kinds, namely, — 1. Manni, geldings for the
saddle of the larger size. 2. Runcini, runts, small
nags. 3. Summarii, sumpter-horses. 4. Averii, cart
or plough horses.f
Besides the buildings above-mentioned, there was
a prison for incorrigible monks. The ordinary pu-
nishment for small offences was carrying the lanthorn,
but contumacious monks were by the abbot committed
to prison.
Other buildings there were, such as Vaccisterium,
the cow-house, Porcarium, the swine-stye, &c.
Granges were farms at a distance, kept and stocked
by the abbey, and so called a grana gerendo, the over-
seer whereof was commonly called the Prior of the
grange : these were sometimes many miles from the
monastery. In female foundations of nunneries there
was a correspondency of all the same essential officers
and offices.
Besides there were a number of inferior officers in
abbeys, whose employments can only be guessed at
by the barbarous appellations used to distinguish
them ; such were — 1. Coltonarius [cutler]. 2. Cup-
parius. 3. Potagiarius. 4. Scutellarius Aula3.
5. Salsarius. 6. Portarius. 7. Carectarius Cellerarii.
8. Pelliparius [parchment provider]. 9. Brasinarius
[malsterj.J
If in the admirable construction of that edifice proof of his skill and
sagacity were wanting, the following recent one in another public work
of his might be adduced, though known to few : —
About seven years ago, when the houses on London-bridge were taken
down in order to make a footway on each side thereof, it was found that
the tower of St. Magnus church, through which was an entrance into the
church from the west, projected so far westward as to reduce passengers
on the east side of the bridge to the necessity of going round it. Upon
this it became a subject of consultation, whether it were advisable or
not to cut through the tower an arch wliicli should continue the footway
from the bridge up Fish-street-hill, and prevent the trouble and danger
of going about. The thought was bold, for the tower was heavy, and
besides contained a peal of large bells ; however it was at length re-
solved on : upon pulling down the houses, the south side of the tower
appeared to be a plain superficies of the roughest materials that masons
use, and upon this the city surveyor had drawn such an arch as he meant
to cut through from south to north ; but as soon as the workmen began to
execute his design, by breaking through the exterior surface, they, to the
joy and admiration of every one, found a passage and an arch ready
formed to their hands by the original designer of the edifice, who, with a
sagacity and penetration peculiar to himself, had foreseen the probability
of taking down the houses on the bridge, and the consequent necessity
of such a provision for the convenience and safety of passengers as that
above-mentioned.
t This was the four-fold division of the horses of William the two-and-
twentieth abbot of St. Alban's, who lost an hundred horses in one year.
t The offices aforesaid in smaller abbeys were but one room, but in the
greater monasteries each was a distinct structure, with all under oliices
attendant thereupon. Thus the Firmorie in the priory of Canterbury had
a refectory, a kitchen, a dortour distributed into several chambers, and a
private chapel for the devotions of the sick ; their almonry also was ac-
260
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VII.
Different orders were bound to the observance of
diff"erent canonical constitutions ; however, the rule of
the ancient Benedictines, with some small variations,
prevailed through most monasteries, and was in
general as follows : —
i. Let monks praise God seven times a-day, that is
to say, —
1. At cock-crowing. 2. Mattins, which were per-
formed at the first hour, or six o'clock. 3. The third
hour, or nine o'clock. 4. The sixth hour, or twelve
o'clock. 5. The ninth hour, or three o'clock. 6. Ves-
pers, the twelfth hour, or six o'clock in the afternoon.
7. Seven o'clock at night, when the completory was
sung.*
The first or early prayers were at two o'clock in
the morning, when the monks, who went to bed at
eight at night, had slept six hours, which were judged
sufficient for nature. It was no fault for the greater
haste, to come without shoes, or with unwashen
hands, if sprinkled at their entrance with holy water:
and there is nothing expressly said to the contrary,
but that they might go to bed again ; but a flat pro-
hibition after mattins ; when to return to bed was
accounted a petty apostacy.
ii. Let all at the sign given, leave off their work and
repair presently to prayers. f
iii. Let tliose who are absent in public employment be
reputed present in prayer.t
iv. Let no monk go alone, but always two together. §
V. From Easter to Whitsunday let them dine always at
twelve, and sup at six o'clock. 1|
vi. Let them at other times fast on Wednesdays and
Fridays till three o'clock in the afternoon. H
vii. Let them fast every day in Lent till six o'clock at
night.**
viii. Let no monk speak a word in the refectory when
they are at their meals.
commndated with all the aforesaid appurtenances, and had many distinct
manors consi;jne(l only to its maintenance.
To many abbeys there appertained also cells, which in some instances
were so remote, that the mother abbey was in England, and the cell
beyond the seas. Some of these were richly endowed, as that of Wynd-
ham, in Norfolk, which though but a cell annexed to St. Alb;in's, yet was
able at the dissolution to expend of its own revenues seventy-two pounds
per annum. These were colonies, into which the abbeys discharged their
superfluous members, and whither the rest retired when infections were
feared at home.
♦ These were the stated times of public prayer in religious houses ;
but besides these, occasional ejaculations by christians, as well of the
laity as the clergy, were customary till near the end of the last century.
Howel, in one of his letters says, ' I knock thrice at heaven-gate ; in the
' morning, in the evening, and at night ; besides prayers at meals, and
'some other occasional ejaculations; upon the putting on of a clean
' shirt, washing of ray hands, and at lighting of candles ; and this he adds
'he was able to do in seven languages.' Familiar Letters, vol. II.
sect. vi. letter 32, and this practice is recommended by Cosins, bishop of
Durham, in a book of devotions published by him.
t This in England, commonly called the ringing-island, was done with
tolling a bell, but in other countries with loud strokes ; and the canon
■was so strict, that it provided 'scriptores literam non integrent ; ' that
writers having begun to frame and flourish a text letter, were not to
finish it, but to leave off in the middle.
% At the end of prayers there was a particular commemoration made
of them that were absent, and they by name recommended to divine
protection.
§ That they might mutually have both testem honestatis, and moni-
torem pietatis, in imitation of Christ's sending his disciples to preach two
and two before his face.
II The primitive church forbad fasting for those fifty days, that Chris-
tians might be cheerful for the memory of Christ's resurrection. ' Im-
'munitate jejunandi a die Paschaa Pentecosten usque gaudemus ; ' and
therefore more modern is the custom of fasting on Ascension eve.
IT So making but one meal a day, but the twelve days in Christmas
were excepted in this canon.
*• Stamping a character of more abstinence on that time; for though
the whole of a monk's life ought to be a Lent, yet this most especially,
wherein they were to abate of their wonted sleep and diet, and add to
their daily devotion ; yet so that they might not lessen their daily fare
without leave from the abbot.
ix. Let them listen to the lecturer reading scripture to
them whilst they feed themselves.
X. Let the septimarians dine by themselves after the
rest, ft
xi. Let such who are absent about business observe the
same hours of prayer. X I
xii. Let none, being from home about business, and
hoping to return at night, presume ' foris mandicare,' to
eat abroad. §§
xiii. Let the completory be solemnly sung about seven
o'clock at night. II ||
xiv. Let none speak a word after the completory ended,
but hasten to their beds.HH
XV. Let the monks sleep in beds singly by themselves,
but all if possible in one room.
xvi. Let them sleep in their clothes, girt with their
girdles, but not having their knives by their sides for fear
of hurting themselves in their sleep.
xvii. Let not the youth be by themselves, but mingled
with their seniors.
xviii. Let not the candle in the dormitory go out all
night.***
xix. Let infants incapable of excommunication be cor-
rected with rods. ft t
XX. Let offenders in small faults, whereof the abbot is
sole judge, be only sequestered from the table.tt +
xxi. Let offenders in greater faults be suspended from
table and prayers.§§§
xxii. Let none converse with any excommunicated
under the pain of excommunication. || || ||
xxiii. Let incorrigible offenders be expelled the
monastery.
xxiv. Let an expelled brother, being readmitted on
promise of amendment, be set last in order-^1111
XXV. Let every monk have 2 coats and 2 cowls, &c.****
xxvi. Let every monk have his table-book, knife, nee-
dle, and handkerchief.
xxvii. Let the bed of every monk have a mat, blanket,
rug, and pillow. ffff
+ t These were weekly officers, such as the lecturer, servitors at the
table, cook, who could not be present at the public refection, but like the
bible-clerks in the Queeli's-college, Cambridge, waited on the fellows at
dinner, and had a table by themselves.
Jt Be it by sea or land, in ship, house, or field, they were to fall down
on their knees and briefly keep time with the convent in their devotions.
§§ This canon was afterwards so dispensed with by the abbot on
several occasions, that it was frustrate in efl'ect when monks became
common guests at laymen's tables.
II II Completory. so called, because it ended the duties of the day. This
service was concluded with that versicle of the Psalmist, ' Set a watch, O
' Lord, before my mouth, and keep the door of my lips.'
^H They might express themselves by signs, and in some cases whisper,
but so softly, that a third might not overhear. This silence was so obsti-
nately observed by some of them, that they would not speak, though
assaulted by thieves, to make a discovery in their own defence.
""' In case any should fall suddenly sick, that this standing candle
might be a stock of light to recruit the rest.
+ tt Such were all accounted under the age of fifteen years, of whom
were many in monasteries.
tU As coming to dinner after grace said, breaking the earthen ewer
•wherein they waslied their hands ; being out of tune in setting the
psalm ; taking anv by the hand; receiving letters from, or talking with
a friend, without leave of the .abbot, &c. [From the table] such were to
eat by themselves, and three hours after the rest, until they had made
satisfaction.
§§§ Viz., theft, &c., this in effect amounted to the greater excommuni-
cation, and had all the penalties thereof.
II II II Yet herein his keeper, deputed by the abbot, was excepted. [Con-
verse] Either to eat or speak with him ; he might not so much as bless
him or his meat, if carried by him : yet to avoid scandal he might rise up,
bow, or bare his head to him, in case the other did first salute him with
silent gesture.
^^1T He was to lose his former seniority, and begin at the bottom.
Whosoever quitted the convent thrice, or was thrice expelled for misde-
meanors, might not any more be received.
**«* Not to wear at once, except in winter, but for exchange whilst
one was washed. And when new clothes were delivered them their old
ones were given to the poor.
UU The abbot also every Saturday was to visit their beds, to see if
they had not shutfled into it some softer matter than was allowed of; or
purloined meat or dainties to eat in private.
Chap. LVIII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
261
xxviii. Let the abbot be chosen by the merits of his
life and learning.
xxix. Let him never dine alone ; but when guests are
wanting call some brethren unto his table.*
XXX. Let the cellarer be a discreet man to give all their
meat in due season.
xxxi. Let none be excused from the office of cook, but
take his turn in his week.f
xxxii. Let the cook each Saturday when he goeth out
of his office leave the linen and vessels clean and sound
to his successor.;}:
xxxiii. Let the porter be a grave person to discharge
his trust with discretion. §
From this view of the constitution and discipline
of religious houses, it is clear that they had a tendency
to promote learning and good manners among their
own members ; but besides this they were productive
of much good to the public, seeing that they were
also schools of learning and education, for every con-
vent had one person or more appointed for this pur-
pose ; and all the neighbours that desired it, might
have their children instructed in grammar and church
music without any expence to them. In the nunne-
ries also, young women were taught needle-work,
and to read English, and Latin if they desired it ;
and not only the daughters of the lower class of peo-
ple, but even those of the nobility and gentry, were
educated in these seminaries. Farther, monasteries
were in effect great hospitals, many poor people being
fed therein every day ; they were also houses of en-
tertainment, for almost all travellers : even the no-
bility and gentry, when upon a journey, took up their
abode at one religious house or another, there being
at that time but few inns in this country. In these,
also, the nobility and gentry provided for their chil-
dren and impoverished friends, by making the former
monks and nuns, and in time priors and prioresses,
abbots and abbesses, || and by procuring for the latter
corodies and pensions.^
* Such as were relieved by his hospitality are by canonical critics
sorted into four ranks : —
1. Convivffi, guests living in or near the city where the conveijt stood.
2. Hospites, strangers, coming from distant parts of the country.
3. Peregrini, pilgrims of another na,tion, and generally travelling for
devotion.
4. Mendici, beggars, who received alms without at the gate.
t The abbot and the cellarer in great convents were excepted, but
this was only anciently. This was the rule in poor monasteries, with an
exception of the abbot and the cellarer ; in the larger were cooks and
under cooks, lay persons.
t Upon pain to receive twenty-five claps on the hand for every default
of this kind; harder was that rule which enjoined that the cook might
not taste what he dressed for others. Understand it thus, though he
might eat his own pittance or dimensum, yet he must meddle with no
more, lest the tasting should tempt him togluttony and excess.
§ Whose age might make him resident in his place. [Discharge his
trust] In listening to no secular news, and if hearing it not to report it
again ; in carrjing the keys every night to the abbot, and letting none in
or out without his permission.
II Mary, the daughter of King Edward I., and also thirteen noblemen's
daughters, were at one time nuns at Ambresbury. Angl. Sacr. vol. I.
pag. 208. And Ralph, earl of Westmoreland, having twenty children,
made three of his daughters nuns. Six sons of Henry, lord of Harley,
were monks. Angl. Sacr. vol. I. pag. 205. Bridget, the fourth daughter
of Edward IV., was a nun at Dartford, in Kent.
H A Corody, k conradendo, from eating together, is an allowance of
meat, drink, and clothing, due to the king from an abbey, or other house
of religion, for the reasonable sustenance of such of his servants as he
should bestow it on. Termes de la Ley. Cowel's Interp. in Voce, et
vide Mon. Angl. vol. II. pag. 933. Burn. Reform, vol. I. pag. 223.
Collier's Eccl. Hist. vol. II. pag. 165. In Plowden's Commentaries, in
the case of Throckmerton versus Tracey, is an allusion, but without a
particular reference, to a case which nevertheless seems to have received
a legal decision, arising upon this question, viz., Whether under a grant
of a corody to a man and his servant, the grantee might bring to sit at
mess with the abbot and convent, a person infected with the leprosy or
other noisome disease. Vide Finch's Nomotexnia, fol. 15. b. Finch
Notwithstanding these . and other advantages re-
sulting to the public from monastic foundations, it
must be confessed that the mischiefs arising from
them were very great, for it appears that they were
very injurious to the parochial clergy, with whom
indeed they seemed to live in a state of perpetual
hostility, by accumulating prebends and benefices,
and by procuring the appropriation of churches,
which they did in this way, first they obtained the
advowson, and then found means to get the appro-
priation also. Bishop Kennet says that at one time
above one half of the parochial churches in England
were in the hands or power of cathedral churches and
monasteries. Case of Appropriations, pag. 18, 19.
And where their endeavours to get the appropriation
failed, they frequently got a pension out of it. They
were farther injurious to the secular clergy by the
many exemptions which they had from episcopal
jurisdiction, and the payment of tytbes.
The public also were sufferers by religious houses
in these respects, they drew off a great number of
persons, who otherwise would have been brought up
to arms, to labour, or the exercise of the manual arts.**
The inhabitants of them busied themselves with se-
cular employments, for they were great farmers, and
even brewers and tanners, concerning which latter
employment of theirs. Fuller thus humorously ex-
presses himself : — ' Though the monks themselves
' were too fine-nosed to dabble in tan-fats, yet they
' kept others bred in that trade to follow their work ;
' these convents having bark of their own woods,
' hides of the cattle of their own breeding and kill-
'ing, and, which was the main, a large stock of
' money to buy at the best hand, and to allow such
' chapmen as they sold to, a long day of payment,
' easily eat out such who were bred up in that
' vocation. Whereupon in the one-and-twentieth of
' king Henry VIII. a statute was made that no priest
' either regular or secular should on heavy penalties
' hereafter meddle with such mechanic emjDloyments.'
Sanctuaries, of which there were many, as at
Westminster, Croyland, St. Burien's, St. John of
Beverley, and other places, were an intolerable griev-
ance on the public. Stowe, in his Chronicle, pag. 443.
complains of them in these words : ' Unthrifts riot,
'and run in debt upon the boldness of these places;
* yea and rich men run thither with poor men's
' goods, where they build ; there they spend, and
' bid their creditors go whistle them ; men's wives
' run thither with their husband's plate, and say
' they dare not abide with their husbands for beating
' them ; thieves bring thither their stolen goods,
'and live thereon; there they devise robberies;
' nightly they steal out, they rob and reave, and kill,
'and come in again as though tliose places gave
' them not only a safeguard for the harm they have
' done, but a licence to do more.'
Add to all these, other mischiefs, the inevitable
*
of Law, ^G. A pension was an annual allowance in money from an abbey
to one of the king's chaplains for his better maintenance, until provided
with a benefice. Cowel, voce Corody.
** It is said that in the ninth century there were in this kingdom more
monks than military men ; and to this bad policy some have scrupled not
to attribute the success of the Danes in their several invasions.
262
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VII.
consequences of those prohibitions and restraints im-
posed on the clergy, as well secular as regular*
Undoubtedly these evils co-operating with motives
of a political nature, were the causes of that reform-
ation, for which even at this distance of time we
have abundant reason to be thankful : it cannot be
denied that some of the principal agents in that
revolution were actuated by the noblest of all motives,
namely, zeal for the honor of God ; and whether
the objections against it, that it was effected ^ by
unjustifiable means, such as corruption, subornation,
and the invasion of corporate rights, sanctified by
law and usage : whether all or any of these are
admissable in a subject of so important a nature as
the advancement of learning, and the exercise of
true religion, is a question that has already been
discussed by those who were best able to decide
upon it, and will hardly ever again become a subject
of controversy.
CHAP. LIX.
The accounts herein before given of the gradual
improvement of music, and the several extracts from
manuscripts, herein before contained, may serve to
shew the state of the science in this country in or
about the fifteenth century ; and it remains now to
speak of its application, or, in other words, to take
a view of the practice of it amongst us. And first
it will appear that as it was become essential to the
performance of divine service, it was used in all
cathedral and collegiate churches, and that the clergy
were very zealous to promote it. Of the introduc-
tion of the organ into the choral service by pope
Vitalianus, in the year 660, mention has already been
made; and for the early use of that instrument in
this kingdom we have the testimony of Sir Henry
Spelman [in his Glossary, voce Organum] who, upon
the authority of the book of Ramsey, relates that on
the death of king Edgar the choir of monks and
their organs were turned into lamentations.
Farther, William of Malmesbury relates that St.
Dunstan. in the reign of the same king, gave many
great bells and organs to the churches of the West ; f
which latter he so describes, as that they appear to
have been very little different from those now^ in
use, viz., ' Organa ubi per aereas fistulas musicis
'mensuris elaboratas dudum conceptas follis vomit
* And yet it seems that the licentiovisness of the repulars was not
general throughout this kingdom, even in tl\e most corrupt state of
clerical manners, for lord Herbert of Cherbury relates, that upon the
■visitation of religious houses it was found that some societies behaved so
well, that their lives were not only exempt from notorious faults, but
their spare time was bestowed in writing books, painting, carving,
graving, and the like exercises: and in the preamble to the statute of
27 Hen. VIII. cap. 28, is this remarkable declaration, ' In the greater
'monasteries, thanks be to God, religion is right well observed and
' kept up.'
t It has elsewhere, viz., pag. 176, of this work, been remarked that
Dunstan was well skilled In music. There is a tradition that his harp
made music of itself, thus humorously related by Fuller in his Church
History, pag. 128 : —
St. Dunstan's harp fast by the wall
Upon a pill did hang — a ;
The harp itself with lye and all,
Untouch'd by hand, did twang— a.
This might have happened, supposing two strings tuned in the unisori,
and the wind to have blown hard against tlie instrument, and this acci-
dent might suggest the invention of the instrument described by Kircher
in the Musurgia, torn. II. pag. 352, and lately given to the world as a new
discovery, by the name of the harp of iEolus.
' anxius auras.'J And it is elsewhere said that they
had brass pipes and bellows.§ The same writer
mentions that the organ at Malmesbury had the
following distich inscribed on brass, declaring who
was the donor of it : —
Organa do sancto praesul Dunstanus Aldelmo
Perdat hie aeternum, qui vult hinc toUere, regnum.|l
Fuller, in his Worthies of Denbighshire, pag. 33,
mentions a famous organ, formerly at Wrexham in
that county, a matter of great curiosity, in respect
that the instrument was erected, not in a cathedral,
but in a parochial church : he speaks also of an im-
provement of the organ by one Bernard, a Venetian,
of whom he asserts, on the authority of Sabellicus,
that he was absolutely the best musician in the world.
With respec t to abbey and conventual churches,
we meet with few express foundations of canons,
minor canons, and choristers ; and it may therefore
well be supposed that the choral duty in each of
these was performed by members of their own body,
and by children educated by themselves ; but in
cathedral churches we meet with very ample en-
dowments, as well for vicars, or minor canons,
clerks, choristers, and lay singers, as for a dean,
and canons or prebendaries. As to the value_ and
extent of these endowments in the metropolitical
churches of Canterbury and York, and the cathe-
drals of Durham, Winchester, London, Ely, Salis-
bury, Exeter, Norwich, Lincoln, and many others,
we are greatly at a loss, for they, having been re-
founded by Henry VIII., the ancient foundations
were absorbed in the modern, and it is of the latter
only that there are any authentic memorials now
remaining ; of those that retain their original con-
stitution the following are some of the principal : —
Hereford, the cathedral rebuilt in the time of
William the Conqueror, and by the contributions
of benefactors endowed so as to maintain a bishop,
dean, two archdeacons, a chancellor, treasurer, twenty-
eight prebendaries, twelve priest-vicars, four_ lay
clerks, seven choristers, and other officers. In aid of
this foundation Richard II. incorporated the vicars-
choral, endowing them with lands for their better
support ; and they exist now as a body distinct in
some respects from the dean and chapter. "H
Of the original endowment of the cathedral of St.
Paul, little is now to be known. We learn however
from Dugdale that considerable grants of land and
benefactions in money were made for its support by
divers persons at different times, as also for the main-
tenance of its members, so early as the time of
Edward the Confessor. Of the minor canons the
following is the history. They were twelve in
number, and had anciently their habitation in and
about the church-yard ; but at length by the bounty
of well-disposed persons, they became enabled to meet
and dine together in a common hall or refectory, on
the north side of the church. In the year 1363
Robert de Keteryngham, rector of St. Gregory's,
t Gul. Malraesb. lib. V. de Pontif. inter xv. Script Galei, pag. 361
§ Gul. Malmesb. in Vita Aldhelmi, pag. 33.
II Cul. Malmesb. de Pontif. lib. V. pag. 366.
% Tanner's Notitia Monastica, pag. 171, 179.
Chap. LIX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
2G3
with licence of king Edward III. granted to the
dean and chapter certain messuages and lands of
the yearly value of vi. 1. xiii. s. iv. d. to the end that
the minor canons should sing divine service daily
in the church of St. Paul, for the good estiite of the
king, and queen Philippa his consort, and ali their
children during their lives, and also for their souls
after their decease. Richard IT. hy his letters
patent in the eighteenth year of his reign, incor-
porated tliem by the style of the college of the twelve
petty canons of St. Paul's church, and augmented
their maintenance by a grant to them of divers
lands and rents ; and 24 Henry VI. tlie church of
St. Gre.Li^ory was appropriated to them.*
At Wells also is a college of vicars, founded
originally for the maintenance of thirteen chantry
priests, who officiated in the cathedral. In 1347
Radulphus de Salopia, bishop of Bath and Wells,
erected a college for the vicars of the cathedral
church, got them incorporated, and augmented their
revenues with -certain lands of his own.f
The ancient foundation of Litchfield cathedral
appears to have been a bishop, dean, precentor,
chancellor, treasurer, four archdeacons, twenty -seven
prebendaries, five priest-vicars, seven lay-clerks or
singing-men, eight choristers, and other officers and
servants. I
Many collegiate churches had also endowments for
the performance of choral service, as that of South-
well, in Nottinghamshire ; Beverley in Yorkshire ;
Arundel in Sussex, now dissolved ; Westminster,
wiiich by the way has been successively an abbey,
a cathedral, and a collegiate church.
Some of the colleges in Oxford have also endow-
ments of this kind, as namely. New college, for ten
chaplains, three clerks, and sixteen choristers ; Mag-
dalen college, for four chaplains, eight clerks, and
sixteen choristers ; All -Souls, for chaplains, clerks,
and choristers indefinitely ; there also was an insti-
tution of some hind or other of chaplains, clerks,
choristers at St. John's college, Oxon : but the same
was annulled in 1577, the college estate being im-
paired. Sir W. Paddy, Physician to James I.,
refounded the choir. In the college at Ipswich,
founded by Cardinal Wolsey, was a provision for a
dean, twelve secular canons, and eight choristers ; but
the college was suppressed, and great part of the en-
dowment alienated upon the disgrace of the founder.
In some free chapels § also were endowments for
choral service, as in that of St. George at Windsor,
now indeed a collegiate church, in which are a dean,
twelve canons or prebendaries, thirteen vicars or
minor canons, four clerks, six choristers, and twenty^
six poor alms knights, besides other officers.
' The kynge's college of.our Lady by Etone besyde
* The minor canons of the cathedral church of St. Paul have now a
college, situate on the south side of the church-yard, and near thereto is
a place called Paul's Bakehouse Court, from whence it may be inferred
that the members of that chuicli lived tot,'ether, that the rents arising
from their estates situate in the neighbourhood of London were paid in
corn, which was made into bread by their own servants, and baked at or
near the place above-mentioned.
t Tann. 477. | Ibid. 485.
§ Free chapels were places of religious worship exempt from all juris-
diction of the ordinary, in which respect they differed from chantries,
which were ever united to some cathedral, collegiate, or parochial church.
' Wyndesore,' was founded by king Henry VI. anno
regiii 19, for a provost, ten priests, four clerks, six
choristers, twenty-five poor grammar-scholars, with
a master to teach them, and twenty-five poor old men ;
and though some of its endowment was taken away by
king Edward IV., yet it still continues (being par-
ticularly excepted in the acts of dissolution) in a
flourishing estate, with some small alteration in the
number of the foundation, which now consists of a
provost, seven fellows, two schoolmasters, two con-
ducts, one organist, seven clerks, seventy king's
scholars, ten choristers, besides officers and servants
belonging to the college.||
The chapel of St. Stephen, near the great hall at
Westminster, first built by king Stephen, and after-
wards rebuilt by Edward III. in the year 1347, was
by the latter ordained to be a collegiate church, and
therein were established a dean, twelve canons secular,
who had their residence in Canon, vulgarly, Channel -
row, W^estminster, thirteen vicars, four clerks, six
chorists, two servitors, a verger, and a keeper of the
chapel. The same king endowed this chapel or col-
legiate church with manors, lands, &c. to a very
great value : it was surrendered to Edward VI., and
the chapel is now the place in wdiich the House of
Commons sit.^
As to small endowments for the maintenance of sing-
ing men with stipends, they were formerly very many.
At Christ-church, London, was one for five singing
men, with a yearly salary of eight pounds each.**
There was also another called Poultney college, from
the founder Sir John Poultney, annexed to the parish
church of St. Lawrence, in Candlewick, now Canon-
street, London, with an endowment for a master, or
warden, thirteen priests, and four choristers, who had
stalls, and performed divine service in the chapel of
Jesus, adjoining to the church of St. Lawrence afore-
said.ff At Leadenhall Sir Simon Eyre, who had
been some time mayor of London, erected a beautiful
and large chapel, and bequeathed to the company of
Drapers three thousand marks, upon condition to
establish and endow perpetually, a master or war-
den, five secular priests, six clerks and two cho-
risters, to sing daily service by note in this chapel ;
and also three schoolmasters and an usher, viz., one
master, with an usher, for grammar, another master
for writing, and the other for singing. The master's
salary to be ten pounds per anntmi, every other
priest's eight pounds, every clerk's five pounds six
shillings and eight pence, and every chorister's five
marks ; but it seems this endowment never took
effect. :}:J In tlie church of St. Michael Royal, Lon-
don, which had been new built by the famous Sir
Richard Whittington, several times lord mayor of
London, was founded by him, and finished by his
executors a.d. 1424, a college dedicated to the Holy
Ghost and the Virgin Mary, for a master and four
fellows, all to be masters of arts ; besides clerks,
choristers, (fec.§§ In the cluu-ch of St. Mary at
Warwick was an endowment by Roger, earl of
II Tann. 33.
f Newcourt's Repertorium, vol. I. pag. 745. »• Ibid. vol. I. pag. 319.
tt Tann. Notit. pag. 319. t| Ibid. pag. 325. §§ Ibid.
264
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VII.
Warwick, about the year 1123, for a dean and
eecular canons ; this foundation was considerably
augmented by the succeeding earls, so that at the
time of the dissolution it consisted of a dean, five
prebendaries or canons, ten priest-vicars, and six
choristers.*
One thing very remarkable in all these foundations,
except that of Eton, is that they afforded no provision
for an organist.f That excellent musician Dr. Ben-
jamin Rogers, who was very well versed in the
history of his own profession, once took notice of
this to Anthony Wood : and, considering that the
use of organs in divine service is almost coeval with
choral singing itself, to account for it is somewhat
difficult ; it seems however not improbable that in
most cathedral, and other foundations for the per-
formance of divine service, the duty of organist was
discharged by some one or other of the vicars choral.
In the statutes of Canterbury cathedral provision is
made for players on sackbuts and cornets, which on
solemn occasions might probably be joined to, or
used in aid of the organ. J
The foregoing notices refer solely to that kind of
music which was used in the divine offices ; but over
and above the several musical confraternities formerly
subsisting in different parts of this kingdom, a set of
men, called stipendiary priests, derived a subsistence
from the singing of masses, in chantries endowed for
that purpose, for the souls of the founders. § In the
cathedral church of St. Paul were no fewer of these
than forty-seven ; and in the church of St. Saviour,
Southwark, was a chantry, with an endowment for
a mass to be sung weekly on every Friday through-
out the year, for the soul of the poet Gower, the
author of the Confessio Amantis. The common
price for a mass was four pence, or for two thousand
forty marks, which it seems could be only the mode
of payment where the service was occasional, since
* Tann. Notit. pag. 570.
I- The first, instanec tve have found of a stipendary organist, is that of one
Leonard Fitz Simon.mentioned by Mr. Warton in his life of Sir Thomas
Pope, as being organist of Trinity College, Oxon: about 1580, at a salary
of 20s. a year.
I There liave been but very few foundations of colleges since the dis-
solution of monasteries, except those of Henry VIII. In the only one
that can now be recollected, that of Dulwich, founded by Alleyn the
player, in tlie reign of James I., provision is made by the statutes that the
children there educated should be taught prick-song ; and for that pur-
pose, and for performing the service of the chapel, one of the fellows is
required to be a skilful organist. Of this worthy man, Mr. Edward
Alleyn, the honour of his profession, there is a well-written life, the work
of the late Mr. Oldys, in the Biographia Britannica. In his time it
said that there were no fewer than nineteen playhouses in London,
Prvnne's Histrio-niastix, pag. 492, which are two more than are enu-
merated in the Preface to Dodsley's collection of old plays ; the two
omitted in Dodsley's account are said by Prynne to have been, the one in
Bishopsgate-street, and the other on Ludgate-hill. The situation of the
former of these may possibly be yet ascertained ; Fuller, Worthies in
London, pag. 223, says that Alleyn was born in the parish of Bishopsgate,
near Devonshire-house, where now is the sign of the Pie. Now it may
be proved, by incontestible evidence, that the Magpie alehouse, situate
on the east side of Bishopsgate street, between Houndsditch and Devon-
shire-street, with the adjacent houses, are part of the fstate with which
Alleyn endowed his college, and they are now actually held under leases
granted by the college. It is therefore to be supposed, as the Pie was
the place of his birth, and continued to be part of his estate to the time
of his death ; that it was also his dwelling during his life ; and if so,
■where was the playhouse in Bishopsgate-street so likely to be as at the
Magpie ? Add to this that the very house, now in being, is unque.-^tion-
ably as old as the time of James I., for the lire never reached Bishopsgate;
it fronts the street, and the garden behind it was probably the site of the
playhouse.
§ This superstitious service was usually performed at some particular
altar, but oftener in a small chapel, of which there were many in all the
cathedral and collegiate, and in some parish churches in this kingdom.
Vide Godolphin's Repertorjum Canonicum, pag. 329. Fuller's Church
History, book YI. pag. 350. Weever's Funeral ftlonuments, pag. 733.
the endowment must be supposed to have in a great
measure ascertained the stipend, and this was some-
times so considerable, as to occasion as much soli-
citaticn for a chantry as for some other ecclesiastical
benefices. Chaucer mentions it to the credit of his
parson, that he did not flock to St. Paul's to get
a chantry. These superstitious foundations survived
the fate of the monasteries but a very short time, for
they, together with free chapels, were granted to
Henry VIII. by the parliament in 1545, and were
dissolved by the statute of 1 Edw. VI. chap. 14.
Such was the nature of the monastic institution,
and such the state of ecclesiastical music among us,
in the ages preceding the Reformation, in which
indeed there seems to be nothing peculiar to this
country, for the same system of ecclesiastical policy
prevailed in general throughout Christendom. In
Italy, in Germany, in France, and in England, the
government of abbeys and monasteries was by the
same officers, and the discipline of religious houses
in each country very nearly the same, saving the
difference arising from the rule, as it was called, of
their respective orders, as of St. Augustine, St.
Benedict, and others, which each house professed to
follow. This uniformity was but the effect of that
authority which, as supreme head of the church, the
pope was acknowledged to be invested with, and
which was constantly exerted in the making and
promulging decretals, constitutions, canons, and bulls,
and all that variety of laws, by whatsoever name
they are called, which make up the Corpus Juris
Cauonici : add to these the acts of provincial councils,
and ecclesiastical synods, the ultimate view whereof
seems to have been the establishment of a general
uniformity of regimen and discipline in all monastic
foundations, as far as was consistent with their several
professions.
In aid of these, the ritualists, who are here to be
considered as commentators on that body of laws
above referred to, have with great precision not only
enumerated the several orders in the church, || but
have also prescribed the duty of every person em-
ployed in the sacred offices. In consequence whereof
we find that the power and authority of an abbot,
a prior, a dean, were in every respect the same in
all countries where the papal authority was submitted
II Besides the orders of bishops, priests, and deacons, there are both in
the Romish and Greek churches others of an inferior degree, though as
to their number there appears to be a great diversity of sentiments.
Baronius asserts it to be five, viz., subdeacons, acolythists, exorcists,
readers, and ostarii, or doorkeepers ; others make them a much greater
number, including therein psalraistje, or singers, and the inferior officers
employed in and about the church. The duty of each may in general be
inferred from their names, except that of the acolytliists, which appears
to have been originally nothing more than to light the candles of the
church, and to attend the ministers with wine for the eucharist. Bishop
Hall has exhibited a very lively picture of an acolythist in the exercise
of his office in the following lines : —
' To see a lasie dumbe Acolithite
' Armed against a devout flyes despight
' Which ai th'hy altar doth the chalice vaile,
' With a broad flie-flappe of a peacocke's tayle,
' The whiles the likerous priest spits every trice
' With longing for his morning sacrifice.'
Virgidemiarum, edit. 1602, pag. 100.
And yet, notwithstanding the seeming insignificance of this order, we
meet with an endowment, perhaps the only one ever known in this
kingdom, at Arundel, in Sussex, for a master and twelve secular canons,
three deacons, three subdeacons, two acolites, seven choristers, two
sacrists, and other officers ; but it was suppressed at the time of tbe
general dissolution of other religious houses.
Jhap.
LX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
265
to ; and the same may be said of the duties of the
canons or prebendaries, the precentor, the chorists,
and other officers in all cathedral churches. One
very remarkable instance of that uniformity in
government, discipline, and practice, is that of the
episcopus puerorum, mentioned in a preceding chapter
of this volume, which is there shown to be common
to France and England, and probably prevailed
throughout the western church ; for the traces of
it are yet remaining in the reformed churches, as in
Holland, and many parts of Germany.
The rule of bestowing on minor canons, or vicars
choral, livings within a small distance of a cathedral
church, is generally observed by deans and their
chapters throughout this kingdom, and by those of
other countries.*
CHAP. LX.
Having treated thus largely of ecclesiastical, it
remains now to pursue the history of secular music,
and to give an account of the origin of such of the
instruments now in use as have not already been
spoken of. What kind of music, and more parti-
cularly what instruments were in use among the
common people", and served for the amusement of the
several classes of the laity before the year 1300, is
very difficult to discover : it appears however that so
early as the year 679, the bishops and other eccle-
siastics were used to be entertained at the places of
their ordinary residence with music ; and, as it
should seem, of the symphoniac kind ; and that by
women too, for in the Roman council, held on British
affairs anno 679, is the following decree : — 'We also
* ordain and decree that bishops, and all whosoever
' profess the religious life of the ecclesiastical order,
' do not use weapons, nor keep musicians of the
* In the tales of Bonaventure des Periers, valet de cliambre to Margaret
queen of Navarre, is the following pleasant story, which proves at least
that this was the usage in France : —
In the church of St. Hilary, at Poitiers, was a singing man with a very
fine counter-tenor voice ; he had served in the choir a long time, and
hegan to look to his chapter for preferment ; to this end he made frequent
applications to the canons severally, and received from them the most
favourable answers, and promises of the first benefice that should become
vacant, but when any fell he had the mortification to see some other
person preferred to it. Finding himself thus frequently disappointed, he
thought of an expedient to make his good masters the canons ashamed of
themselves ; he got together a few crowns, and afl^ecting still to court
them, invited them to a dinner at his house ; they accepted his invitation,
but, considering the slender circumstances of the man, sent in provisions
of their swn for the entertainment, which he received with seeming re-
luctance, but never.theless took care to have served up to them : in short,
he set before his guests a dish of an imcommon magnitude, containing
flesh, some salt and some fresh, fowl, some roast and some boiled, fish,
roots, pulse, herbs, and soups of all kinds ; in a word, all the provisions
that had been sent in. No man being able to eat of this strange mess,
each began to hope that his own provision would be set on the table, but
the singing man gave them to understand that all was before them ; and
perceiving their disgust, he thus addressed them: — ' My masters,' said
he, ' the dish that I proposed for your entertainment displeases ye, are
' not the ingredients good in their kind that compose it ? Are not capons,
'.are not pigeons and wild-fowl, are not trout, carp, and tench, are not
' soups, the richest that can be made, excellent food ? True, you say,
' they are so separately, but they are nauglit being mixed and jumbled
together. Even so are you my wortliy friends ; every one of ye
separately has for these ten years promised me his favour and patronage,
each has flattered me with the hopes of his assistance in procuring for
rpe such a benefice in the church, such a provision for the remainder of
my life, as my services in the choir intitle me to. What have ye done
for me in all this time ? and liow much better in your collective capacity
' are ye than this nauseous mi.\ture of viands which ye now despise 1 '
Here he ended his reproaches, and ordering the table to be covered with
such fare as was fit to entertain them with, they dined, and left him witji
an assurance that he should soon be provided for, which shortly after he
was, to his great satisfaction.
' Female sex, nor any musical concerts whatsoever ; f
' nor do allow of any buffooneries or plays in their
' presence. For the discipline of the holy church
' permits not her faithful priests to use any of these
'things, but charges them to be employed in divine
' offices, in making provision for the poor, and for
' the benefit of the church. Especially let lessons
' out of the divine oracles be always read for the
' edification of the churches, that the minds of the
' hearers may be fed with the divine word, even at
' the very time of their bodily repast.'
Of instruments in common use, it is indisputable
that the triangular harp is by far of the greatest
antiquity. Vincentio Galilei ascribes the inven-
tion of it to the Irish ; but Mr. Selden speaks of a
coin of Cunobeline, which he seems to have seen
with the figure on the reverse of Apollo with a
harp, J which at once shews it to have been in use
twenty-four years before the birth of Christ, and
furnishes some ground to suppose that it was first
constructed by those who were confessedly the most
expert in the use of it, the ancient British bards.
The above account of the harp leads to an enquiry
into the antiquity of another instrument, namely, the
Cruth or Crowth, formerly in common i;se in the
principality of Wales. In the Collectanea of Leland,
vol. V. pag. — amongst some Latin words, for which
the author gives the Saxon appellations, Liticen is
rendereil a Cruth,§
The instrument here spoken of is of the fidicinal
kind, somewhat resembling a violin, twenty -two
inches in length, and an inch and half in thickness.
It has six strings, supported by a bridge, and is
played on with a bow ; the bridge differs from that
of a violin in that it is flat, and not convex on the
top, a circumstance from which it is to be inferred
that the strings are to be struck at the same time, so
as to afford a succession of concords. The bridge is
not placed at right angles with the sides of the
instrument, but in an oblique direction ; and, which
is farther to be remarked, one of the feet of the
bridge goes through one of the sound holes, which
are circular, and rests on the inside of the back ; the
other foot, which is proportionably shorter, resting
on the belly before the other sound-hole.
Of the strings, the four first are conducted from
the bridge down the finger-board, as those of a violin,
but the fifth and sixth, which are about an inch
longer than the others, leave the small end of the
t Those of the clergy who entertained a real love for music, were by
this decree and a subsequent canon totally restrained from the practice of
it for their recreation ; the decree forbids social harmony ; and by the
fifty-eighth of king Edgar's canons, made anno 960, is an express charge,
'That no priest be a common rhymer, nor play on any musical instrument
'by himself or with any other men, but be wise and reverent as become
'his order.' Vide Johnson's Ecclesiastical Laws, tit. Canons made in
King Edgar's Reign. As to the decree of the concil of 679, above men-
tioned, it is confined to the singing of females at private meetings ; but
it seems that before that time girls were used to sing in the churches ;
for by a canon of a council held in France anno 614, it is expressly
forbidden.
I Notes on Drayton's Polyolbion, Song VI.
§ Carpentier, in his Stipplement to the Glossary of Du Cange, lately
putilished, gives the word Lituicenes, which he explains, players on wind
instruments. This appellative is not formed of Liticen, but of Lituus,
which is a wind instrument, and therefore he is right. Walther, in his
Musical Lexicon, for Lituus gives Tubara curvam, and supposes it to
mean the Chalameau, which see in Mersennus ; but more probably it is
the cornet, to which the Lituus of the Jews in Kircher bears a near
resemblance.
266
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book Vll.
neck about an inch to the right. The whole six are
wound up either by wooden pegs in the form of the
letter T, or by iron pins, which are turned with
a wrest like those of a harp or spinnet. The figure,
together with the tuning of this singular instrument,
is here given : —
Tuning of the Cruth.
:P2;
:t-
W=^3'
A A The apertures for the hand.
BB The strings conducted under
the end board.
c c The pegs.
d d The sound-holes.
Of the tuning it is to be remarked that the sixth
and fifth strings are the unison and octave of G, the
fourth and third the same of C, and the second and
first the same of D ; so that the second pair of strings
are a fourth, and the third a fifth to the first.
Touching the antiquity of the cruth, it must be
confessed there is but little written evidence to carry
it farther back than to the time of Leland; never-
theless the opinion of its high antiquity is so strong
among the inhabitants of the country where it is
used, as to afford a probable ground of conjecture
that the cruth might be the prototype of the whole
fidicinal species of musical instruments.
Another kind of evidence of its antiquity, but
which tends also to prove that the cruth was not
peculiar to Wales, arises from a discovery lately
made, and communicated to the Society of Anti-
quarians, respecting the abbey church of Melross in
Scotland, supposed to have been built about the time
of Edward II. It seems that among the outside
ornaments of that church, there is the figure of the
instrument now under consideration very little dif-
ferent from the representation above given of it.
The word Cruth is pronounced in English crowth,
and corruptl)^ crowd : a player on the cruth was
called a Crowther or Crowder, and so also is a com-
mon fiddler to this day; and hence undoubtedly Crow-
ther or Crowder, a common surname.
Butler, with his usual humour, has characterized
a common fiddler, and given him the name of Crow-
dero, in the following passage : —
I'th' head of all this warlike rabble,
Crowdero march'd, expert and able.
Instead of trumpet and of drum.
That makes the warrior's stomach come,
Whose noise whets valour sharp, Hke beer
By thunder turn'd to vinegar ;
(For if a trumpet sound, or drum beat,
Who has not a month's nnud to combat?)
A squeaking engine he apply'd
Unto his neck, on north east side,
Just where the hangman does dispose,
To special friends, the knot or noose :
For 'tis great grace, when statesmen straight
Dispatch a friend, let others wait.
His warped ear hung o'er the strings,
Which was but souse to cliitterlings ;
For guts, some write, ere they are sodden,
Are fit for musick, or for pudden :
From whence men borrow ev'ry kind
Of minstrelsy, by string or wind.
His grisly beard was long and thick,
With which he strung his fiddle-stick.
For he to horse-tail scorn 'd to owe,
For what on his own chin did grow.
Hud. part I. canto II. v. 105.
Upon which passage it may be questioned why
the poet has chose to make the North-East side the
position of the instrument ; the answer may be this :
that of the four cardinal points the east is the prin-
cipal, it being from thence that tlie day first appears ;
supposing then the face to be turned to the east, and
in such a case as this, Cfeteris paribus, any circum-
stance is a motive for preference, the left is the north
side, and in this situation the instrument being ap-
plied to the neck, will have a north-east direction.
The instrument above spoken of is now so little
used in Wales, that there is at present but one person
in the whole principality who can play on it, his
name is John Morgan, of Newburgh, in the island
of Anglesey ; and, as he is now near sixty years of
age, there is reason to fear the succession of per-
formers on the cruth is nearly at an end.
The period which has l)een filled up with the
account of the ancient jougleours, violars, and min-
strels, and more especially the extracts from Chaucer,
and other old poets, furnish the names of sundry
other instruments, as namely, the Lute, the Getron
or Cittern, the Flute, the Fiddle, and the Cornamusa,
or Bagpipe, which it is certain were all known, and
in common use before the year 1400.
The book herein before cited by the title of Bar-
tholomasus de Proprietatibus Rerum, furnishes the
names of sundry other instruments, with a description
of their several forms and uses, and contains besides,
a brief discourse on the science of music in general.
As translated into English by Trevisa, it is, for many
reasons to be looked on as a great curiosity ; for not
to mention the great variety of learning contained in
it, the language, style, and sentiment are such, as ren-
der it to a very great degree instructive and enter-
taining. Numberless words and plirases, not taken
notice of by any of our lexicographers, and which
are now either become totally obsolete, or are retained
only in particular parts of this kingdom, are here to
be met with, the knowledge whereof would greatly
facilitate the understanding of the earlier writers.
In short, to speak of the translation of Bartholomasus
by Trevisa, it is a work that merits the attention of
every lover of antiquity, every proficient in English
literature. The latter part of the nineteen tli and
last book is wholly on music, and is unquestionably
the most ancient treatise on the subject in the English
language extant in print. The latter of these reasons
would alone justify the insertion of it in this place.
Chap. LX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
267
A short account of Bartholomaeus, and of this his
work, together with some extracts from it, has been
given in a foregoing chapter : here follows the proem
to it, a singular specimen of old English poetry : —
Eternal lawde to God, gretfft of myght
Be hertely yeue of euery creature,
Whyche of his goodnefTe fendyth grace
To fondry folke as blefTyd auenture,
Whofe fpyryte of counfell comforteth full fure,
All fuche as lufte to feelce for fapience,
And makyth them wyfe by grete intelligence.
As thus where men full naturally defire
Of fundry thynges and meruels for to knowe,
Of erthe, of ayre, of water, and of fire,
Of erbe and tree whych groweth both hyge and lowe,
And other thynges as nature hath them lowe,
Of thyfe the knowlege comyth by Goddis grace,
And of all thynge that reafon may them brace.
Whan I beholde the thynges naturall,
G.idryd by grace fent from the Holy Ghoft,
Briefly compyled in bokes fpecyall.
As Bartholomewe fheweth and eke declayryth moft,
Than I rejoyce, remembrynge euery cofte,
How fome countree hath grete commodite,
Some rote, fome frute, fome ftoon of hyghe degree.
Prayfed be God, which hath fo well enduyd
The auftor wyth grace de Proprietatibus
To fe fo many naturall thynges renewd,
Whych in his boke he hath compyled thus,
Where thrugh by redynge we may comforte us,
And wyth conceytes dyuers fede our mynde,
As bokes empryntid fliewyth ryght as we fynde.
By Wyken de Worde, which ttirugh his dyligence
Emprentyd hath at prayer and defyre
Of Roger Thorney, mercer, and from thens
This mocion fprange to fette the hertes on fyre
Of fuche a loue to rede in euery fhire,
Dyuers maters in voydynge ydylnefle,
Eyke as this boke hath fliewed to you expreffe.
And many an other wonderful conceyte
Shewyth Bartholowe de Proprietatibus ,
Whyche befyed hymfelfe to take the fwete receyte
Of holfom cunnynge, his tyme difpendynge thus,
Geuynge example ot vertue gloryous,
Bokes to cherysfh, and make in fondry wife
Vertue to folowe and idleneffe to difpyfe.
For in this worlde, to rekon euery thynge
Plefure to man there is none comparable.
As is to rede and underftondynge
In bokes of wyfdome they ben lo delegable,
Whiche fowne to vertue and ben profytable ;
And all that loue fuche vertue ben full glade
Bokes to renewe and caufe theym to be made.
And alfo of your charyte call to remembraunce
The foul of William Caxton, firft prynter of this boke
In Laten tonge at Coleyn hymfelf to auaunce
That euery well difpoiyd man may thereon loke ;
And John Tate the yonger joye mote he broke
Whiche late hathe in Englonde doo make this paper thynne
That now in our Englyfli this boke is printed inne.
That yong and olde thrugh plente may reioyfe
To gyue theym felf to good occupacion,
And ben experte as Ihewyth the comyn voyce,
To voyde alle vyce and defamacyon,
For idylnefle all vertue put adowne.
Than rede and ftudie in bokes vertuoufe,
So {hall thy name in heuen be glorioufe.
For yf one thyng myght laft a M, yere,
Full fone comyth aege that frettyth ail away j
But like as Phebus wyth hys hemes ciere
The mone repeyreth as bryght as ony day.
Whan (he is waftyd ryght fo may we fay
Thife bokes old and blinde, whan we renewe
By goodly pryntyng they ben bryht of hewe.
Then all that caufe the good contynuaunce.
And helpe fuche werke in furtheryng to their mizt
Ben to be fette in good remembraunce,
For fuche deferue reward of God all myght,
They put asyde both wyked thought and iyght,
And caufe full often ryghte good gouernaunce,
Wrouten whyche fynne wold hym felf auaunce.
Now gloryous God that regneft one in thre,
And thre in one, graunt vertue myght and grace
Unto the prynter of this werke, that he
May be rewarded in thy heavenly place ;
And whan the worlde ihall come before thy fice.
There to receyve according to defert
Of grace and mercy make hym then expert.
Batman, who, as is above said, in 1582 published
an edition of the book De Proprietatibus Rerum,
took great liberties with Trevisa's translation, by
accommodating the language of it to his own time,
a very unwarrantable practice in the editor of any
ancient book ; he may however be said in some res-
pects to have made amends for this his error, by the
additions of his own which he has occasionally made
to several sections of his author. Here follows that
part of the nineteenth book above referred to, taken
verbatim fi'om the edition of Wynken de Worde, with
the additions of Stephen Batman, distinguished as
they occur: —
De Mufica.
*As arte of nombres and mefures feruyth to diuinite,
* fo doth rhe arte of melody for mufyk ; by the whyche
* accorde and melody is knowe in fowne, and in fonge
' is nedeful to know myftyk meanynge of holy writte ;
' for it is fayd that the worlde is compownyd and made
' in a certayne and proporcion of armeny, as 7'j'yder*
' fayth libra tertio.
' And it is faid that heuen gooth aboute wyth confo-
' nancye and acorde of melody. For mufyk meuyth
' affeccions, and excyteth the wyttes to dyuerfe difpo-
* fycyons. Alfo in bataylle the noyfe of the trompc
' comfortyth werryours, and the more ftronge that the
' trompynge is, the more ftronge and bolde men ben to
* fyghte : and comfortyth fhypmen to fuflre alle the
* dyfeafes and trauelle. And comforte of voys pleafyth
* and comfortyth the hert, and inwyttes in all dyfeafe
* and traueylle of werks and werynefTc. And mufyk
' abatyth mayftry of euyl fpyrytes in mankynde, as we
' rede of Dauid that delyueied Saul of an unclene fpy-
* ryte by crafte of melodye. And mufyk excyteth and
* comfortyth beftis and fcrpen'es, foules and delph'nes
* to take hede therto ; and (o veynes and fynewes of
' the body and puis therof ; and fo all the lymmnes of
' the body ben focied togyder by vertue of armenye as
* Ifider fayth. Of Mufyk ben thre partyes, Armonica,
* Rethmica, and Metiica. Armonica dyftyngueth grete
' and fmalle in fownes, and hyghe and lowe, and pro-
' porcyonall chaungyng of voys and of fowne. And
* Armenia is fwete accorde of fonge, and cometh of
* due proporcyon in dyuerfe voyces, other blaftes towoh-
* ynge and fmytynge fownes : for, as Ifider fayth, fowne
' comyth of voys, as of mouthe and jowes ; other of
* blafte, as of trompes and pypes ; other of touchinge
* and fmytynge of cymbale and harpe ; and other
f fuche that fowneth wyth fmytynge and ftrokes.
♦ Isidore, bishop of Sevil.
268
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VII.
* Voys comyth to one accorde, as Hugucyon* fayth,
' for in all melodye nedyth many voys, other fownes,
* and that accordyng ; for one voys pleafyth not fo
* moche as the voys and fonge of the Gnokkcn, andf yf
* many dyfcordith, the voys plefith not ; for of fuche
' dyfcorde comyth not fonge, but howlynge other
' yellynge ; but in many voyces accordynge in one is
* proporcyon of armony and melodye other fvvete
' lymphonia. And fo Ifyder fayth that fymphonia is
' temperate modulacyon, accordynge in fownes highe
' and lowe. And by this armony hyghe voys accor-
' dy th, fo that yf one difcordy th it greueth the herynge ;
* and fuche accordynge of voys hyghte Euphonia, that is
' fwetneffe of voys, and hyghte alfo Melodya, and hath
' that name of fwetnelTe and of Mel, that is Honey ;
' and the contrary is called Dyaphonia, fowle voys and
' dyfcordyng. To make melodye of armony nedyth
* diaftema, diefis, tonus, iperludius, podorius, arfis,
' thefis, and fwete voys and temperate fowne. Diaf-
* tema is a couenable fpace of two voyces, other of
' moo, acordynge. Diefis is the {pace and doynge of
* melodye, and chaungynge out of one fowne in to
* another. Tonus is the fharpnefle of voys, and is
' difference and quantitie of armony, and ftandyth in
* accent and tenor of voys. And muficyons maketh
* thereof fyftene partyes. Iperludius is the laile thereof
' and mooft fharpeft ; and Podorius is mooft heavy of
' alle, as Ifyder fayth. Arfis is rerynge of voys, and is
' the beginning of fonge. Thefts is fettynge, and is the
' ende, as Ifyder fayth ; and fo fonge is the bendynge of
' the voys, for fome paffeth ftreighte, as he fayth, and
* is to fore fonge. And euery uoys is fowne, and not
' ayen warde ; for fowne is the objefte of herynge, for
' all that is perceyued by herynge is called fowne, as
' breking of trees, fmytyng togyder of ftones, hurlynge
* and rufhyng of wanes and of wynde, chytterynge of
' byrdes, lowynge of beeftys, voys and gronynge of
' men, and fmytynge of organes. And a voys is
' properly the fowne that comyth of the mouthe of
' a beeft ; and fowne comyth of ayre fmytte ayenft an
' harde body ; and the fmytynge is fooner feen than the
' fowne is herde, and the lyghtnyng is fooner feen than
' the thondre is herde. A voys is mooft thyne ayre,
* fmytte wyth the wrefte of the tongue ; and fome voys
* fygnyfyeth and tokenyth by kynde, as chytterynge of
' byrdes and gronyng of fyke men. And fome tokenyth
' at wylle, as the voys of a man that is ordeyned, and
* there fhape by heile of reafon to telle out certain
' wordes. The voys berith forthe the worde, and the
* worde that is in the thoughte maye not come oute
' but by helpe of the voys that it oute bryngeth. And
* fo fyril the inwytte gendrith a worde in the thoughte,
' and puttyth it afterwarde out at the mouthe by the
* voyce ; and fo the worde that is gendryd and con-
* teyned by inwytte, comyth oute by the voys as it
* were by an inllrumcntc, and is knowe. The voyce
' that is dyfpofyd to fonge and melodye hath thife
•proprytees, as Ifyder fayth. Voyces he fayth ben
* Supposed to be Hugotio, duke of Pisan, in Greece; surnamed
Flasiiolanus, from his beins a scourge to the Florentines. He flourished
about 1320, and was a man of letters, but his writings are not known.
Batni.
t CuckQe. Batm.
fmalle, fubtill, thicke, clere, fharpe, and fhylle. In
fubtyll voys the fpyryte is not i1:rong, as in chyldren
and in wymmen ; and in other that haue not grete
fynews, flronge and thycke ; for of fmalle flrynges
comyth fmalle voys and iubryll. The voyces ben
fatte and thyck whan moche fpyryte comyth out, as
the voys of a man. The voys is clere that fownyth
well, and ryngeth wythout any hollowneffe. Sharpe
voyces ben full hyghe, fhylle voyces ben lowde, and
drawth a longe, and fylleth foone all the place, as the
noyce of trumpes. The harde voys is hofe, and alfo
the harde voys is grymme and gryfely whan the fowne
therof is vyolente, and as the fowne of thondre, and
of a felde bete with grete malles. The rough voys is
hofe and fparplyd by fmalle, and is ftuffyd and dureth
not longe, as the ibwne of erthen veffell. Voys
uniuolentaX is nesfhe\ and plyaunt. That name uni-
uolenta, oi Viuo,\\ that is a lytyll belle nesfhly bende.
The perfyghte voys is hyghe, fwete, and flronge and
clere ; hyghe to be well herde, clere to fylle the eeres ;
fwete to pleyfe, and not to fere the herynge, and to
comfort the hertes to take hede thereto. Yf ought
herof fayleth, the voys is not perfyghte, as Tfyder
fayth. Here ouer is armonia of organes, that comyth
of blafle whan certayn inftrumentes ben craftely made
and duly blowe, and yeuyth by quantyte of the blaile
craftly, dyuers by dyuerfite of organes and inftru-
mentes, as it fareth of organes, trompes, and pipes,
and other fuche that yeuyth dyuerfe fownes and noyce.
Organum is a generall name of all inftrumentes of
mufyk, and is nethelefTe fpecyally a propryte to the
inltrument that is made of many pipes, and blowe
wyth belowes. And now holy chyrche ufeth oonly
this inftrument of mufyk, in profes, fequences, and
ympnes ; and forfakyth for men's ufe of mynftralfye
all other inftrumentes of mufyk. ^
* The 'Turenes founde fyrfle the trompe. Virgil
fpekyth of them, and fayth that the voys of the
trompe of Turene lowyth in the ayre.** Men in olde
tyme ufyd trompes in battayle to fere and afiraye
theyr enmyes, and to comforte theyre owne knyghtes
and fyghtynge men ; and to comforte horfe of werre
to fyghte and to refe and fmyte in the batayle ; and
tokenyth worfhip wyth vyftory in the fyghtynge,
and to call them ayen that begyn to fle. And ufyd
alfo trompettes in feeftys to call the people togider,
and for befmeffe in prayfynge of God. And for
cryenge of welthe of joye the Hebrewes were
commaunded to blowe trompettes in batayle, in the
bcgynnynge of the newe mone, and to crye and
warne the comynge of the Jubile, the yere of grace
with noyce of trompes, and to crye and refte to all
men. As Ifyder fayth libra xviii.^
' A trompe is properly an inftrument ordeyned for
men that fyghteth in batayle, to crye and to warne
of the fygnes of batayle. And where the cryers
voys maye not be herde for noyfe, the noyfe of the
trompe fholde be herde and knowen. And Tuba
hath that name as it were To^/^, that is holowe
t Vinolenta. Batm. § Soft. Batm. || Vino. Batm.
IT Addition of Batman. 'Or is for his loudnesse neerest agreeing to
the voyce of man.'
** 'Tirren'jsyue tubse mugire per a;thcra claugo^.'
Chap. LX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
209
' wythin, and full fmothe for to take the more brethe,
* and is rounde wythout, and ftreyghte atte the tromp-
' ers mouth, and brode and large at the other ende ;
' and the tromper with his honde putteth it to his
' mouth, and the trompe is rulyd upwarde and down-
' warde, and holde forth ryght ; and is dyuerfe of
' noyfe, as Tfyder fayth. For it is fomtime blowe to
' araye bataylles, and fomtyme for that bataylles fholde
' fmyte togyder, and fometyme for tlie chafe, and to
' take men in to the hofte.
De Buccina.
' Buccina hath the name as it were vociva parua,
' and is a trompe of home, of tree, eyther of braffe,
' and was blowen ayenft enmyes in old tyme ; for as
' Ijyder fayth, libra decimo odavo, the wylde Patief?is
' were fomtyme gaderyd to al manere doynge wyth
' the blowynge of fuche a manere trompe, and foo
* Buccina was properly a token to wylde men. Perfius
' fpekyth herof, and iayth that Buccina made the olde
' ^juyrites araye themfelft, namely, in armoure. The
' voys of fuche a trompe, hyght Buccinium as he fayth,
' and the Hebrewes ufed trompes of home, namely in
' Kalendus, in remembraunce of the delyueraunce of
' Yjaac, whanne an hornyd wetther was offryd and
' made oblacion of in his ftede, as the Gloc* fayth
' fuper Genefis.\
De Tibia.
* Tibia is a pype, and hath that name for it was
* fyrfte made of legges of hartes, yonge and olde, as
' men trowe ; and the noyfe of pypes was called Other,
' as Hugucion fayth. This name Tibia corny th of
' Tibium, that is a rufhe, other a rede, and therof
' comyth this name Tibicen a pype. And was fom-
* tyme an initrument of doole and lamentacyon, whyche
' men dyde ufe in office and fepultures of deed men, as.
' the Gloc. fayth fuper Math. ix. and thereby the fonge
* was fonge of doole and of lamentacyon.
De Calamo.
' Calamus hath that name of thys worde Calando,
'fowning; and is the generall name of pypes. A pype
' hyghte Fiftula, for voyce comyth therof. For voyce
* hyghte FesX in Grezve,\ and fend, IJlola\\ in Grewe.
' And foo the pype hyghte Fiftula, as it \NtvQ fendyng
' oute voyce other fowne. Hunters ufeth tjiis inilru-
' ment, for hartes louyth the noyfe therof.- But whyle
' the harte taketh hede and likynge in the pypynge of
' an hunter, another hunter whyche he hath no know-
' lege of, comyth and fhoteth at the harte and fleeth
' hym. Pypyng begyleth byrdes and foules, therefore
' it is fayd "the pype fyngeth fvvetcly whyle the fowler
' begyleth the byrde."1I And fhepe louyth pypynge,
' therfore fhepeherdes ufyth pipes whan they walk wyth
' theyr fhepe. Therefore one whyche was callyd Pan
' was callyd God of hirdes, for he joyned dyverfe redes,
' and arayed them to fonge flyghly and craftely. Virgil
* i. e. The gloss or commentary.
t Batman, in a note on the trompe and buccina, says that the warnings
in battle were ' tlie Onset, the Alarum, and Retrate,' and adds, 'Some
' used the gieate wilke shell in stued of a trumpet, some homes of
' beastes, and some the thigh bones of a man, as do the Indians. In
' civil discords the flute, the fieft, and the cornet, made winding like the
' rammes home.'
t Fos. Batm. § i e. Greek. || Stolia. Batm.
•I ' Fistula dulce canit, volucrem dum decipit auceps.' Caton. Dist.
lib. I.
' fpekyth therof, and fayth that Pan ordeyned fyrft to
'join [in one home]** Pan hath cure of Ihepe and ot
' fhepherdes. And the fame inftrument of pypes hyghte
' Pan donum, for Pan was fynder therof as Tfyder fayth.
' And wyth pipes watchynge men pleyfeth fuche men
' as reftyth in beddes, and makyth theym flepe the
' fooner and more fwetly by melodye of pypes. -ff
De Sambuca.
' Sambuca is the Ellerne tree brotyll, and the bowes
' therof ben holowe, and voyde and fmothe ; and of
' thofe fame bowes ben pipes made, and alfo fome
' maner fymphony, as Tfyder fayth.
De Symphonia.
' The Syjnphonye is an inftrument of mufyke, and is
' made of an holowe tree, clofyd in lether in eyther
' fyde, and mynftralles betyth it wyth ftyckes ; and by
' accorde of hyghe and lowe therof comyth full fwete
' notes, as IfyJer fayth. Neuerthelelfe the accorde ot
' all fownes hyghte Symphonia, is lyke wile as the
' accorde of dyuerfe voys hyghte Chorus, as the Gloc.
' fayth fuper Luc.
De Armonya.
' Armonya Rithifiica is a fownynge melodye, and
' comyth of fmyttyng of ftrynges, and of tynklyng
' other ryngynge of metalle. And dyuerfe inftrumentes
' leruyth to this manere armonye, as Tabour, and Tjm-
' bre, Harpe, and Sawtry, and Nakyres, and alfo Sijirum.
De Tympano.
* Tympanum is layed ftreyghte to the tree in the one
' fide, and half a tabour other halfe a fymphony, and
' fhape as a fyfue, JJ and beten wyth a ftycke ; ryght as
' a tabour, as Ifyder' fayth, and maketh the better
' melody yf there is a pype therwyth.
De Cithara.
' The harpe hyghte Cithara, and was fyrft founde
' of AppoUin, as the Grekes wene ; and the harpe is
' like to a mannys brefte, for lyke wyfe as the voyce
' comyth of the brefte, foo the notes cometh of the
' harpe, and hath therfore that name Cithara, for the
' brefte is callyed Thorica ihicariuz. And afterwarde
' fome and fome,§§ came forth many manere inftru-
' mentes therof, and hadde that name Cithara, as the
' harpe, and fawtry, and other fuche.
' And fome ben foure cornerde, and fome thre
' cornerde ; the ftrynges ben many, and fpecyall
' manere therof is dyuerfe.
' Men in olde tyme callyd the harpe Fidicula, and
'alfo Fidicen, for the ftrynges therof accordyth as well
' as fome men accordyth in Fey.|||| And the harpe had
' feuen ftrynges, and foo Virgil fayth libra feptimo. Of
* fowne ben feuen Difcrifnina^V^ of voys, and ben as the
** 'With wax manye pipes in one.' Batm. on the authority of this
passage : ' Pan primos calamos cera conjungere plures.
tt Addition of Batman. ' Pan, called the god of shepheardes: he is
' thought to be Demogorgon's son, and is thus described ; in his forehead
■he hath homes like the sunbeames. a long beard, his face red like the
' deer air ; in his brest the star Nebris, the nether part of his body rough,
'his feet like a goate, and alway is imagined to laugh. He was wor-
' shipped, especiallye in Arcadia. 'When there grew betwi.xt Phaebus and
' Pan a contention whether of them two should be judged the best
' musition ; Midas preferring the bagpipe, not respectmg better skill, was
' given for his reward a pair of asse eares.'
\X i. e. A sieve. §§ At different times. || i| Faith.
HU ' Septera sunt soni, septem discrimina vocum.'
270
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE.
Book YII.
* nexte flrynge therto. And ftrynges ben leuen, for
' the fulleth alle the note. Other for heuen fownyth
' in feuen meuyngs. A ftrynge hyghte Cor da, and
* hathe the fame name of corde the herte ; for as the
* puis of the herte is in the brefte, foo the puis of the
* ilrynges is in the harpe. Mercurius founde up fyrfte
' fuche ftrynges, for he ftrenyd fyrfte ftrynges, and
* made them to fovvne, as Tfyder fayth.
' The more drye the ftrynges ben ftreyned the more
* they fowne. And the wrefte hyghte Plectrum.
De Pfdterio.
' The Sawtry highte Pjnlterium, and hath that name
* of PJaliendo, fyngynge ; for the confonant anfweryth
* to the note therof in fyngynge. The harpe is lyke to
' the fawtry in fowne. But this is the dyuerfytee and
' difcorde bytwene the harpe and the fawtry ; in the
' fawtry is an holowe tree, and of that fame tree the
* fowne comyth upwarde, and the ftrynges ben fmytte
* dounwarde, and fownyth upwarde ; and in the harpe
* the holowneffe of the tre is bynethe. The Hebrezves
'callyth the fawtry Decacordes, an inftrument hauinge
* ten ftringes, by numbre of the ten heftes or com-
' maundementes. Stringes for the fawtry ben befte
* made of laton, or elles thofe ben goode that ben
* made of fyluer.
De Lira.
* Lira hath that name of dyuerfytee of fowne ; for
* the Lira geueth dyuerfe fownes, as Ifyder fayth. And
* fome people fuppofe that Mercurius fyrfte founde up
* this inftrument Lira in this wife. The river Nylus
' was flowen and aryfen, and afterward was aualyd
* and wythdrawen ayen in to his propre channelle.
' And lefte in the felde many dyuerfe beeftys, and alfo
* a fnaylle ; and whan the fnaylle was roftyd the
' fynewes left, and were ftreyned in the fnaylles houfe.
' And Mercurius fmote the fynewes, and of theym came
' a fowne. And Mercurius made a Lira to the lyknefle
* of the fnaylles houfe, and gave the fame Lira to one
* that was namyd Orpheus, whiche was mooft befy
' abowtte fuch thinges ; and fo it was fayd that by the
' fame crafte, not oonly wylde beeftys drewe to fonge
' and melodye, but moreouer ftones and alfo wodes.
' And fyngers in fables don meane that thys forfayd
' inftrument Lira is fette amonge fterres for loue of
' ftudy and prayfynge of fong, as Ifyder fayth.
De Cymbalis.
' Cymbales ben inftrumentes of mufyk, and ben fmytte
* togider, and fowneth and ryngeth.*
De Sijiro.
* Sijlrum is an inftrument of mufyk, and hath the
' name of a lady that firfte brought it up ; for it is
' proued that IJis, quene of Eg'^pte, was the firft fynder
' of Sijlrum : and Juuenalis fpekyth therof and fayth,
* IJis et irato Jeriat mea lumina fijtro. And wymmen
* ufyth this inftrument, for a woman was the fyrfte
* fynder therof. Therfore among the Amaxones the
* hofte of wymmen is callyd to bataylle with the
' inftrument SiJ}rum.\
* Addition of Batman. ' Compassed like a hoope ; on the upper com-
passe, under a certain holownes han^eth halfe bells five or seaven.
+ Addition of Batman. 'An instrument like a horn, used in battaile
' in&teeU of a trumpet, also a brazen timbrell.'
De Tintinabulo.
' Tintinabuluz is a belle, other at Ca?npernole ; and
■ hath the name of Tiniendo, tynklynge or ryngynge.
• A belle hathe this propryte, that whyle he prouffyteth
■ to other in fowninge, he is waftyd ofte by fmytynge.
■ Thyfe inftrumentes, and many other feruyth to mufyk
■ that treatyth of voyfe and of fownes, and knoweth
■ neuerthelefle dyfpofycyon of kyndly thynges, and pro-
■ porcyon of nombres, as Boicius fayth ; and fettyth
' enfample of the nombre of twelue in comparyfon to
fyxe, and to other nombres that ben bytwene, and
■ fayth in this wyfe. Here we fyndeth all the accordes
of mufyk, from eyghte to 'iyyiz, nyne to twelue, makyth
the proporcyon Sejquitercia, and makyth togydre the
' confonancy Dynpente ; and twelue to {yx^ makyth
■ dowble proporcyon, and fyngyth the accorde Dia-
pajon. Eyghte to nyne in comparyfon ben meane,
and makyth Epogdonus, whych is callyd Tonus in
melody of mufyk, and is comin mefure of alle the
fownes. And foo it is too underftonde that bytwene
DyateJJeron and Dyape?ite tonus is dyuerfyte of ac-
■ cordes ; as bytwene the proporcyons Sexquitercia and
' Sexquialtera oonly Epogdolis is dyuerfyte, hue ujque
■ Boicius i7i Jecundo ArJmetriceX capitulo ultimo.
' And the melodye of mufyk is nempnyd and callyd
■ by names of the nombres. DyateJJeron, Dyapente,
' and Dyapajon haue names of the nombres whyche
' precedeth and gooth tofore in the begynnynge of
thofe fayd names. And the proporcyon of theyr
fownes is founde and had in thofe fame nombres, and
is not founde, nother had, in none other nombres.
* For ye fhall underftonde that the fowne and the
accorde in Diapajon, is of proporcyon of the dowble
nombre ; and the melodye of DyateJJ'raon dooth come
of Epitrica collimie that is Sexquitercia proporcio,
*******
^/idjit numerus Jejquialterus.
* The nombre Sexquialterus conteyneth other halfe
' the lefle nombre, as thre conteyneth tweyne and the
halfe deale of two, that is one : fo nyne conteyneth
fyxe and the halfe deale, that is thre. And fo twelue
to eyghte, and fyftene to ten, and fo of other. Thife
■ wordes ben in themfelfe dcepe and full myftyk, derk
■ to underftondynge. But to them that ben wyfe and
■ cunnyng in arfmetrik and in mufyk, they ben more
■ clerer tlian moche lyghte ; and ben derke and alle un-
■ knowen to them whyche ben uncunnynge, and haue
■ no ufage in arfmetrik. Therfore he that woll knowe
■ the forfayde wordes and proporcyons of nombres of
■ voys and fownes, fhall not dyfpyfe to afke counfeylle,
■ and to defyre to haue knowlege by thofe whyche ben
' wyfer, and that haue more cunnyng in gemetry and
' mufyk. And IJyder fayth that in termes and figures
' and accordes of mufyk is fo grete, that the felfe man
' rtondeth not perfyghte there withoute, for perfyghte
' mufyk comprehendyth alle thynges. Alio reuolue and
' confydre herof in thy minde, that mufyk and armonye
' unyeth and accordyth dyuerfe thynges and contrary ;
* and makyth the hye fowne to accorde wyth the lowe,
•and the lowe wyth the hyghe : and accordyth con-
X Arithmetic.
Chap. LXT.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
271
' trary wylles and defyres, and refreynyith and abatyth
' iniencyons and thoughtes, and amendyth and com-
' fortyth feble wyttes of felyugc, and cryeth namely,
' and warnyth us of the unytee of the exemplar of
' God in contrary werkynges ; and dyuerfly mani-
' felleth and fheweth that erthly thynges may be joyned
' in accorde to heuenly thynges; and caufeth and maketh
* gladde and joyful hertes, more gladde and joyful, and
* fory hertes and elenge, more fory and elenge : for as
' Anflin fayth by a preuy and fecrete lykneflb of pro-
' pryte of the foule and of armonye, melodye con-
' fourmyth itfelfe to the affeccyons and defires of the
' foule. And therfore audlores meanyth that inftru-
' mentes of mufyk makyth the gladde more gladde,
' and the fory more fory. Loke other proprytees of
* armonye tofore in this fame boke, whereas other
' wordes of Ifyder ben rehercyd and fpoken of.'
To this brief but very curious discourse of Bar-
tholomaeus, his editor Batman has added a supple-
ment, containing his own sentiments and those of
sundry other writers on the subject. This supple-
ment may be considered as a commentary on his
author, but is too long to be here inserted.
CHAP. LXI.
The foregoing extract may well be considered as a
supplement to the several tracts contained in the
Cotton manuscript and that of Walthara Holy Cross,
of the contents whereof a copious relation has herein
before been given ; forasmuch as these treat in gene-
ral on the nature of the consonances, the rudiments
of song, the Cantus Gregorianus, and its application
to the choral offices, the Cantus Mensurabilis, and the
precepts of extemporary descant, and this of Bartho-
lomasus contains such a particular account of the
various instruments in use at the time of writing it,
which, to mention it again, was about the year 1366,
as it would be in vain to seek for in any manuscript
or printed book of equal antiquity, as yet known to
be extant.
It is true that in the account which he has given
of the inventors of the several instruments described
by him, Bartholonifeus seems to have founded his
opinion on vulgar tradition ; and indeesi in some
respects he is contradicted by authors whose good
fortune it was to live in more enlightened times, and
from whose testimony there can lie no appeal. But
rejecting his relation as fabulous in tliis respect,
enough will be left in this little work of his to engage
the attention of a curious enquirer into the history
and progress of music ; as it is from such accounts
as this alone that we are enabled to form an estimate
of tlie state of musical practice at any given period.
The several descriptions given by this author of
the ancient trumpet made of a Horn, or of a Tree ;
of the Tibia, formed of the leg-bone of a hart ; as also
of the Fistula, seem to refer to the practice of the
Hebrews and ancient (Greeks ; but nothing can be
less artificial than the Sambuca, a kind of pipe, made,
as he relates, of the branch of an Elder Tree ; or that
other instrument described by him in the chapter De
Symphonia, made of an 'holowetree, closyd in lether
' in eyther syde, whych mynstralles betyth wyth
' styckes ;' or of the Tympanum, ' layed streyghte to
' the tree, in shape as a syve, having halfe a tabour
' and halfe a symphony ; ' and which ' being betcn
' with a stycke, makyth the better melodic yf there is
' a pype therwyth.'
These, and other particulars remarkable in the
above-mentioned tract of Bartholomaius, bespeak, as
strongly as words can do, the very low and abject
state of instrumental music in his time ; and were it
not for the proofs contained in other authors, that the
organ, the harp, the lute, and other instruments of a
more elegant structure were in use at that time, would
induce a suspicion that instrumental music was then
scarcely known. But to what degrees of improvement
these rude essays towards the establishment of an
instrumental practice were carried in the space of
about fourscore years, may be collected from the Liber
Niger Domus Regis, before cited, in which is con-
tained an account of the several musicians retained by
Edward IV. as well for his private amusement, as for
the service of his chapel, with their duties. Batman,
in the additions made by him, seems to have dis-
charged, as far as he was able, the duty of a commen-
tator : and. has given such on eulogiura on the science
of music as might be expected from a man of great
reading and little skill, and such the author appears
to have been. The account of the household establish-
ment of Edward IV. above-mentioned, is contained
in the following words : —
' MiNSTRELLEs thlrtcene, thereof one is virger, which
' directeth them all festy vail dayes in their statyones of
' blowings and pypyngs to such ofFyces as the ofRceres
' might be warned to prepare for the king's meats and
' soupers ; to be more redyere in all services and due
' tyme ; and all thes sytyng in the hall together, whereof
' some be tronipets, some with the shalines and smalle
' pypes, and some are strange niene coming to this court
' at fy ve feastes of the year, and then take their wages of
' houshold after iiij. d. ob. by daye, after as they have
' byne presente in courte,* and then to avoyd aftere the
' next morrowe aftere the feaste, besydes theare other re-
' wards yearly in the king's exchequer, and clolhinge
' with the liouseliolde, wintere and somere for eiche of
' them xxs., and they take nightelye amongeste them all
' iiij galanes ale ; and for wintere seasone thre candles
' waxe, vj candles pich, iiij talesheids;t lodging suffy-
' tyente by tlie herbengere for them and theire horses
' nightelye to the courte. Aulso having into courte ij ser-
' vants to bear their trompets, pypes, and other instru-
' ments, and torche for wintere nightes wbilest they blovve
' to suppore of the chaundry ; and alway two of thes per-
' sones to contynewe stylle in courte at wages by the
' cheque roUe whiles they be presente iiij. ob. dayly, to
' warne the king's iddynge houshold when he goethe to
* i. e. According to the time, &c.
t Talshide or Talwood [Taliatura] is firewood cleft and cut info
billets of a certain len};th. By a statute of 7 Edward VI. cap 7. every
Talshide marked j, being round-bodied, shall contain sixteen inches of
assize in comjiass, iVc. Cowel, in voce.
Hy tlie book of the earl of Northumberland's household establishment
it appears that the liveries of wood were of so may Shides for each room,
and of so many faggots for brewing and baking.
The distinction seems to have consisted in this, that Talshides or
Talesheides were the larger timber, split and cut into a proper length for
burning upon lieartlis in the apartments. And that fa;;gots were made,
as they now are, of the lops and branches of the trees.
Tal or telle prefixed to shides or sheiries, perhaps is derived from the
French word taille, cut.
J72
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VII
horsbacke as oft as it shall require, and that his hous-
hold meny maye followe the more redyere aftere by the
blowinge of their trompets. Yf any of thes two min-
Ktrelles be lete bloode in courte, he taketh two loves,
ij messe of greate nieate, one galone ale. They part
not at no tyme with the rewards given to the houshold.
Also when it pleasethe the kinge to have ij mynstrelles
continuinge in courte, they will not in no wise that thes
mynstrelles be so famylliere to aske rewards.
' A WAYTE, that nightely from Mychelmas to Shreve
Thorsdaye pipethe watche within this courte fowere
tymes ; in the somere nightes iij tymes, and makethe
Bon Gayte at every chambere, doare, and ofFyce, as
well for feare of pyckeres and pillers. He eatethe in
the halle with mynstrelles, and takethe lyverey at nighte
a lofFe, a galone of alle, and for somere nightes ij candles
piclie, a bushel of coles ; and for wintere nightes halfe
a loffe of bread, a galone of alle, iiij candles piche, a
bushel of coles ; daylye whilste he is presente in courte
for his wages in cheque roale allowed iiij. d. ob. or else
iij. d. by the discresshon of the steuarde and tressorore,
and that aftere his cominge and deservinge : * also
cloathinge with the houshold yeomen or mynstrelles
lyke to the wages that he takethe; and he be sycke he
taketh twoe loves, ij messe of great meate, one galone
alle. Also he partethe with the houshold of general
gyfts, and hathe his beddinge carried by the comptrol-
leres assygment; and under this yeoman to be a groome
watere. Yf he can excuse the yeoman in liis absence,
then he takethe rewarde, clotheinge, meat, and all other
things lyke to other grooms of houshold. Also this
yeoman-waighte, at the making of knightes of the Bathe,
for his attendance vipon them by nighte-time, in watch-
inge in the chappelle, hathe to his fee all the watchinge-
clothing that the knight shall wear uppon him.
' Deane of the chappelle, caled the king's Cheefe
Chaplene, syttinge in the hall, and served after a bar-
rone service, begynninge the chappell bourd, havinge
one chappelene, and one gentleman eatyinge in the
halle, and lyverey to his chambere for all daye and
nighte iij loaves, ij messe of greate meate, a picher of
wyne, two galiones of ale ; and for wintere seasone one
torche, one picher, ij candles waxe, iij candles pich, iij
talesheids, lyttere, and rushes all the year of the seijante
usher of the hall and chambere, and the dutyes of the
king's charges ; and all the offerings of wexe in Candle-
mas-daye of the hole housholde by the king's gyffe, with
the fees of the beene sat uppe in the feastes of the yeare
when it is brente into a shasmonde. Also this deane is
yearly clothing with the houshold for winter and somere,
or else in moneyes of the comptyng-house viij markes,
and carradge for his competente hemes in the oflyce of
vesterye, by oversyght of the comptrolere, and keepynge
in all within this courte iiij persones ; and when himself
is out (jf court his chamberlene eatethe with the cliam-
berlenes in the halle. The deane come agayne, he must
have lodginge suffytyente for his horses by the hei'ben-
ger, and for his other servants in the tonne or con trey ;
also he hathe all the swoards that all the knights of the
Bathe offere to Gode in the king's chapelle, as ofte as
any shall be made. This dean is curate of confesshon
of houshold.
« » » * «
' This deane hath all correctyones of chappelmen, in
' moribus et scientia ; except in some cases to the stuard
' and comptyng-house ; he nor non of the chappell part-
* ethe with the houshold of noe general gyffs excepte
' vestire.
* Chaplenes, and clerkes of the chappelle xxiiij.
* t. e. Accorfiing to liis attendance and deserts. The word after is
here to be taken in the sense above given of it.
' by the deane's electtyone or denomenatyone, endowed
' with virtues morroUe and specikatyve, as of the muscke,
"shewinge in descante, clean voyced, well releshed in
" pronounsynge. Eloquent hi readinge, suffytyente in
" organes playinge," and modestial in all other havour,
' syttynge in the hall togethere at the deane's boarde,
' also lodginge togethere within the courte in one cham-
' here, or else nighe thertoo. And every eiche of them
* beinge in courte, for his dayly wages allowed in the
' cheque roUe, vij. ob. And for every eiche of them
' clothinge in wintere and somere, or else of the comp-
' tyng-house xs., and lyvery to their chamberes nightely
' amongste them all ij loves of breade, j picher of wyne,
' vj galones of ale. And for wintere lyvery from Alhol-
' lontyde till Estere, amongest them all ij candles waxe,
' xij candles pich, viij talsheids. Thei parte not with any
' tythes of houshold at noe tyme, but yf it be given unto
' the chappelle alone. Also they pay for their carriadge
' of beddinge and harnesse, taking all the year for their
' chambere, lyttere and rushes of the serjante usher of the
' hall ; and havinge into this courte for every eiche of
' these chaplenes, being preeste, one servante ; and for
' every twoe gentlemen clerkes of the chappelle, one
' honeste servante, and lyverye suffytyente for their
' horses and their servantes nighe to the towne. The
' king's good grace avauncethe thes people by prebends
' churches of his patremonye, or by his highness reco-
' mendatorye, and other free chappelles or hospitalles.
' Oore Lady Masse preestes and the gospelleres are
' assigned by the deane ; and if any of thes be let bloode
' in courte, he taketh dayly ij loves, one messe of great
' meate, one messe of roste, one galone of ale : and when
' the chappelle syng mattenes over nighte, called Black
' Mattynes, then they have allowed spice and wine.
' Yeomen of the chappelle, twoe, called Pisteleres,t
' growinge from the chilrene of the chappelle by succes-
' syone of age ; and aftere the change of their voyses, and
' by the deane's denomenatyon, and after theire conninge
' and virtue : thes twoe yeomen eatynge in the halle at
' the chapelle board, take dayly when they be presente in
' court abyding the nighte, for their wages alowed in the
' cheque roles iij. d. and clothinge playne with the yeo-
' men of houshold, and carryadge for their competente
' beddynge with the children of the chappelle ; or else
' eiche of them at rewarde Iiij. s. iiij. d. by the yeare,
' aftere the discresyon of stuard and tresorore.
' Children of the chappelle viij, founden by the
' king's privie cofferes for all that longethe to their appe-
' relle by the hands and oversyghte of the deane, or by
' the Master of Songe assigned to teache them, which
' mastere is appointed by the deane, chosen one of the
' nomber of the felowshipe of chappelle after rehearsed,
' and to drawe them to other schooles after the form of
' Sacotte,t as well as in Songe in Orgaines and other.
' Thes childrene eate in the hall dayly at the chappell
' boarde, nexte the yeomane of vestery ; taking amongeste
' them for lyverye daylye for brekefaste and all nighte,
' two loves, one messe of great meate, ij galones ale ; and
' for wintere seasone iiij candles piche, iij talsheids, and
' lyttere for their pallets of the serjante usher, and car-
' ryadge of the king's coste for the competente beddynge
' by the oversyghte of the comptrollere. And amongeste
' them all to have one servante into the court to trusse
' and bear their harnesse and lyverey in coiu't. And that
' day the king's chapelle removeth every of thes children
* then present receaveth iiij. d. at the green clothe of the
' comptyng-house for horshire dayly, as long as they be
' jurneinge. And when any of these children comene to
\ Epistellers, readers of the epistles. We read also of Gospellers in
this and other chapel establishments.
t Of this word no explanation is given by any of the lexicographers.
Chap. LXI
AND PnACTICE OF MUSIC.
273
' xviij yeares of age, and tlieir voyces change, ne cannot
' be preferred in this chapelle, the nombere being full,
' then yf they will assente "the kinge assynethe them to
• a coUedge or Oxeford or Cambridge of his foundatione,
' there to be at fynding and studye bothe suffytyently,
' tylle the kinge may otherwise advaunse them.*
' Clerke of the king's closete keepethe the stuff of
' the closete, arrayeng and makinge redye the aulteres,
' takinge upe the traverse, bering the cushones and car-
' petts, and fytethe all other things necessarye thcrto.
' He helpethe the chaplenes to saye masse ; and yf the
' clarks lefe torche, tapore, niortere of waxe,t or such
' other goinge of the tresorore of houshold, his charge in
' any parte, then he to answere thearfore as the judges of
' the green clothe will awarde. Also he eatethe in the
' hall with the serjante of the vestery by the chappelle,
' and takinge for his lyverye at nighte a galone ale, and
' for wintere lyvereye ij candles piche, a talesheid, rushes
' for the clossete, and lytere for his bede, of the serjante
' ushere ; and dayly for his wages in courte by the cheque
' roule iij. d. ob. and clothing for wintere and somere with
' the houshold, or else xx s. and at every eiche of the iiij
' feasts in the year receavinge of the great spicery a
' towelle of worke, contayning iiij elles, for the king's
' houselynge, and that is the clerk's fee anon the king is
' housled. He partethe not with the gyfts of houshold,
' but and he be sycke in courte, he taketh ij loves, j messe
'of great mette, one galone ale, and lyverey of the her-
' bengere ; and for the cariage of the closete is assyned
' one sompter horse, and one somptere man, of the treso-
' rore's charge, by the comptrollore his oversyght ; the
' chamberlene is this dark's auditore and apposore.J
'Master of the gramere schole, "quern necessarium
" est in poeta, atque in regulis positive gramatice expe-
" ditum fore, quibus audiencium aninios cum diligentia
" instruit ac infermet." The king's henxemene the chil-
' dren of the chappelle aftere they cane their descante, the
' clarks of the Armorye§ with other mene and childrene
' of the courte, disposed to learn in this syence ; which
' master amonge yf he be preeste, muste synge our Lady
Masse in the king's chappelle, or else amonge to reade
' the gospell, and to be at the greate processyone ; this to
' bee by the deane's assygnacyone ; takinge his nieate in
' the halle, and lyvereye at nighte a galone of ale ; and
' for wintere lyvereye one candle pich, a talesheid, or one
' faggote ; and for his dayly wages allowed in the cheque
' role, whilest he is presente in courte, iiij. d. ob. and
' clothinge with the housholde for winter and somere, or
* else xx. s. caringe for his competente beddynge and
' bokes with the childrene of the chapelle, by comptrole-
' mente, not partynge with noe gyftes of housholde, but
' abydinge the king's avauncement after his demerits ;
' and lyverye for his horses by the king's herbengere ;
' and to have in his court one honeste servante.'||
Of minstrels in general, and of the nature of their
employment, an account has already been given, as
also of the method practised to keep up a succession
of them in the king's palace. By the above provision
* Tliis seems to be a more formal establishment of the kind than any
that we know of in these times or before, but it seems to have been
founded in ancient usage ; for we have it from Selrien that it was the old
way ' when the king had his house, there were canons to sing service in
'his chapel;' so at Westminster, in St. Stephen's-chapel, wliere tlie
House of Commons sits ; from which canons the street called Canon-row
has its name Table-Talk, tit. King of England, § 4.
t MoRTER a Mortarium, a light or taper set in churches, to burn pos-
sibly over the graves or shrines of the dead. Cowel.
t The word apposer signifies an examiner. In the court of Exchequer
is an officer called the foreign apposer. Cowel in art. In the office nf
confirmation, in the first liturgy of Edw. VI. the rubric directs the bishop,
or such as he shall appoint, to appose the child ; and anciently a bishop's
examining chaplain was called the bishop's poser.
§ i. e. Alnionrv.
U Vide Catai. Libror. MSS. Biblioth. Harl. Numb. 293.
it appears that the minstrel's was not altogether a
vagabond profession ; but many of those that followed
it were retainers to the court, and seem to have been
no other than musicians, players on instruments of
divers kinds. Dr. Percy, in his Reliques of ancient
English Poetry, has obliged the world with an essay
on the ancient English minstrels, in which he has
placed in one point of view a great number of curious
particulars that tend to illustrate this subject.
And here it may be observed, that the order and
ceconomy in the families of the ancient nobility bore
a very near resemblance to that of the royal house-
hold, of which there cannot be clearer evidence thau
the liberal allowances for minstrels ; and also chapels,
with singing-men, children, and proper officers for
the performance of divine service in such families.
In that of the ancient earls of Northumberland was
an express establishment for minstrels, and also a
chapel ; an account fo the latter will hereafter be
given from the household-book of Henry, the fifth earl
of Northumberland ; that relating to the minstrels,
contained in the same book, is as follows : —
Sect. V.
' Of the noumbre of all my lord's servaunts in his chequir-
' roul daily abidynge in his household.
* » « « *
' Mynstrals iij, viz., a tabret, a luyte, and a rcbccc*
Sect. XLIV. 2.
* Rewardes to be given to strangers, as players, myn-
' straills, or any other, &c.
' Furst, my lorde usith and accustomyth to gyf to the
' King's Jugler, if he have wone, when they custome to
' come unto hym yerely, vi. s. viij. d.
' Item, My lorde usith and accustomyth to gyf yerely
' to the king's or queene's Barwarde, if they have one,
' when they custom to com unto hym yerely, vi. s. viij. d.
* Item, My lorde usith and accustomyth to gyf yerely
* to every erlis Mynstrellis, when the}' custome to come
' to hym yerely, iij. s. iiij. d. And if they come to my
' lorde seldome ones in ij or iij yeres, than vj. s. viij. d.
' Item, My lord usith and accustomyth to gyf yerely
' to an erls Mynstrall, if he be his speciall lorde, frende,
' or kynsman, if they come yerely to his lordschip
' And if they come to my lord seldome ones in ij or iij
' yeares, vi. s. viii. d.
' Item, My lorde usith and accustomyth to gyf yerely
' a dooke's or erlis Trumpetts, if they cum vj together to
'his lord.shipp, viz., if they come yerely vj. s. viij. d
' And if they come but in ij or iij yeres, than x. s.
' Item, Aly lorde usith and accustomyth yerly, whan
' his lordschip is at home, to gyf to iij the kyng's Sua.mes,
' whether they com to my lorde yerely x. s.
Sect. XLIV. 3.
'Rewards to his lordship's servaunts, &c.
'Item, My lord usith and accustomith to gyf yerly,
' when his lordschipp is at home, to his mynstraills that
' be daly in his houshold, as his tabret, lute, ande rebeke,
'upon New Yeres-day in the mornynge, when they doo
' play at my lordis chambre doure, for his lordschipe and
' my lady xx. s. viz., xiij. s. iiij. d. for my lord, and
' vi. s. viij. d. for my lady, if sche be at my lords fynd-
' ynge and not at hir owen ; and for playing at my lordis
' sone and heir chaumbre dom-e, the lord Percy, ij. s.
' And for playinge at the chaumbre doures of my lords
' vono-er sonnes, my yonge maisters, after viiij. d. the
'pece for every of them. — xxiij. s. iiij. d.'
274:
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
EooK VII
This establishment, though no older than about the
third year of the reign of Henry VIII. is not to be
considered as a novel institution ; on the contrary it
appears to be a recognition of that rule and order
which had been observed in the family for ages pre-
ceding ; and that minstrels were formerly persons of
some consideration, at least in the northern parts of
the kingdom, may be inferred from an inscription
still legible on a pillar in the ancient church of St.
Mary, at Beverley, in Yorkshire. It seems that to
the expense of erecting this fabric the nobility and
gentry of the town and its neighbourhood were
voluntary contributors : one of the pillars that sup-
port it was built by the minstrels, in memory whereof
the ca]")ital is decorated with the figures of five men,
carved in stone, dressed in short coats : one of these
bears in his hand an instrument of a rude form, but
somewhat resembling a lute, and under this sculpture
are these words in ancient characters, ^hgs {inllnr
inatre the ffcTiinstrwUs.
The chapel establishment of this noble family was
perhaps less ancient, and might have been borrowed
from that of Edward the Fourth, contained in the
foregoing account of his household ; it was never-
theless very noble, and will be given in a subsequent
part of this work.*
John of Dunstable, so called from the town of
that name in the county of Bedford, where he was
born, seems to have been a very learned man, and an
excellei^t musician. He flourished about the year
1400, and was the author of a tract He Mensurabilis
Musica. Gaffurius, in his Practica Musicse, lib. II.
cap. vii. has cited him by the name of Donstable, and
has produced an example from a hymn of his com-
position, beginning ' Veni sancte spiritus,' to explain
a passage in that work. IMorley has named him in
his catalogue of English practitioners ; and he else-
where appears to have been a very considerable man
in his time.f He is said to have died in 1455, and
to have been buried in the parish church of St. Ste-
phen, Walbrook, in London. In Fuller's Worthies,
Bedfordshire, 116, is the following epitaph on him : —
Clauditur hoc tumulo qui coelum pectore clausit,
Dunstable I, juris astrorum conscius ille,
Judice novit hieramis abscondita pandere coeli ;
Hie vir erat tua laus, tua lux, tua musica princeps,
Quique tuas dulces per mundum sparserat nrtes
Anno Mil- C. quater, semel L. tria jungito Cliristi
Pridie natale sidiis transmigrat ad astra
Suscipiant proprium civem coeli sibi cives.
And in Fuller are also these verses, written, as it
is said, by John Whethamsted, abbot of St. Alban's.
Musicus hie Michahis alter, novus et Ptolomaeus
Junior ac Atlas supportans robore ccelos,
Pausat sub cinere ; melior vir mulieie,
Nunquam natus erat ; vitii quia labe carebat,
Et virtutis opes possedit unicus omnes.
Perpetuis annis celebretur fama Johannis
Dunstable ; in pace requiescat et hie sine fine.
Fuller, who seeks all occasions to be witty, speak-
ing of these two compositions, uses these words :
' What is true of the bills of some unconscionable
' tradesmen, if ever paid overpaid, may be said ot
* these hyjoerbolical epitaphs : if ever believed over
* believed, yea one may safely cut off a third in any
' part of it, and the remainder will amount to malce
' him a most admirable person. Let none say that
' these might be two distinct persons ; seeing besides
' the concurrence of time and place, it would bankrupt
' the exchequer of nature to afford two such persons,
' one Phoenix at once being as much as any one will
' believe.' Morley, in his Introduction, pag. 178, has
convicted this author of no less a crime than the
interposing two rests, each of a long, between two
syllables of the same word. Tlie passage is as fol-
lows : * We must also take heed of separating any
' part of a word from another by a rest, as some
* Dunces have not slacked to do ; yea one, whose
' name is Johannes Dunstable, an ancient English
' author, hath not onlie divided the sentence, but in
' the verie middle of a word hath made two long
' rests thus, in a song of four parts upon these words :
' "Nesciens virgo mater virura": —
Ip-sum re-gem An-ge
' for these be his owne notes and words, which is one
' of the greatest absurdities which I have scene com-
* Besides the Minstrels that were retainers to great houses, there
appear to be others of a va<Traiit class. The following note to tliat purpose
is taken from the Appendix to Hearne's Liber Scaccarii, Numb. XII.
pag. 59S, Lend. 1771 :—
' The fraternity of the Holy Crosse in Abingdon, in H. 6. tyme, being
'there were nowe the hospitall is, did every yeare keep a feast, and then
'they used to have twelve priestes to sing a dirige, for whicli they had
' given them fourpence a piece. They had also twelve niinstrells, some
' from Coventre, and some from Maydenliith, who had two shillings and
'three-pence a-peece, besides theyre dyet and horse meat; this was in
' the raigne of H. G. Observe that in those dayes they payd there myn-
' strells better than theyre preistes.'
+ Johannes Nucius, in his Prajceptiones Musices Poeticae, printed in
lfil.3, expressly asserts that he was the inventor of musical composition.
If by this we are to understand composition of music in more parts than
one, there is an end of a question that has long divided the learned,
namely, whether symphoniac music be an ancient or modern invention.
That it had its origin in the practice of extemporary descant, mentioned
in the account hereinbefore given of Bede, and of the singing of the
Northumbrians, his countrymen, described by Giraklus Cambrensis, is
more than probable, but the precise time when written descant first came
into use is no where ascertained. The works of Franchinus contain
lac - ta-bat
' mitted in the dyttying of musicke.' The passage
cited by Morley is certainly absurd enough ; but
that he was betrayed into an illiberal reflection on
his author's supposed want of understanding by the
tempting harmony of Dunce and Dunstable will
hardly be doubted.
Franchinus, or as he is otherwise called Gaffurius,
frequently cites a writer on music named Mar-
CHETTUS : this author was of Padua ; he lived about
the year 1400, and wrote a treatise entitled Luci-
sundry examples of music in parts, but before his time we meet with
nothing of the kind. Morley takes notice of this in the annotations nn
the second part of his Introduction, and says, ' In all the workes of them
' who have written of musicke before Franchinus, there is no mention of
' any more parts than one ; and if any did sing to the harpe, they sung
' the same which they plaied.' A luoaern German writer, Francis Lustig,
in his Musikkunde has mistaken the sense of Nucius in the passage
above-cited, by ascribing the invention of music in parts to St. Dunstan,
archbishop of Canterbury, instead of John of Dunstable, who, as above is
shewn, had no title to the merit of it.
Chav. LXII.
AXD PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
275
davinm in Arte Musice plane, and another De Mu-
sica mensurata.
Prosdocimus de Beldemandis, of Padua, flourished
about the year 1403. He wrote several tracts on plain
and mensurable music, and was engaged in a contro-
versary with Marchettus ; but he is most frequently
mentioned as the commentator of De Muris, on whose
treatise entitled Practica Mensurabilis Cantus, he
wrote a learned exposition. Besides being an ex-
cellent musician, he is celebrated as a philosopher
and astrologer : the latter character he owed to a
tract De Spha?ra of his writing.
Johannes Tinctor, a doctor of the civil law, arch-
deacon of Naples, and chanter in the chapel of the
king of Sicily, lived about this time, but somewhat
prior to Franchinus, who cites him in several parts
of his works. He wrote much on music, particularly
on the measures of time, on the tones, and a tract
entitled De Arte Contrapuncti.*
Antonius Suarcialupus, a Florentine, about the
year 1430, excelled so greatly in music, that numbers
came from remote parts to hear his harmony. He
published some things in this art, but the particulars
are not known. The senate of Florence in honour
of his memory, caused a marble statue of him to be
erected near the great doors of the cathedral church.f
Angelus Politianus, a person better known in
the learned world as one of the revivers of literature
in the fifteenth century, than for his skill in the
science, was nevertheless a writer on, and passionate
admirer of music. His Panepistemon, or Praelec-
tiones, contains a discourse De Musica naturali,
nnmdana, et artificiali. Glareanus mentions him in
two or three places of his Dodecachordon, as having
misapprehended the doctrine of the ancient modes.
Indeed he has not stuck to charge him with an error,
which stares the reader even of the title-page of the
Dodecachordon in the face ; for in a catalogue of four-
teen modes, which form the title page of that work,
the Hyperphrygian mode, with the letter F prefixed
occurs, with this note under it, ' Hyperlydius Poli-
tiani ; sed est error.' He flourished about the year
1460, and acquired such a reputation for learning
and eloquence, that Laurence de Medicis committed
to his care tlie education of his children, of wliom
John, afterwards pope Leo the tenth, was one. The
place of his residence was a mountain in Tuscany, to
which in honor of him, the appellation of Mons Poli-
tianus, by the Italians corrupted into INIonte Pulciano,
was given. Though an ecclesiastic and a dignitary
of the church, for it seems he was a canon, he is
represented by IMons. Varillas as a man of loose
morals, as a proof whereof he relates the following
story : ' Ange Politien, a native of Florence, who
' passed for the finest wit of his time in Italy, met
' with a fate which punished his criminal love.
' Being professor of eloquence at Florence, he un-
' happily became enamoured of one of his young
' scholars who was of an illustrious family, but
' whom lie could neither corrupt by his great pre-
' sents, nor by the force of his eloquence. The
♦ W'alth. Mus. Lex.
t Voss. De Scient. Mathem. cap. Ix. sect. 14.
' vexation he conceived at this disappointment was
* so great as to throw him into a burning fever ;
' and in the violence of the fit he made two couplets
' of a song upon the object with which he was trans-
' ported. He had no sooner done this than he raised
' himself from his bed, took his lute, and accompanied
' it with his voice, in an air so tender and affecting,
* that he expired in singing the second couplet.'
Mons. Balzac gives a different account of his death.
He says that as he was singing to the lute, on the
top of the stair-case, some verses which he had for-
merly made on a young woman with whom he was
then in love, the instrument fell out of his hand, and
he himself fell down the stairs and broke his neck.
Bayle has refuted both these stories, and assigned
good reasons to induce a belief that the sole cause of
Politian's untimely death, was the grief he had con-
ceived for the decay of the house of Medicis, to which
he had great obligations.
CHAP. LXIL
The several writers herein before enumerated, and
mentioned to have lived after the time of Boetius,
were of liberal professions, being either ecclesiastics,
lawyers, physicians, or general scholars : '^neverthe-
less there was a certain uniformity in their manner
of treating the sul)ject of music, that seemed to
preclude all theoretic improvement. Boetius had
collected and wrought into his work the principal
doctrines of the ancients ; he had given a general
view of the several opinions that had prevailed
amongst them, and had adopted such as he thought
had the most solid foundation in reason and ex-
periment. The accuracy with which he wrote,
and his reputation as a philosopher and a man of
learning, induced an almost implicit acquiescence
in his authority.
This was one reason why the succeeding writers
looked no farther backward than to the time of Boetius
for their intelligence in harmonics ; but there was
another, which, had their inclination been ever so
strong to trace the principles of the science to their
source, must have checked it, and that was a general
ignorance throughout the western empire of the Greek
language. The consequence hereof was, that of the
many treatises on music which were written between
the end of the sixth, and the beginning of the twelfth
century, if we except such as treated of the scale as
reformed by Guido, the ecclesiastical tones, and the
Cantus Mensurabilis, the far greater part were but so
many commentaries on the five books De Musica of
Boetius : and this almost impossibility of farther
explaining the theory of the science was so uni-
versally acknowledged, that of the candidates for
academical honours, the principal qualifications re-
quired were a competent knowledge of his doctrines.
But though all improvements in the Theory of
music may seem to have been at a stand during this
period of five centuries, or a longer, for it may be
extended backward to the time of Ptolemy, it is suf-
ficiently clear that it fared otherwise with the Practice.
Guido, who does not a^jpear to have ever read the
276
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
JBooK VII.
Greek writers, effected a very important reformation
of tlie scale ; and, by an invention perfectly new,
facilitated the practice of singing with truth and cer-
tainty. Some add that he was also the inventor of
music in consonance ; but of this the evidence is not
so clear as to preclude all doubt. Franco invented,
and De Muris and others perfected, the Cantus Men-
surabilis ; and these improvements were of a nature
so important, that they extended themselves to every
country where the practice of music prevailed, and
in short pervaded the whole civilized world.
As to the science of harmonics, it had retreated to
that part of the world, which, upon the irruption of
the Goths into Europe, became the seat of literature,
Constantinople ; thither we may reasonably sujDpose
the several works of Aristoxenus, Euclid, and other
ancient harmonicians, perhaps the only remaining
books on the subject that escaped the wreck of learn-
ing, were carried ; and these were the foundation of
that constitution, which we are expressly told came
from the East, the ecclesiastical tones. It does not
indeed appear that the science received any consider-
able improvement from this recess, since of the few
books written during it, the greater part are abridg-
ments, or at best but commentaries on the more
ancient writers ; and of this the treatises of Marcianus
Capella, Censorinus, Porphyry, and Manuel Bryen-
nius, are a proof, and indeed the almost impossibility
of any such improvement after Ptolemy is apparent ;
for before his time the enarmonic and chromatic
genera were grown into disuse, and only one species
of the diatonic genus remained : nay, it is evident
from the whole tenor of his writings, and the pains
he has taken to explain them, that the doctrine both
of the genera and of the modes was involved in great
obscurity : if this was the case in the time of Ptolemy,
who is said to have lived about the year 139, and the
practice of music had undergone so great a change
as arose from the reduction of the genera with their
several species to one or two at most, and the loss of
the modes, all that the ancients had taught became
mere history ; and the utmost that could be expected
from a set of men who lived at the distance of some
centuries from the latest of them, was that they should
barely understand their doctrines.
All Theoretic improvement being thus at a stand,
we are not to wonder if the endeavours of mankind
were directed to the establishment and cultivation of
a new Practice ; and that these endeavours were
vigorously exerted, we need no other proof than the
zeal of the ancient Greek fathers to introduce music
into the service of the church, the institution of the
ecclesiastical tones, the reformation of the scale, and
the invention of the Cantus Mensurabilis.
The migration of learning from the east to the
west, is an event too important to have escaped the
notice of historians. Some have asserted that the
foundation of the musical practice now in iise was
laid by certain Greeks, who, upon the sacking of
Constantinople by the Turks under Mahomet the
Great, in 1453,* retired from that scene of horror
• This important event gave rise to a proverbial expression, usually
applied to persons that suddenly became rich : ' He hath been at tlie
sa'-kiiit; nf Constantinople.' Sir Paul Rycant's History of the Turks,
vol. I. pag. 23G.
and desolation, and settled at Rome, and other cities
of Italy. To this purpose Mons. Bourdelot, the
author of Histoire Musique et ses Effets, in four small
tomes, relates that certain ingenious Greeks who had
escaped from the sacking of Constantinople, brought
the polite arts, and particularly music, into Italy :
for this assertion no authority is cited, and though
recognized by the late reverend and learned Dr.
Brown, it seems to rest solely on the credit of an
author, who, by a strange abuse of the appellation,
has called that a history, which is at best but an inju-
dicious collection of unauthenticated anecdotes and
trifling memoirs.
To ascertain precisely the circumstances attending
the revival of learning in Europe, recourse must be
had to the writings of such men as have given a par-
ticular relation of that great event ; and by these it
will appear, that before the taking of Constantinople
divers learned Greeks settled in Italy, and became
public teachers of the Greek language ; and that
Dante, Boccace, and Petrarch, all of whom flourished
in the fourteenth century, availed themselves of their
instructions, and co-operated with them in their en-
deavours to make it generally understood. The most
eminent of these were Leontius Pilatus, Emanuel
Chrysoloras, Theodorus Gaza, Georgius Trapezuutius,
and cardinal Bessarion. To these, at the distance of
an hundred years, succeeded Joannes Argyropylus,
Demetrius Chalcondyles, and many others, whose
lives and labours have been sufficiently celebrated.f
It no where appears that any of these men were
skilled in music ; on the contrary, they seem in gene-
ral to have been grammarians, historians, and divines,
fraught with that kind of erudition which became
men who professed to be the restorers of ancient
learning. Nor have we any reason to believe that the
practice of music had so far flourished in the eastern
part of the world, as to qualify any of them to become
public teachers of the science. It is true that music
had been introduced by St. Basil, Chrysostom, and
others of the Greek fathers, into the service of the
church, and that the emperor Constantine had sent
an organ as a present to Pepin king of France ; but
it is as true that all the great improvements in the art
were made at home. Pope Gregory improved upon
the Ambrosian chant, and established the eight eccle-
siastical tones ; Guido reformed the scale, and Franco
invented the Cantus Mensurabilis ; and the very term
Contrapunto bespeaks it to have sprung from Italy.
From these premises it seems highly probable that
it was not a Practice more refined than that in genera]
use, nor an improved Theory which these persons
brought from Constantinople, but that the introduc-
tion of the ancient Greek harmonicians, together with
+ Bayle has given a particular account of some of the most eminent of
them, as namely cardinal Bessarion, and a few others ; but a summary of
their lives, and a history of that unportant sra is contained in a valuable
work of Dr. Humphrey Hody, lately published by Dr. Samuel Jebb, en-
titled ' De GrEEcis illustribus Linguae Graecee Literarimique Humaniorum
' Inst.iuratoribus.' The names of the persons chiefly celebrated in this
work, besides those above-mentioned, are Nicolaus Secundinus, Joannes
Andronicus Callistus, Tranquillus Andronicus, Georgius Christonymus,
.loannes Polo. Constantinus Lascaris, Michael Marullus, Manilius Rhal-
lus, Marcus Musurus, Angelas Calabrus, Nicolaus Sophianus, Georgius
Alexander, Joannes Moschus, Demetrius Moschus, Emanuel Adrarayt-
tenus, Zacharias Caliergus, Nicolaus Blastus, Aristobulus Apostolius,
Demetrius Ducas, Nicetas Pliaustus, Justinus Corcyraeus, Nicolaut
Petrus, Antonius Epaichas, WattUaeus Avarius, HerluodurusZacynthiu^.
CxiAP. LXIL
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
277
such a knowledge of the language as enabled the
professors of music in Italy and other countries to
understand and profit by their writings, is the ground
of that obligation which music in particular owes them.
The probability of this conjecture will farther ap-
pear when we reflect on the opinion which the Italians
entertain of the rise and progress of music in Europe,
and that is, that Guido for the practice, and Fran-
chinus for the theory, were the fathers of modern
music. How well founded that opinion is with respect
to the latter of these two, will appear from the account
of him which will shortly hereafter be given, and from
the following view of the state ot music in those
countries, that made the greatest advances as well in
scientific as literary improvements.
It seems that before the time of Franchinus the
teachers of music in Italy were the monks, and the
Provengal musars, violars, &c., the former may be
supposed to have taught, as well as they were able,
the general principles of harmony, as also the method
of singing the divine offices, and the latter the use of
instruments : it seems also that about the middle of
the fifteenth century the Jews were great professors
of music, for by a law of Venice, made in the year
1443, it appears that one of their chief employments
at that time was the teaching children to sing ; and
they are thereby expressly forbidden to continue it,
under severe penalties.
In France it is observable, that after the introduc-
tion of Guido's system into that kingdom, the progress
of music was remarkably slow ; one improvement
however seems to have had its rise in that country,
namely, Fauxbourdon, or what we in England were
used to term Faburden, the hint whereof was probably
taken from the Cornamusa or bagpipe ; and of this
kind of accompanyment the French were so extremely
fond, that they rejected the thought of any other ;
nay, they persisted in their attachment to it after the
science had arrived to a considerable degree of per-
fection in Italy and other parts of Europe.
In Germany the improvements in music kept nearly
an even pace with those in Italy. Indeed they were
but very few ; they consisted solely in the formation
of new melodies subject to the tonic laws, adapted to
the hymns, and other church offices, which were
innumerable ; but the disgusting uniformity of these
left very little room for the exercise of the inventive
faculty : *' the Germans indeed appear to have attained
to great perfection in the use of the organ so early as
the year 1480 ; for we are told that in that year a
German, named Bernhard, invented the Pedal ; from
whence it should seem that he had entertained con-
ceptions of a fuller harmony than could be produced
from that instrument by the touch of the fingers alone.
This fact seems to agree but ill with Morley's opinion,
that before the time of Franchinus there was no such
* Bourdelot relates that the intercourse between the French and
Italians duriiip; the reigns of Charles VIII., Lewis XII., and Francis I.,
and afterwards in the time of Queen CatlierinL- de Medicis, who was in
every respect an Italian, contributed greatly to refine tlie French music ;
and brought it to a near resemblance with that of Italy ; but that many
of the churches in France had gone so far as to con.slitute bands of mu-
sicians to add to the solemnity, but that after some years they were
dismissed. The chapter of Paris entertained a dislike of them ; and by
certain capitulary resolutions made in the year 16-16, ordained that the
Fauxbourdon should be revived ; and of this kind of harmony, simple
and .Umited as it is, the French are even at this day remarkably fond.
thing as music in parts ; but, notwithstanding this
conjecture of his, the evidence that music in conso-
nance, of some kind or other, was known at least as
far back, in point of time, as the invention of the
organ, is too strong to be resisted ; and indeed the
form and mechanism of the instrument do little less
than demonstrate it. How and in what manner the
organ was used in the accompanyment of divine
service it is very difficult to say ; some intimations
of its general use are nevertheless contained in the
Micrologus of Guido, and these lead to an opinion
that although the singing of the church offices was
unisonous, allowing for the difference between the
voices of the boys and men employed therein, yet
that the accompanyment thereof might be sympho-
niac, and contain in it those consonances which no
musician could possibly be ignorant of in theory, and
which in practice it must have been impossible to
avoid.
Of Franchinus, of whom such frequent mention
has been made in the course of this work, of his
labours to cultivate the science of harmony, and of
the several valuable treatises by him compiled from
the writings ot the ancient Greeks, then lately in-
troduced into Italy, the following is an account,
extracted immediately from his own works, and those
of contemporary authors,
Franchinus Gaffurius, surnamed L,'vudensis, from
Lodi, a town in the IVIilanese, where he was born,
was a professor of, and a very learned and elaborate
writer on music, of the fifteenth century. He was
born on the fourteenth day of January, in the year
1451, and was the son of one Betino, of the town of
Bergamo, a soldier by profession, and Catherina
Fixaraga his wile. We are told that while he was
yet a boy he was initiated into the service of the
church ; from whence perhaps nothing more is to be
inferred than that he assisted in the choral service.
His youth was spent in a close application to learn-
ing ; and upon his attainment of the sacerdotal dig-
nity, he addicted himsell with the greatest assiduity
to the study of music. His first tutor was Johannes
Godendach, a Carmelite ; having acquired under him
a knowledge of the rudiments of the science, he left
the place of his nativity, and went to his father tlien
at Mantua, and in the service of the marquis Ludo-
vico Gonzaga. Here tor two years he closely applied
himself day and night to study, during which time
he composed many tracts on the theory and practice
of music. From Mantua he moved to Verona, and
commenced professor of music : there, though he
taught publicly for a number of years, he found
leisure and opportunity for the making large collec-
tions relative to that science, and composed a work
intitled Musicoe Institutionis Collocutiones, which
does not appear to have ever been 2)rinted, unless,
as is hereafter suggested, it might be published
under a different title. The great reputation he had
acquired at Verona procured him an invitation from
Prospero Adorni to settle at Genoa : his stay there
was but short, for about a year after his removal
thither, his patron being expelled by Baptista Cam-
pofragoso and Giovanni Galeazzo, dukes of Milan,
278
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
EooK VII.
he fixed his residence at Naples; in that city he
found many musicians who were held in great estima-
tion, namely, Johannis Tinctor, Gulielmns Garnerius,
Bernardus Hj'cart, and others, and by the advice of
his friend and townsman Philipinus Bononius, who
then held a considerable employment in that city,
Franchinns maintained a pnblic disputation against
them. Plere he is said to have written his Theo-
ricum Opus Musicae Discipline, a most ingenious
work ; but the pestilence breaking out in the city,
which, to complete its calamity, was engaged in
a bloody war with the Turks, who had ravaged the
country of Apulia, and taken the city of Otranto ;
he returned to Lodi, and took up his abode at Monti-
cello, in the territory of Cremona, being invited to
settle there by Carolo Pallavicini, the bishop of that
city. During his stay there, which was three years,
he taught music to the youth of the place, and began
his Practica Musicaj utriusque Cantus, which was
printed first at Milan, in 1490, again at Brescia in
14:97, and last at Venice in 1512. Being prevailed
on by the entreaties of the inhabitants of Bergamo,
and the offer of a large stipend, he removed thither;
but a war breaking out between them and the duke
of Milan, he was necessitated to return home. There
he stayed not long, for Romanus Barnus, a canon of
Lodi, a man of great power, as he exercised the
pastoral authority in the absence of the archbishop
of Milan, incited by the fame of his learning and
abilities as a public instructor, in the year 1484
invited him to settle there ; and such are we told
was the high esteem in which he was held by the
greatest men there, that by the free consent of the
chief of the palace, and without any rival, he was
placed at the head of the choir of the cathedral
church of Milan. How much he improved music
there by study and by his lectures, the number of
his disciples, and the suffrage of the citizens are said
to have afforded an ample testimony : besides the two
works above-mentioned, he wrote also a treatise en-
titled Angelicum ac divinum Opus i\rusica3 Franchini
Gafurii Laudensis Regii Musici, Ecclesiseque Medio-
lanensis Phonasci : Materna Lingua scriptum. From
several circumstances attending its publication, parti-
cularly that of its being written in the Italian lan-
guage, there is great reason to believe that this is no
other than the Musicae Institutionis Collocutiones,
mentioned above ; and that it contains in substance
the lectures which he read to his scholars in the
course of his employment as public professor. Last
of all, and in the forty-ninth year of his age, he
wrote a treatise De Harmonia Musicorum Instrumen-
torum, at the end whereof is an eulogium on Fran-
chinns and his writings by Pantaleone Meleguli of
Lodi, from which this accoimt is for the most part
taken. Besides the pains he took in composing the
works above-mentioned, not being acquainted, as we
may imagine, with the Greek language, he at a great
expense procured to be translated into Latin the
harmonical treatises of many of the more ancient
writers, namely, Aristides Quintilianus, Manuel Bry-
ennius, Ptolemy, and Bacchius Senior. The author
above-cited, who seems to have been well acquainted
with him, and to manifest an excusable partiality for
his memory, has borne a very honourable testimony
to his character ; for, besides applauding him for the
services he had done the science of music by his
great learning and indefatigable industry, he is very
explicit in declaring him to have been a virtuous
and good man. The time of his death is no where
precisely ascertained ; but in his latter years he
became engaged in a controversy with Giovanni
Spataro, professor of music at Bologna; and it ap-
pears that the apology of Franchinns against this
liis adversary was written and published in the year
1520, so that he must have lived at least to the age
of seventy.
After having said thus much, it may not be amiss
to give a more particular account of the writings of
so considerable a man as Gaffurius ; and first of the
Theorica : it is dedicated to the famous Ludovico
Sforza, governor of Milan, the same probably with
him of that name mentioned by Philip de Comines ;
it is divided into five books, and was printed first at
Naples in 1480, and again at IMilan, in 1492.
It is verv clear that the doctrines tau2:ht in this
work, the Theorica Musicae of Franchinns, are the
same with those delivered by Boetius. Indeed the
greater part appears to be an abridgement ot Boetius
de Musica, with an addition of Guido's method of
solmisation ; for which reason, and because copious
extracts from this latter work have been already
given, and Guido's invention has been explained in
his own woi'ds, it is thought unnecessary to be more
particular in the present account of it.
The treatise entitled Practica Musicae utriusque
Cantus, so called because the purpose of it is to
declare the nature of both the plain and mensurable
cantus, is of a kind as different from the former as
its title imports it to be. For, without entering at
all into the theory of the science, the author with
great perspicuity teaches the elements of music, and
the practice of singing, agreeable to the method
invented by Guido, the rules of the Cantus Men-
surabilis, the nature of counterpoint, and, lastly, the
jiroportions as they refer to mensurable music; and
this in a manner that shews him to have been
a thorough master of his subject. But perhaps there
is no part of the Practica Musicae more curious than
that formula of the Ecclesiastical Tones contained
in the first book of it, and which is inserted in the
former part of tliis work.*
In the first chapter of the second book of this
work of Franchinns, the author treats of the several
kinds of metre in the words following : —
' The poets and musicians in times past, maturely
* The extract above referred to contains perhaps the most ancient and
autlientic formula of the tones extant, and must therefore be deemed a
great curiosity. Rousseau says of plain-chant in general, that it is a
precious relique of antiquity : tliis might be said supposing the tones to
be no older than the time of St. Ambrose; but it is certain that if they
are not the modes of the ancient Greeks, and consequently more ancient
by a thousand years, they resemble them so nearly, that they may well
be taken for the same, and therefore are an object of still greater vene-
ration. With respect to their use at present, it is true that they make no
part of divine service in the churches of the Reformed, but in that of
Rome they are still preserved, and are daily to be heard in England in
tlie chapels of the ambassadors from Roman Catholic princes. From all
which considerations it cannot but be wished that the integrity of them
may be preserved ; and to this end nothing can be more conducive than
an authentic designation 4f tiiem severally, and such that hereinbefoie
given is supposed to be.
Chap. LXHI.
AND PEACTICE OF MUSIC.
279
* considering the time of every word, placed a long
' or a short mark over each, whereby each syllable
'was denoted to be either long or short; wherefore
* over a short syllable they affixed a measure of one
' time, and over a long one the quantity of two
' times ; whence it is clear that the short syllable
' was found out before the long, as Diomedes the
* grammarian testifies, for one was prior to two.
' They account a syllable to be short, either in its
' own nature, or in respect to its position ; they also
'make some syllables to be common; as when they
' are naturally short and a liquid follows a mute, as
' in " tenebriB patris." This appears as well among
' the Greek as the Latin poets ; and these syllables
' are indifferently measured, that is to say, they are
' sometimes short, and at other times long ; and thus
' they constructed every kind of verse by a mixture
' of different feet, and these feet were made up of
' different times ; for the Dactyl, that I may mention
' the quantities of some of them, contained three
' syllables, the first whereof was long, and the other
'two short, as "armiger, principis;" it therefore
' consisted of four times. The Spondee has also four
' times, but disposed into two long syllables, as
" fielix, sestas." The Iambus, called the quick foot,
' has three times, drawn out on two syllables, the
' one long and the other short, as Musa. The Ana-
' pestus, by the Greeks called also Antidactylus,
' because it is the reverse of the Dactyl, consists of
three syllables, the two first whereof are short, and
the last long, as " pietas, erato." The Pyrrhichius
' of two short syllables, as " Miser, pater," The
' Tribrachus contains three short syllables, as "Do-
' minus." The Amphibrachus has also three, the first
' short, the second long, and the third short, as
" Carina." The Creticus, or Amphiacrus, consists
' likewise of three syllables; the first long, the second
' short, and the third long, as " insular." The Bac-
' chius also has three syllables, the first short, and the
' other two long, as " Achates et Ulixes." The
' Proceleumaticus, agreeing chiefly with Lyric verse,
'has four short syllables, as "aviciila." The Dis-
' pendens was composed of eight times and four long
' syHables, as " Oratores." The Coriambus consisted
' also of four syllables, the first long, the two follow-
* ing short, and the last long, as " armipotens." The
' Biiambus had four syllables, the first short, the
' second long, the third short, and the fourth long,
' as " Propinquitas." The Epitritus, or Hippius, as it
' is called by Diomedes, was fourfold ; the first kind
' consisted of four syllables, the first whereof was
' short, the other three long ; and it comprehended
' seven times, as " sacerdotes." The second Epitri-
* tus had four syllables, the second whereof was short,
' and all the rest long, as " conditores." The third
' Epitritus contained four syllables, the third whereof
* was short and all the rest long, as " Demosthenes."
' The fourth Epitritus was formed also of four sylla-
' bles, the last whereof was short, and the three first
' long, as "Fesceninus." Some of these are supposed
' to be simple, as the Spondeus and Iambus, and
' others compound, as the Dispondeus and Biiambus.
* Diomedes and Aristides, in the first book, and St.
' Augustine, have explained them all. Musicians
' have invented certain characters with fit and proper
' names, by means whereof, the diversity ot measured
' times being previously understood, they are able to
' form any Cantus, in the same manner as verse is
' made from different feet. Philosophers think that
' the measure of short time ought to be adjusted b}'-
' the equable motions of the pulse, comparing the
' Arsis and Thesis with the Diastole and Stole. In
' the measure of every pulse the Diastole signifies
' dilatation, and the Stole contraction.
' The poets have an Arsis and Thesis, that is an
' elevation and deposition of their feet according to
' the passions ; and they use these in reciting, that
' the verse may strike the ear and soften the mind.
' The connexion of the words is regulated according
' to the nature of the verse ; so that the very texture
' of the verse will introduce such numbers as are
' proper to it. Rythmus, in the opinion of Quin-
' tilian, consists in the measures of times ; and I con-
' ceive time to be the measure of syllables. But Bede,
' in his treatise concerning figures and metres, has
' interpreted Rythmus to be a modulated composition,
' not formed in any metrical ratio but to be deter-
' mined by the ear, in the same manner as we judge
* of the verses of the common poets. Yet we some-
' times meet with Rythmi not regulated by any art,
' but proceeding from the sound or modulation itself;
' these the common poets form naturally, whereas the
' Rythmi of the learned are constructed by the rules
' of art. The Greeks assert that Rythmus consists
' in the Arsis and Thesis, and that sort of time
' which some call vacant or free. Aristoxenus says
'it is time divided numerically; and, according to
' Nicomachus, it is a regulated composition of times ;
* but it is not our business to prescribe rules and
' canons, for we leave to the poets that which pro-
' perly belongs to them ; yet it were to be wished
' that they who make verses had good ears, whereby
* they might attain a metrical elegance in poetry.'
CHAP. LXIIL
In the second chapter Franchinus treats of the
characters used to denote the different measures of
time in the words followina: : —
' The measure of time is the disposition of the
' quantity of each character. Every commensurable
' description is denoted either by characters or pauses;
' the Greeks in their Rvthmus used the followincr,
' viz., for the breve — , for the long of two times
* £^£, for that of three times \ / for that of four
' times Vl/ for that of five times \J To express
' the Arsis they added a point to each character,
' thus '^^^^ , V^. The Thesis was understood by
' the simple character, without any such addition,
' As to the consonant intentions, such as the diates-
' saronic, diapentic, diapasouic, and the rest, they
' were expressed by certain characters, which I pur-
' posely omit, as being foreign to the present practice.
2r:0
■HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
EooK VII.
' The musicians of this day express the measure of
* one time by a square filled up {■! ; tliat oi two,
' called a long, by a square with a stroke on the
* right side, either ascending or descending, which
' stroke was four times as long as one side of the
' square. Some however, because of the deformity
' arising from the too great length of the stroke,
' made it equal in length to only three times the side
' of the square, and others made it but twice, thus
' 'n . The long of three times was expressed also
' by a square and a stroke, but with this diversity,
' one third of its body was white or open, thus P*^.
' or thus ^H . The long of four times was signified
' by a full quadrangle with a stroke, the body where-
* of was double in length to its height W ; and this
' was called a double long. The triple long had
' a square ot triple extension |B»a^ , and contained six
' times. There were also characters that comprehended
' in them several longs, each of which was distin-
' guished by a single stroke thus |M^|'n- Those
' that came afterwards, subverting the order of these
* characters, described the marks open, having many
* short squares in one body, thus i • ■ < \ . They
' also marked the long conjoined with the lireve, and
' the breve with the long, in one and the same figure
' thus -I ' ' . But as these latter characters are
' now disused, we will leave them, and speak con-
' cerning those by which the fashion and practice of
' those latter days may be known to one.'
The third chapter treats of what the author calls
the five essential characters, in the following words : —
' A character is a mark used to signify either the
' continuance or the privation of sound ; for tacitur-
' nity may as well be the subject of measure as sound
' itself The measures of taciturnity are called pauses,
' and of these some are short and others long.
' Musicians have ascribed to the breve the character
' of a square p, which they call also a time, as it
' expresses the measure of one time. The long they
' signified by a square, having on the right side
' a stroke either upwards or downwards, in length
' equal to four times the side of the square, thus ^ ;
' it was called also the double breve ; but the writers
' of music for the most part make this stroke without
' regard to any proportion. Again they divided the
' square of the breves diagonally into two equal parts,
' in this manner \^, and joined to it another triangle,
' they turned the angles upwards and downwards
* thus 0 and called the character thus formed a semi-
' breve, and gave to it half the quantity of the breve.*
' Lastly, those of latter days gave the measure of
' one time to a semibreve, comprehending in it the
' Diastole and the Systole ;f and as the Diastole and
* Fraiichinus, in his Angelicum et divinum Opus, tract III. cap. i.
resembles this character to a grain of barley. And here it may be noted
tliat his account of the invention of the characters used in mensurable
music is much more probable than that of Vicentino, pag. 219, of this
work, which though ingenious is fanciful.
t This observation of Franchinus is worthy ol lemembrance, for not-
Systole, or Arsis and Thesis, which are the least
measure of the pulse, are considered as the measure
of one time, so also is the semibreve, which, in
respect of its measure, coincides exactly with the
measure of the pulse; and as they considered the
measure of the Diastole or Systole, or of the Arsis
or Thesis as the measure of the shortest duration
in metrical sound, they gave to the character which
denoted it, the name of Minim, and described it by
a semibreve, with a stroke proceeding either up-
wards or downwards from one of its angles thus
! or thus ?.
' The short character, consisting of one time, and
tlie long of two times, are termed the elementary
characters of measurable sound, and their quantities
answer to the just and concinnous intervals, or rather
the integral parts of a tone ; for according to Aris-
tides and Anselm, the tone is capable of a division
into four of these diesis, which are termed enar-
monic, and answerable to this division tlie long is
divided into four semibreves, and the breve into
four minims, as if one proceeded from each angle of
the breve : therefore as everything arises or is pro-
duced from the IMinimum, or least of his own kind ;
and number, for instance, takes its increase from
unity, as being the least, and to which all number
is ultimately resolvable ; and as every line is gene-
rated and encreased by, and again reduced to a
point ; so every measure of musical time is pro-
duced from, and may again be reduced to a minim,
as being the least measure.
' Lastly, musicians have invented another cha-
racter, the double long, which is used in the tenor
part of motetts, and is equal in quantity to four
short times or breves. It exceeds the other
characters, both in respect of its quantity, and
the dimension of its figure, this they call the
Maxima or Large, and describe it thus CIZ! . This
character is aptly enough compared to the chord
Proslambanomenos, the most grave of the perfect
system ; and the rest of the characters may with
equal propriety be compared to other chords, as
having the same relation to different parts of the
system as those bear to each other ; and in this
method of comparison the minim will be found
to correspond with the tone, the semibreve to the
diatessaron, and the large to the bisdiapason.'
In the fourth chapter Franchinus proceeds to
explain the more minute characters in these words : —
' Posterity subdivided the character of the minim,
' first into two equal parts, containing that measure
' of time called the greater semiminim, which Pros-
' docimus describes in a twofold way ; for taking his
withstanding what he says a few lines above, and the remark of Listenius
in the note pag. 223, of this work, we are here taught to consider the
semibreve, or tactus minor, as the measure of a time, or as we should
now say, of a bar, consisting of two pulses or strokes, the one down, the
other up. The use of the o'bservation is this, fugues written in canon
have always a direction to shew at what distance of time the replicate is
to follow the guide or principal, such as fuga in Hypodiapente post
tempus. Butl. Princ. of Mus. 76, fuga in unisono post duo tempora, ib. 77,
et vide Zarl. Istit. Harm. Parte III. cap. Iv. now unless the value of a
time be previously ascertained, a canon is no rule for the singing of a
fugue: and that tlie practice corresponds with the observation of Fran-
chiiius here remarked on, may be seen in sundry examples to the purpose,
in the Prattica di Musica of Lodovico Zacoone, libro II. fol. 113,
Chap. LXIII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
2S1
•' notion of a minim from Tinctor, he first describes
' the semi-minim by the fio,-ure of a minim having the
* end of its stem turned off to the right, with a kind
' of crooked tail, thus ^ ; and the lesser semiminim, in
-f>
' quantity half the greater, with two such turns, thus ^.
' Secondly, keeping precisely to the form of the minim,
' he makes the body full black, thus |, and divides
' this last character into two equal parts, by giving
' to it the same turn of the stem as before had been
' given to the minim, thus | , and this they called the
* lesser semiminim. The former characters, viz,, those
* with the open or white body, are called by Pros-
' doclmus, the minims of Tinctor, drawn into duple
' or quadruple proportion ; but others, whose ex-
' ample we choose rather to follow, call these charac-
' ters of subdivision with a single turn of the stem,
' seminims, as being a kind of disjunct or separated
' minims ; and again they call tlie parts of these
' seminims, from the smallness of their measure
' and quantity, semiminimims ; so that the seminim
* follows the minim as a greater semitone does a
' tone, and the semiminimim looks back upon the
* minim as a lesser semitone does on the tone.
' There is yet a third, the most diminished particle
' of a minim, and which the same Prosdocimus would
' have to be called the minim of Tinctor in an octuple
* proportion ; others the lesser semiminim ; and others
'a comma, which we think would more properly be
' called a diesis, the name given to the least harmo-
' nical particle in the division of a tone : this many
' describe by a full semiminim, having a crooked tail
' turned towards the right, and a crooked stroke pro-
* ceeding from its angle underneath, in this manner T ^
* but as the appearance of this character among the
' other diminutions is very deformed, we have ex-
' pressed it by a crooked stem drawn from its summit,
' and turned towards the left in this manner '1 , to
' denote its inferiority in respect of that character
' which it resembles, and which is turned to the right,
' There are some who describe the measures of time
' by characters variously different from those above
' enumerated, as Franco, Philippus de Caserta, Johan-
' nes de Muvis, and Anselmus of Parma, v.hich last
' draws a long Plica, or winding stroke ascending,
' and also a short one, both having tails on either side.
' Again, the same Anselmus makes a greater, a lesser,
' and a mean breve ; the greater he has expressed by
' a square, with a stroke descending on the left side,
' in this manner H ; the lesser by a square with a
I I
' stroke ascending from the left side thus tj ; and
' the mean by a square without any stroke, thus H.
' Likewise the greater semibreve he describes with
two strokes, the one ascending and the other descend-
' ing, both on the right side, thus H ; the lesser
' semibreve by a square with two strokes on the left
' side, thus n , and the mean semibreve by a square
* with a stroke drawn through it both upwards and
' downwards in this manner tH and by a like
* method he signifies the rest of the measures ; but
* these latter characters later musicians have chose
' rather to reject than approve.'
The fifth chapter of the same book contains an
explanation of the ligatures, of which enough has
been said in the foregoing part of this work.
In the sixth chapter, De Pausis, Franchinus thus
explains the characters by which the rests are de-
scribed : —
' A pause is a character used to denote a stop made
* in singing according to the rules of art. The pause
' was invented to give a necessary relief to the voice,
' and a sweetness to the melody ; for as a preacher
' of the divine word, or an orator in his discourse
* finds it necessary oftentimes to relieve his auditors
* by the recital of some pleasantry, thereby to make
' them more favourable and attentive, so a singer
' intermixing certain pauses with his notes, engages
' the attention of his hearers to the remaining parts
* of his song. The character of a pause is a certain
' line or stroke drawn through a space or spaces, or
' part of a space, not added to any note, but entirely
' separated from every other character. The ancients
' had four pauses in their songs, which, because they
' were the measures of omitted notes, assumed the
* respective names of those notes, as the pause of a
' Minim, of a Semibreve, of a Breve, and of a Long,
' Tlie breve pause is a stroke comprehending two
* such intervals ; the pause of three times, whose ex-
* tremities include four lines, occupies three entire
' spaces ; this they call a perfect long, because it passes
' over in silence three equal proper times, which are
' called Breves, for in the quantities of characters of
' this kind the ternary number is esteemed perfect.'
The characters of the several pauses of a perfect
long, an imperfect long, a breve, semilireve, minim,
semiminim or crotchet, and semiminimim or quaver,
are thus described by Franchinus, and are in truth
the same with those now in use.
EE
H^
Long Long Breve
perfect imperfect
Semibreve Minim
Semi-
minim
Semi-
minimim
By the first of which characters is to be imderstood
a measure of quantity different in its nature from the
second ; for it is to be observed that in the writings
of all who have treated on the Cantus Mensurabilis,
the attribute of Perfection is ascribed to those num-
bers only which are called Ternary, as including a
progression by three ; the reasons for which, whetiier
good or bad it matters not, are as follow : —
' The Ternary number in the quantities of this
' kind is esteemed perfect, first, because the Binary
' number is ever accounted feminine, whereas this,
' which is the first uneven number, is said to be mas-
'culine; and by the alternate coupling of these two
' the rest of these numbers are produced. Secondly,
' it is composed both of Aliquot and Aliquant parts.
* Thirdly, there is a relation between the numbers
' 1, 2, 3, as they follow in the natural order, which, as
' St. Augustine testifies, is not to be found between
' any others ; for, not to mention that between them
' no number can intervene, 3 is made up of the two
' numbers preceding, which cannot be said of 4 or 5,
* nor of those that follow them. Fourthly, there is a
'2S2
HISTORY OF THE SCIEXCE
Book VII.
' tlireefold equality in the number 3, for its begin-
' ning, middle, and end are precisely the same ; and by
' means thereof we discern the Divine Trinity in the
'supreme God. Lastly, there is a perfection in the
' number 3, arising from this property, if you multi-
' ply 3 by 2, or 2 by 3, the product will be six, which
' mathematicians pronounce to be a perfect number
' in respect of its aliquot parts.'
The third book of the treatise De Practica contains
the elements of counterpoint with the distinctions of
the several species, and examples of each in two,
three, and four parts. The fourth chapter, entitled
' Qu£B et ubi in Contrapuncto admittendas sint discor-
-^-^
E::t=:3zxzp3--t-^^^^
l^==m
-hi--
lEEEEErt
CANTUS
:AV-
z=qrq=izqz
0-
* dantite,' though it be a proof that discords were
admitted into musical composition so early as the
author's time, shews yet that they were taken very
cautiously, that is to say, they never exceeded the
length of a semibreve ; and this restriction, for which
he cites Dunstable, and other writers, may well be
acquiesced in, seeing that the art of preparing and
resolving discords seems to have been unknown at
this time.
In chap. XL De Compositione diversarum Partium
Contrapuncti, are several examples in four parts, viz.,
Cantus, Contra-tenor, Tenor, and Baritonans, one
whereof is as follows : — ^''
TENOR
BARITONANS
CONTRATENOR
Upon these examples it is observable that the
musical characters from their dissimilarity seem not
to have been printed upon letter-press types, but on
wooden blocks, in which the lines, cliffs, and notes
had been first cut or engraved.
The fourth book is altogether on the subject of the
proportions, not as they refer to consonance, but as
they relate to mensurable music ; and though the
various species of proportion have already been ex-
])lained, it seems necessary here to recapitulate what
has been said on that head, in order to give an idea
of the general view and design of the author in this
last book of his treatise De Practica.
Proportion is the ratio that two terms bear to each
other, as two numbers, two lines, two sounds, &c. ; as
if we were to compare ut below with sol above, or
any other two sounds at different parts of the scale.
In general there are two kinds of proportion.
The first is of Equality, and is when two terms are
equal, the one containing neither more or less than
* In the composition of music in symphony, it is to be noted that the
number of parts can never in strictness exceed four ; and tliat where any
composition is said to be of more, some of the parts must necessarily
pause while others sing.
The most usual names for the several parts of a vocal composition are
b.ise, tenor, counter-tenor, and cantus ; where it is for live voices, another
part called the medias or mean is interposed between the counter-tenor
and the cantus. In three parts, where there is no cantus, the upper part
is generally the counter-tenor, which in that case assumes the name of
Altus ; but these which are the general rules observed in the arrange-
ment of parts allow of many variations. Franchinus, in the example
above-cited, has given the name of Baritonans to one of tlie parts ; this
is a term signifying that kind of base, which for the extent of its compass
may be considered as partaking of the nature both of the base and tenor.
In compositions for instruments, and sometimes in those for voices, the
cantus is called the Treble, which several terms are thus explained by
Butler in his Principles of Music, lib. I. chap. iii. in not.
The Base is so called because it is the basis or foundation of the song.
The Tenor, from teneo to hold, consisted anciently of long holding
notes, containing the ditty or plain-song, upon which the other parts
were wont to descant in sundry sorts of figures.
The Counter-tenor is so named, as answering the tenor, though com-
monly in higher notes ; or it maybe thus explained, Counter-tenor quasi
Counterfeit-tenor, from its near affinity to the tenor.
Cantus seems to be an arbitrary term, for which no reason or etymology
is assigned by any of the writers on music.
The Treble has clearly its name from the third or upper septenary of
notes in the scale, which are ever those of the treble or cantus part.
The term Baritonans answers precisely to the French Contre-basse, an
appellation very proper for a part, which as it is said above, seems to bear
the same affinity to the base as the couuter-tenoi does to the tenor.
the other, as 1 1, 2 2, 8 8; the two sounds in this
proportion are said to be unisons, that is having the
same degree of gravity and acuteness.
The other is of Inequality, as when of two terms
one is larger than the other, i. e. contains more parts,
as 4, 2 ; because the first contains the latter once and
something left, this therefore must be inequality. Of
this proportion there are five species, which the
Italians call Generi.
First, IMoltiplice or IMultiple is when the larger
number contains the small one twice, as 4, 2. If this
greater term do contain the less but twice, as 4, 2 ; 6, 3;
16, 8 ; &c. it is called Proporzione Dupla, if three
times Tripla, if four Quadrupla, and so on to infinity.
The second proportion of inequality is Proporzione
del Genere superparticulare, and is that wherein the
greater term contains the less once, and an aliquot or
exact part of the lesser remains, as 3, 2 ; if the number
remaining be exactly half the less number, the pro-
portion is called Sesquialteral ; if a third part of the
less as 4, 3, Sesquiterza, and so on, adding to Sesqui
the ordinal number of the less term.
The third proportion of inequality is called Pro-
porzione del Genere superparziente, in which the
greater term contains the less once, and two, three,
four, or more parts of the less remaining ; or as
Zarlino says, 2, 3, 4, or more units, &c. This pro-
portion is distinguished by the words Bi, Tri, Quadri,
&c. between Super and Parziente ; thus the propor-
tion of 5, 3, is called Superbiparziente Terza, because
5 contains 3 once and two units remain, which are
two parts of 3 ; that of 7, 4, Supertriparziente Quarta,
by reason 7 contains 4 once, and three parts of 4
remain, and so of others.
The fourth and fifth kinds of proportion of ineqxia-
lity are compounded of the multiple and one of those
above described, f
IMorley, in the following table, has very clearly
shewn how the most usual proportions in music are
generated : —
t Vide Brossard, Dictionaire de Musique, in art.
Chap. LXIII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
283
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16.
18
20
3
6
9
12
15
IS
21
24
27
30
4
8
12
IG
20
24
28
32
36
40
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
50
6
12
18
24
30
36
42
48
54
60
7
14
21
28
35
42
49
56
63
70
8
16
24
32
40
48
56
64
72
80
9
18
27
36
45
54
63
72
81
90
10
20
30
40
50
00
70
80
90
100
and has explained its use and reference tp the purposes
of musical calculation in the following terms : —
' As for the use of this table, when you would know
' what proportion any one number hath to another,
' finde out the two numbers in the table, then looke
* upwarde to the triangle inclosing those numbers,
* and in the angle of concourse, that is where your
' two lynes meete togither, there is the proportion of
' your two numbers written : as for example, let your
* two numbers be 18 and 24 ; looke upward, and in
' the top of the tryangle covering the two lynes which
' inclose those numbers, you will find written Sesqui-
* tertia ; so likewise 24 and 42 you finde in the angle
* of concourse written super tripartiens quartas, and
* 60 of others.'
There is reason to think that this ingenious and
most useful diagram was the invention of Morley
himself; since neither in Franchinus, Peter Aron,
Glareanus, Zarlino, nor many other ancient writers,
who have been consulted for the purpose, is it to be
found. Indeed in the Theorica of Franchinus we
meet with that deduction of numbers which forms
the basis ot the triangle, and nothing more, but that
work Morley declares he had never seen : *' it is
• For this we have his own word in a passage which proves, though he
takes frequent occasion to cite Francliinus. yet that he had the misfortune
to be a stranger to the most valuable of his works, as also to some par-
ticulars relating to ancient music, which he would have been glad to
have known. These are Morlej''s own words : ' And though Friar
' Zaccone out of Franchinus aifirnie that the Greekes didde sing by
' certaine letters signifying lioth the time that the note is to be holden in
'length, and also the heighth and lownesse of the same: yet because
' I find no such matter in Franchinus his Harmonia Instrumentoruni
' (for his Theorica nor Practica I have not seene, nor understand not
'his arguments) I knowe not what to sale to it.' [Annotations on the
' first part of the Introduction to Practical Music]
The passage above alluded to by Morley is to be found in the Prattica
di Musica of Zacconi, lib. I. cap. 15, but it contains no reference to any
particular work of Franchinus, nevertheless it is clear that he must have
had his eye on the second chapter of the second book of the Practica
Musicse utriusque Cantus, in which are exhibited the characters used to
denote the measuies oi times which constituted the rytbmus of the
284
HISTORY OF THE SCIEXCE
Book VII.
highly prohaLle however that he found these numbers
in some other okl autlior ; and as to the several tri-
angles produced therefrom, he may well be supposed
to have taken the hint of drawing them from that
diagram in the manuscript of Waltham Holy Cross,
inserted in page 248 of this work, in which a series
of duple, triple, sesquialteral, and sesquitertian pro-
portions is deduced from certain numbers there
assumed.
CHAP. LXIV.
The use of the several proportions contained in
":he foregoing diagram, so far as they regard music,
«vas originally to ascertain the ratios of the conso-
nances, and for that purpose they are applied by
Euclid in the Sectio Canonis ; for instance, the dia-
pason is by him demonstrated to be in duple, which
is a species of Multiplex proportion ; the diatessaron
in superparticular, that is to say Sesquitertia propor-
tion, 4 to 3 ; the diapente also in superparticular,
that is to say Sesquialtera proportion, 3 to 2 ; and
lastly, the Diezeuctic tone also in superparticular,
that is to say Sesquioctave proportion, 9 to 8. All
which proportions were investigated by the division
of the nionochord, and are now farther demonstrable
by the vibrations of pendulums ol proportionable
lengths.
That the Cantus Mensurabilis had also a foundation
in numerical proportion is evident, tor not only it
consisted in a combination of long and short quantities,
but each had a numerical ratio to the other ; for in-
stance, to the Large the Long was in duple, and the
Breve in quadruple proportion ; this was in the im-
perfect mode, but in the perfect, where the division
was by three, the Long was to the Large in triple,
and the Breve in nonuple proportion.
There does not seem to have been any original
necessity for transferring the ratios from consonance
to measures, or at least of retaining more than the
duple and triple proportions, with those others gene-
rated by them, since we have found by experience
that all mensurable music is resolvable into either the
one or the other of these two ; but no sooner were
they adjusted, and a due discrimination made between
the attributes of perfection and imperfection as they
related to time, then the writers on mensurable music
set themselves to find out all the varieties of propor-
tion which the radical numbers are capable of pro-
ducing. How these proportions could possibly be
applied to practice, or what advantage music could
derive from them, supposing them practicable, is one
of the hardest things to be conceived of in the whole
science. Morley, in the first part of his Introduction,
pag. 27, has undertaken to declare the use of the most
simple of them, namely the Duple, Triple, Quadruple,
Sesquialtera, and Sesquitertia, which he thus explains
in the following dialogue : —
Greeks. See them in pag. 279, of this work. But Zaccone seems to
be mistaken in supposing that tiiese characters signified as well the
melndial distances as the quantity of the notes, for Francliinus intimates
nothing like it, on the contrary he says expressly, that these latter were
denoted by cc-rtain characters, which he purposely omits ; and what these
characters were may be seen in Boetius de Musica, lib. IV. cap. iii. aiid
in book I. chap. iv. of this work.
' Philomathes. \M)at is proportion ?
* Master. It is the comparing of numbers placed
' perpendicularly one over an other.
' Phi. This I knevve before ; but what is that to
' musicke ?
' Ma. Indeede wee do not in musicke consider
' the numbers by themselves : but set them for a simi
' to signifie the altering of our notes in tlte time.
' Phi. Proceede then to the declaration of pro-
* portion,
' Ma. Proportion is either of equality or une-
' quality. Proportion of equalitie is the comparing
' of two equal quantities togither, in which because
' there is no difference, we will speak no more at this
' time. Proportion of inequalitie is when two tilings
' ot unequal quantitie are compared togither, and is
' either of them more or less inaequalitie. Proportion
' 01 the more inequalitie is when a greater number is
' set over and compared to a lesser, and in musicke
' doth always signifie diminution. Proportion ol the
' lesse inequalitie is where a lesser number is set
* over and compared to a greater, as ^, and in
' musicke doth alwaies signifie augmentation.
' Phi. How many kinds ot proportions do you
* commonly use in musicke, for I am persuaded it is
' a matter impossible to sing them all, especially those
' which be termed superparcients ?
' Ma. You saie true, although there be no pro-
* portion so harde but might be made in musicke ;
' but the hardenesse ol singing them hath caused
* them to be left out, and therefore there be but five
* in most common use with us, Dupla, Tripla, Qua-
' drupla, Sesquialtera, and Sesquitertia.
' Phi. What is Dupla proportion in musicke ?
' Ma. It is that which taketh halte tlie value of
' every note and rest from it, so that two notes oi one
' kinde doe but answere to the value ot one ; and it
' is knowen when the upper number containeth the
' lower twise, thus f |, f, |, ^-^, &c. * * *
' Phi. What is Tripla proportion in musicke ?
* Ma. It is that which diminisheth the value of
* the notes to one third part ; for three brietes are set
' for one, and three semibreves for one, and is knowen
' when two numbers are set before the song, whereof
' the one contayneth the other thrise, thus y, f , f , &c.
* Phi. Proceed now to quadrupla.
' Ma. Quadrupla is proportion diminishing the
* value of the notes to the quarter of that which they
* were before ; and it is perceived in singing when
' a number is set before the song, comprehending
' another four times, as y, |-, ^^, &c. * * * Quintupla
' and Sextupla I have not seen used by any strangers
' in their songs so far as I remember, but here we use
' them, but not as they use their other proportions,
' for we call that Sextupla where wee make sixe black
' minyms to the semibreve, and Quintupla when we
' have but five, &c., but that is more by custom than
' by reason. * *• *
' Phi. Come then to Sesquialtera : what is it ?
' Ma. It is when three notes are sung to two of
' the same kinde, and is knowne by a number con-
' taining another once and his halfe, ^, f , f- * *
' Sesquitertia is when four notes are sung to thrr © of
Chap. LXIV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
285
* the same kinrle, and is knowen by a number set
' before him, contayning another once and his third
* part, thus, ^, f, y. And these shall suffice at this
* time, for knowing these, the rest are easily learned.
* But if a man would ingulphe himselfe to learne to
' sing, and set down all them which Franchinis
' Gaufurius hath set downe in his booke De Pro-
* portionihus IMusicis, he should find it a matter not
* only hard but almost impossible.'
It is evident from the passages above-cited, that
whatever might have been the number of the pro-
portions formerly in use, they were in Morley's time
reduced to five, and that he himself doubted whether
many of those contained in the Practica Musice
xitriusque Cantus ot Franchinus, could possibly he
sung ; and farther there is great reason to think
that in this opinion he was not singular.
To give a short account of the contents of Fran-
chinus's fourth book, it contains fifteen chapters,
entitled as follow : —
De diffinitione et distinctione proportionis, Caput primum.
De quinque generihus proportionum ma- 1 ^ secundum.
joris et minons mequalitatis, ) ^
De genere multiplici eiusque speciebus, Caput teitium.
De genere subinultiplici eiusque specielius, Caput quartuni.
De genere superparticulari eiusque ^Pe-| Caput quintum.
ciebus, J
De genere subsuperparticulari eiusque 1 q^^^^ sextum.
speciebus, /
De genere superpartiente eiusque speciebus, Caput septimum.
Do genere subsuperpartiente eiusque j ^aput octavum.
speciebus, ) ^
De geiiere multiplici superparticulari 1 ^. ^^^^^^^^^
eiusque speciebus, ) '
De genere submultiplici superparticulan, | ^ decitnum.
eiusque speciebus J
De genere multiplici superpartiente eius- \ Caput undeci-
que speciebus, j mum.
De genere subinultiplici superpartiente 1 Caput duodeci-
eiusque speciebus, j mum.
De coniunctione plurium dissimulum \ Caput tci tium
proportinnum, j decimuui
De proportionibus musicas consonantias 1 Caput quMitum
nutrientibus. / deciniuin.
De productione multiplicium proportio- | ^ quintum
num ex multiplieibus superparticu- > f ^ .iiiiiiiii
laribus, J
The first chapter of this book treats of proportion
in general, with the division thereof into discrete
and continuous, rational and irrational." In this dis-
crimination of its several kinds, Franchinus professes
to follow Euclid, and other of the ancient writers on
the subject ; I'eferring also to a writer on proportion,
but little known, named Johannes ]\Iarliam;s. In
the subsequent chapters are contained a great variety
of short musical compositions calculated to illustrate
the several proj^ortions treated of in each : some in
two parts, viz., tenor and cantus ; others in three,
viz., tenor, contratenor and cantus. The duples,
triples, and quadruples may in general be conceived
of from what Morley has said concerning them ; and
so might the others, if this explanation, which, mu-
tatis mutandis, runs through them all, were at this
day intelligible, namely, that a certain number of the
latter notes in each, are equivalent in quantity and
measure of time to a less number of precedent ones,
apparently of an equal value. To give an instance
in sextuple proportion, these are the author's words :
' Sextupla proportio quinta multiplicis generis species
* fit quum maior sequentiam notularum numeros ad
* minorem prsecedentium relatus : eum in se com-
' prjehendit sexies prascise : et asquiualet ei in quan-
' titate et temporis mensura ut vi. ad. i. et xii. ad ii.
' et xviii. ad. iii. sex enim notulte secundum banc
' dispositionem uni sibi consimili agquivalent et co£e-
' quantur : ita ut singulse quajque ipsarum sex
' diminuantur de quinque sextis partibus sui quan-
' titatiui valoris : describitur enim in notulis hoc
' modo I" ^^ ^^ quod hoc monstratur exemplo : — ' *
CANTUS.
g^^i^^^^ll^fe^
-1^r-^--t-h- h-^--M-.s^i ^^ ^
:lsp-±;rtit:t::
Mrir«:=El_T^-H:
TENOR.
^
rt^o:
i-o
rt:^p_EzE:
-:r-?s-^-^-.
e5
*t_e-es 1— I 1— 1 — -■d=q-J=i:i:i=:1^=:
" Pract. Mus. lib. IV. cap. iii.
Franchinus is not sufficiently clear to a modern apprehension with
respect to the manner in wliich the proportions are to be sung ; but with
the assistance of Morley, and by the help of that rule, which in his
Annotations on pag. 31 of the first part of his Introduction he lays down
as infallible, namely, that 'in all mn.sical proportions the upper number
signifieth the seniibr^ve, and the lower the stroke ; ' or, in other words,
because the division may be into less notes than semibreves, and the
notes divided may be less in quantity than a stroke or breve ; and that
other in pag. 2S, of the Introducti^ n, to wit, ' that the upper number
' signlfieth the pro^'ression, and the under the measure,' it is discoveratile
that in duple proportion two notes in one part are to be sung to one in
the other, in triple three, in quadruple four, and in quintuple five. Of
the two former kinds he has given examples in the twenty-eighth and
subsequent pages of his Introduction ; and of the two latter the following
occur, pag. 91 of the same work ; —
QUADRUPLA.
fffi^^lfe
ini 41
.& —
iimjli3:SS*feii^
nil
V^-
z=i5:
I
=JS;
QUINTUPLA.
"^—^'V^F^
t-
51
ztiz:
i::Lil"S^S^--^-
#*^^t
i+i-'+
286
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VIT.
As to that other work of Franchinns, entitled
Angelicum ac divinum Opus musice, the epithels
fe^^
1^
:-*-U4-
"1 '' . ",
■ I
^-.i-l^rj:::
^y' '■• * ^ '■ ■»Ti
^fl 5"
-
J^'
c
o
bi2_tl;
Sesquialtera and Sesquitertia are thus represented by him :—
SESQUIALTERA.
l^M 32 92
I
1^
given to it might induce a suspicion that it was
a posthumous publication by some friend of tlie
Upon the former whereof he remarks as follows : —
' Here they set downe certaiiie observations, which they termed In.
' ductions as here you see in the first two barres sesquialtera perfect:
' that they called the induction to nine to two. which is quadruple ses-
'quialtera. In the third barre you have broken sesquialtera, and the
•rest to the end is quadrupla sesquialtera, or, as they termed it, nine to
■ two ; and every projjortion whole is called the induction to that which
' it maketh, beinp broken. As tripla being broken in the more prolation
' wil make nonupla, and so is tripla the induction to nonupla. Or in the
Mess prolation wil make sextupla, and so is the induction to sextupla.'
The general method of reconciling dissimilar proportions, and reducing
them to practice, is exhibited by Morley in the following composition of
Alessandro Strip:sio, being the latter part of the thirtieth sonj; of the
second book nf his madrigals for six voices to the words 'AH' acqua
' sagra.' Introd. pag. 33 : —
ti.lE"5=»"t?
-«>—♦-
*eS
fe^
— t-
— H
:fzi{:--t-_tzc=t::a-
----&
z^-iz:±4z^^i_4Jz^z=L:;p±
Z3:
-♦-♦-
"sz;
ztr
=?z;^?z?z^-_
-t::z:=tztzf:i
iwzE^:
iiz$z1-
-S^
'~==i
Li^m-
-fzzzpzLzE
_t:zzzt:zt:zf-:
-- ' 1 — -. — I-
z^z^4-p^:
:qz2iqz-;^iqz
- * * *-
:5ZZ5
:s.-szz^— -iz
-♦ — ♦
♦ — <5>-^-
:^^^^r^<^
—+ 1 !-
It-t
^s:5?-
^lE^^
-e^
:$zir;
m
r^zdzd-^— ^z:
■S-s-;-43SI
O:
— 0-
Chap. LXIV
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC
2S7
author, rather than that he gave it to the world
himself; but the dedication of this book to Simone
Crotto, a patrician of Milan, excludes the possibility
of doubt that it was published by Franchinus, and
gives occasion to remark how much the manners of
the fifteenth century are exceeded by those of the
present time, in which should an author of the first
degree of eminence in any faculty or science give to
a work of his own the character of Angelic or Divine,
he would be more censured for his vanity than ad-
mired for his learning or ingenuity.
The difference here noted carries with it no im-
putation of excessive vanity in Franchinus, as it is
in a great measure accounted for by the practice of
the age he lived in ; but it may serve to shew that
tlie refinements of literature have a necessary effect
on the tempers and conduct of men, and that learning
and urbanity generally improve together.
To give a particular account of this work would
in effect be to recapitulate the substance of what has
already been cited from the writings of the ancient
harmonicians, more especially Boetius, of whom, as
he was a Latin writer, Franchinus has made con-
siderable use, as indeed have all the musical writers ;
Upon which Morley makes the following comment : ' Herein you have
'onepoynt handled first in the ordinary moode throun;h all the parts,
'then in Tnpla through all the parts, and lastly, in proportions, no part
' like unto another, for the treble coiiteyneth diminution in the Quadruple
' proportion. The second treble or Sextus bath Tripla prickt all in black
'notes. Your Altus or meane conteyneth diminution in Dupla pro-
' portion. The Tenor goeth through with his Tripla (which was begone
'before) to the ende. The Quuitus is Sesquialtera to the breefe, which
'hath this sign /'[* -J set before it. But if the sign were taken away,
' then woulde three minynis make a whole stroke, whereas now three
' semibriefs make but one stroke. The Base is the ordinary moode,
'wherein is no difficulty.'
It seems not very easy to reconcile proportions so dissimilar as are
contained in the examules above given, in respect that the Arsis and
Thesis in the several parts do not coincide, unless, which probably was
the method of singing them, in the beating one bar was marked by a
down, and the other by an up stroke.
But after all it is extremely difficult to account for this capricious in-
terchange of proportions in the same Cantus, or to assign any good
reason for retaining them. In the one example produced by Morley,
from Alessandro Striggio, and given above, we are more struck with the
quaititness of the contrivance, than pleased with the effect. In short,
the multiplicity of proportions seems to have been the abuse of music ;
and this the same author seems to allow in the course of his work, and
to censure where he says, that ' being a childe he had heard him greatly
'commended who coulde upon a plaine song sing hard proportions, and
' that he who could bring in maniest of them was accounted the joUyest
'fellowe.' Introd. pag. 119.
So much for the use of different proportions in different parts. Tlie
tersm by which they were anciently characterised come next to be
considered; and here we shall find that the terms Multiplex, Super-
particular, and Superpartient, with their several coinpounds, are better
supplied by those characters called the Inductions ; for the former do but
declare the nature of the proportions, which is a mere speculative con-
sideration, whereas the latter denote the proportions themselves. To
conceive justly of these it is necessary to premise that the measure of
a modern bar in duple time is a semibreve, and that all the triples have
a supposed ratio to this measure. If the progression be by Minims, the
radical number is the number of minims contained in the bar of duple
time, and the upper the number of progression, as in this instance ^,
which denotes that species of triple in which three minims are contained
in the bar. If the progression be by Crotchets, the radical gives the
number of crotchets in a bar of duple time, and the upper the nunrber
of progression, as ^, signifying that three crotchets are contained in a
bar. If the progression be by Quavers, eight are contained in a bar of
duple time, and ^ is the signature of a movement wherein three quavers
make a bar.
The above observations are intended to shew that our want of an
accurate knowledge of the ancient proportions of time is a misfortune
that may very well be submitted to, smce it is but a consequence of im-
provements that have superseded the necessity of any concern about
them ; it being incontrovertible that there is not any kind of proportion
or measure that the invention can suggest as proper for music, which is
not to be expressed by the characters now in use. These, and the
division of time by bars, have rendered useless all the learning of the
ligatures, all the distinctions of mood, time, and prolation ; all the
■various methods of augmentation and diminution by black full and
black void, red full and red void characters, and, in a word, all the
doctrine of proportions as applied to time, which Franchinus and number-
less authors before him had laboured to teach and establish,
for as to the Greeks, it is well known that till the
revival of learning in Europe, their language was
understood but by very few : Franchinus himself
was unable to read the Greek authors in the original,
and for that reason, as has been already mentioned,
he procured translations of them to be made at his own
expense. There are however many things in this
work of Franchinus that deserve to be mentioned.
It was printed at Milan in the year 1508 ; and
from the language, which is the Italian of that day,
and the style and manner in which this book is
written, there can be no doubt but that it is the same
in substance, perhaps nearly so in words, with those
lectures which we are told he read at Cremona, Lodi,
and elsewhere. Indeed the frontispiece to the book,
which represents him in the act of lecturing, seems
to indicate no less.
The work, as it now appears, differs in nothing
from an institute on the harmouical science: it begins
with an explanation of the five kinds of proportion
of greater inequality, namely, multiple, superjDar-
ticular, superpartient, multiple superparticular, and
multiple superpartient.
The author then proceeds to declare the nature of
the consonances, and exhibits the ancient system,
consisting of a double diapason, with his own obser-
vations on it. He then endeavours, by the help of
Ptolemy and INIanuel Bryennius, but chiefly of Boetius,
to explain the doctrine of the three genera ; in the
doing whereof he professes only to give the sen-
timents of the above, and a few less considerable
writers. He also shews the difference between
arithmetical, geometrical, and harmonical propor-
tionality.
After declaring the nature of Guido's reformation
of the .scale, the use of the syllables, the cliffs, and
the order in which the mutations arise, he proceeds
to demonstrate the ratios of the diatessaron, diapente,
and diapason, and thereby leads to an enquiry con-
cerning the modes of the ancients, which, agreeable
to Ptolemy, he makes to be eight.
The ecclesiastical tones come next under his con-
sideration ; and of these he gives an explanation not
near so copious, but to the same effect with that
contained in the Practica Musicse utriusque Cantus
already given at length.
The same may be said of that part of this work,
wherein tlie measures of time are treated on ; a brief
account of them, and of the ligatures, and also of
the pauses or rests, is here given, but for more ample
information the author refers his reader to his former
work.
The fourth part of this tract contains the doctrine
of counterpoint.
In the fifth and last part the proportions of greater
and lesser inequality are very accurately discussed;
these are solely applicable to the Cantus Mensurabilis,
but, as for reasons herein before given, the use of
intricate proportions has long been exploded, and
the simple ones have been found to be better charac-
terized by numbers than by the terms formerly
used for that purpose, a particular account of the
contents of this last book seems to be no way
necessary.
288
UISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VIL
CHAr. LXV.
Of the work De Harmonia Mnsicorum Instru-
tnentonim, little more need be said than that it was
printed at Milan in 1518, and is dedicated to Johannes
Grolerins, questor or treasurer of Milan to Francis I.
king of France. It is a general exhibition of the
doctrines contained in the writings of the Greek har-
monicians, at least of such of them as may be supposed
to have come to the hands of its author ; for some of
them it is not pretended that he ever saw ; and for
the sense of those with which he appears to have been
best acquainted, he seems to have been beholden to
Boetius, who in many respects is to be considered
both as a translator and a commentator on the Greek
writers. In this work of Franchinus the nature of
the perfect or immutable system is explained, as are
also, as well as the author was able, the genera of the
ancients, and the proportions of the consonances. He
considers also the division of the tone, and the dimen-
sion of the tetrachord, and shews the several species
of diatessaron, diapente, and diapason ; and demon-
strates, as Boetius bas also done, that six sesqui
octave tones exceed the diapason by a comma. He
next explains the nature of arithmetical, geometrical,
and harmonical proportionality, and shews wherein
they differ from each other. In the fourth and last
book he treats on the modes of the ancients, in the
doing whereof he apparently follows Ptolemy, and
speaks of the Dorian as the most excellent.
Notwithstanding the great reputation wliich Fran-
chinus had acquired by his writings, and the general
acquiescence of his contemporaries in the precepts from
time to time delivered by him, a professor of Bologna,
(iriovanni Spataro by name, in the year 1531 made a
furious attack upon him in a book entitled Tractato
di Musica, wherein he takes upon him an examination
of Franchinus's treatise De Practica, and charges him
with gross ignorance in that part of musical science
in which Franchinus was confessedly better skilled
than any professor of his time, the Cantus Mensura-
bilis. Spataro speaks of his preceptor Bartholomeo
Eamis, a Spaniard, who had read lectures at Bologna,
which were published in 1482, with the title of De
Musica tractatus, sive Musica practica, as a man of
profound erudition ; and cites him as authority for
almost everything he advances. He speaks of Franco,
who by a mistake he makes to have been a professor of
Cologne instead of Liege, as the unquestionable in-
ventor of the Cantus Mensurabilis, scarcely mentioning
John De Muris in the course of his work ; and speaks
of Marchettus of Padua as an author against whose
judgment there can lie no appeal.
The principal grounds of dispute between Spataro
and Franchinus were the values of the several charac-
ters that constitute the Cantus Mensurabilis and the
ratios of the consonances, which the former in some
of his writings had ventured to discuss. Spataro was
the author also of a tract entitled Utile et breve Regule
di Canto, in which also he is pretty free in his cen-
sures of Franchinus and his writins-s : and besides
these it should seem by Franchinus's defence of
himself, published in 1520, that Spataro had written
to him several letters from Bologna, in which the
charge of ignorance and vanity was strongly en-
forced. * In the management of tliis dispute, which
seems to have had for its object nothing less than the
ruin of Franchinus as a public professor, it is supposed
that Spataro had the assistance of some persons who
envied the reputation of his adversary no less than
himself did : this may be collected from the title of
Franchinus's defence, which is, Apnlogii Franchini
Gafurii Musici adversns Joannem Spatarium et com-
plices Musicos Bononienses, and seems to be confirmed
by the dedication of the Tractato di Musica to Peter
Aron of Florence, a writer of some note, and who
will be mentioned hereafter, and an epistle from Aron
to him, which immediately follows the dedication of
the above-mentioned work. To speak in the mildest
terms of Spataro's book it is from beginning to end
a libel on bis adversary, who was a man of learning
and integrity ; and nothing but the manners of the
age in which he lived, in which the style of contro-
versy was in general as coarse as envy and malice
could dictate, can excuse the terms he has chosen to
make use of; and, to say the truth, the defence of
Franchinus stands in need of some such apology, for
he has not scrupled to retort the charge of ignorance
and arrogance in terms that indicate a radical contempt
of his opponent.
The chronology of this controversy is no otherwise
to be ascertained than by the apology of Franchinus,
which is dated the twentieth day of April, 1520, at
which time the author was turned of seventy years of
age, and the letters therein mentioned, one whereof
bears date February, and the other March, 1519 ;
whereas Spataro's book appears to have been pub-
lished in 1531 : so that it is highly probable that
Spataro's book, as it is not referred to in the apology
of Franchinus, was not published till after the decease
of the latter ; yet it may be supposed to contain
the substance of Spataro's letters, inasmuch as it
includes the whole of the objections which Franchinus
in his apology has refuted.
It would be too much to give this controversy at
large, the merits of it ap]iear by Franchinus's apology,
wherein he has very candidly stated the objections of
his opponent, and given an answer to the most weighty
of them in the following terms.
' You Spartarius, who are used to speak ill of others,
* have given occasion to be spoken against yourself,
* by falling with such madness on my lucubrations,
* though your attack has turned out to my honour.
' Your ignorance is scarce worth reprehension ; but
* you are grown so insolent, that unless your petulance
' be chastised, you will prefer yourself befoi'e all
' others, and impute my silence to fear and ignorance.
' I shall now make public your folly which I have so
' lonar concealed : not with the bitterness it merits
' but with my accustomed modesty. How could you
' think to reach Parnassus, who understand not Latin ?
' You who are not above the vulgar class, profess not
' only music, but also philosophy and mathematics, and
' the liberal arts, and yet you have desired me to write
* Morley, Introrl. pa.^. 92, says that Spataro wrote a great book on the
manner of singing sesquialtera proportion.
Chap. LXV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
2S9
* to you in our mother tongue. Could no one else
' declare war against me but you, who are void of all
' learning, who infect the minds of your pupils, and
'pervert the art itself? But though my knowledge
' be small, yet I have sufficient to detect your errors,
' and likewise those of your master Bartholomeo
* Kamis.
' When therefore in your fourteenth description
' you speak of the sesquioctave 9 to 8 as divided into
* nine minute parts arithmetically, which you begged
' from a mathematician, you should know that a
* division merely arithmetical is not accounted of by
' musicians, because it does not contain concinnous,
* })erfect intervals ; and your mathematician might
* have marked down that sesquioctave more clearly,
' had he given the superparticular proportions in this
* manner, 81, 80, 79, 78, 76, 75, 74, 73, 72, for the
* two extremes 81 and 72 constitute the sesquioctave.
' But when you quote the authority of Marchettus of
* Padua you seem to despise Bartholomeo Ramis,
* your master, whom you extol as invincible ; for he
' in the first book of his Practica, after Guido esteems
' IVIarchettus (who is also accounted by Joannes Car-
' thusinus as wanting a rod) not worth even four
' Marcheta,* and reproves him as erroneous. But
* I imagine that you only dreamt that Marchettus di-
' vided the tone into nine dieses ; for if the diesis be
' the half of the lesser semitone, as Boetius and all mu-
' sicians esteem it, the tone would contain four lesser
' semitones, and the half of a semitone, a thing never
' heard of. This division of the Tone is not admitted
' by musicians ; and if you think that the tone contains
* nine commas, as some imagine, the contrary is
' proved by Boetius. Anselmus's division of the
' system into greater and lesser semitones is no more
* the chromatic, as IMarchettus intimates, than that
' of the tetrachord given by your mathematician ;
' for in the chromatic tetrachord the two graver
' intervals do not make up a tone according to
' Boetius, but are of what I call the mixt genus.
' Do not think that any proportions of numbers are
' congruous to musical intervals, except the chords
' answer the natural intervals.
' In your sixteenth description, spun out to the
' length of four sheets, you ostentatiously insist on
' many very unnecessary things ; for you endeavour
' to prove that this mediation 6, 5, 3, is harmonical,
' because the chords marked by these numbers when
' touched together ])roduce consonance. This is
' readily granted, for the extreme terms sound the
' diapason : the two greater sound the lesser third,
' which is greater than the semitone by a comma, 80 to
' 81 ; and the two lesser the greater sixth, diminished
* by a comma. These three chords will indeed pro-
* duce consonance, but not that most sweet mediation
' of these, 6, 4, 3, which Pythagoras, Plato, and Aris-
* totle extol as the most concinnous mediation possiljle.
' But in your seventh babbling descrijition you bring
' this mediation, 1, 2, 3, as truly harmonical, having
' the diapente towards the grave, and the diapason in
'the acute, which I do not admit ; for the extremes
* bear not a due proportion to each other. Again the
• A coin of Venice, of small value
duple 2, 1, above the sesquialtera having no harmo-
nical mediation, cannot be as sweet as G, 4, 3. I add
that this happens on account of the equality of the
differences (and therefore of the intervals) for the
sesquialteral space towards the grave is equal to the
duple immediately following it towards the acute,
as appears from the thirty-seventh chapter of the
second book De Harmonia Musicorum Instrumen-
torum ; neither is it equal in sweetness to this me-
diation of the triple, for this is truly harmonical, but
yours is not. You moreover blame Pythagoras for
not introducing the Sesquiquarta and Sesquicpiinta
as concinnous in his system ; but these are distant
from the entire and proper intervals, namely, the
ditone and semiditone, by a comma, and he made
use of none but entire intervals in his mediations.
Socrates, and the divine Plato, who also heard Draco
the Athenian, and Metellus the Agrigentine, fol-
lowed him : Guido himself described the eccle-
siastical cantus diatonically ; and before him the
popes Ignatius, Basilius, Hilarius, Ambrose, Gela-
sius, Gregory, used that modulation.
' You seem to imitate your master Ramis (who is
as impure as yourself) in petulance and ingratitude,
for if he borrowed the Sesquiquarta and Sesqui-
quinta, as you assert, from Ptolemy, he must be
a plagiary in not quoting him ; and you who
profited by the studies of Gaffurius, yet ungrate-
fully and enviously attack Gaffurius. How can
youth studying music profit by the erudition of
thy master ? who described his very obscure and
confused scale by these eight syllables, " Psal li tur
per vo ces is tas," wherein the natural lesser semi-
tone is marked by a various and dissimilar denomi-
nation ; but he frighted and repenting, laid that
aside, and was forced to return to the diatonic scale
of Guido, in which he has introduced the mixt
genus, filled up with as it were chromatic, thoun-h
false condensations, as appears in the course of his
practical treatise.
' In your eighteenth and last description you attack
me for having in the third chapter of the fourth
book De Harmonia ascribed the chord Nete Synem-
menon to the acute extreme of the Dorian mode,
when the tetrachord of the conjuncts is not admitted
in any figure of intervals. This Nete Synemmenon
might be called Paranete Diezeugmenon, as they are
both in the same place, so that there is not any ne-
cessity for the tetrachord of the conjuncts in the
production of this tetrachord. Your Ramis, in his
practical treatise, constitutes the fourth species of
the diapason from D sol re to d sol re, mediated
in G; whereby he makes the first ecclesiastical
tone, for the Dorian is the fourth species of the
diapason, become plagal from an authentic, and
subverts the sacred modulation. You attack me
for saying that Ptolemy constituted his eighth or
hyperniixolydian mode in similar intervals with the
hypodorian, asserting that he made them of different
diapentes and diatessarons ; but you ought to know
that the hyperniixolydian differs from the hyi)odo-
rian not formally, but in acumen only, being acuter
by a diapason. But do not think that this is the
290
rilSTOEY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VII.
eighth ecclesiastical tone which is plagal, for the
contrary is shewn in lib. I. cap. vii. of our Practica.
'In your two first detractory descriptions you
object against some things, in themselves not ma-
terial, in our book De Harmonia INIusicorum In-
strumentornm. I shall first answer that dated at
Bologna, the last day of February, 1519. We say
that the terms tetraehord and qiiadrichord are in-
differently used, for each comprehends four chords.
But the most ancient tetraehord of Mercury sounded
the diapason between the two extremes, as in these
numbers 6, 8, 9, 12. Neither think that by the
term Tetraehord is always meant the consonance
diatessaron, for every space containing four chords
is called a tetraehord or quadrichord ; and even the
tritone contained under four chords, from Parhypate
meson to Paramese is a tetraehord, though it exceeds
the diatessaron. Johannes Cocleus Noricus, the
Phonascus of Nuremberg, gave the name of Tetra-
chordum to his book of music, as being divided
into four parts. Samius Lichaon, who added the
eighth chord to the musical system, is imagined by
most people to be Pythagoras himself.
' I do not forget your babbling when you assert
that the Duple and the Sesquialtera conjoined pro-
duce the Sesquitertia in this order, 4, 2, 3, making
the Duple in 4, 2, and the Sesquialtera in 2, 3 ; but
in this you are wrong, for 2, 3, is here Subses-
qui altera.
' In your letter, dated the fifteenth of October,
you say you will not answer the questions I pro-
posed to you, which were, whether consonance is
not a mixture of acute and grave sounds sweetly
and uniformly approaching the ear ; and in what
manner that mixture is made, whether by the con-
junction, or by the adherence of the one to the
other : and again, which conduces most to con-
sonance, the grave or the acute, and which of
the two predominates. You moreover write that
Laurentius Gazius, a monk of Cremona, and well
skilled in music, came to you to discourse con-
cerning the canon of your master, and that Boetius
was only an interpreter, and not an author in music;
in this opinion you are mistaken, for he was the
most celebrated lawj^er, philosopher, mathematician,
orator, poet, astronomer, and musician of his age,
as his almost innumerable works declare. And
Cassiodorus bears witness of his musical erudition
in the epistle of the emperor Theodoric to Boetius
himself, to this purpose : " When the king of
' the Franks, induced by the fome of our banquet,
' earnestly requested a Cithara^dist from us, the only
' reason why we promised to comply, was because
' we knew you were well skilled in the musical art."
After a very severe censure on a Canticum of
Eai'tholomeo Ramis, produced by him in a lecture
which he publicly read at Bologna, Franchinus con-
cludes with saying, that ' the precepts delivered by
' him will, if not perverted, appear to be founded in
* truth and reason ; and that though his adversary
' Spataro should grow mad with rage, the works of
* Gaffurius, and the fame of his patron Grolerius
' will live for ever.'
PiETuo Aron, a Florentine, and a canon of Rimini,
ot the order of Jerusalem, and the patron of Spataro,
was the author of Libri tres de Institutione har-
monica, printed at Bologna, 1516 ; Tratto della
Natura e Cognitione di tutti gli Tuoni di Canto
figurato, Vinegia 1525. Lucidario in Musica di
alcune Oppenioni antiche et modei'ne, Vinegia 1545.
Toscanello de la Musica, Vinegia 1523, 1529. Nova-
mente Stampato con la gionta, 1539. Compendiolo
di molti dubbi Segreti et Sentenze intorno al Canto
Fermo et Figurato, IMilano 15 — . The first of these
was originally written in the Italian language, and
is only extant in a Latin translation of Johannes
Antonius Flaminius Forocorueliensis, an intimate
friend of the author.
The work entitled Toscanello is divided into two
books ; the first contains an eulogium on music, and
an account of the inventors ot it, drawn from the
ancient poets and mythologists. In this definition
of music the author recognizes the division of it
by Boetius and others into nmndane, humane, and
instrumental music. After brieflv distint^uisliina:
between vocal and instrumental music, he by a very
abrupt transition proceeds to an explanation of the
Cantus Mensurabilis and the ligatures, in which ho
does but repeat what had been much better said by
Franchinus and others before him.
The second book treats of the intervals and the
consonances, and in a very superficial manner, of the
genera of the ancients. From thence the author
proceeds to a declaration of counterpoint, for the
composition whereof he delivers ten precepts ; these
are succeeded by a brief explanation of the several
kinds of proportion, of greater and lesser inequality,
and of arithmetical, geometrical, and harmonical
proportionality : the remainder of the book consists
of directions for dividing the monochord according
to the rule of Guido Aretinus, with a chapter in-
titled De la Participatione et Modo da cordare
r Instrumento.
In the course of his work he highly commends
as a theorist Bartholomeo Ramis, the preceptor of
Spataro, styling him * Musico dignissimo, veramente
* da ogni dotto venerato ;' and as practical musicians
he celebrates lodocus Pratensis by the name of
Josquino, Obreth, Busnois, Ocheghen, and Duffai.
To these in other places he adds Giovanni Mouton,
Richafort, Pierazzon de Larve, Allessandro Agricola,
and some others, of whom he says they were the
most famous men in their faculty.
The edition of the Toscanello of 1539 has an
appendix, which the author intitles ' Aggiunta del
' Toscanello, a complacenza de gli Amici fatta,' con-
taining directions for the intonation of the Psalms,
and the singing of certain offices on particular
festivals.
The writings of Peter Aron contain nothing
original or new ; for it is to be observed that Boetius
and Franchinus had nearly exhausted the subject of
musical science, and that few of the publications sub-
sequent to those of the latter contain anything worthy
of notice, such as treat of music in that general and
extensive way in which Kircher, Zarlino, and Mer-
sennus have considered it.
The ten precepts of counterpoint, which constitute
Chap. LXVI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
201
tlio twenty-first and nine following chapters ot the
second liook of the Tosoancllo, seem to carry in them
the appearance of novelty, but they are in truth ex-
tracted from the writings of Francliinus, though the
autlior has studiously avoided the mention of his
name. They are in effect nothing more than brief
directions for adjusting the parts in an orderly suc-
cession, and with proper intervals between each, in a
composition of many parts. Morley appears to have
studied Peter Aron, and has given the substance of
his precepts, very much improved and enlarged, in
the tliird part of his Introduction.
The above restriction of the precepts of music to
the number of ten, is not the only instance of the
hind that we meet with in the works of writers on
the science : Andreas Ornithoparcus, of Meyning,
has discovered as great a regard for this number,
founded perhaps in a reverence for the Decalogue, as
Peter Aron has done ; for in his Micrologus, printed
at Cologne in 1535, he has limited the precepts for
the decent and orderly singing of divine service to
ten, though they might with great propriety have
been encreased to double that number.
CITAP. LXVI.
About the same time with Francliinus and Peter
Aron flourished John Hamboys, of whom bishop
Tanner in his Bibliotheca gives the following
account: —
* John Hamroys, a most celebrated musician, and
' a doctor in that faculty. Bale calls him a man of
' great erudition ; and adds, that being educated in
' the liberal sciences, he in his riper j'ears applied
* himself to music with great assiduity. He wrote
* Summam Artis MusiciB, lib. i. beginning " Quemad-
" modum inter Triticum." The MS. book in the
* Bodleian library, Digby 90, which has for its title
* Quatuor Principalia MusicjB, lib. iv. completed at
' Oxford, 1451, has the same beginning. Wrongfully
' therefore in the catalogues, and by A. Wood, is it
* assigned to Thomas of Teukesbury.'
Hamboys was the author also of certain musical
compositions, entitled Cantionum artificialium diversi
Generis, and is said to have flourished anno 1470.
Bal. viii. 40. Pits, pag. 602.
In Holinshed's Chronicle, vol. II. pag. 1355, is an
enumeration of the most eminent men for learning
during the reign of Edward IV.* in which the author
* It is highly probable from the establishment of his chapel, and the
provision tliereiii made for a succession of singers, that this prince was
a lover of music, and a favourer of musicians ; and it seems that Ham-
boys, thnut;h very eminent, was not the only celebrated musician of his
time; for in Weever's Funeral Monuments, pag. 422, is the following in-
scri))tion on a tomb, formerly in the old church of St. Dunstan in the
East : —
Clausus in hoc tumulo Gulielmus Payne requiescit,
Uueni sacer edituuni fouerat iste locus.
Claruin cui virtus, ars et cui musica noinen
Kduardi quarti regis in ede dabat.
Si tibi sit pietas, tumuli si cura, x iator,
iloc optes illi q\iod cupis ipse tibi,
Ob. l.iOS.
Another musician of the same surname is noted by an inscription in
the parish church of Lambeth in Surrey, in these words : —
Ot your charity pray for the foul of Sir Ambrole Payne, parfon
of Lambeth, and bachelour of muficlc, and chapleyn to the lords
cardynals Boular and Moiton, wlio departed May the xxviii.
A.D . I52S.
includes John Hamboys, an excellent musician,
adding, that for his notable cunning therein he was
made doctor of music.
There is reason to suppose that Hamboys w^as the
first person on whom the degree of doctor in music
was conferred by either of the universities in this
kingdom, at least there is no positive evidence to the
contrary ; and as to the antiquity of degrees in
music, although the registers of the universities do
not ascertain it, academical honours in this faculty
may be traced up to the year 1463, for it appears that
in that year Henry Habington was admitted to the
degree of bachelor of music at Cambridge ; and that
in the same year Thomas Saintwix, doctor in music,
was made master of King's College in the same
university.!
Such as are concerned for the honour of the science
will look upon this as a remarkable a^ra. And if we
consider the low estimation in which music is held by
persons imacquainted with its principles, it must
appear somewhat extraordinary to see it ranked w'ith
those arts which entitle their professors not merely
to the character of learned men, but to the highest
literary honours. How and for what reasons music
came to be thus distinguished, will appear by the
following short deduction of its progress between the
year 1300, and the time now spoken of.
As to the Cantus Gregorianus and the tonal laws,
they were a mere matter of practice, and related
solely to the celebration of the divine offices, but the
principles of the science were a subject ot very
abstruse speculation, and in that view music had a
place among the liberal arts. This discrimination
between the liberal and manual or popular arts is at
least as ancient as the fourth century, for St. Augus-
tine himself takes notice of it, and these two admitted
a distinction into the Trivium and Quadrivium, which
already in the course of this work has been noted :
in the former were included grammar, rhetoric, and
logic ; in the latter arithmetic, music, geometry, and
astronomy. Du Cange explains these terms by
saying that the Trivium signified the threelold way
to eloquence, and the Quadrivium the fourfold way
to knowledge. In what a barbarous manner the
sciences were taught may be in some degree inferred
from a treatise on them by the famous Alcuin, the
preceptor of Charlemagne, and that other of Cassio-
dorus, entitled De septem Disciplinis. In the greater
part of the schools the public teachers ventured no
farther than the Trivium, confining their instructions
to grammar, rhetoric, and logic ; but those of their
disciples who had passed both the Trivium and
Quadrivium were referred to the study of Cassio-
dorus and Boetius. It is easy to discover from this
account of the method of academical institution, the
+ It is conjectured that about this time music was arrived at great
perfectioTi in this country ; to this purpose we meet with the following
remarkable passage in the Mori.-p lincomium of Erasmus, Basil edition,
pag. 101 : — ' Natura ut singulis mortalibus suam, ita .singulis nationibus,
' ac pen^ civitatibus commuuLMn quandam iiisevisse Pbilautium : atque
' hinc fieri Britanni praeter alia, formani, musicam, ct lautas mensas
' proprie sibi vindicent.' Viz., As nature has implanted self-love in the
minds of all mortals, so has she dispensed to every country and nation
a certain tincture of the same affection. Hence it is that the English
challenge the prerogative of having the most handsome women, of the
being most accomplished in the skill of music, and of keeping the best
tables.
202
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VII.
track in which the students of music were necessitated
to walk : utterly ignorant oi the language in which
the precepts of harmony were originally delivered,
and incapable of viewing them otherwise than through
the medium ol a Latin version, they studied Marci-
anus Capella, Macrobius, Cassiodorus, Boetius, Guido
Aretinus, and those numberless authors who had
written on the tones and the Cantus Mensurabilis ;
and in these their pursuits the students in the English
universities of Oxford and Cambridge, for it nowhere
appears to have been the practice in other countries,
were rewarded with the academical degrees oi bache-
lor and doctor.*
* The statutes oC the two universities prescribe the exercises for
degrees in this and the other faculties, but they leave us at a loss tor the
regimen of students in the pursuit of them. It is however certain that
lormerly a course of study subjected the candidates for academical
honours to a greater degree ol hardship than we at this day are aware ot.
In a seimon o, Maister Thomas Leuer, preached at Poules Cross tlie xiij
day of December, anno 1550, is a description of college discipline, that in
this age of refinement would make a student shudder : these are the
author's words: 'There were [in the time of Hen. VIII.] in houses
' belonginge to the universitie of Cambridge twoo hundreds studentes
'o. dyvinitye, many very well learned, whyche be now all cleane gone,
' house and man ; yong towarde scolars, and old fatherly doctors, not
'one of them left: one hundred also of another sort, that having rich
'trends, or being beneficed, did live of themselves in ostles and innes,
' be either gone away, or elle.s faine to crepe intoo colleges, and put poor
'men from bare livynges. Those both be all gone, and a small number
' 01 poor diiygent students now remainyng only in colleges, be not able
' to tarry and continue their study in the universitie for lack of ex-
'hibition and helpe. There be divers there which rise daily betwixt iiij.
' and fyve of the clock in the mornynge, and from fyve until syxe of the
' clocke use common prayer, with an exhortation of God's word, in a
' common chapell, and from syxe untoo ten use ever eyther private
'study or commune lectures. At ten of the clocke they go to dinner,
' where as they be contente with a penie peice of befe amongst iiij,
'havinge a few potage made of the brothe of the same beefe, with salt
' and oatmeal, and nothing elles. After this slender dyner they be either
' teachinge or learninge until v. of the clocke in the evyning, when as
'they have a supper not muche better then their dinner, immediately
' after the which they go either to reasoning in probKmes, or unto some
'other studie, until it be nyne or tenne of the clocke, and there beyinge
' without fire, are faine to walke or runne up and downe halfe a houre to
'get a hete on their fete when they go to bed.'
The late learned Mr. Wise of Oxford, wa.s of opinion that degrees in
music are more ancient than the tune above-mentioned. His sentiments
on the .subject, and also touching the antiquity of degrees in general, are
contained in a letter to a friend of his, from which the following passage
is extracted : —
' England, in tlie time of the Saxons, through means of its frequent
'intercourses with Rome, and its neighbourhood to France, seems to
'liave arrived at as great a pilch of excellence in all good arts as any
'other nation of the Christian world during that dark period ol time.
•This appears from several remains ot poetry in Saxon and Latin, from
'some buildings, jewels, and vast numbers of fair manuscripts written
'by the Saxons, and illimiinated in as fair a manner as the taste of that
' age would admit of. Amongst other arts, music does not seem to have
'been one of the least studied amimfjst them, sexeral specimens of their
'skill in church-music remaining to this day, particularly a fair maiui-
'scri|)t, formerly belonging to the church of Winchester, now in the
•Bodleian library, called a Tropariou, written in the reign of king
'Ethelred the West-Saxon.
'His brother and immediate successor, Alfred the Great, as he is
'reported by historiatis to have been excellent in all sorts of learniijg,
'and a very great proficient in civil as well as military arts, so is he par-
' ticularly recorded for his skill in music, by which means he obtained a
'great victory over the Danes.
' It is therefore not to he wondered at, that upon restoring the Muses
'to their ancient seat at Oxford, he should appoint amongst the rest of
' the liberal arts a professor of music, as we expressly read he did, anno
'8S6. [Annals ol Hyde, quoted by HarpsfieldJ namely, John, the monk
'ot St. David's.
' As to the origin of degrees in general in the universities, though
• nothing certain appears upon record, yet they seem from the very nature
•of them, to be almost, if not quite, as old as the universties themselves ;
• it being necessary, even in the infancy of an university, to keep up the
' face and form of' it, by distinguishing the proficients in each science
'according to the difference of their abilities and time spent in study, as
' it is now to divide school-boys mto forms or classes.
'Our university, like others, being founded in the faculty of arts,
'degrees were accordingly given in logic, geometry, and each particular
' one, and in process of time in all of them together, the degree of master
'of arts being the highest in the university. Hut when the faculties of
'law and physic came into esteem in the world, and at length into the
' university, I don't mention divinity, because that was always cultivated
'here, then the lesser arts began to decline in their credit, as being less
'gainful; and degrees in most of them were entirely dropt, as logic,
'arithmetic, geometry, and astronomy; rhetoric indeed maintained its
'ground till the beginning of the sixteenth century, and grammar
' (because nobody was allowed to teach it unless graduated in one of the
' universities) held it a jjood while lonjjer; but music has maiiilaiued its
In the Fasti, at the end of the Athen. Oxon. vol. I.
which commences at 1500, mention is Irequently
'credit to this time, and with this remarkable advantage over the rest of
' its sister arts, that whereas the only degrees ot them were bachelor, or
' at most master, nmsic, for what reason I am. at present at a loss, gives
'the title oi doctor.'
Bachelor is a word of uncertain etymology, it not being known what
•was its original sense. Junius derives it from 'EaK:)}\og, foolish.
Menage from Bas Chevalier, a knight of the lowest rank. Spelman
from Baculus, a stafi. Cujas from Buccella, an allowance of provision.
The most probable derivation ol it seems to be from Bacca Laurus, the
berry of a laurel or bay ; bachelors being young and ol good hopes, like
laurels in the berry. In Latin Baccalatireus. Johns. Diet, in art. Vide
AyliiTe s ancient and present State of the University of Oxl'oid, vol. II.
pag. 195.
By the statutes of the university of Oxford, it is required of every pro-
ceeder to the degree of bachelor in music, that he employ seven years in
the study or practice of that faculty, and at the end of that term produce
a testimonial of his having so done, under the hands of credible witnesses ;
and that previous to the supplication for his grace towards this degree,
he compose a song of five parts, and perform the same publicly in the
music-school, with vocal and instrumental music, first causing to be
affixed on each of the doors of the great gates ot the schools a Programma.
giving three days notice of the day and hour of each performance. Of
a bachelor, proceeding to the degree of doctor, it is required that he shall
study five years after the taking his bachelor's degree; and produce the
like proof oi his having so done, as is requisite in the case o a bachelor,
and farther, shall compose a song in six or eight parts, and publicly per-
form the same 'tarn vocibus quam instrumentis etiam musicis.' on some
day to be appointed for that purpose, previously notifying the day and
hour of performance in the manner before prescribed. Such exercise to
be performed in the presence of Dr. Heyther's professor ol music. This
being done, the candidate shall supplicate for his grace in the convocatiot)-
house, which being granted by both the Savilian professors, or by some
master of arts deputed by them for that purpose, he shall be presented to
his degree.
The statutes of the university of Oxford, do in like manner prescribe
the exercises for degrees in the other faculties, but in terms at this day
so little understood, that an attempt to explain them in this place may
to some be not unacceptable. In Title VI. Sect. 2, De Exerciliis
prtestandis pro Gradu Bacculaurei in Artibus, the exercises required are
Disputationes in Parvisiis : on this terra the following are the sentiments
of glossngraphers : —
Before the schools were erected the young students held their dis-
putations in Parvisiis, in the porch of St. Mary's church. There they
sate, visa-vis, one over against the other. This might be expressed in
the Norman French of those times perhaps by Par- Vis, and this again iij
barbarous Latin would be rendered by in Parvisiis.
In Skinner's Lexicon the word Parvis is said to signify in Norman
French a church-porch ; and he quotes Spelman, as deriving it from the
Word Paradisus. Perhaps, says he, because the jKnch was, with respect
to the church itseh, what Paradise is to Heaven. This reason is hat sh and
■whimsical ; the word Parvis seems rather to be a corruption of a barbarous
Latin word Pervisus, from Perviso, to look through, because people
looked through the porch into the church. Or if. as is frequently the case,
one porch was opposite to the other, then at the porch people might be
said to look through the church. Pervisus then, or Parvis is literally
speaking the place of looking-through.
Chaucer, in the Prologues to the Canterbury Tales, characterizing the
Sergeant at Law, says, —
A I'ergeant of hwe, ware and wife,
That often had ben at the pervile.
And in the Glossary at the end of Urry's edition, the word Pcrvise is
thus explained: 'Parvis, Fr. contracted from Paradis, Tlapaciiaot;,
' ToTTOg ii) (0 TTtpnrdroi. Hesych. Locus porticihus et deambulalnyiis
'circundatns. A Portico or court before a church. Fr. Gl. in Paradisus-
'The place before the church of Notre Dame at Paris, called Parvis, It 11.
' 7151, was anciently called Paradis. Men. Fr. in Parcis, Spelman says
'in Panoe, &c. that our lawyers used formerly to walk in such a place to
' meet their clients, and not for law exercises, as Blount and others write,
'being perhaps led into that mistake by that passage, Prol. 312; atul
' others, considering the context more than the sense of the word Pervise,
' explain it a bar.'
Another writer says of this word that it signifies the nether part ot
a church, set apart for the teaching of Ciiildren in it, and that thence it is
called the Parvis, a parvis pueris ibi edoctis; adding that this sense of
it explains the following story in Matthew Paris, Hist. Angl. inHen. 111.
pag. 7ys : —
' In the reign of king Hen. III. the pope's collector met a poor priest
'with a vessel of holy water, and a sprinkler, and a loaf of bread that he
' had gotten at a place for sprinkling some of his water; for he used to
'go abroad, and bestow his holy water, and receive of the people what
'they gave him, as the reputed value thereof. The pope's collector
'asked him what he might get in one year in that way? The priest
' answered about twenty shillings ; to which the collector presently re-
'plied, then there be'oiigs as due out of it, as tlie tenths, two shillings to
'my receipt yearly, and obliges him to pay it accordingly. Upon wiiich
'now comes the passage, " Cogebatur ille pauperculus, multis diebiis
" scholas exercens, venditis in Parvisio libellis, vitam fanielicam pro-
" telare pro ilia substantia persolvenda." i. e. The poor priest, to enable
'him to pay that impiisition, and to get a sort of livelihood, was con-
' strained to take up the trade of selling little books at the school in the
' Parvise. And hence it is, as some think, that the French call the
' Proanos, le Pariis.' History of Churches in England, by Thomas
Staveley, octavo, 1712, pag. 157. Fo'- more on this subject consult the
Glossdiy to Dr. Wats's edition of Matthew Paiis, and that of SuiiUiir lo
Chap. LXVI. AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC. 293
made of admission to bachelors' degrees in the several suffice to say, that at this time men becran to think
faculties, and of the privilege thereby acquired of and reason justly on literary subjects ; and that they
reading publicly on certain books in each of them did so in music was owing to the discoveries of Fran-
respectively, for instance, in divinity the graduate chinus, and his zeal to cultivate the science ; for no
was allo\Aed to read the IMaster of the Sentences ; in sooner were his writings made public than they were
civil law, the Institutes of Justinian ; in canon law, spread over Europe, and the precepts contained in
the Decretals ; in physic, Hippocrates ; in arts, the them inculcated with the utmost diligence in the
Logic of Aristotle ; and in music, Boetius : thus, to many schools, universities, and other public semi-
give an instance of the latter, Henry Parker, of naries througliout Italy, France, Germany, and Eng-
Magdalen-hall. in 1502, John Mason, and John land ; and the benefits resulting from his labours
Sherman, in 1508, John Wendon, and John Clawsey, Avere manifested, not only by an immense number
in ISO'.t, John Dygon, a Benedictine monk, in 1512, of treatises on music, which appeared in the world in
and Thomas Me'ndus, a secular chaplain, in 1534, the age next succeeding that in which he flourished,
were severally admitted to the degree of bachelor of but in the musical compositions of the sixteenth cen-
music ; and of such it is said in the Fasti, Col. 5, tury, formed after his precepts, and which became the
and again Col. 69, that they were thereby admitted models of musical perfection. Of these latter it will
to the reading of any of the musical books of Boetius, be time enough to speak hereafter : of the authors
which at that time" were almost the only ones from that immediately succeeded him, and the improve-
whence any knowledge of the principles of the science ments made by them, it is necessary to say some-
could be derived. thing in this place.
The efforts of Franchinus for the improvement of The first writer on music of any note after Fran-
music are related in the foregoing account of him and chinus and Peter Aron seems to have been Jacobus
his writings, and the advantages which accrued from Faber Stapulensis, who flourished about the year
his labours may in some measure be deduced from 1503. Among other works, he has left behind him
thence as a necessary consequence ; but the dissemi- four books on music, entitled Elementa INIusicalia,
nating his precepts by writing through the learned printed at Paris in 1496 and 1551, a thin folio,
world, was not all that he did towards the advance- In the beginning of this work he celebrates his two
ment of the science, for besides this he laid a foun- masters in the science. Jacobus Labinius, and Jacobus
dation for endless disquisition, by procuring copies of Turbelinus. Josephus Blancanus held it in such
tlie works of the ancient Greek harmonicians, the estimation, that he recommends to students that they
masters of Boetius himself, and by causing trans- begin with the study of it above all other things;
lations of them to be made for the use of the many and that after reading it, they proceed to Boetius,
that were absolutely ignorant of the language and Aristoxenus, Ptolemy, and Euclid. Salinas speaks
character in which they were written. But the ope- very differently of the Elementa Musicalia, for he
ration of these his labours for the advancement of the says it discovers that the author knew more of the
science must .necessarily have been very slow, and will other parts of mathematics than of music; he how-
hardly account for those amazing improvements in ever commends the author for having treated the
the art of practical composition which appear in the subject with a degree of perspicuity equal to that
works of lodocus Pratensis, Orlando de Lasso, Phi- of Euclid in his Elements of Geometry. He adds,
lippo de Monte, Andrian Willaert, and in short, of that he does not seem to have read Ptolemy, or any
the musicians in almost every country in Europe to other of the Greek writers, but is entirely a Boetian,
whom the benefit of his instructions had extended, and does nothing more than demonstrate what he
These are only to be accounted for by that part of has laid down. This is certainly a very favourable
his history which declares him to have been a public censure ; Salinas might truly have called the book
professor of the science, and to have taught publicly a partial abridgment of Boetius, for such it must
in some of the principal cities of Italy. ^This he did appear to every attentive peruser of it. Faber was
to crowded auditories, at a time when the inhabitants of Picardy ; his name, in the language of his own
of Europe were grown impatient of their ignorance : country, was Jacques Le Fevre D'Estaples ; he was
when the popes and secular princes of Italy were a doctor of the Sorbonne, and beloved by Erasmus,
giving great encouragement to learning. This dis- Bayle relates that he was once in the hands of
position co-operating with the labours of the studious the inquisitors, but was delivered by the queen of
and industrious in the several faculties, brought about Navarre. Buchanan has celebrated his learning in
a reformation in literature, the effects whereof are felt the following elegant epitaph : —
at this day. Not to mention the arts of painting and Qh; studiis primus lucem intulit omnibus, artes
sculpture, which were now improving apace, it may Edoctum cunctas hrec tegit urna Fabrum.
the X Scriptores, voce Triforium, and Selden in his notes on Fortescue Heu ! tenebra; tanlum potuere extinguere lumen ?
be Laudibus. Si non in tenebris lux tamen ista niicet.
In the statutes of the university of Oxford. Tit. VI. Sect. 3. ' De
• disputationes in Parviso, turn habeiidis, turn frequentandis,' we meet The improvements made by FraUchinUS WQY&
with the term DLsputationes in Augiistinensibus: these, in tlie academical - ,, , , , <• 'j U1 • i.
style of .speaking, were disputations with the AuKUstine monks, who had foUoWed by aUOthcr 01 VCry COnSlCleraDle import,
acquiredgreatreputationforexerci.ses of this kind, and had formerly namclv, the Invention of FugUe, from the Latin
a monastery at Oxford, the site whereof was afterwards purchased for ^ J ' . ^ ~ , .
the purpose of erecting Wadham College. With them the students held Fuga, a chaCe, a SpCClCS Of SymphOUiaC COmpOSltlOn,
disputationsattheplace, and in the manner above related. Some traces of • ^u.-pb i pprtqin air rtoint or subieot is Dro-
this practice yet remain in the university exercises ; and the common ^^ wniCU a Certain air, poini, or bUUject lb pro-
Ehrase of young scholars, • answering Augustine's' or ' doing Austin's,' pounded by die part and prosecuted bv another,
as a direct allusion to it. r ./ t t ^
294
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VII.
Zarlino resemDles it to an echo ; and it is not im-
probable that tlie accidental reverberation of some
passage or particle of a musical tune might have
originally suggested the idea of composition in fugue.
The merit of this invention cannot, at this distance
of time, be ascribed to any one musician in pre-
ference to another, but the antiquity of it may, with
great appearance of probability, be fixed to about the
beginning of the sixteenth century: this opinion is
grounded on the following observations.
Franchinus, the most ancient of the musical writers
who have expressly treated on composition in sym-
phony, seems to have been an absolute stranger to
this species of it, for his precepts relate solely to
counterpoint, the terms fugue or canon never once
occurring in any part of his writings ; and the last
of his tracts, viz., that De Harmonia Musicorum
Instrumentorum, as already has been remarked, was
published in 1518. On the other hand, in the Dode-
1
cachordon of Glareanus of Basil we meet with fugues
to a very great number, and indeed witli a canon
of a very extraordinary contrivance, comiiosed by
lodocus Pratensis, for the practice of his master
Lewis XII. king of France.
But to draw a little nearer towards a conclusion,
there is extant a book entitled Micrologus, written
by Andreas Ornithoparcus of Meyning, a master of
arts, and a professor of music in several universities in
Germany. This book was first published at Cologne
in 1535, and contains, lib. II. cap vii. a definition
and an example of canon to the following purpose : —
* A canon is an imaginary rule, drawing that part
' of the song which is not set down out of that
' which is set down. Or it is a rule which doth
' wittily discover the secrets of a song. Now we
' use canons either to shew art, or to make shorter
' work, or to try others cunning, thus : —
?i:]:
aaESE^E!E?=E*4^t:^^^
:t=p:
<&
t:
Comparing therefore the date of Franchinus's last
treatise with that of the Micrologus, the interval be-
tween the publication of the one and the other of them
appears to be seventeen yeai's, a very short period
for so considerable an improvement in the practice
of musical composition.
It is natural to suppose that the first essays of this
kind were fugues in two parts ; and a fugue thus con-
structed was called two parts in one, for this reason,
that the melody of each might be found in the other.
In the framing of these parts, two things were neces-
sary to be attended to, namely, the distance of time
or number of measures at which the reply was to fol-
low the principal subject, and the interval between the
first note in each : with respect to the latter of these
particulars, if the reply was precisely in the same
notes with the subject, the composition was called
a fugue in the unison ; and if in any other series of
concordant intervals, as namely, the fourth or fifth
above or below, it was denominated accordingly, as
hereafter will be shewn. The primitive method of
noting fugues appears by the following examples of
two parts in one, contained in an ancient manuscript
on vellum, of one Robert Johnson, a priest, the an-
tiquity whereof may be traced back to near the
beginning of the sixteenth century ; the first of
these is evidently a fugue in the unison, of two
parts in one, and the latter a fugue of two parts
in one in the eleventh, or diapason cum diatessaron,*
* In compositions of this kind it seems to have been the ancient prac-
tice to frame them on a given plain song, and that in general was some
well known melody of a psalm or hymn.
The plain-song on which this fugue is composed is taken from the
notes of an ancient hymn, O Lux beata Trinitas. which seems to have
heen a very popular melody before the time of king Henry VIII. In
Skelton's poem, entitled, The Bouge of Court, Riot is characterized as a
rude, disorderly fellow, and one that could upon occasion sing it.
' Counter he coulde O Lux upon a potte,'
And Bird, whose excellence in this kind of composition is well known,
made a great number of canons, on this very plain song.
A practice similar to this, of composing songs and divisions for in-
struments on a ground-base, prevailed fur many years ; and it was not
hecome quite obsolete in the time of Corelli, whose twelfth solo is a
division on 3 well-known melody, known in England by the name of
as will appear by comparing the latter with the for-
mer part of each respectively.
♦^ —
1 1 — I 1— ' -^-^ — I — '
Two parts in one, in one voyce, A niynnym after another.
O;
The other part.
^alsflars^^i
f|±iEfetg
Two parts in one, An eleventh above anotlier.
ziz:^
3a
^E£EtMHi=
:J-q
-ziEj^
::]:
-t-
-■q-HzU:
:iz±z±:
z±zfci-:^-ii--«L-SlzE:iz^z;t±!:i:L
Farinel's Ground ; as is also the twelfth of Vivaldi's Suonate da Camera,
Ol)era prima.
That Purcell was very fond of this kind of composition, appears
throughout the Orpheus Britannicus, and elsewhere in his works, as
well for the church as the theatre. In the year 1667 a book was published
in Latin and English, by Christopher Simpson, a famous violist, en-
titled ' Chelys minuritionum artiflcio exornata,' or, the Division Viol,
containing a great variety of old grounds, with divisions thereon : these
were the constant exercises of practitioners, as well on the violin as the
viol, till the time that Corelli's music was first introduced into England,
before which he was looked on as an excellent performer who could play
the country-dance tune of Old Sir Simon the king, with the divisions.
Chap. LXVI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
295
^szx—
:t.
The other part.
1-—-—- — —IS": — o— ;^— - This which immediately follows is the resolution
_(__^_P^ [-^^|— [-- 1 — -[-— of a canon of two parts in one, composed by Bird, on
the same plain song as the former, with this difference,
:m-
/-T- _ that the reply is in longer notes than the principal,
faiZji?^ ■ »— ^^♦^"ii'j^^ ' Hihip^— H-«-B^"— ■ B-n— ^^^' ^^'^ii<^^^ reason, it is called a fugue by diminution.
0 LUX.
V (^ o LUX.
Of these two kinds as also of fugue of four parts in two,
and of three in one, the succeeding are examples : —
1
±
m=
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m.^
ms^3mm^^m^^^m^i^^^^m^mm'^^i^Wi
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WiLLiAM Bird.
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o
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Ad Placitum.
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iziz=z=ri
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William Bird.
29G
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE.
Book. Vll.
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Of the foregoing canons of Bird it may be remarked,
tliat as the former examples of two parts in one are
Btndies on the well-known plain-song of 0 Lnx, so
this is an exercise on a plain-song of Miserere, for the
origin whereof we are to seek : the celebrity of it
may however be inferred from this circumstance, that
Dr. John Bull, who was exquisitely skilled in canon,
made a variety of compositions on it, some whereof
will hereafter be inserted. But we are told by
Morley that Bird and Alphonso Ferabosco made
canons, each to the number of forty, and his friend
Mr. George Waterhouse above a thousand, upon the
same plain song of Miserere, and it is probable that
this of Bird is one of the number. The passage is
curious, and is as follows : ' If you thinke to imploy
' anie time in making of parts on a plain-song,
* I would counsell you diligentlie to peruse those
waies which my loving maister (never without
' reverence to be nanaed of musitians) M. Bird and
' M. Alphonso, in a virtuous contention in love between
' themselves, made upon the plain-song of Miserere ;
' but a contention as I said in love, which caused
' them strive everie one to surmount another wnthout
' malice, envie or backbiting : but by great labour,
' Btudie, and paiues each making other censure of that
which they had done. Which contention of theirs,
speciallie without envie, caused them both become
more excellent in that kind, and winne such a name,
and gaine such credite, as will never perish so long
as musicke indureth. Therefore there is no waie
readier to cause you become perfect than to contend
with some one or other, not in malice (for so is
your contention upon passion not for love of vertue)
but in love shewing your adversarie your worke,
and not scorning to bee corrected of him, and to
amende your fault, if hec speake with reason : but
of this enough. To return to M. Bird and M.
Alphonso, though either of them made to the num-
ber of fortie waies, and could have made infinite
more at their pleasure, yet hath one manne, my
friend and fellow, M. George Waterhouse,* upon
the same plain-song of Miserere for varietie sur^
passed all who ever laboured in that kinde of studie.
* Of this person, so excellent in music as he is above said to have been,
as far as appears after a diligent research and enquiry, there is not a single
composition remaining. All that can be learned concerning him is, that
he was first of Lincoln, and afterwards of the chapel to queen Elizabeth,
and that having spent several years in the study and practice of music,
in the year I. '592 he supplicated at Oxford for the degree of bachelor, but
Wood was not able to discover that he was admitted to it. Fasti, Anno
1592. By the entry in the cheque-book of the chapel royal, it appears
that he died the eighteenth day of February, 1601,
Chap. LXVl.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
297
' For hee liatli already made a thousand waies (yea,
' and though I shouUle talk of halfe as manie more,
' I should not bo far wide of the truth) everie one
* different and several from another. But because
* I do hope very shortlie that the same shall be
* published for the benefite of the worlde, and his
* owne perpetual glorie, I will cease to speake anie
' more of them, but onlie to admonish you, that
' whoso will be excellent must both spende mucli
' time in practice, and looke over the doings of
* other men.'
Touching these exercises, it is to be observed, that
they are calculated to facilitate the practice of com-
posing in fugue, by exhibiting the many various
ways in wdiich the point may be brought in ; or, in
other words, how the replicate may be made to
correspond with, or answer, the principal. The
utility of this kind of study may be in some measure
inferred from a variety of essays in it by Bird, Bull,
and others, yet to be met with in ancient collections
of music ; and to a still greater degree from a little
book entitled 'Divers and sundrie waies of two
' parts in one to the number of fortie uppon one
* playn-song ; sometimes placing the ground above
' and two parts benethe, and otherwise the ground
' benethe, and two parts above. Or againe, otherwise
' the ground sometimes in the middest betweene both.
' Likewise other conceites, which are plainlie set
' downe for the profite of those which would attaine
' unto knowledge, by John Farmer, imprinted at
'London, 151)1,' small octavo.
Elway Bevin, a disciple of Tallis, a gentleman
extraordinary of the royal chapel in 1605, and
organist of the cathedral church of Bristol, published
in the year 1B31, a book, which, though entitled
a Brief Introduction of Music and Descant, is in
truth a treatise on canon, and contains a manifold
variety of fugues of two, three, and more parts in
one, upon one plain-song most skilfully and in-
geniously constructed ; but of him, and also of this
his work, an account will be given hereafter.
Fugues in the unison were also called rounds,
from the circular progression of the melody ; and
this term suggested the method of writing them in
a circular form, of which the following canon of
Clemens Non Papa, musician to the emperor Charles
V. with the resolution thereof in modern characters,
is an example : — •
CANON IN THE UNISON, FOR FIVE VOICES.
KESOLUTION.
It
zazr.
:^^=lE^EEEEi£
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A fugue written in one line, whether in a circle or
otherwise, with directions for the other parts to
follow, is called a Canon. Morley ascribes the in-
vention of this compendious method of writing to the
Italian and French musicians ; his account of it ia
curious, and is here given in his own words : ' The
' Frenchmen and Italians have used a waie, that
' though there were four or five partes in one, yet
' might it be perceived q,nd sung at the first ; and the
'manner thereof is this. Of how manie parts the
' canon is, so manie cliefes do they set at the beginning
' of the verse ; still causing tliat which standeth nearest
' unto the musick serve for the leading parte ; the
' next towards the left hand for the next following
' parte, and so consequentlie to the last. But if
' betweene anie two cliefes you finde rests, those
' belong to that part which the cliefe standing next
* unto them on the left side, signifieth.
EXAMPLE.
i
-0-
.1
^5JE^Eg=^a^.^g^S^$^^^^fe£j^:^ta
^ . . .
Here be two parts in one in the Diapason cum dia-
tessaron, or, as we tearme it, in the eleventh above ;
where you see first a C sol fa ut cliefe standing on
the lowest rule, and after it three minime rests.
Then standing the F fa ut cliefe on the fourth rule
from below ; and because that standeth necrest to the
' notes, the base (which that cliefe representeth) must
'begin, resting a minim rest after the plain-song, ancj,
' the treble three minim rests. And least you should
' misse in reckoning your pauses or rests, the note
' whereupon the following part must begin is marked
' with this sign 2 It is true that one of those two,
1^98
HISTORY OF THE SCIEXCE
Book VII.
■the sign or the rests is siipertlaous; but the order
■ of setting- more clittes than one to one verse being
■ but ot hite devised, was not used when the signe
■ was most common, but instead of them, over or
•under the song was written in what distance the
'toiiowing parte was from the leading, and most
• commonlie in this manner, Canon in,* oi '^ superiore
^^EE^S
1— ♦-
3 1
"tl
-W^=^
:t:=-t-^'^
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'or interiore. But to shun the labour of writing
' those words, the cliftes and rests have been devised,
' Shewing tlie same thinge. And to tlie intent you
' may the better conceive it, here is anotlier example
' wherein tlie treble beginneth, and the meane fol-
' loweth witliin a semibreve after, in the Hypodia-
' pente or hfth below' : —
:t^iz:sz:'
ti±
^fc3^-q^-qvq=^Jr-^:
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ei
The above rehition ot Morley accounts for the
origin oi the term Canon, which in truth signifies
no more than a rule ; but no sooner was it invented,
than it was applied to perpetual tugue, even in the
score; and perpetual fugue and canon were then,
and now are, looked on as convertible terms ; than
which it seems nothing can be more improper, for
when a fugue is once scored it ceases to be a canon.
From fugues in the unison, or ot many parts in
one, musicians proceeded to the invention ot such
as gave the answer to the subject, at a prescribed
distance of time, in some concordant interval, as
namely, the fourth, fifth, or eighth, either above or
below ; and to distinguish between the one and the
other the Greek prepositions Epi and Hypo were
added to the names of the consonances in which the
parts were to follow ; for instance, where the reply
was above the principal, it was said to be in the
epidiatessaron, epidiapente, or epidiapason ; when
it was below, it was called hypodiatessaron, hypo-
diapente, hypodiapason ;* adding in either case,
where the number of parts required it, a farther
direction : for an example of one ot these kinds we
have that celebrated composition ot our countryman
William Bird, to the words * Non nobis Domine,'
which in the manner of speaking above described
would be called a canon ot three parts, viz., in the
hypodiatessaron et diapason, post tempus, and in the
Musurgia, torn. I. page 389, is a canon ot four parts
in the hypodiapente, diapason, et hypodiapason cum
diapente, composed by Emilio Rossi, chapel -master
of Loretto, remarkable for the elegance of its con-
texture, the resolution whereof is here inserted :
-* ■— r '^-S<
m^^mw^^
^<
S3
<o
K
m^
i
Ab - sa - Ion fi - 11
m
mi
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Ab
sa
Ion ti - li
1231
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Ab
sa - Ion ti -
irai
Ab-
* These are the most general forms of canon, but Morley, pa?. 172,
says a canon may be made ill any distance, comprehended witliin tiie
reach of I he voice.
fi - li mi Absa-lon
fi - li mi Absa - Ion
#
nil
fi - li mi Ab- sa - 1
on
fi - li mi
=^^41;^^^^P£[^-^I
li
mi
fi - li mi Ab- sa - Ion fi -
— ■ ff-r'tf-ri
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^=^-
— — o'+l — F-| — I — r
sa-lon fi
li mi
Ab - sa-lon fi - li
P^
—a
:^^^^£3:ggzgzgrj_^j^^-z.j
Ab- sa-lon Ab - sa -
- Ion.
t
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Ab-sa - Ion
Ab-sa
- Ion.
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t=A
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li mi Ab-sa - Ion
Ab -sa - - Ion.
i&-r-»-m-rt — «»
E^£E|E:g-gEE
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N^HP
mi Ab - salon Ab-sa - - Ion.
Emilio Rossi.
CHAP. LXVII.
Soon after its invention farther improvements were
made in this species of composition, by the con-
trivance of fugues, that sung both backward and
torward, or, in musical phrase, recte et retro ; and
ot others that sung per Arsin and Thesin, that is to
say, so as that one part ascended while the other
descended. Of the former kind the following canon
ot Dr. John Bull, with the resolution thereof in the
present method of notation, is an example : —
Chap. LXVII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
290
— -H-j-j-j--
CANON FOR
OF TWO PARTS
RECTE ET
FOUR VOICES
IN ONE,
RETRO.
DocTOB John Bull.
RESOLUTION.
1
Mi
-^ c»-
li
* * —nt F-
irzi
-^ ^-
^=-^ppi^-^pa=a=^^|g^s^|
-& **-
f— O 10-
i=F=1
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ii^=3igi
g^a^
i— ** — ^-
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^^mEs^=^
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ziiz:z=zr-
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il
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-10 ^r-r
-I o 1 ^^—fj—Y- — I — h" —
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=^^g=^=j^:d^^=1
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1
mmr^:=^E?^^^m^^^^0^^^^^^s^?^€ms^^^^^^^:
300
Of fugue per Arsin et Thesin, or, as it is called
by the Italians, per Muovimenti contrarii, this from
the Istitutione Harmoniche of Zarlino, terza parte,
cap. Iv. pag. 277, may serve as a specimen : —
FUGA PER MUOVIMENTI CONTRARII.
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
— ^-Fi r-+ — ■^-F-*-
BooK VII.
^-
-^-
lEii^
fe^
i:
-il
=1-F
1
CONSEQUENTE.
t__ _
"N GUIDA. ^— '
i^m^^^^^^^^
'l^U^^^^-^^J^EEEfl^^^^I^^^nM
e» —
~^~ia
f=^:
:^at:=
Here follows a fugue of Dr. Bull on the same
_ plain-song with that of his above given, of both
-lU- ______ —J. _ — ^^f2Z:Z — — I 1 — I— I — p piillil-suiis^ vvim Lii.iu ui Ilia nuuvc 51VV..., ^^1 K-vju.i
^^— jO— --^£^:=z^E^gEEp'~i ■ -j—zpi-g— ^^=:p'— F kinds, viz., recte et retro, and also per arsin et thesin ;
f
xiz
Gi—j^
the canon whereof, to shew the artificial construction
i_ of its parts, is in the manuscript whence it was taken
j^3E^g^E^fg=i=jE[E^zfzf^pEbE^z^ exhibited in the form of a triangle, and immediately
^~^ ^ ' ^ following it, is the resolution thereof in modern
■N
EE^^^
~n-
B
— - — «_*»
--si-.
characters : — •
CANON FOR
OF FOUR PARTS
r.T RETRO, ET PER
IN ONE, RECTE
ARSIN ET THESIN.
Doctor Jonn B'/ll.
CiiAP. LXVII,
igm
■^■<2
W
AND PRACTICE OP MUSIC.
RESOLUTION.
301
I
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la;
i
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mpi-^
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m
"«:»"
igj^lifejii^^
Igi^liitlii^i^
^^iigi^e^EE=a^
r«=t;
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i
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ll^iPJl
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— «3
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iil3il^E^3=[=l^l.^
HiiiiL^li^ll
EPEEE
iPI^l
*=
^■P¥
«3l-
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i^^fs=m^^mm^mMm?^^wm^mm^w^^m
7=t-
zE£
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i^^
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:i=r3!i
r— <2_
mm^^
^k — » 3 1 — P o— h
^^g— I *> — t^-F 1—
:j= =
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is
rra:
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::=r2z;~
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is5^^i^giE^Lr=g
ismiiiiii
/7S
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^^=p—f-
i=^=p
I L _C1 1 . 1
-±=^:
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--01—
<2— r-f.
I«=il
"O
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^ei^Pim^i^i
This and the former by the same author, in tlie
manuscript from which they were taken, are given
in a triangular form, with a view to exhibit the
singularity of their contexture, and the mutual rela-
tion and various progressions of the several sounds ;
and that figure is here preserved in both instances :
but lest this representation should appear too enig-
matical, the resolution of each canon in score is
above given.
Morley, in the second part of his Introduction,
pag. 103, has given a fugue of Bird's comjwsing,
of two parts in one, per Arsin et Thesin, with the
point reverted, note for note, of which he says, ' that
' whoever shall go about to make such another upon
'a common knowne plaine-song or hymne, shall
'find more difficultie than he looked for; and that
' although he shoulde assaie twcntie several hymnes
*or plain-songs for finding of one to his purpose,
*he doubts if he should anie waie goe beyonde the
'excellencie of that wliich he sjieaks of, for which
* reason he has given it in this fonu : —
was
CLKOO
ll?PJi^jll^l^B^=^-
'i^^m
im
ii^l^iEl=F^fii^ii^li
Ad Placitum.
"Z2:
lira:
-,l?Ei
iCi:
^^mw^^w^
p^iHuln^^iiie^pj
m^^
na:
f»):-
^
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riorz^z
302
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VII.
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;^iE^EESEi=[^^^IISgii^l
^E
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i
331
ijta:;
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tl^^Piil
l^fe;^z^^^
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-at b:
rza FzTi
ii¥iiiM:3j;
|^:^=Ei^^ii3^-;^
i^llel^
:(^---— =
a>:z:::=^ —
:cii
113:
:«f3:
fc=^^E
t-
iii^
^R|l
:^—
E^3^l§^l
.-prcrzrztpr^p
f^=iil2=rJ=i3iE^i
pJil:f^|[:|E^33ii3E^ii^Eiir:illi
WILLIAM BIRD.*
Butler is lavish in his commendations of this
fugue ; indeed his words are a sort of comment on
it, and as they are calculated to point out and unfold
its excellencies, they are here given from his Prin-
ciples of INIusic, lib. I, cap. iii. sect. 4. in his own
words : —
' The fifth and last observation is, tliat all sorts of
• The several exami>les of canon by Dr. Bull and Bird, above given,
are not in jiriiit, and it may therefore be expected that their authenticity
sliould be ascertained : with respect to the former, tliey are taken (roni
a very curious MS. formerly in the library of Dr. Pepusch, in an outer
leaf whereof is written 'Ex Dono Willi Theed ; ' this Mr. T heed was
many years a member of tlie academy of ancient music; and very well
ski, led ill the science. The book contains, among many other com-
positions of the like nature, the above canons of Dr. Bull, and also
that of Clemens Non Papa, with the several resolutions thereof in the
form above inserted.
As to the ex:iniples ascribed to Bird, they are taken from a MS. also
once part of Dr Pepusch's library, in the hand-writing of Mr. Galliard ;
the fugues upon O Lux and Miserere are written in canon with tlie usual
sign for tlie parts to follow; the resolutions are clearly the studies of
Mr. Galliard, who it seems thought himself warranted in the insertion of
flat and sharp signatures in many instances, though no such appear in
the canons themselves. Both these manuscripts are now in tlie collec-
tion of the author of this work.
It is necessary here to remark that these several exemplars of fugue
and canon are adduced with a view solely to investigate and explain tlie
nature of these intricate species of composition, for which purpose the
resolutions alone in the latter instances will be thought sulhcient.
' fugues (reports and reverts of the same, and of
' divers points in the same, and divers canons, and in
'the same and divers parts) are sometimes most
'elegantly intermedled, as in that inimitable lesson
' of Mr. Bird's, containing two parts in one upon
'a plain-song, wherein tiie first part beginneth with
'a point, and then reverteth it note for note in
' a fourth or eleventh ; and the second part first
' reverteth the point in the fourth as the first did,
' and then reporteth it in the unison ; before the end
' whereof, the first part having rested three minims
' after his revert, singeth a second point, and re-
' verteth it in the eighth ; and the second first re-
'verteth the point in a fourth, and then reporteth
' it in a fourth : lastly, the first singeth a third point,
' and reverteth it in the fifth, and then reporteth it
' in an unison, and so closeth with some annexed
'notes; and the second first reverteth it in a fifth,
' and then reporteth it in an unison, and so closeth
' with a second revert ; where, to make np the full
* liarmony, unto these three parts is added a Iburth,
* which very musically toucheth still upon the points
' reported and reverted.
But here a distinction is to be noted between
perpetual fugues, such as those above given, in which
every note in the one part has its answer in the
other part ; and that other transitory kind of fugue,
in which the ])oint only, whatever it be, is repeated
in the succeeding parts ; in this case the intermediate
notes are composed ad placitum, for which reason
the former kind of fugue is termed by Zarlino and
other Italian writers, Fuga legata, and the other
Fuga sciolta, that is to say, strict or constrained, and
free or licentious fugue.
The Italians also give to the leading part of
a fugue and its replicate or answer, the appellations
of Guida and Consequenza ; Morley, and others
after him, distinguish them by the names of prin-
cipal and reply : and with the appearan(!e of reason
it is said that the notes in each should sol-fa alike;
that is to say, the intervals in each part ought to be
precisely the same with respect to tlie succession
of the tones and semitones ; nevertheless, this rule
is not strictly adhered to, a spurious kind of fugue
having, in the very infancy of this invention sprung
up, known by the name of Fuga in nomine, as being
to appearance and nominally only, fugue, and not
tliat species of composition in the strict sense of
musical laufj^uaire.
Zarlino and other Italian writers speak of a kind
of fugue called Contrajiunto doppio, double counter-
point, which supposes the notes in each part to be
of equal time, but that the subject of the principal
and the reply shall be different in respect of the
point, being yet in harmony with each other : the
exact opposition of note to note in this kind of com-
])osition was, soon after its invention, dispensed with,
and the principal and its re])lv made to consist of
notes of different lengths or times ; after which it
obtained the name of double descant, the terms des-
caiit and counterpoint being always used in oppo-
sition to each other. Sethus Calvisius includes both
under the comprehensive name Harmonia Gemina:
and to fugues of this kind, where a third point or
Chap. LXVII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
303
suliject is introduced, he gives the name of Ter-
geuiina. Morley has given examples of each at the
end of the second part of his Introduction.
From the foregoing explanation of the nature of
canon it must appear to be a very elaborate species of
musical composition, and in which perhaps, substance,
that is to say, fine air and melody is made to give
place to form ; just as we see in those fanciful
poetical conceits, acrostics, anagrams, chronograms,
&c. where the sense and spirit of the composition is
ever subservient to its form : but the comparison
does not hold throughout, for the musical com-
positions above spoken of derive an advantage of
a peculiar kind from those restraints to which they
are subjected ; for in the first place the harmony is
thereby rendered more close, compact, and full ; nor
does this harmony arise merely from the concordance
of sounds in the several parts, but each distinct part
produces a succession of harmony in itself, the laws
of fugue or canon being such as generally to exclude
those dissonant intervals which take away from the
sweetness or melody of the point. In the next place
the ear is gratified by the successive repetition of the
point of a fugue through all its parts ; and the mind
receives the same pleasure in tracing the exact
resemblance of the several parts each to the other,
as it does in comparing a picture or statue with its
archetype ; the truth of this observation must be
apparent to those who are aware of the scholastic
distinction of beauty into absolute and relative.
The general directions for singing of fugue when
written in canon are such as these : Fuga in tertia
superiore post tempus. — Fuga in Hypodiapente, post
tempus. — Fuga 5 vocum in tertia superiore, post
tempus. — Fuga in Unisono post duo tempora, et per
contrarium motum. But many musicians have been
less explicit, as choosing to give them an enigmatical
form, and leaving it to the peruser to exercise his
patience in the investigation of that harmony which
might easily have been rendered obvious. IMorley,
])ag. 173 of his Introduction, has given an enigmatical
canon of lodocus Pratensis ; and he there refers to
others in the Introductions of Raselius and Sethus
Calvisus : he has also given a canon of his own in-
vention in the figure of a cross, with its resolution ;
but there is one in that form infinitely ^more curious
in a work entitled El Melopeo y Maestro, written by
Pedro Cerone, of Bergamo, master of the royal chapel
of Naples, published in 1G13."^'
It now remains to speak of a species of fugue in
the unison, wherein for particular reasons the strict
rules of harmony are frequently dispensed with,
namely, the catch or round, which Butler, after
Calvisus thus defines : * A catch is also a kind of
' fuga, when upon a certain rest the parts do follow
' one another round in the unison. In which concise
' harmony there is much variety of pleasing conceits,
* the composers whereof assume unto themselves
* a special licence of breaking Priscian's head, in
' unlawful taking of discords, and in special con-
* In this voluminous work are contained a great number of musical
conceits, which whoever has a mind to divert himself with them, will
lind in tlie twenty-second book, entitled ' Gue es los enigmas musicalis.'
' secutions of unisons and eighths, when they help to
* the melody of a part.'f
This, though the sentiment of both Calvisus and
Butler, is by no means a true definition of a catch ;
and indeed the term itself seems to indicate a thing
very different from that which they have described,
for whence can come the appellation but from the
verb Catch ? yet is there nothing in the passage
above-cited to this purpose. A catch, in the musical
sense of the word, is a fugue in the unison, wherein,
to humour some conceit in the words, the melody is
broken, and the sense interrupted in one part, and
caught again or supplied by another : an instance of
this may be remarked in the well-known catch ' Let's
' lead good honest lives,' ascribed to Purcell. though
in truth composed many years before his time, by
Cranford, a singing-man of St. Paul's, to words of
a very different imi)ort. See a collection of catches
and rounds, entitled Catch that Catch can, or the
Musical Companion, printed for old John Play ford.
Loud. 1G77, oblong quarto ; in this both the words
and the music catch, as they do also in another
elegant composition of this kind, ' Come here's the
' good health, &c,' by Dr. Caesar, and ' .lack thou'rt
' a toper,' both printed by Pearson in 1710.
Butler refers to three examples of this kind of song
in Calvisus ; but the truth of the matter is, that it
t To say the truth, notwitlistandin^ the severe restrictions to which
it is subject, canon does in many respects afford a preat latitude for in-
vention. Kircher relates, that in the writing of his Musurgia, more
especially that part which treats of canon, he was assisted by Pietro
Francesco Valentini of Rome, who gave him the following: —
Canon Polymorphus.
i^_f^|^^i]i^e^l^_3t
:?r<?z^^^t.--?z:
?--dz4:
«.-<>
of which he thus speaks : Musurp;. Univ. torn. I. lib. V. cap. xix.
'This wonderful canon contains ten times, one pause, and seventeen
' notes ; it may sung by two, three, four, or five voices, more than two
' thousand ways; nay, by combining the parts, this variety may be in-
' finitely extt-nded. The second voice is retrograde to the tirst. the third
' is in\erse of the first, or proceeds by contrary motion to it ; the fourth
'is retrograde to the third, as may be seen hereunder: —
second voice.
ii
::|i=!--?_-^i=;
third voice.
-o-o
--qrnrj-
o-«.-
M:
fourth voice
Cidrdrqr
i.±t-
Kircher adds that the same musician proposed another canon, which
he called Nodus Salomonis, which may be sung by ninety-six voices,
namely twenty-four in each part, treble, counter-tenor, tenor, and bass,
and yet theie are only four notes in the canon ; but it is to be observed,
that to introduce a regular variety of harmony, some of the ninety-six
voices are to sing all longs, some all breves, some semibreves, some
minims, some semi-minims. See the relation at lengtli in the Musurgia,
toni. I. pag. 403, et seq., with the disposition of the several parts in their
order.
Kircher, in the Musurgia, torn. I. page 408, says he afterwards found
out that the same canon might be sung by five hundred and twelve
voices, or, which is the same thing, distributed into one hundred and
twenty-eight choirs; and afterwards proceeds to shew how it may be
sung by twelve million two hundred thousand voices, nay, by an infinite
number ; and then says, in Corollary iii. that this place of the Apocalypse
is made clear, viz., chap. xiv. ' And I heard the voice of harpers harping
' with their harps, and they sung as it were a new song, &c , and no man
' could learn that song but the one hundred and forty-four thousand
'which were redeemed from the earth.' Kircher asserts that this passage
in scripture may be interpreted literally, and then shews that the canon
above described may be so disposed as to be sung by one hundred and
forty-four thousand voices. Musurg. torn. I. pag. 414.
304:
HISTORY OP THE SCIENCE
Book VII.
was known in England long before liis time. Of
this the catch ' Sumer is icumen in,' is evidence ; and
it has been said, with some shew of probability, that
the English were the inventors of it. Dr. Tudway,
formerly music professor in the university of Cam-
bridge, and who for many years was employed in
collecting music books for Edward earl of Oxford,
has asserted it in positive terms in a letter to a son
of his, yet extant in manuscript ; and it may with no
less degree of certainty be said, that as this kind of
music seems to correspond with the native humour
and freedom of English manners, there are more ex-
amples of it here to be found than in any other
country whatsoever. The following specimens of
rounds or catches in three, four, and five parts, may
suffice to give an idea of the nature of this species of
composition : others will hereafter be inserted, as
occasion shall require. As touching the first, it may
be deemed a matter of some curiosity. In Shakes-
peare's play of Twelfth Night, Act II. Scene iii. Sir
Toby and Sir Andrew agree to sing a catch : Sir
Toby proposes that it shall be ' Thou knave,' upon
which follows this dialogue : — *
Clown. Hold thy peace thou knave ? knight,
I shall be coustrain'd in't to call thee knave, knight.
Sir And. 'Tis not the first time I have constrain'd
one to call me knave. Begin, fool ; it begins ' Hold
* thy peace.'
Clown. I shall never begin if I hold my peace.
Sir And. Good I'faith : come begin. [They sing
a catch.]
The above conversation has a plain allusion to the
first of the catches here inserted, ' Hold thy peace,'
the humour of which consists in this, that each of the
three persons that sing calls, and is called, knave in
turn : —
CANON IN THE UNISON. A 3 Voc.
■i^z
^2li^=liES:^|if=?:
HOLD thy peace, and
tlii:
Thou knave,
3EP
lb:
^=^e:
preethee hold thy peace.
Hold thy peace, thou knave.
Thou knave.
II
CANON IN THE UNISON.
*i=f=?il
=?z"
E=^^=3=3=[i?:^i
:=^r
3^
O my fear-ful dreams ne - ver for - get shall I,
ne
is^
shall
«5-
demn'd to
-f^
^^I.
fczii
T; me thought
-ioz
dye, whose name wa.s Je
e3=
i^:
:zii
ver
for
:^::
:«ii
get
==1=
A 3 Voc.
:3=a:E
in I
I heard a
maid
en s
i=|-
EE
zzzi j.__
sus, whose name was Je
S^E;
mi.
child
sus.
con
Mi'^
::^DM=:
UT
^^^
E3^E:
ilat:
RE
MI
-fi-
iley downe downe, hey
^-
^^^m
^-
downe a downe a downe, hey downe downe a downe,
Heave and hoe rum-be- lo, hey tro-lo tro - ly lo, hey
zB
r=
fE
zzzmzzpz
— F-
Iloot,
-J-z
O
-(&-
-\^-
tro - lo
tro - Iv, hey tro-lo tro - Iv
=:r=f£=^.^=pS-
E^^i
sleep'st thou or wak'st thou, Jef - fc - ry Cook,
W-
EEEE3«EE
FA
m.
:^ot:
SOL
a,
--T>-
My
-Hz
EE^^
LA,
r=
-^ —
;^^;
rfir
Ie^HI
LA
z;^=c
heart of gold as true as Steele, as I me leant in-to the bowers,
^^^^^^m^^^^^'^m^
«=
hey tro-lo
tro-lv lo.
tro
lo tro-ly
lo.
zz:^—
P==!-
Ei=3
i=j-
But
E3E^£
I
-ff-
=!=■
My La - dy's gone to Can - ter-bu-ry, St.
the rost it burns, turne round a - bout a-bout a-bout, round a-bout a-bout, round a - bout a
• That tlif sonps occasionally introduced in Shakespeare's plays were
such as were f;imiliar in his time, i« clearly shewn l)y Dr. Percy, in his
Rehques of Ancient English Poetry, who has heen so fortunate as to
recover many of them ; the above may he added to the number as may
also this alluded to in the same scene of Twellih Nijlit, by tlie words
Tiiit'e merry men be wee.'
The AVisemen were but seven ; nor more shall be for me.
The Muses were but nine. The worthies three times three. [are we.
And three merry boyes, and three merry boyes, and three merry boye"
The Vcrtues they are sev'n, and three the greater be.
The CKsars they were twelve, and the fatal si-^ters three. [are we.
And three merry {jirles, and three merry girles, and threi. merry ^iiius
Chap. LXVII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
305
::1c!t:
E3^E
lUot
:3^Ei
i^iolr.
SOL
FA
MI
RE
UT.
m
:j=rl.
:ti-nt.-=^==^
-O-^:— "—
5^5^
-**—Ti
"O"
~riz
:zii
:«iz
if my La - dy love me well,
Lord
so Eo - bin
I I
lowres.
fsi^
=ii
Hi:
^
E=^
F=inz
rt:i
132::
-t^
'^^
eeee^^eI
ih:
=?r:
fc=t
1
-ft?-
rpii
-^-
'm
-fX^
-^
She met with Kate of Malmes-bu-ry, why weep'st thou ma - pie?
Thomas be her boote,
X
:±=t=:
- bout.
EEE
321
:zi=t=
^
O Fry-er, how fares thy ban -de-low, ban -de-low, Fry - er, how fares thy ban - de-low, ban - de-low ?
CANON IN THE UNISON.
Igj
COME,
=1;
jdz
ZTCfZ
^=^3z
A 5 Voc.
fol
- low
me
mer
i^j
E^^
g^i^i
ri
ly my
^g=F=»^=a=^
Take heed of
time, tune, and
ear,
time,
tune, and ear,
3^^"S±
rp.-=^
=1=
;^^^ife^^i=^iEiaiai=[^^^;it^i=E^^
Mai -kin was a
zlM
S^
t:=t=:
coun - try maid, a
coun - try maid,
t< — c
-^
<5=3
zij
trick and trim, trick and trim
Hey hoe,
have with you now to West-min - ster.
but before you come
Si^^EE^
Ai:
:e*
dieu, you dain - ty Dame,
^^^^^^^^^^^
whi - tlier you will for
_x
3gfe
— c» —
mates.
&±:=
izz;
i^ftiz^
rf
^
i^iilill^ill
let all a - - gree,
^^IeSe
^^^^•^»
and make no faults
and then with-out all
doubt
we need not fear
i«:
=§^
to sing this catch through - out.
as she might be.
she would needs to the court She said.
to sell milk and fir- men - ty.
are the ~ve - ly
same
took you for to
CANON IN THE UNISON.
It
i^Ei^
=^-
^=
HOW should we sing
well
and
not be wea
^
:e=P-
izi:
— 1 —
and
not be wea
erzf-
-.z\z
ZXtl
^1=^
make
*
s^3e
us
:--d=
mer
i'y>
to
1^^^^^
A 5 Voc.
ry,
3^
ry, Since we lack mo - ney to
izi—
iri;
utz
Hii^^lii
make us mer
ry,
i
I
Since we lack mo - ney
to
=P=
^
make us
mer - ry.
Since we lack mo - ney to make us mer - ry.
806
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VHI.
Of the several examples of fugues and rounds, or
to adopt the common mode of speech, of fugues on a
plain-song, and canons in the unison, above given, it
is necessary to remark that the former are adduced,
as being some of the most ancient specimens of that
strict kind of composition perhaps any where to be
met with : farther than this, they are studies, perhaps
juvenile ones, of Bird, and are alluded to by Morley
in his Introduction. And here it is to be noted, that
the plain-song of the fugue in page 295, differs from
that of the others, and from its serpentine figure is
said to be ' per naturam synophe.' It seems that
Mr. Galliard had some trouble to resolve or render
these several compositions in score, for in his manu-
script he remarks that they are very difficult and
curious : and it is more than conjectured that many
of the grave and acute signatures that occur in some
of them, were inserted by him with some degree of
hesitation : it was nevertheless thought proper to re-
tain them, even under a doubt of their propriety,
rather than attempt to correct the studies of so ex-
cellent a judge of harmony. As to the rounds or
canons in the unison that follow, they are exemplars
of that species of vocal harmony which they are cited
to explain : they are of the sixteenth century, and we
know of no compositions of the kind more ancient,
except the canon given in book V. chap. xlv. of the
present work.
BOOK VIII.
CHAP. LXVIIL
Having in a regular course of succession traced
the several improvements in music, including therein
the reformation of the scale by Guido, and the in-
vention of counterpoint, and of the canto figurato,
with all the various modifications of fugue and canon,
it remains to speak of the succeeding writers in their
order.
Alanius Varenius, of Montaubon, in Tholouse,
about the year 1503, wrote Dialogues, some of which
treat of the science of harmony and its elements.
LuDovicus CiELius Rhodiginus flourished . about
the year 1510 ; he wrote nothing professedly on the
subject of music, yet in his work De Antiquarum
Lectionem, in thirty books, are interspersed many
things relating thereto, particidarly in lib. V. cap.
23, 25, 26. Kircher, in the Musurgia, tom. I. pag. 27,
cites from him a relation to the following effect, viz. :
That he, Ca^lius Rhodiginus, being at Rome, saw a
parrot, which had been purchased by Cardinal Asca-
nius, at the price of an hundred golden crowns, which
parrot did most articulately, and as a man would,
repeat in words the Creed of the Christian faith.
Coelius Rhodiginus was tutor to Julius Cjfisar Scaliger,
and died in 1525, of grief, as it is said, for the fate
of the battle of Pavia, in which his patron Francis
the First, from whom he had great expectations, was
taken prisoner. He is taxed with having borrowed
some things from Erasmus, without making the usual
acknowledgments.
Gregorius Reischius, of Friburg, was the author
of a work entitled Margarita Philosophica,* i. e. the
Philosophical Pearl, a work comprehending not only
a distinct and separate discourse on each of the seven
liberal sciences, in which, by the way, judicial astro-
logy is considered as a branch of astronomy, but a
treatise on physics, or natural philosophy, metaphy-
sics, and ethics, in all twelve books ; that on music is
taken chiefly from Boetius, yet it seems to owe some
part of its merit to the improvements of Franchinus.
The Margarita Pliilosophica is a thick quarto ; it
was printed at Basil in 1517, and in France six years
after ; the latter edition was revised and corrected by
Orontius FinjBus, of the college of Navarre, f
* This book, the Margarita Philosopbira, is frequently mentioned in
a work entitled II Musico Testore, by Zaccaria Tevo, printed at Venice
in 1706, in which many passages are cited from it verbatim.
t Bayle Oronce fine.
Johannes Cochleus, of Nuremberg, was famous
about the year 1525, for his Polemical writings. He
was the author of Rudimenta Musicae et Geometria,
printed at Nuremberg, and the tutor of Glareanus, as
the latter mentions in his Dodecachordon, a doctor in
divinity, and dean of the church of Francfort on the
Maine. He was born in 1503, but the time of his
death is uncertain, some writers making it in 1552,
and others sooner. From his great reputation, as a
scholar and divine, it is more than probable that he
was one of the learned foreigners consulted touching
the divorce of Henry the Eighth, for the name of
Johannes Cochlaaus occurs in the list of them. Peter
Aron, in his Toscanello, celebrates him by the title
of Phonascus of Nuremberg.
LuDovicus FoLiANus, of Modcua, published at
Venice, in 1529, in folio, a book intitled Musica
Theoretica; it is written in Latin, and divided into
three sections, the first contains an investigation of
those proportions of greater and lesser inequality
necessary to be understood by musicians ; the second
treats of the consonances, where, by the way, it is to
be observed that the author discriminates with re-
markable accuracy between the greater and lesser
tone ; and by insisting, as he does in this section De
Utilitate Toni majoris et minoris, plainly discovers
that he was not a Pythagorean, which is much to be
wondered at, seeing that the substance of his book
appears for the most part to have been taken from
Boetius, who all men know was a strict adherer to
the doctrines of Pythagoras. It is therefore said, and
with great appearance of reason, that it is to Folianus
that the introduction into practice of the intense or
syntonous diatonic, in preference to the ditonic dia-
tonic, is to be attributed. This particular will appear
to be more worthy of remark, wlien it is known, tliat
about the middle of the sixteenth century it became
a matter of controversy which of those two species of
the diatonic genus was best accommodated to practice.
Zarlino contended for the intense or syntonous dia-
tonic of Ptolemy, or rather Didymus, for he it was
that first distinguished between the greater and lesser
tone. Vincentio Galilei, on the other hand, preferred
that division of Aristoxenus, which, though irrational
according to the judgment of the ear, gave to the
tetrachord two tones and a half. In the course of
1
Chap. LXVIII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
307
the dispute, which was conducted with great warmth
on both sides, Galilei takes great pains to inform his
reader that Zarlino was not the first that discovered
the supposed excellence of that division which he pre-
ferred, for that Ludovico Fogliano, sixty or seventy
years before, had done the same ;* and in the table
or index to his book, article Lodovico Fogliano,
which contains a summary of his arguments on this
head, he speaks thus : ' Lodovico Fogliano fu il primo
' che considerasse che il diatonico che si canta hoggi,
' non era il ditoneo, ma il syntono ;' whicli assertion
contains a solution of a doubt which Dr. Wallis en-
" Dial, della Musica antica e moderna, rag. 112.
tertained, namely, whether Zarlino or some more
ancient writer first introduced the syntonous or in-
tense diatonic into practice, f
The third section of Folianus's book is principally
on the division of the Monochord, in whicli he under-
takes to shew the necessity of setting off D, and also
of Bb twice.
Many of the divisions, particularly in the first
chapter of the second section, are exemplified by
cuts, which as they shew the method of using the
Monochord, with the ratios of the consonances, and
are in other respects curious, are here inserted.
t Append, de Veter. Harmon, quarto, pag. 318,
308
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VIII.
Johannes Froschius, a doctor of divinity, and
prior of the Carmelites at Augsburg, was the author
of Opusculum Rerum ])Iusicalium, printed at Stras-
burg in 1535, a thin folio, and a very methodical and
concise book, but it contains little that can be said to
be original. -^
Andreas Ornithoparcus, a master of arts in the
university of Meyning, was the author of a very
learned and instructive treatise on music, intitled
Micrologus, printed at Cologne in 1535, in oblong
quarto. It is written in Latin, and was translated
into English by our countryman John Douland, the
celebrated lutenist, and published by him in 1G09.
This work contains the substance of a course of lec-
tures which Ornithoparcus had publicly read in the
universities of Tubingen, Heidelberg, and Mentz. It
is divided into four books, the contents whereof are
as follow.
The first book is dedicated to the governors of the
state of Lunenburg. The first three chapters contain
a general division of music into mundane, humane,
and instrumental, according to Boetius, which the
author again divides into organical, harmonical, spe-
culative, active, mensural, and plain music, and also
the rudiments of singing by the hexachords, accord-
ing to the introductory or scale of Guido. In his
explanation whereof he relates that the Ambrosians
distinguished the stations of the cliffs by lines of
different colours, that is to say, they gave to F fa ut
a red, to C sol fa ut a blue, and to bb a sky-coloiired
line ; but that the Gregorians, as he calls them, whorn
the church of Rome follow, mark all the lines with
■• That the use of the tetrachord synemmenon. nr rather of its
characteristic 1) round, was to avoid the tritonus or superfluous fourth
between F fa ut and b mi, must appear upgn renei^tfbn, but this author
has made it apparent in the following, which is the fourth of his rules
for ficta music.
one colour, and describe each of the keys by its first
letter, or some character derived from it.
In the fourth chapter he limits the number of tones
to eight ; and, speaking of the ambit or compass of
each, says there are granted but ten notes wherein
each tone may have his course ; and for this assertion
he cites the authority of St. Bernard, but adds, that
the licentious ranging of modern musicians hath
added an eleventh to each.
The fifth and sixth chapters contain the rules for
solfaing by the hexachords, and for the mutations.
In the seventh chapter he speaks of the consonant
and dissonant intervals, and cites Ambrosius Nolanus
and Erasmus to shew, that as the disdiapason is the
natural compass of man's voice, all music should be
confined to that interval.
In the eighth and ninth chapters he teaches to
divide, and recommends the use of the Monochord,
by the help whereof he says any one may by himself
learn any song, though never so weighty.
Chapter X. is intitled De Musica ficta, which he
thus defines : ' Fained musicke is that which the
' Greeks call Synemmenon, a song made beyond the
' regular compass of the scale ; or it is a song which
' is full of conjunctions.'
By these conjunctions are to be understood con-
junctions of the natural and molle hexachords by the
chord Synemmenon, characterized by b ; and in this
chapter are discernible the rudiments of transposition,
a practice which seems to have been originally
suggested by that of substituting the round, in the
place of the square b, from which station it was first
removed into the place of E la mi, and has since been
made to occupy various other situations ; ^ as has
also the acute signature ^, which although at first in-
vented to perfect the interval between J] mi and F
FA UT, which is a semidiapente or imperfect fifth, it
is well known is now made to occupy the place of
G SOL EE UT, C SOL FA UT, and other chords.
The eleventh chapter treats of transposition, which
the author says is twofold, that is to say, of the song
and of the key, but in truth both are transpositions of
the song, which may be transposed either by an actual
removal of the notes to some other line or space than
that in which they stand, or by the removal of the cliff
to some other line, thereby giving by elevation or de-
pression to each note a different power.
The ecclesiastical tones are the subject of the
twelfth and thirteenth chapters of the first book :
in these are contained rules for the intonation of
the Psalms, in which the author takes occasion to
cite a treatise of Pontifex, i. e. pope John XXIL,
who it seems wrote on music, and an author named
Michael Galliculo de Muris, a most learned man,
author of certain rules of the true order of singing.
In treating of the tones Ornithoparcus follows for
'Marking fa in b fa tf mi, or in any other place, if the song from
'that shall make an immediate rising to a fourth, a fifth, or an eiglith,
' even there fa must necessarily be marked to eschew a tritone, a semi-
' diapente, or a semidiapason, and in usual and forbidden moods, as
' appeareth in the example underwritten : —
e^sEt^
Sb±:
W,
An Exercise of Ficta Musicke.
is:
-^^
_h^l b» ♦ ♦^s
P:
'^--^^r*-
--X-.
-fe-*-|-
Chap. LXVIII. AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC. 309
the most part St. Bernard ami Franchinus ; his for- ' The imperfect is wherein a breefe is measured only
mula of the eight tones, as also of the Peregrine or ' by two semibreefes. Which is knowne by the num-
wandering tone, differs biit very little from that of ' ber of two joyned with a perfect circle, or a semi-
Franchinus in his Practica Musicse, herein before ' circle, or a semicircle without a number, thus O 2,
exhibited. ' C 2.
In the thirteenth and last chapter of this book the ' Wherefore prolation is the essential quantitie of
author shews that divers men are delighted with ' semibreefes ; or it is the setting of two or three
divers modes, an observation that Guido had made ' minims against one semibreefe ; and it is twofold,
before in the thirteenth chapter of his Micrologus, 'to wit, the greater (which is a semibreefe measured
and to this purpose he says : ' Some are delighted ' by three minims, or the comprehending of three
•' with the crabbed and courtly wandering of the ' minims in one semibreefe) whose signe is a point
* first tone ; others do affect the hoarse gravity of ' inclosed in a signe thus, Q (3 . The lesser pro-
' the second ; others take pleasure in the severe, and ' lation is a semibreefe measured with two minims
' as it were disdainful stalking of the third ; others ' onely, whose signe is the absence of a pricke, Fot
' are drawn with the flattering sound of the fourth ; ' Franchinus saith, they carry with them the imper-
* others are moved with the modest wantonness of the ' fecting of the figure when the signes are wanting.'
' fifth ; others are led with the lamenting voice of the In the course of this explanation the author takes
' sixth ; others do willingly hear the warlike leapings occasion to mention the extrinsical and intrinsical
' of the seventh ; others do love the decent, and as it signs in mensural music ; the former he says are the
' were matronal-like carriage of the eighth.' circle, the number, and the point. As to the circle.
The second book is dedicated to the author's when entire it originally denoted perfection, as it was
' worthy and kind friend George Brachius, a most called, or a progression by three, or in what we now
' skilful musician, and chief doctor of the Duke of call triple time. When the circle was discontinued,
' Wittenberg his chappell.' or cut through by a perpendicular or oblique stroke,
In the second chapter of this book the author it signified imperfection, or a progression by two, or,
explains the nature of mensural music, and the as we should say, in duple time ; when the circle had
figures used therein : these he says were anciently a point in the centre it signified a quicker progression
five, but that those of after ages have drawn out in the proportions of perfect and imperfect, according
others for quickness sake ; those described by him as the circle was either entire or mutilated, as above,
are eight in number, viz., the large, long, breve, As to the figures 3 and 2, used as extrinsic signs, they
semibreve, minim, crotchet, quaver, and semiquaver; seem intended only to distinguish the greater mood,
but it is worthy of notice that he gives to the semi- which gave three longs to the large, from the lesser,
breve two forms, the one resembling a lozenge, agree- which gave three breves to the long ; but the pro-
able to the character of the semibreve now or lately priety of this distinction is not easy to be discovered,
in use, the other that of an equilateral triangle or half As these characters are now out of use, and are
lozenge. supplied by others of modern invention, it is not
The third chapter contains an explanation of the necessary to be very inquisitive about them ; * it
ligatures from Franchinus, but much too concise to be is however very certain that the musicians, from
intelligible. the beginning of the sixteenth century, downwards.
The fourth chapter treats of mood, time, and pro- seem to betray an universal ignorance of their original
lation, of which three terms the following is his use and intention ; and since the commencement of
definition : ' The degrees of music, by which we that period, we nowhere find the circle used to denote
' know the value of the principal figures, are three, to perfect or triple time ; on the contrary, the character
* wit, mood, time, and prolation. Neither doth any for the several species of it are intended to bespeak
' of them deale upon all notes, but each onely with the relation which the intended progression in triple
' certaine notes that belong to each. As mood dealeth time bears to common or imperfect time ; for instance
' with larges and longs, time with breefes, prolation | is a progression by three of these notes, two whereof
' with semibreefes.' This general definition is fol- would make a bar or measure of duple time, that is to
lowed by one more particular, which is here given in say, minims ; f and f are progressions in triple time
the translator's own words : — by crotchets and quavers ; and this observation will
* A Moode (as Franchinus saith in the second
jii rr c \ • T> 1. \ • j.\ ri *It mav not be improper here to take notice, that notwithstanding
booke, cap. 7. of his Pract.) is the measureof ^longS the complaints of Morley of the confusion in which the Cantus Men-
' in lar""es or of breefes in lono'S. Or it is the surabiHswasinvolved, and his absolute despair of restoring the characters
. , . '^ ' /. ,1 ^.,. (• 'i ' 11 anciently used in it, an author, who lived a few years after liim, Thomas
beginning Ot the quantitie Ot larges and longs, Ravenscroft, a bachelor of music, published a book with this title, viz. :
'measuring them either by the number of two, or ' a breefe discourse of the true (but neglected) use of charact-ring the
o J ^ ^ . <^, V.1 'degrees by their perfection, imperfection, and dnninutionm mensurable
the number ot three. ' musicke, against the common practice and custom of these times.
' Tiinp k 1 brpofp whirVi rnntiinpc! in it twn nv fhvpp. ' Examples whereof are exprest in the harmony of 4 voyces, concerning
iime IS a Oieeie Wnicn COniaineS in U l\\0 or inree . t,jg pleasure of 5 usual recreations, l hunting, 2 hawking, 3 dauncing,
* semibreefes. Or it is the measuring of two or three '4 drinking, S enamouring.' London, I6I4, quarto,
'semibreefes in one breefe. And it is twofold, to Theamhor has discovered, as well in the apology and the preface to
... 1 r 1-1 *'^'^ book, as m the discourse itself, a great share of musical erudition ;
' Wit, perteCt : and this is a breefe measured with but the arguments severally contained in them failed to convince the
'tllVPP spniibrppfps Whose sio-np is thp nnmbpr nf world that the revival of an obsolete practice, which from its intricacy
xniee semiuieeieb. \\ nose blgnc ib ine nuraoer 01 ^^^ inutility had insensibly grown into disuse, could in any way tend to
'three joined with a circle or a semicircle, or a the perfection of the science; and experience has shewn that that
, r i. • 1 i. -ii J. T_ xi r\ n r\ r> /~\ method of charactering the degrees, which, as he contends is the only
perfect circle set without a number, thus 0 3, C 3. 0. true one, is not essential in the notation of music.
310
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VI IL
serve to explain various other signatures not here
mentioned. As to these other numbers f ^^, the de-
nominator in each having a duple ratio, they are clearly
the characteristics of common time ; but though the
entire circle is no longer used as a characteristic of
time, yet the discontinued or mutilated circle is in
daily practice. Some ignorant writers on music, from
its resemblance to the letter C, suppose to be the initial
of the word Common ; adding, that where a perpen-
dicular stroke is drawn through it, it signifies a quick,
and where it is inverted a still quicker succession of
notes.* But this appropriation of the epithet common
to duple time is unwarrantahle, for in truth duple
time is no more common than triple, the one occur-
ring as often in musical compositions as the other.
The intrinsic signs used in music are no other than
the rests which correspond with the measures of notes,
and that alteration of the value of notes, which con-
sists in a variety of colour, as black full, black void,
red full, and red void, mentioned by Morley and other
writers.
The sixth chapter treats of Tact, thus defined by
the author : ' Tact is a successive motion in singing,
' directing the equality of the measure. Or it is a
' certain motion made by the hand of the chief singer
* according to the nature of the marks, which motion
' directs a song according to measure.
* Tact is threefold, the greater, the lesser, and the
' proportionate ; the greater is a measure made by
* a slow, and as it were reciprocal motion ; the writers
' call this tact the whole or total tact ; and because it
' is the true tact of all songs, it comprehends in his
' motion a semibreefe not diminished, or a breefe
' diminished, in a duple. The lesser tact is the half
' of the greater, which they call a semi-tact, because
* it measures by its motion a semibreefe diminished
' in a duple ; this is allowed of only by the unlearned.
' The proportionate is that whereby three semibreefes
' are uttered against one, as in a triple, or against two,
' as in a sesquialtera.'
In the seventh chapter the author takes occcasion
to define the word Canon in these words : —
* A canon is an imaginary rule, drawing that part
' of the song which is not set downe, out of that part
' which is set downe. Or it is a rule which doth
' wittily discover the secrets of a song. Now we use
' canons either to shew art, or to make shorter worke,
' or to try others cunning.'
From this, which is an excellent definition of the
-term, we may learn that it is very improperly
applied to that kind of perpetual fugue which is
generally understood by the word Canon ; for it is
a certain compendious rule for writing down a com-
position of that kind on a single stave, and for singing
it accordingly ; and hence it seems to be a solecism
to say a canon in score ; for when once the com-
position is scored, the rule or canon for singing it
does not apply to it.
* This supposition seems in some measure to be warranted by the
practice of Corelli, who throughout his works has characterized those
movements, where the crotchets are in effect quavers, by a semicircle,
with a perpendicular stroke drawn throufjh it ; and Gcminiani has done
the same. See the sonatas of Corelli, passim, and tlie last movement in
his ninth solo, and the second and third operas of Geminiani, passim, in
the edition published by himself in score.
As in the former chapter the author had mentioned
augmentation of the value of notes by a point in the
signature, and other marks or directions, in this,
which is the eighth of the second book, he speaks of
diminution, which he also calls Syncopation, and
divides into virgular, the sign whereof is the circle
mutilated, or having a perpendicular or oblique
stroke, as before is mentioned ; and numeral, signified
by figures. In this chapter the author takes occasion
to mention a man living in his time, and hired to be
organist in the castle of Prague, of whom, to use his
own words, he thus speaks : ' Who though he knew
* not, that I may conceale his greater faults, how to
* distinguish a perfect time from an imperfect, yet
' gives out publickly that he is writing the very
* depth of music, and is not ashamed to say that
' Franchinus (a most famous writer, one whom he
' never so much as tasted of) is not worth the reading,
' but fit to be scoffed at and scorned by him. Foolish,
' bragging, ridiculous rashnes, grosse madncs ! which
' therefore only doth snarle at the learned, because it
' knows not the means how to emulate it. I pray
' God the wolfe may fall into the toiles, and hereafter
' commit no more such outrage, nor like the crow
' brag of borrowed feathers, for he must need be
* counted a dotard that prescribes that to others the
' elements whereof himself never saw.'
The ninth, tenth, and eleventh chapters treat of
rests, and of the alteration of notes by the addition of
a point ; and of imperfection by the note, the rest,
and the colour, that is to say, the subtraction of a
third part from a given note agreeable to the rule in
mensural music, that perfection consists in a ternary,
and imperfection in a binary progression of time.
The twelfth chapter speaks of a kind of alteration
by a secondary singing of a note for the perfecting
of the number 3. These four chapters refer to a
method of notation which is now happily superseded
by the rejection of ligatures and the insertion of bars.
The subject of the thirteenth chapter is proportion,
in the explanation whereof he follows Euclid, Boetius,
and Franchinus. Speaking of proportion in general,
he says it is either of equality or inequality ; but
that because the dissimilitude and not the similitude
of voice doth make harmony, so music considers only
the proportion of inequality. And this he says is
two-fold, to wit, the proportion of the greater and of
the lesser inequality : the proportion of the greater
inequality is the relation of the greater number to
the less, as 4 to 2, 6 to 3 ; the proportion of the lesser
inequality is contrarily the comparison of a less
number to the greater, as of 2 to 4, of 3 to 6.
Of the proportions of the greater inequality, he
says, as indeed do all the writers on the subject, that
it is of five kinds, namely, multiplex, superparticular,
superpartiens, multiplex superparticular, and multi-
plex superpartiens, the latter two compounded of
the former three, which are simple.
To these he says are opposed five other kinds of
proportions, to wit, those of the lesser inequality,
having the same names with those of the greater in-
equality, save that they follow the preposition sub-
multiplex, &C.
Chap LXIX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
311
CHAP. LXIX.
As the subject of proportion has already been
treated of, this brief account of the author's sentiments
concerning it may suffice in this place, the rather as
it is a subject, about which not only arithmeticians
and musicians, but all mathematicians are agreed.
But under this head of proportion there is one
observation touching duple proportion, which will
be best given in his own words. ' Duple proportion,
* the first kind of the multiplex, is when the greater
' number, being in relation with the less, doth com-
' prebend it in itselfe twice, as 4. to 2, 8 to 4 ; but
' musically, when two notes are uttered against one,
' which is like them both in nature and kind. The
' signe of this some say is the number 2 ; others
' because proportion is a relation not of one thing
' but of two, affirm that one number is to be set
' under another thus f | f , and make no doubt but in
* all the rest this order is to be kept.
* I would not have you ignorant that the duple
* proportion, and all the other of the multiplex kind, are
' marked by certain canons, saying thus, Decrescit in
' duplo, in triplo, and so forth. Which thing, because
' it is done either to encrease men's diligence, or to
' try their cunning, we mislike not. There be that
' consider the whole proportion in figures, which are
* turned to the left hand-ward, with signs and crookes,
' saying that this C is the duple of this Q, and this
' ♦ of 'I, ; and in rests, that this T is the duple of
' this *; I think only upon this reason that Fran-
' chinus, Pract. lib. II. cap. iv. saith that the right
' side is greater and perfecter than the left, and the
* left weaker than the right, against which opinion
' neither myself am. For Valerius Probus, a most
' learned grammarian, in his interpretation of the
' Roman letters, saith that the letter C, which hath
' the form of a semicircle, signifies Caius, the man ;
' and being turned, signifies Caia, the woman ; and
' Fabius Quintilianus, in approving of Probus his
' opinion, saith Caius is shewed by the letter C,
' which being turned signifies a woman ; and being
' that men are more perfect than women, the per-
' fection of the one is declared by turning the semi-
' circle to the right hand, and the weakness of the
\ other by turning it to the left.*
^*' Book HI. is dedicated to Philip Surus of Milten-
burg, ' a sharp-witted man, a master of art, and a
' most cunning musician, chapel-master to the count
* palatine the duke of Bavaria.'
The first chapter contains the praise of accent,
which is delivered in the following fanciful allegory.
' Accent hath great affinity with Concent, for they
* be brothers, because Sonus or Sound (the king of
* Lib. II. cap. xiii.
This passage is not to be understood unless the adjectives right and
left are taken in the sense in which tlie terms dexter and sinister are
used by the heralds in the blazoning of coat-armour, in the bearing
wiiereof the dexter is opposed to the left side of the spectator.
The above observation of the author seems to suggest a reason for
a practice in Vf riting country-dances, which it would otherwise be difficult
to account for, namely, that of distinguishing the men and women by
these characters ^^ -^^' which are evidently founded in the ideas
of perfection and imperfection above alluded to, though signified by an
' ntire and a mutilated figure; the circle, which is a perfect figure, de-
noting the man, and the semicircle, which is irai^erfect, tlie woman.
ecclesiastical harmony) is father to them both, and
begat the one upon Grammar, the other upon
Music ; whom after the father had seen to be of
excellent gifts both of body and wit, and the one
not to yeeld to the other is any kind of knowledge ;
and further, that himselfe (now growing in yeeres)
could not live long, he began to think which he
should leave his kingdom unto, beholding some time
the one, some time the other, and the fashions of
both. The Accent was elder by yeares, grave,
eloquent, but severe, therefore to the people less
pleasing. The Concent was merry, frolicke, lively,
acceptable to all, desiring more to be loved than to
be feared, by which he easily wonne unto him all
men's minds, which the father noting, was daily more
and more troubled in making his choyce, for the
Accent was more frugal, the other more pleasing to
the people. Appointing therefore a certaine day,
and calling together the peers of his realme, to wit,
singers, poets, orators, morall philosophers, besides
-ecclesiastical governors, which in that function held
place next to the king ; before these king Sonus is
said to have made this oration : " My noble peers,
which have undergone many dangers of warre by
land and sea, and yet by my conduct have carried
the prize throughout the whole world ; behold the
whole world is under our rule ; wee have no enemy,
all things may goe prosperously with you, only upon
me death encreaseth, and life fadeth ; my body is
weakned with labor, my soul consumed with care,
I expect nothing sooner than death. Wherefore
I purpose to appoint one of my sonnes lord over
you, him I say whom you shall by your common
voyces choose, that he may defend this kingdome,
which hath been purchased with your blood, from
the wrong and invasion of our enemies."
* Wlien he had thus said, the nobles began to con-
sult, and by companies to handle concerning the
point of the common safety, yet to disagree, and
some to choose the one, some the other, for the
orators and poets would have the Accent, the musi-
tians and the moralists chose the Concent. But the
papal prelates, who had the royalties in their hands,
looking more deeply into the matter, enacted that
neither of them should be refused, but that the king-
dome should be divided betwixt them, whose opinion
the king allowed, and so divided the kingdome,
that Concentus might be chiefe ruler over all things
that are to be sung (as hymnes, sequences, antiphones,
responsories, introitus, tropes, and the like), and
Accent over all things which are read, as gospels,
lectures, epistles, orations, prophesies ; for the func-
of the papal kingdom are not duely performed with-
out Concent : so these matters being settled, each
part departed with their king, concluding that both
Concent and Accent should be especially honoured
by those ecclesiasticall persons. Which thing Leo
the Tenth, and Maximilian the most famous Roman
emperor, both chiefe lights of good arts, and espe-
cially of musicke, did by general consent of the
fathers and princes, approve, endowe with privi-
ledges, and condemned all gainsayers as guilty of
high treason, the one for their bodily, the other for
312
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VIIL
' their spiritual life. Hence was it that I marking
' how many of those priests which (by the leave of
* the learned) I will say doe reade those things they
* have to read so wildly, so monstrously, so faultily,
* tliat they doe not onely hinder the devotion of the
' faitliful, but also even provoke them to laughter and
' scorning with their ill reading, resolved after the
' doctrine of concent, to explaine the rules of accent,
' inasmuch as it belongeth to a musitian, that together
' with concent accent might also, as true lieire in this
* ecclesiastical kingdome be established. Desiring
' that the praise of the highest king, to whom all
' honour and reverence is due, might duely be per-
' formed.'
Accent, as this author explains it, belongs to church-
men, and is a melody pronouncing regularly the
syllables of any word, according as the natural accent
of them requires.
According to the rules laid down by him, it seems
that in the reading the holy scriptures the ancient
practice was to utter the words with an uniform tone
of voice, with scarce any inflexion of it at all ; which
manner of reading, at least of the prayers, is at this
day observed even in protestant churches. Never-
theless he directs that the final syllable, whatever it
be, should be uttered in a note, sometimes a fourth,
and at others a fifth lower than the ordinary intona-
tion of the preceding syllables, except in the case of
interrogatory clauses, when the tone of the final syl-
lable is to be elevated ; and to this he adds a few
other exceptions. It seems by this author that there
was a method of accenting the epistles, the gospels,
and the prophecies, concerning which last he speaks
in these words : ' There are two ways for accenting
' prophesies, for some are read, after the manner of
* epistles, as on the feast dales of our Lady, the Epi-
' phany, Christmas, and the like, and those keep the
' accent of epistles ; some are sung according to the
'manner of morning lessons, as in Christ's night, and
' in the Ember fasts, and these keep the accent of
* those lessons. But I would not have you ignorant
' that in accenting, oftentimes the manner and cus-
' tome of the country and place is kept, as in the
' great church of Magdeburg ; Tu autem Domine is
* read with the middle syllable long, by reason of the
' custome of that church ; whereas other nations doe
' make it short according to the rule. Therefore let
' the reader pardon me if our writings doe sometime
' contrary the diocese wherein they live. Which
' though it be in some few things, yet in the most
' they agree. For I was drawne by my own expe-
' rience, not by any precepts, to write this booke.
' And if I may speake without vain-glory, for that
' cause have I seen many parts of the world, and in
' them divers churches, both metropolitane and catlie-
' drall, not without great impeachment of my state,
' that thereby I might profit those that shall live after
' me. In which travaile of mine I have seen the five
' kingdomes of Pannonia, Sarmatia, Boemia, Den-
* marke, and of both the Germanics, G3 diocesses,
' cities 340, infinit fashions of divers people, besides
' sayled over the two seas, to wit, the Balticke, and
* the great ocean, not to lieape riches, but increase
' my knowledge. All which I would have thus taken
' that the reader may know that this booke is more
' out of my experience than any precepts.'
The fourth book is dedicated ' to the worthy and
' industrious master Arnold Schlick, a most exquisite
' musician, organist to the count Palatine,' and de-
clares the principles of counterpoint : to this end the
author enumerates the concords and discords ; and,
contrary to the sentiments of the more learned among
musicians, reckons the diatessaron in the latter class
Of the concords he says, ' Some be simple or primarie,
' as the unison, third, fifth, and sixth ; others are re-
' peated or secondary, and are equisonous with their
' primitives, as proceeding of a duple dimension ; for
' an eighth doth agree in sound with an unison, a
' tenth with a third, a twelfth with a fifth, and a
' thirteenth with a sixth ; others are tripled, to wit, a
' fifteenth, which is equal to the sound of an unison
' and an eighth ; a seventeenth, which is equal to a
' third and a tenth ; and a nineteenth, which is equal
' to a fifth and a twelfth ; a twentieth, which is equal
' to a sixth and a thirteenth, and so forth. Of con-
' cords also, some be perfect, some imperfect ; the
' perfect are those, which being grounded upon cer-
' tain proportions, are to be proved by the help of
' numbers ; the imperfect, as not being probable, yet
' placed among the perfects, make an unison sound.' *
Touching the fourth, he says, ' It may be used as
' a concord in two cases ; first, when being shut be-
' twixt two eighths it hath a fifth below, because if
' the fifth be above, the concord is of no force, by that
' reason of Aristotle, whereby in his px'oblems he
' shews that the deeper discordant sounds are more
' perceived than the higher. Secondly, when the
' tenor and meane do go by one or more sixths, then
' that voice which is middling shall alwayes keep a
' fourth under the cantus, and a third above the
' tenor.'
Speaking of the parts of a song in the fifth chap-
ter, he says, * They are many, to wit, the treble, tenor,
' high tenor, melody, concordant, vagrant, contra-
' tenor, base, yea and more than these.' Of the dis-
cantus he says in general ' That it is a song made of
' divers voyces, for it is called Discantus, quasi diver-
' sus cantus, that is as it were another song, but we,
' because Discantus is a part of a song severed from
' the rest, will describe it thus, Discantus is the
' uppermost part of each song, or it is an harmony to
' be song with a child's voyce.' Of the other parts
he speaks thus : ' A tenor is the middle voyce of each
' song ; or, as Gafforus writes, lib. III. cap. v. it is
' the foundation to the relation of every song, so called
' ' a tenendo, of holding, because it doth hold the con-
' ' sonance of all the parts in itselfe in some respect.'
' The Bassus, or rather Basis, is the lowest part of
' each song, or it is an harmony to be sung with a
' deepe voice, which is called Baritonus, a vari, which
' is low, by changing V into B, because it holdeth
' the lower part of the song. The high tenor is the
' uppermost part save one of a song, or it is the grace
* Ornithoparcus has not distinguished with sufficient clearness between
the perfect and imperfect concords, though the reason of tlie distinction
is properly assigned by liini ; tlie impcifect concords are the third aiid
sixth, with their replicates.
Chap. LXIX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
813
* of the base, for most commonly it graceth the base,
' making a double concord with it. The other parts
* every student may describe by himselfe.'
The rules or special precepts of counterpoint laid
down by this author, are so very limited and me-
chanical, that at this time of day, when the laws of
harmony have been extended, and the number of
allowable combinations so multiplied as to afford
ample scope for the most inventive genius, they can
hardly be thought of any use.
The eighth chapter has this title ' Of the divers
* fashions of singing, and of the ten precepts for
' singing,' and is here given in the words of the
translator.
' Every man lives after his owns humour, neither
* are all men governed by the same lawes ; and divers
' nations have divers fashions, and differ in habite,
* diet, studies, speech, and song. Hence is it that the
' English do carroll ; the French sing ; the Spaniards
' weepe ; the Italians which dwell about the coasts of
' Janua caper with their voyces, the other barke ; but
* the Germanes, which I am ashamed to utter, doe
' howle like wolves. Now because it is better to
* breake friendship than to determine any thing
' against truth, I am forced by truth to say that
' which the love of my countrey forbids me to pub-
' lish. Germany nourisheth many cantors but few
* musicians. For very few, excepting those which
* are or have been in the chapels of princes, do truely
* know the art of singing. For those magistrates to
whom this charge is given, do appoint for the govern -
' ment of the service youth cantors, whom they chuse
* by the shrilnesse of their voyce, not for their cun-
* ning in the art, thinking that God is pleased with
' bellowing and braying, of whom we read in the
' scripture that he rejoyceth more in sweetness than
' in noyse, more in the affection than in the voyce.
' For when Salomon in the Canticles writeth that the
' voyce of the church doth sound in the eares of
' Christ, hee doth presently adjoyne the cause, because
' it is sweet. Therefore well did Baptista Mantuan
* (that modern Virgil) inveigh every puffed up igno-
* rant bellowing cantor, saying,
" Cur tantis delubra bourn mugitibus imples,
" Tu ne Deum tali credis placare tumultu."
' Whom the prophet ordained should he praised in
' cymbals, not simply, but well sounding.
' Of the ten precepts necessary for every singer.
* Being that divers men doe diversly abuse them-
selves in God's praise, some by moving their body
undecently, some by gaping unseemely, some by
changing the vowels, I thought good to teach all
cantors certain precepts by which they may err
lesse.
' 1. When you desire to sing any thing, above all
things marke the tone and his repercussion. For
he that sings a song without knowing the tone, doth
like him that makes a syllogisme without moode
and figure.
' 2. Let him diligently marke the scale under
which the song runneth, least he make a flat of
a sharpe, or a sharpe of a flat.
' 3. Let every singer conforme his voyce to the
words, that as much as he can he make the concent
sad when the words are sad, and merry when they
are merry. WTierein I cannot but wonder at the
Saxons, the most gallant people of all Germany
(by whose furtherance I was both brought up and
drawne to write of musicke) in that they use in their
funerals an high, merrie, and jocunde concent, for
no other cause I thinke, than that either they hold
death to be the greatest good that can befall a man
(as Valerius, in his fifth book, writes of Cleobis and
Biton, two brothers) or in that they believe that the
souies (as it is in Macrobius his second booke De
Somnio Scip.) after this body doe returne to the
original sweetness of music, that is to heaven, which
if it be the cause, we may judge them to be valiant
in contemning death, and worthy desirers of the
glory to come.
' 4. Above all things keepe the equality of measure,
for to sing without law and measure is an offence to
God himselfe, who hath made all things well in
number, weight, and measure. Wherefore I would
have the Easterly Franci (my countrymen) to fol-
low the best manner, and not as before they have
done, sometime long, sometime to make short the
notes in plain-song, but take example of the noble
church of Herbipolis, their head, wherein they sing
excellently. Which would also much profit and
honour the church of Prage, because in it also they
make the notes sometimes longer, sometime shorter
than they should. Neither must this be omitted,
which that love which we owe to the dead doth
require, whose vigils (for so are they commonly
called) are performed with such confusion, hast, and
mockery (I know not what fury possesseth the
mindes of those to whom this charge is put over)
that neither one voyce can be distinguished from
another, nor one syllable from another, nor one verse
sometimes throughout a whole Psalme from ano-
ther ; an impious fashion, to be punished with the
severest correction. Think you that God is pleased
with such howling, such noise, such mumbling, in
which is no devotion, no expressing of words, no
articulating of syllables ?
' 5. The songs of authentical tones must be timed
deepe of the subjugall tones, high of the neutrall
meanly, for these goe deep, those high, the other
both high and low.
' 6. The changing of vowels is a signe of an
unlearned singer. Now though divers people do
diversely offend in this kinde, yet doth not the
multitude of offenders take away the fault. Here
I would have the Francks to take heed they pro-
nounce not u for o, as they are wont saying nuster
for noster. The country churchmen are also to
be censured for pronouncing Aremus instead of
Oremus. In like sort doe all the Eenenses, from
Spyre to Confluentia, change the vowel i into the
dipthong ei, saying Mareia for Maria. The West-
jihalians for the vowel a pronounce a and e together,
to wit, Aebste for Abste. The lower Saxons, and
all the Suevians, for the vowel e read e and i, saying
Deius for Deus. They of Lower Germany do all
314
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VIII.
'expresse u and e instead of the vowel u. Which
'errours, though the German speech doth often re-
' quire, yet doth the Latin tongue, which hath the
' afiiuitie with ours, exceedingly abhorre them.
' 7. Let a singer take heed least he begin too loud,
' braying like an asse ; or when he liath begun with
'an uneven height, disgrace the song. For God is
' not pleased with loud cryes, but with lovely sounds ;
' It is not saith our Erasmus the noyse of the lips,
' but the ardent desire of the heart, which like the
' loudest voyce doth pierce God's eares. Moses spake
' not, yet heai'd these words, " Why dost thou cry
"unto me?" But why the Saxons, and those that
' dwell upon the Balticke coast, should so delight in
* such clamouring, there is no reason, but either
' because they have a deafe God, or because they
' thinke he is gone to the south side of heaven, and
' therefore cannot so easily heare both the easterlings
' and the southerlings.
' 8. Let every singer discerne the difference of
' one holiday from another, least on a sleight holiday
* he either make too solemne service, or too sleight
' on a great.
q
' 9. The uncomely gaping of the mouth, and un-
* graceful motion of the body is a signe of a mad
* singer.
' 10. Above all things let the singer study to
please God, and not men (saith Guido) there are
'foolish singers who contemne the devotion they
'should seeke after, and affect the wantonesse which
'they should shun, because they intend their singing
'to men not to God, seeking for a little worldly
'fame, that so they may lose the eternal glory,
* pleasing men that thereby they may displease God,
' imparting to others that devotion which themselves
' want, seeking the favour of the creature, con-
' temning the love of the creatour. To whom is due
'all honour, and reverence, and service. To whom
*I doe devote myself and all that is mine; to him
'will I sing as long as I have being, for he hath
' raised mee (poore wretch) from the earth, and from
'the meanest basenesse. Therefore blessed be his
* name world without end. Amen.'
To speak of this work of Ornithoparcus in general,
it aljounds with a great variety of learning, and is
both methodical and sententious. That Douland
looked upon it as a valuable work may be inferred
from the pains he took to translate it, and his de-
dication of it to the lord treasurer, Robert Cecil,
earl of Salisbury.
It appears by the several dedications of his four
books of the Micrologus, that Ornithoparcus met
with much opposition from the ignorant and envious
among those of his own profession ; of these he
speaks with great warmth in each of these epistles,
and generally concludes them with an earnest request
to those to whom they are addressed, that they would
defend and protect him and his works from the
malicious backbiters of the age.
Steffano Vanneo, director of the choir of the
church of St. Mark at Ancona, was the author of
a book in folio, intitled Recanetem de Musica aurea,
published at Rome in 1533. It was written origi-
nally in Italian, and was translated into Latin by
Vincentio Rossetto of Verona. The greater part of
it seems to be taken from Franchinus, though the
author has not confessed his obligation to him, or
indeed to any other writer on the subject.
Giovanni Maria Lanfranco, was the author of
Scintille di Musica, printed at Brescia in 1533, in
oblong quarto, a very learned and curious book.
It is well known that about this time the printers,
and even the booksellers, were men of learning ;
one of this latter profession, named George Rhaw,
and who kept a shop at Wittemberg, published in
1536, for the use of children, a little book, with this
title, Enchiridion utriusque Musicae Practical Geor-
gio Rhaw, ex varijs Musicorum Libris, pro Pueris
in Schola Vitebergensi congestum. In the size,
manner of printing, and little typhographical or-
naments contained in it, it very much resembles
the old editions of Lilly's grammar, and seems to
be a book well calculated to answer the end of its
publication.
One Lampadius, a chanter of a church in Lune-
burg in 1537, published a book with this title.
Compendium Musices, tam figurati quam plani Can-
tus ad Formam Dialogi, in Usum ingenuas Pubis
ex eruditissimis Musicorum scriptis accurate con-
gestum, quale ante hac nunquam Visum, et jam
recens pnblicatum. Adjectis etiam Regulis Con-
cordantiarum et componendi Cantus artificio, sum-
matim omnia Musices prtecepta pulcherrimis Exem-
plis illustrata, succincte et simpliciter complectens.
Sebaldus Heyden, of Nuremberg, was the author
of a tract intitled Musical, id est, Artis Canendi.
It was published in 1537, and again in 1540, in
quarto ; the last of the two editions is by much the
best. In this book the author has thus defined the
word Tactus, which in music signifies the division
of time by some external motion : ' Tactus est digi-
* timotus aut nutus, ad temporis tractatum, in vices
' gequales divisum, omnium notularum, ac pausarum
'quantitates coaptans.' An explanation that carries
the antiquity of this practice above two hundred
and thirty years back from the present time.*
NicoLAUS LiSTENius, of Leipsic, in 154:3 published
a treatise De Musica, in ten chapters, which he
dedicated to the eldest son of Joachim TI. duke of
Brandenburg. It was republished in 1577, with the
addition of two chapters, at Nuremberg. Glareanus,
in his Dodecachordon, has given a Miserere, in three
parts, from this work of Listenius, which, whether
* This book is dedicated to Hieronymus Baumgartner, a great en-
courager ol learning, and one of five merchants of Augsburg, who, as
Roger Ascham relates, were thought able to disburse as much ready-
money as five of the greatest kings in Christendom.
The true spelling of this family name is Paumgartner ; and it seems
that these brethren, or at least one of them, possessed the same princely
spirit as that which distinguished the Fuggers of the same city, who
were three in number, and are mentioned in the passage above-cited
from Ascham. Erasmus has drawn a noble character of one of the
Paumgartners, named John, in one of his Epistles, in which he takes
occasion to celebrate the liberality of the Fuggers also: and there is
extant a letter of John Paumgartner to Erasmus, filled with sentiments
of the highest friendship and benevolence. It is printed in the Appendix
to Dr. Jortin's life of Erasmus, pag. 471. John Paumgartner had a son
named John George, who seems to have inherited the liberal spirit of his
father, lor he was desirous of making Erasmus some valuable present,
which the latter modestly declined, telling him in one of his Epistles,
that he had already received one of his father, a cup, a proper gift
to a Dutchman ; but, says he, I am not able to drink Batavic^ a la
HoUaniloise. See Dr. Jortin's Life of Erasmus, vol. I. pag. 536.
Chap. LXIX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
315
it be a composition of his own, or of some other
person, does not clearly appear.
The effects of these, and mimherless other pub-
lications, but more especially the precepts for the
composition of counterpoint delivered by Franchinus,
were very soon discoverable in the great increase of
practical' musicians, and the artful contexture of
their works. But although at this time the science
was improving very fast in Italy, it seems that
Germany and Switzerland were the forwardest in
producing masters of the art of practical composition :
of these some of the most eminent were lodocus
Pratensis, otherwise called Jusquin de Prez, Jacob
Hobrecth, Adamus ab Fulda, Henry Isaac, Sixtus
Dietrich Petrus Platensis, Gregory Meyer, Gerardus
a Salice, Adamus Luyr, Joannes Richafort, Thomas
Tzamen, Nicholas Craen, Anthony Brumel.
The translation of the works of the Greek har-
monicians into a language generally understood
throughout Europe, and the wonderful effects ascribed
to the music of the ancients, excited a general en-
deavour towards the revival of the ancient modes ;
the consequence whereof was. that at the beginning
of the sixteenth century, scarce a mass, a hymn, or
a psalm was composed, but it was framed to one or
otlier of them, as namely, the Dorian, the Lydian,
the Phrygian, and the rest, and of these there are
many examples now in prmt. This practice seems
to have taken its rise in Germany ; and the opinion
that the music of the ancients was retrievable, was
confirmed by the publication, in the year 1547, of
a very curious book entitled AOAEKAXOPAON, the
work of Glareanus, of Basil, the editor of Boetius
before mentioned. The design of this book is to
establish the doctrine of Twelve modes, contrary to
the opinion of Ptolemy, who allows of no more than
there are species of the Diapason, and those are Seven.
The general opinion is, that Glareanus has failed in
the proof of his doctrine ; he was nevertheless a man
of very great erudition, and both he and his work
are entitled to the attention of the learned, and merit
to be noticed in a deduction of the history of a
science, which if he did not improve, he passionately
admired.
He was a native of Switzerland, his name Henricus
LoEiTus Glareanus. The time when he flourished
was about the year 1540. Gerard Vossius, a very
good judge, styles him a man of great and universal
learning, and a better critic than some were willing
to allow him. He was honoured with the poetic
laurel and ring by the emperor Maximilian I. His
preceptor in music was, as he himself declares,
Joannes Cochlseus above-mentioned ; and he ac-
knowleges himself greatly beholden for his assistance
in the prosecution of his studies, to Erasmus, with
whom he maintained at Basil an intimate and
honourable friendship. For taking occasion to
mention a proverbial expression in the Adagia of
Erasmus, wherein any sudden, abrupt, and unnatural
transition from one thing to another is compared to
' the passing from the Dorian to the Phrygian mood,'*
mentioned also by Franchinus, from whom possibly
* Tlie Dorian is said to be grave and sober ; the Phrygian fierce and
varlike.
Erasmus might have taken it, he acknowledges his
obligation to them both, and speaks ot his intimacy
with the latter in these words : ' I am not ignorant
of what many eminent men have written in this
our age concerning this Adagium, two of whom
however are chiefly esteemed by me, and shall never
be named without some title of honour, Franchinus
and Erasmus Roterodamus ; the one was a mute
master to me, but the other taught me by word of
mouth ; to both of them I acknowledge myself
indebted in the greatest degree. Franchinus indeed
I never saw, although I have heard that he was at
Milan when I was there, which is about twenty-two
years ago ; but I was not then engaged in this
work : however, in the succeeding years, that I may
ingenuously confess the truth, the writings of that
man w^ere of great use to me, and gave me so much
advantage, that I would read and read over again,
and even devour the music of Boetius, which had
not for a long time been touched, nay it was thought
not to be understood by any one. As to Erasmus,
I lived many years in familiarity with him, not
indeed in the same house, but so near, that each
migiit be with the other as often as we pleased, and
converse on literary subjects, and those immense
labours which we sustained together for the com-
mon advantage and use of students ; in which con-
versations it was our practice to dispute and correct
each other ; I, as the junior, gave place to his age ;
and he as the senior bore with my humours, some-
times chastising, but always encouraging me in my
studies ; and at last I ventured to appear before the
public, and transmit my thoughts in Avi-iting; and
whatsoever he had written in the course of twenty
years he would always have me see before-hand;
and really if my own affairs would have permitted
it, I would always have been near him. I have
been however present at several works : he did not
take it amiss to be found fault with, as some would
do now, provided it were done handsomely ; nay he
greatly desired to be admonished, and immediately
returned thanks, and would even confer presents on
' the persons that suggested any correction in his
' writings. So great was the modesty of the man.'
But notwithstanding the prohibition implied in
this adage, it seems that lodocus Pratensis paid but
little regard to it; nay Glareanus gives an instance
of a composition of his, in which by passing imme-
diately from the Dorian to the Phrygian mode, he
seems to have set it at defiance.
A little farther on, in the same chapter, Glareanus
relates that he first communicated to Erasmus the
true sense of the above adage; but that the latter,
drawing near his end, when he was revising the last
edition, and having left Friburg, where Glareanus
resided, to go to Basil, the paper which Glareanus had
delivered to him containing his sentiments on the
passage, was lost, and his exposition thereof neglected.
In another place of the Dodecachordon Glareanus
gives an example of a composition in the ^olian
mood, by Dainianus a Goes, a Portuguese knight and
nobleman, of whom a particular acccount will be
shortly given. This person, who was a man of learn-
316
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE.
Book VIII.
ing, and had resided in most of the courts of Europe,
came to Friburg, and dwelt some time with Glareanus,
who upon his arrival there, desirous of introducing
him to the acquaintance of this illustrious stranger,
invited Erasmus to his house, where he continued
some months in a sweet interchange of kind offices,
wliich laid the foundation of a friendship between the
three, which lasted to the end of their lives. In a
letter now extant from Erasmus to the bishop of
Paris, he recommends his friend Glareanus, on wliom
he bestows great commendations, to teach in France.
It seems that Erasmus himself had received invita-
tions to that purpose, but that he declined them. His
letter in favour of Glareanus has this handsome con-
clusion : ' Sed heus tu, vacuis epistolis non est arces-
' sendus (Glareanus :) viaticum addatur oportet, velnt
' arrhabo reliqiii promissi. Vide quam familiariter
' tecum agam ; ceu tuaesolHcitudinis oblitus. Sed ita
' me tua corrupit humanitas, qu^ hanc docuit impu-
' dentiam : quam aut totam ignoscas oportet, aut
' bonam cette partem tibi ipsi imputes.'
He died in the year 1563, and was buried in the
church of the college of Basil, where there is the fol-
lowing sepulchral inscription to his memory : —
' Henricus Glareanus, poeta laureatus, gymnasii
* hujus ornamentum eximium, expleto feliciter su-
' premo die,componi hie ad spem futuraj resurrectionis
' providit, cujus manibus propter raram eruditionem,
' (;andoremque in profitendo, senatus reipublicaj lite-
' rariaj, gratitudinis et pietatis ergo, monumentum
' hoc asternaj memoriae consecratum, posteritati ut
' extaret, erigi curavit. Excessit vita anno salutis
' MDLXIII. die xxviii mensis Martii, eetatis suae
LXXV
CHAR LXX.
The design of Glareanus in the Dodecachordon
was evidently to establish the doctrine of Twelve
modes, in which he seems not to have been warranted
by any of the ancient Greek writers, some of whom
make them to be more, others fewer than that num-
ber ; and after Ptolemy had condemned the practice
of increasing the number of the modes by a hemitone,
that is to say, by placing some of them at the distance
of a hemitone from others ; and in short demonstrated
that there could in nature be no more than there are
species of the diapason, it seems that Glareanus had
imposed upon himself a very difficult task.
In the eleventh chapter of his first book, premising
that no part ot music is so pleasant or worthy to be
discussed as that relating to the modes, he admits
that they are no other than the several species of the
diapason, which latter do themselves arise out of the
different species of diapente and diatessaron. He
says that of the fourteen modes arising from the
species of diapason, the writers of his time admit
only eight, though thirteen have been used by some
constantly, and by others occasionally. He adds that
those who confine the number to eight, do not dis-
tinguish those eight by a true ratio, but by certain
rules, which are not universal. He farther says that
the moderns call the modes by the name of Tones,
and persist in the use of that appellation with such an
invincible obstinacy, as obliges him to acquiesce in
their error, which he says was adopted by Boetius
himself, who, in the fourteenth chapter of his fourth
book, says that there exist in the species of the dia-
pason, the modes, which some call Trojjes or Tones.
Chapter XVI. directs the method of infallibly dis-
tinguishing the musical consonances by the division
of the monochord ; and here the author takes occasion
to lament, that for more than eighty years before his
time, the sciences, and music in particular, had been
greatly corrupted ; and that many treatises on music
had been given to the public by men who were not
able to decline the very names or terms used in the
science ; a conduct which had sometimes excited his
mirth, but oftener his indignation. Indeed for Guido,
Berno, Theogerus the bishop, Vuillehelmus and
Joannes, afterwards pope, he offers an excuse, by
saying that they lived at a time when all the liberal
sciences, together with correct language, lay more
than asleep. Of Boetius he says, that no one taught
music more learnedly or carefully : Franchinus he
also commends for his skill and diligence; but he
censures him for some grammatical inaccuracies,
arising from his ignorance of the Greek language.
He then proceeds according to the directions of Boe-
tius, to explain the method of distinguishing the con-
sonances by means of the monochord, for the division
whereof he gives the following rules : —
' Boetius, the true and only artificer in this respect,
in the last chapter of his fourth book teaches in what
manner the ratios of the consonances may undoubt-
edly be collected by a most easy and simple instru-
ment, consisting of a chord stretched from a Magas
to a Magas, at either end of the chord, each im-
moveable, but with a moveable Magas placed be-
tween them, to be shifted at pleasure. The instru-
ment being thus disposed, if the intermediate space
over which the chord is stretched, and which lies
between the immoveable Magades, be divided into
Three equal parts, and the moveable Magas be
placed at either section, so that One part of the
divided space will be left on one side of the Magas,
and Two parts on the other, for thus the duple ratio
will be preserved, the two parts of the chord being
struck by a Plectrum, will sound the consonant dia-
pason. But if the space between the immoveable
Magades be divided into Four parts, and the move-
able Magas be so placed, as that One part may be
left on one side thereof, and Three on the other,
then will the triple ratio be preserved ; and the two
parts of the chord being struck by a Plectrum will
sound the consonant diapason cum diapente. More-
over, if the same space be divided into Five parts,
and Oni3 thereof be left on one side, and Four on
the other, that so the ratio may be Quadruple, the
same two parts of the chord will sound a Disdiapason,
the greatest of all consonants, and which is in a
quadruple ratio ; and thus all the consonants may
be had. Again, let the same division into Five
parts remain, and let Three of those parts be left on
one side, and two on the other ; in that case you
will find the first consonant diapente in a super-
Ohap. LXX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
317
particular genus, viz., in a Sesquialtera ratio. But
if the space between the immoveable Magades be
divided into Seven parts, and the moveable Magas
leave Four of them on one side, and Three on the
other, in order to have a Sesquitertia ratio, those
two parts of the Chord will sound a diatessaron con-
sonance. Lastly, if the whole space be divided into
Seventeen parts, and Nine of them be left on one
side, and Eight on the other of the moveable Magas,
it will shew the tone, which is in the Sesquioctave
ratio. But that these things may be more clearly
understood, we will demonstrate them by letters, as
he [Boetius] has done. Let A D be the regula, or
table, upon which we intend to stretch the chord ;
the immoveable Magades, which the same Boetius
calls hemispheres, are the two E and F, erected
perpendicular to the Regula at B and C. Let the
chord A E F D be stretched over these, and let K
be the moveable Magas to be used within the space
B C. If this be so placed, and the space be divided
into three, so that one part may remain on one side,
and two on the other ; this chord by the application
of a plectrum will sound a diapason, the queen of
consonances ; but if the space be divided into Four,
and the chords on each side be as Three to One, the
consonant diapason with a diapente will be produced.
Moreover, if the space be divided into Five parts,
Four against One will give a disdiapason, and Three
to Two a diapente ; and when the space is divided
into Seven, Four against Three, produces a diates-
saron ; and lastly, when the space is divided into
Seventeen, Nine to Eight, gives the tone : we here
subjoin the type : —
CA:^
~r
ii.isi-^1 Til 6771 8 ] g I in Ml ll?i|g|liiisT7if
Chapter XXI. which is the last of the first book, is
a kind of introduction to the author's doctrine of the
Twelve modes, in which, speaking in his own person,
he delivers his sentiments in these words : —
' When I had put the last hand, to this book,
' I obtained unexpectedly, by means of my excellent
' friend Bartholomgeus Lybis, Franchinus's work
' De Harmonia Musicorum Instrumentorum, which,
' though I had eagerly sought after it many years,
* I could never procure. This I take to have been
* the last work of Franchinus, for he dedicated it in
' the year of Christ, 1518, to Joannes Grolerius of
' Lyons, who was treasurer of Milan to Francis kinsr
' of France, having more than twenty years before
' that published a treatise of practical music. I was
* more overjoyed than I can express at the receipt
' of it ; for I expected to have found certain passages
' of some authors, more especially Greek ones, cleared
up by him, as they had given me a great deal of
trouble for several years ; and my hopes were
' greatly increased on reading the first chapter, where
' he Rays, that he had translated Bryennius, Bacchius,
' Aristides Quintilianus, and Ptolemy, from the Greek
' into the Latin language. I began to peruse him very
' carefully, and found in him his usual exactness and
' diligence ; more especially in those things which
' Boetius treats of in the three genera of modulation
' by the five tetrachords, and in what related to the
' proportions and Proportionalities, for so they call
' them ; but when I perceived that in his last book
' he had undertaken to discuss that abstruse subject
' the musical modes, I flattered myself with the hopes
' of finding Franchinus similar to himself in that
' jjart, and that he had produced somewhat worthy
' to be read from so many authors ; but my expec-
' tations were not answered, and as far as I can con-
'jecture, he does not seem to have understood the
' words of Apuleius in his Florida,* lib. I. concern r
' ing Antigenides, or those of Marciauus Capella,
' Lucianus Athenajus, and Porphyrins ; for he no
* where quotes those jilaces which require exj^lanation,
' which I greatly wonder at. He indeed several
' times quotes Plato, but not in those places where
* the reader is puzzled, such as that is in lib. iii.
' De Rep. concerning the authors of the six Modes.
* Truly, what Franchinus says in that book, except
* what is taken from Boetius, I may say without any
' error or spleen, for I much esteem the man, are
' words compiled by sedulous reading from various
* commentaries, but in no manner helping to clear up
' the matter. As that comparison of tlie four modes
' to four complexions, colours, and poetical feet, three
' other modes being banished undeservedly. I had
' much rather have had him ingenuously confess,
' either that he did not know the differences of those
' modes, or that they were Aristoxenean paradoxes,
' the opinions of which author were laughed at, re^
'jected, and exploded by Boetius and Ptolemy, men
' eminent in this art. Franchinus himself doubted as
' much about the eight modes as the common people
* did ; for in this book, which is the last of his works,
' he does not dare even so much as to mention the
' Hypomixolydian, which he had named in his book
' entitled Practica, lib. I. chapters 8 and 14, confiding
' implicitly, as he himself confesses, in the opinions of
' others. But if it be not permitted to repeat the
' species of diapason, which objection he himself
' seems to make in his last work, then the Hyper-
' mixolydian will be no mode, since its diapason is
* wholly the Hypodorian. But Franchinus in this
' work leaving out the Hypomixolydian, which has
' the same diapason with the Dorian, and is our
' eighth, takes in the Hypermixolydian, that we may
' collect and confirm by his own authority the number
' of all the modes to be eight, according to the common
' opinion ; but as there are in fact no more than seven
' species of the diapason, so there can be only seven
' modes, after that form which the church still retains,
' together with an eighth, which has a system inverse
' to that of the first mode. Franchinus says that to
' the seven modes of Boetius, viz. the Hypodorian,
' Hypophrygian, Hypolydian, Dorian, Phrygian,
' Lydian, and Mixolydian ; and that of Ptolemy,
* Florida, the name of a book of Apuleius, Fabricius, Bibliothec.
Lat. torn. I. pag. 520.
318
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VIIL
' named the Hypermixolydian, Aristoxenus added
' these five, tlie Hyjioiastian, the Hypoaeolian, lastian,
' ^Eolian, and Hyperiastian, and so made the number
' thirteen ; but as five of these were, according to the
' authority of Bryennius to be rejected, and as he
* could not find out the name of the Hypermixolydian,
' not knowing that it was the same with the Hyperi-
' astian of Aristoxenus, he has recourse to the Hyper-
' mixolydian of Ptolemy, that tlie pretty octonary
' number of modes should not be lost : but the reader
' will hear our ojiinion concerning those things in its
' proper place. We shall now subjoin the words of
' Franchinus, that the reader may himself discern the
' opinion of this man concerning the modes ; for after
' he has numbered up the species of the diapason that
' constitute the seven modes of Boetius and the eight
' of Ptolemy, he subjoins these words : " Posterity
" has retained only these eight modes, because as
" they return in a circle, they comprehend the intire
" diatonic extension of an immutable and perfect
" system of fifteen chords ; wherefore they esteemed
" the other five modes, viz., Hypoiastian, Hypoaeolian,
" lastian, iEolian, and Hyperiastian as useless to the
" sensible harmony of a full and perfect system, to
" use the words of Bryennius ; and as affording only
" an idle demonstration of harmony. But Marcianus
" numbers up indeed those fifteen modes, which Cas-
" siodorus so ranged, that the constitutions of each
" woidd differ by only the intension of a semitone :
" but as every constitution, according to Aristoxenus,
" makes up a diapason of twelve equisonant semi-
" tones, those two acuter modes, the Hyperseolian and
" Hyperlydian are rejected, seeing they do not com-
" plete a diapason in the full system of fifteen chords,
" and are found superfluous, for they go beyond the
" disdiapason system by two semitones."
' Thus far Franchinus : in which discourse he
' plainly shews that he was not able to clear up the
' difficulties in which the doctrine of the modes is
' involved, all which arise, not so much from the sub-
' ject itself, as from the many different appellations,
' for there are more than twenty, of these modes.
' We shall however follow the nomenclatura of Aris-
' toxenus, which does not contradict us in what con-
' cerns the modes, nor yet Boetius, although they do
' not agree in other things. Moreover, neither
' Franchinus nor Capella, in my opinion, understood
' Aristoxenus. The constitution of Cassiodorus is
' throughout repugnant to Boetius, yet, which I
' greatly wonder at, Franchinus did not dare to
' reprehend him, though he was a great asserter of
' the erudition of Boetius ; and we do not think it
' convenient to refute him till we have laid the foun-
' dation of our hypothesis, as we shall do hereafter.
' But in the mean time we admonish the reader that
* the number of names, though very many, does not
' change the nature of modes ; nor can there really be
' more modes than there are species of the diapason,
' for whatsoever Harmonia has instituted concerning
' them, must fall under these seven species of the
' diapason ; this is the issue and the sum total of the
' whole business. "VNHierefore the same Franchinus is
' not without reason accused of not having reflected
' on these things, when he has argued on others most
' shrewdly, and improved them with exact care. For
' the arithmetical and harmonical division in the
' species of the diapason were no secret to him, since
' he has taught them himself in his other works ; but
' this also is worthy of reprehension, that agreeing
' with the common custom, he puts only four final
' keys in the seven modules of the diapason, rejecting
' the other three, when that of ]] only ought to be
' rejected.
' But however, as Franchinus cites Marcianus
' Capella, and omits his words, I thought proper
' to subjoin them here, that the reader may judge
' for himself, and at the same time see how well, or
' rather how ill, Cassiodorus has adapted them to
' that form described by Franchinus. " There are,
" says Marcianus Capella, fifteen tropes, but five of
" them only are principals, to each of which two
" others adhere, first, the Lydian, to which the
" Hyperlydian and Hypolydian adhere ; second, the
" lastian, to which are associated the Hypoiastian
" and Hyperiastian ; third, the ^olian with the
" Hypoaeolian ; fourth, the Phrygian, with the Hy-
" pophrygian and Hyperphrygian ; fifth, the Dorian,
" with the Hypodorian and Hyperdoriau ; " thus far
' Marcianus, who made five principals with two
' others agreeing with each, that they might al-
' together make up the number fifteen. But we, as
* Aristoxenus has done, shall put six principals with
' each a plagal, that the number may be twelve,
' omitting the Hypermixolydian of Ptolemy, and the
' Hyper^eolian and Hyperphrygian, which are after-
' wards superadded. The six principals are the
' Dorian, Phrygian, Lydian, Mixolydian, ^olian,
' and lastian ; by some writers termed the Ionian ;
' and the six plagals compounded with the prepo-
' position Hypo, the Hypodorian, Hypophrygian, Hy-
' lydian, Hypomixolydian, Hypoaeolian, Hypoiastian,
' which is also the Hypoionian. These are the true
* undoubted twelve modes, which we undertake to
' comment on in the following book.
' Aristoxenus calls the Hypomixolydian the Hy-
' periastian, in the manner of the rest of the modes
' compounded with Hyper ; for if any one compounds
' those principals with the word Hyper, he will find
' six other modes, but they fall in with the others.
' Thus the Hyperiastian of Aristoxenus falls into the
' Hypomixolydian ; and the Hypomixolydian of
' Ptolemy into t lie Hypodorian ; in the same manner
' the Hypodorian into the Hypoaeolian ; the Hyper-
' Phrygian into the Hyperlydian ; the Hyperlydian
' into the Hypoionian or Mixolydian ; and the
' Hyperajolian into the Hypophrygian Hence it
' appears that many of the difficulties which attend
' the modes, arise from the multiplicity of their names,
' and not from the modes themselves.'
But notwithstanding this assertion of Glareanus,
it is very clear that the doctrine of the modes was
incumbered with other difficulties than what arose
from the confusion of their names. For as to the
number thirteen, which Aristoxenus assumed, and
the fifteen of Marcianus Capella, they arise from
a practice, which Ptolemy in the strongest terms
Chap. LXX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
319
condemns, namely, the augmenting the number of
the modes by semitones, that is to say, by making
many of the modes a semitone only distant from each
other ; departing from the order in which the seven
species of diapason arise ; but Glareanus, though
a bigotted admirer of the ancients, has declined this
method, and has borrowed his division of the modes
from that of the ecclesiastical tones, introducing the
arithmetical and harmonical division of each species
of diapason, precisely in the same manner as St.
Gregory had done by the four primitive tones in-
stituted by St. Ambrose.*
This contrivance of Glareanus, which, to say no
worse of it, has but little to recommend it, did not
answer the end of vindicating the ancient practice ;
for the number of the modes thus adjusted, coincides
neither with the thirteen modes of Aristoxenus, nor
the fifteen of Marcianus Capella ; in short, it gives
but twelve, and that for this reason, the diapason
from J] to ]-|, is clearly incapable of an arithmetical
division, by reason of the semidiapente between ]-j
and F ; and it is as clear that the diapason between
F and f is incapable of an harmonical division, by
reason of the excessive fourth between F and J], the
consequence whereof is, that admitting five of the
species to be capable of both divisions, and ]] and F
to be each capable of but one, the number of divisions
can be but twelve ; f but these, in the opinion of the
author, are so emphatically true and just, as to afford
a reason for intitling his work Dodecachordon.
Glareanus has in several parts of his book admitted
that the species of Diapason are in nature but seven,
or, in other words, that in every progression of seven,
sounds in the diatonic series, the tones and semitones
will arise in the same order as they do in one or
other of those seven species; it therefore seems strange
that he should endeavour to effect that which his own
concession supposes to be impossible ; but it seems
he meant nothing more by this manifold distinction
of modes than to assign to the final note of each
a different pitch in the scale or system : in this he
makes himself an advocate for the Musical doctrinCj
as it is called, of the ancients, which however mis-
taken has been shewn to be reconcileable to that
other known by the name of the Harmonic doctrine
of the same subject.
Not to pursue an enquiry into the nature of a
subject which has long since eluded a minute in-
vestigation, and which neither Franchinus, nor this
author, nor Doni, nor Dr. Wallis, nor indeed any of the
most learned musicians of modern times, could ever
yet penetrate ; the following scheme, containing
Glareanus's system of the twelve modes, is here
exhibited, and is left to speak for itself : —
Hypodorian.
Hypophrygian
Hypolyd
ian.
Dorian.
Phrygian.
Lydian.
Mixolydian.
Hypo-
mix.
arith-
iiar-
arith-
har-
arith-
har-
anfh-
har-
arith-
har-
arith-
har-
arith-
har-
niet.
mocl.
met.
mocl.
met.
mocl.
met.
mool.
met.
mocl.
niet.
mocl.
met.
mocl.
.
g
_
tr
o
m
■
a
~5
^
c
— e—
-^?—
_■_
C
C
■■
d
c«
— ■-
/v
,>
■
<?
v>
/S
A
S5
-^—
a.
H'
->
— 7^
— e>—
-^-
^■^
— «2 —
— ■ —
— ?s — ■
— ■—
— <&-
— O—
■
_!>5
0
cS
-<&-
o
— ■-
—• ^-
-«>-
_■_
0
<>
— ■-
— O-
— ^—
t3
■
ZS
• ^
,
W
■ o
o
-4-J
1
-4J
02
a
>
4
-*S
-;.^
^
■fci
'a3
3
o
c
a:>
•n
a>
hn
O
^
>
>
OQ
^
\^
o
W
.
W
ta
H
H
O
bb
H
CO
c3
O
<
o
o
Q^
cs
s
Vi
a
o
CO
'o
o
■ u
c
3
o
o
CO
cS
S
O
no place in the Diatonic
ritone and scmidiapente.
d
o
O
o
o
to
c3
S
-■
the fifth, by Aristoxenus
d by others the Ionian.
o
P
s
O
O
CO
cS
P
O
us is called the Hyperias-
fio Hypermixolydian.
6
O
,-<
O
o
CO
cS
CS
.1—1
a;
a
a
O
<
o
o
O
"3
9.
o
g
o
O
CO
cS
p^
cs
s
proper tor the Diatonic, tt
Liiidiapentc and tritone.
o
i
IIS
o
CO
cs
r^
c3
s
O
ed the sixth, by Aristoxenus
Hypoiastian.
■coc
S CJ
5 D
5j-l
cS
O
'S s
c *^
^^->
CO
C
TO
c« O
CO
O cS
•2^
o
o
o
.r-> X
«
c 2
Ph S
CO
o
>->
*3
5^
1|
O)
o
o
p.
CD
o
09
CO
•r '^
CO
ce
CO
ti
^
OQ
^
-*-»
bo
n
a
o
o
,73 CJ
' w
w
'ti
S3
>
(73
fe
H
^•"
H
X
H
^
K
^
H^
H
H
* The arithmetical division of the diapason is 6, i), 12. the harmonical
6. 8, 12. See the reason of this distinction pag. 115 of this work.
t To this purpose Malcolm expresses himself very clearly and fully in
a passage, which because it accounts for the distinction of the modes
into tlie authentic and plagal, is here given in his own words : —
' I find they [the modes] were generally characterized by the species of
'8ve. after Ptolemy's manner, and therefore reckoned in all 7. But
' afterwards they considered the harmonical and arithmetical divisions of
' the 8ve. whereby it resolves into a 4th above a 5th, or a 5th above a 4th.
' And from this they constitued twelve modes, making of each Sve. two
' different modes, according to this different division ; but because there
' are two of them that cannot be divided both ways, therefore there are
' but twelve modes. To be more particular, consider, in the natural
' system there are 7 different octaves proceeding from these 7 letters, a,
' b, c, d, e, f, g ; each of which has two middle chords, which divide it
' harmonically and arithmetically, except f, which has not a true 4th,
320
HISTORY OP THE SCIENCE
Book VIII.
But if the ancient modes required each a new
tuning of the lyre, and that they did is expressly said
by Ptolemy and others, there is great reason to be-
lieve the tones and semitones by every such
tuning
Modes.
Plagal. Authentic.
8ve. 8ve.
4th 5th 6th
g — c — g — c
a — d — a — d
\> — e — b — e
c — f — c — f
d — g — d — g
e — a — e — a
' (because b is three tones above it, and a fourth is but two tones and
'a semitone) and b, which consequently wants the true 5th. (because
' f is only two tones and two semitones above it, and a true 5th contains
'3 tones and a semitone) therefore we have only live octaves that are
'divided both ways, viz. a, c. d, e, s; which make ten modes according
'to these different divisions, and the other two f and b make up the
' twelve. Those that are divided harmonically, i. e. with the 5ths lowest,
' were called authentic, and the other plagal modes. See the following
' scheme : —
With respect to these distinctions, the following are
the sentiments of the author now citing. —
' They considered that an 8ve, which wants a 4th or
' 5th, is imperfect ; these being the concords next to
' the 8ve. the song ought to touch these chords most
' frequently and remarkably ; and because their con-
' cord is different, which makes the melody different,
' they establish by this two modes in every natural
' octave, that had a true 4th and 5th: then if the song
' was carried as far as the octave above, it was called
' a perfect mode ; if less, as to the 4th or 5th, it was
' imperfect ; if it moved both above and below, it was
■ called a mixt mode : thus some authors speak about
' these modes. Others, considering how indispensable
' a chord the 5th is in every mode, they took for the
•final or key-note in the arithmetically divided octaves, not the lowest
• chord of that octave, but that very 4th ; for example the octave g is
'arithmetically divided thus, g— c— g, c is a 4th above the lower g, and a
' 5th below the upper g, this c therefore they made the final chord of the
' mode, which therefore properly speaking is c and not g ; the only differ-
' ence then in this method, betwixt the authentic and plagal modes is, that
' the authentic goes above its final to the octave, the other ascends a 5th,
' and descends a 4th, which indeed will be attended with different effects,
' but the mode is essentially the same, having the same final, to which
'all the notes refer. We must next consider wherein the modes of one
' species, as authentic or plagal, differ among themselves : this is either
' by their standing higher or lower in the scale, i. e. the different tension
' of the whole octave ; or rather the different subdivision of the octave
' into its concinnous degrees. Let us consider then whether these dif-
' ferences are sufficient to produce so very different efl'ects as have been
'ascribed to them; for example, one is said to be proper for mirth,
' another for sadness, a third proper to religion, another for tender and
' amorous subjects, and so on : whether we are to ascribe such effects
'merely to the constitution of the octave, without regard to other dif-
' ferences and ingredients in the composition of melody, I doubt any
' body now-a days will be absurd enough to affirm ; these have their
' proper differences, tis true, but which have so little influence, that by the
' various combinations of other causes, one of these modes may be used
' to different purposes. The greatest and most influencing difference is that
• of these octaves, which have the 3rd greater or lesser, making what is
' above called the sharp and flat key ; but we are to notice, that of all the
' 8ves, except c and a, none of them have all their essential chords in
'just proportion, unless we neglect the difference of tone greater and
' lesser, and also allow the semitone to stand next the fundamental in
' some flat keys (which may be useful, and is sometimes used) and when
' that is done, the octaves that have a flat 3rd will want the 6th greater,
' and the 7th greater, which are very necessary on some occasions, and
' therefore the artificial notes ^ and \? are of absolute use to perfect the
'svstem. Again, if the modes depend upon the species of fives, how can
' tiiey be more than 7 ? And as to the distinction of authentic and plagal,
' I have shewn that it is imaginary with respect to any essential dif-
• ference constituted hereby in the kind of the melody; for though the
' carrying the song above or below the final, may have a different effect,
' yet this is to be numbered among the other causes, and not ascribed to
' the constitution of the octaves. But it is particularly to be remarked,
' that those authors who give us examples in actual composition of their
' twelve modes, frequently take in the artificial notes ^ and p, to perfect
•the melody of their key; and by this means depart from the con-
' stitution of the five, as it stands in the fixt natural system. So we can
■find little certain and consistent in their way of speaking about these
'things; and their modes are all reducible to two, viz., the sharp and
' flat.' Treatise of Music, chap. xiv. sect. 5.
must have been dislocated; and in all probability for
the purpose of preserving the order of nature, which,
after all that has been said, will scarce allow of but
two kinds of progression, namely, that in the diatonic
series from A to a, and from C to c, the former the
prototype of all flat, as the other is of all sharp keys,
if this was the case, the only discrimination of the
modes was their place in the system with respect to
acuteness and gravity.
The partiality which Glareanus throughout his
book discovers for the music of the ancients is thus to
be accounted for. He was a man of considerable
learning, and seems to have paid an implicit regard
to the many relations of the wonderful effects of
music, which Plutarch, Boetius, and many other
writers have recorded; and no sooner w^ere the
writings of the ancient Greek harmonicians recovered
and circulated through Europe, than he flattered
himself with the hope of restoring that very practice
of music to which such wonderful effects had been
ascribed ; and in this it seems he was not singular,
for even the musicians of his time entertained the
same hope. Franchinus by his publications had not
only considerably improved the theory of the science,
but had communicated to the world a great deal of
that recondite learning, which is often more admired
than understood ; and although he had delivered the
precepts of counterpoint, and thereby laid the founda-
tion of a much nobler practice than the ancients
could at any time boast of, many of his contempo-
raries forbore for a time to improve the advantages
which he had put them in possession of, and vainly
attempted to accommodate their works, which for the
most part were compositions of the symphoniac kind,
to a system which admitted of no such practice : that
this was the case, is most evident from that great
variety of compositions contained in the Dodecachor-
don, which, though they are the works of lodocus
Pratensis, Jacobus Hobrechth, Adamus ab Fulda,
Petrus Platensis, Gerardus a Salice, Andreas Sylva-
nus, Gregorius Meyer, Johannes Mouton, Adamus
Luyr, Antonius Brumel, Johannes Ockenheim, and
many others, the far greater number contemporaries
of Glareanus, are nevertheless asserted to be in the
Dorian, the Lydian, the Phrygian, and other of the
modes, and that with as much confidence as if the
nature of the ancient modes had never been a subject
of dispute. The following cantus for four voices, the
work of an anonymous author, has great merit, and is
given by Glareanus as an exemplar of the Dorian : —
Chap. LXX.
AND PRAOTICE OF MUSIC.
321
t
zrr
321
m^
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us
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stras,
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r^z:
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33:
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32:
liat:
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men - da
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ser
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r f r
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mi - sel - los.
AucTOK Inceetds.
322
HrSTOEY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VIII.
Many of the compositions of this kind contained in
the Dodecachordon are to be admired for the fineness
of the harmony, and the artful contexture of the parts,
but they smell of the lamp ; and it is easy to see that
they derive no advantage from an adherence to those
rules which constitute the difference between one
and the other of the ancient modes. The musicians
of the succeeding age totally disregarded them, and
laid the foundation of a practice independent of that
which Glareanus had taken so much pains to establish,
and which allowed of all that exercise for the invention,
which in the composition of elegant music mnst ever
be deemed necessary.
The Xlllth chapter of the second book has the
following title, ' De Sono in C^elo duse Opiniones,
* atque inibi Ciceronis Plinijque Loci excussi,' and
contains his sentiments on that favourite opinion of
the ancients, the music of the spheres, which the
author has entered very deeply into, though he cites
Aristotle to shew that the whole is a fiction, and
thereby has suggested a very good reason for the
omission of it in this place.
Chap. XXXIX. entitled ' De inveniendis Tenoribus
ad Phonascos Admonitio,' contains advice touching
the framing of tenors, of little worth or importance.
To illustrate his precepts Glareanus has inserted
three odes of Horace, with the music thereto, of his
own composition, whicli he gives as exemplars of the
Dorian, the Phrygian, and Ionian modes.
As to the musicians contemporary with Glareanus,
and celebrated by him, short memorials of some of
them are dispersed up and down his book ; those of
whom any interesting particulars are to be collected
from other writers will be spoken of hereafter. But
he has noticed two that fall not under this latter class,
namely, Antonius Brumel and Henricus Isaac, as men
of singular eminence : of the latter he thus speaks : —
' Henricus Isaac, a German, is said to have
' learnedly composed innumerable pieces. This
' author chiefly affected the church style ; and in his
' works may be perceived a natural force and majesty,
' in general superior to any thing in the compositions
' of this our age, though his style may be said to be
' somewhat rough. He delighted to dwell on one
' immovalsle note, the rest of the voices running as it
' were about it, and every where resounding as the
' wind is used to play when it puts the waves in
' motion about a rock. This Isaac was also famous
' in Italy, for Politian, a contemporary writer, cele-
' brates him.' The following hymn is given by
Glareanus as a specimen of his style and manner : —
CON - cep - ti
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Chap. LXX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
323
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Glareanus concludes this elaborate work with a
very curious relation of Lewis XII. king of France,
to this effect. It seems that that monarch had a very
weak thin voice, but being very fond of music, he
requested lodocus Pratensis, the precentor of his
choir, to frame a composition, in which he alone
might sing a part. The precentor knowing the
king to be absolutely ignorant of music, was at first
astonished at this request, but after alittle consideration
promised that he would comply with it. Accordingly
he set himself to study, and the next day, when the
king after dinner, according to his wonted custom,
called for some songs,* the precentor immediately
• The custom of having music at meals seems to have been almost
universal in the palaces of kings and other great personages: Theodoric,
king of the Goths, as appears from an epistle of his among those of
Cassiotlorus, understood and loved music ; and Sidonius Apollinaris, in
that epistle to his friend Agricola, wherein he gives the character of
Theodoric, and describes his manner of living, speaks of the sounding
of the hydraulic organ, and of those persons who were wont to play on
the lyre and other instruments, for the entertainment of princes at their
meals. Afterwards, and when in consequence of Guido's improvements,
the practice of smging became more general, vocal music upon these
occasions took place of instrumental, as appears by the above relation,
and the following authentic memorial : —
In Ashmole's History of the Order of the Garter, pag. 404, is an
engraving by Hollar after a curious limning on vellum, repressnting the
Heniucus Isaac.
produced the composition here subjoined, which
being a canon contrived for two boys, might be sung
without overpowering the weak voice of the king.
The composer had so ordered it, that the king's
part should be one holding note, in a pitch proper
for a Contratenor, for that was the king's voice.
Nor was he inattentive to other particulars, for he
contrived his own part, which was the Bass, in such a
manner, that every other note he sung was an octave
to that of the king, which prevented his majesty
from deviating from that single note which he was
to intonate. The king was much pleased with the
ingenuity of the contrivance, and rewarded the
composer.
The following is the canon which lodocus, or, as
the French call him, Josquin or Jusquin, made upon
this occasion : —
manner of sitting at diimer of Ferdinand prince of Spain, on the day of
his investiture with the habit and ensigns of the order. In this engrav-
ing the prince appears sitting under a canopy with the four commis-
sioners of legation, two on each hand of him ; on his left are servantg
attending, and on his right two men and a boy, each singing out of
a music paper, and behind them three other persons, supposed to be
also singing.
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE Book VIII
.W
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5sizi4^.^^^'±te"^i5^^fei^l^^-^si±^^^
Vox
XV- Kegia
*
CHAP. LXXI.
Notwithstanding the great reputation of Gla-
reaiius, the above-mentioned work of his has not
escaped the censures of some who seem to have
understood the music of the ancients better than
himself. The first of these is Giovanni Battista
Doni, who in a very learned and entertaining work
of his, intitled De Prsestantia Musicse Veteris.f
accuses him of adopting the errors of modern
musurgists, in a work designedly written to ex-
pose them ; and laments that the author spent
twenty years in composing a work entirely useless ;
and farther he reproves him for asserting diat
figurate music was arrived at perfection in his time,
when it was notorious that it had not then been iu
use above a hundred years, and must in the nature
of things have been susceptible of still farther im-
provement.
Salinas also, though he bears a very honourable
testimony to his erudition, has pointed out some
most egregious errors of Glareanus in the Dode-
cachordon, particularly one in the tenth chapter of
* Anciently princes joined in the choral service, and actually sang the
offices in surplices ; this is said of Charlemagne, the emperor Otho III.
ami Henry 11. and of Kunigunda, the consort of the latter, by Lustig,
in his Musikkunde, pag. 259 ; and to this purpose Bourdelot relates the
following story. Lewis IV. being at Tours with his court, about the
year 940, some of his courtiers entered into the church of St. Martin at
the time of singing the offices, and were much surprised to see there
the count of Anjou, Foulque II. in the row of canons, singing the othce
as they did. The courtiers went and told the king that the count of
Anjou was turned priest, and the king was diverted at the relation : at
■which the count was so disgusted, that on the next day he wrote the
king a letter, wherein varying the wtll-known proverb, 'Rex illiteratus,
'asinus coronatus,' he made use of these words: -Spachez sire, qu'un
'roi sans musique est un ane couronne.' The author says that the
English, during the troubles in France, had the education of this prince,
and°purposely brought him up in ignorance, but that notwithstanding he
took the reproof in good part, and declared to his courtiers, that thiy
that govern others should be more knowing than those whom thty
govern. Hist. Mus. et ses EtTets, torn. I. pag. 205. An instance ot
a similar kind is related of Sir Thomas More, viz., that on Sundays, evtn
when he was lord chancellor, he wore a surplice, and sung witli t! e
singers at the high-mass and Mattins in the church of Chelsey, whicli,
says the relater, ' the duke of Norfolk on a time finding, sayd, God bodic,
' God bodie, my lord chauncelor a parish clarke ! you disgrace the king and
' vour office.' To which his lordship an.swered in tlie words of David,
' Vilior fiam in occulis meis.' Life of Sir Thomas More by his great-
grandson Thomas More, Esq. pag. 179. The same story, with a litile
variation, is related in the life of Sir Thomas More, written by ■\\illi;im
Roper, and published by Hearne, pag. 29. It appears lliai before l/ie
Rejormation the laity were required tii sinij in divine service. Among llie
injunctions of Cardinal Pole published at the end of Hearne' s edition of
Robert de Avesbury, pageZld, is the folloiuing : "Item, that the churchwarden
" of every parish where service was accustomed to lie songe, shall exhort all
"sottche as can singe and have been accustomed to singe in the quire in the
"time of schism or liefore, and now withdrawe themselves in singing or
"serving God there, and yf anie souche refuse this to do, then the said
" churchwardens to intimate the names of the same amonge other present-
iments to the ordinaire or his chancellor." One of the common recreatinns in
the family of Sir Thomas More was the music of voices, the viol and the
organ : see his life hi/ More, page 35— at page 9 1 he says, he caused his fr^t
wife, who was but young, to be taught nil kinds of music, and that the
second, though inclined to old age, he persuaded to play on the lute, viol,
and other instruments, every day performing thereon her task.
f Pag. 17.
his first book, where he asserts the semitone mi fa to
be the lesser semitone, than which he says there can-
not be any thing said more abhorrent to the judgment
of sense and reason. He enumerates several other
mistakes in this work, but insists most on his con-
stitution of twelve modes, which he not only asserts
are not taken according to the doctrine of the ancients,
but adds that he did by no means understand the
ancient modes ; and for this opinion of his, Salinas
gives as a reason the confession of Glareanus him-
self, that he had never read the three books of
Ptolemy, nor those of Aristoxenus, nor Manuel
Bryennins, nor indeed any of the ancient Greek
authors.:}:
After so severe a censure as this, it might seem
like heaping disgrace on the memory of this author
to declare the opinion of other writers with respect
to his work ; but there is a passage in the notes of
Meibomius on Euclid, which it would be an injury
to historical truth to suppress. It may be remembered
that in a foregoing page Glareanus is said to have
asserted that the word Tone was scarce used to
signify Mode till the time of Boetius, and that the
obstinacy of ignorant people had compelled him in
the Dodecachordon to accept it in that sense. In
answer to this Meibomius says, and indeed with
great ingenuity demonstrates, that the term was used
by the ancients, and Euclid in particular, long before
the time of Boetius, and gives as a reason for it, that
originally the modes were three, namely, the Dorian,
the Phrygian, and the Lydian ; that these, being
a superoctave tone distant from each other in suc-
cession, acquired the name of Tones ; and that this
term, being once recognized, was applied to the other
of the modes, even though some of them were re-
moved from those that next preceded them by a less
interval, namely a Semitone. The introduction of
Meibomius to his argument is severe, but curious :
* A certain very learned Switzer, but an infant in
' ancient music, set himself in the front of those who
* maintain this opinion, one Glareanus, who, in lib. 11.
* cap. ii. of his book, disputes thus,' &c.
To say the truth of the Dodecachordon, it is more
to be regarded for the classical purity of its style,
than for the matter contained in it ; though with
respect to the former, it is so very prolix, that it is very
difficult to give the sense of the author in terms that
would not disgust a modern reader ; not to say that
it abounds with egotisms and digressions, whicli
detract from the merit of it even in this respect ; but
t De Musica, lib. iv. cap. xxxi. pag. 223.
Chap. LXXI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
325
when we consider the substance of the work, and
reflect on the very many erroneous opinions con-
tained in it, the author's confessed ignorance of the
sentiments of the ancients, more especially Ptolemy,
with respect to the modes, and his endeavour to
establish his hypothesis of twelve modes upon a
foundation that has given way under him ; when all
this is considered, the authority of Glareanus will
appear of very little weight in matters relating either
to the music of the ancients, or that system which is
the foundation of modern practice.
In another respect this work must be deemed
a great curiosity, for it contains a number of com-
positions of some of the most eminent musicians of
the sixteenth century, many whereof are of that kind
of music, in which less regard is paid to the melody
than to the harmony and curious contexture of the
several parts, and in this view of them they are as
perfect models as we may ever hope to see. And
besides this, their intrinsic merit, they are to be
esteemed on the score of their antiquity ; for, ex-
cepting a few examples contained in the writings of
Franchinns, they are the most ancient musical com-
positions in symphony any where extant in print.
But here it is to be noted, that the musical com-
positions of these times derive not the least merit
from their being associated to words ; nor does it
appear that the authors of them had an idea of any
power in music, concurrent with that of poetry, to
move the passions. This appears in their choice of
those hymns and portions of scripture to which
musical notes are by them most frequently adapted,
which, excepting the Miserere, De Profundis, Stabat
Mater, Regina Coeli, and a few others, have nothing
affecting in the sentiment or expression, but are
merely narratory, and incapable, with all the aids of
melody and harmony, to excite joy, devotion, pity,
or, in short, any other of those affections of the mind
which are confessedly under the dominion of music.
To give a few instances of this kind ; in the second
book of the Dodecachordon is the Nicene Creed in
the iEolian mode, as it is there called ; and in the
third is the genealogy of Christ, as it stands in the
first chapter of St. Matthew's Gospel, set to music
by lodocus Pratensis, and given as an exemplar of
the Hypophrygian. Doni has mentioned this latter
as an evidence of barbarism, and the ignorance of the
musicians of those times with respect to the power
and efficacy of their own art. But this defect, namely,
the want of energy in their compositions, was but
the consequence of those rules which such writers as
Glareanus had prescribed to them, and these were of
such a kind as to exclude all diversity of style : no
man could say this or that mass or hymn is the com-
position of Jusqiiin or Clement, of Gerard, of Andrew,
or Gregory ; they were all of the same tenor, and
seemed as if cast in one mould. In short, in the
composition of music to words, two things only
were attended to, the correspondence of the notes,
in respect to time, with the metre or cadence of
the syllables, and the rules of harmony, as they re-
ferred to the several modes. Whoever is susceptible
of the power of music, is able to judge how much it
must have suffered by this servile attention to the
supposed practice of the ancients ; and will clearly
see that it must have suspended the exercise of the
inventive faculty, and in short held the imagination
in fetters.
From hence it appears that two things are to be
objected to the compositions of the fifteenth, and the
beginning of the sixteenth century ; namely, a choice
of words for the subjects of musical compositions, by
which no passion of the human mind can be either
excited or allayed, and the want of that variety, and
those discriminating characteristics of style and
manner, which are looked for in the compositions
of different masters.
These defects in the music of which we are now
speaking, are in some measure to be accounted for by
the want of that union and connexion between music
and poetry, which was effected by the invention of
the musical drama ; in the conduct whereof the com-
posers considered their art as subservient to that of
the poet, and laboured at a correspondence of senti-
ment between their music and the words to which it
was adapted : and hence we are to date the origin of
pathetic music ; and were the pathetic the only
characteristic of fine music, we might pronounce of
that of lodocus Pratensis, Okenheim, and others their
contemporaries, that it was very little worth, and
should resolve those effects which were wrought by
it into novelty, and the ignorance of its admirers.
But whoever is capable of contemplating the
structure of a vocal composition in a variety of parts,
will find abundant reason to admire many of those
which Glareanus has been at the pains of preserving,
and will discover in them fine modulation, a close
contexture and interchange of parts, different kinds
of motion judiciously contrasted ; artful syncopations,
and binding concords with discords sweetly prepared
and resolved ; points that insensibly steal on the ear,
and are dismissed at proper intervals ; and such a
full harmony resulting from the whole, as leaves the
ear nothing to expect or wish for : and of these ex-
cellencies Mr. Handel was so sensible, that he could
never object to the compositions of this period any
defect but the simplicity of the melody, the I'estraints
on which have been shewn to arise from what were
then deemed the fundamental precepts of musical
composition.
It is easy to discover that the music here spoken
ot was calculated only for learned ears. Afterwards,
when the number of those who loved music became
greater than of them that understood it, the gratifi-
cation of the former was consulted, passages were
invented, and from these sprang up that kind of
modulation called air, which it is as difficult to de-
fine, as to reduce to any rule : this the world were
strangers to till they were taught it by the Italian
masters, of the most eminent of whom, and the
successive improvements made by them, an account
will hereafter be given.
It may be remembered that in the account of
Glareanus above given, very honourable mention is
made of a learned and ingenious Portuguese, a com-
mon friend of him and Erasmus; the following is
his stoiy.
Damianus a' Goes, a Portuguese knight, distin-
326
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VIII.
guished in the sixteenth century for his learning and
other accomplishments, was chamberlain to Emanuel
king of Portugal, to whom, as also to his successor,
he so recommended himself, that he was by them
severally employed in negociations of great moment
at foreign courts, particularly in France, Germany,
and in the Low Countries, and in Poland. During
the time of his abode in Italy he contracted a friend-
ship with the Cardinals Bembo, Sadolet, and Madruce ;
and while he was resident in the Low Countries mar-
ried Jane d' Hargen, of the house of Aremberg, with
whom he led an easy, quiet, and pleasant life. He
loved poetry and music, composed verses, sung well,
and was in genei'al estimation among the learned.
Nor was he more celebrated for his learning and in-
genuity than for his personal valour and skill in
military affairs, which he testified in the defence of
the city of Louvain in 1542, when it was besieged
by the French. From this important service he was
recalled into Portugal to write the history of that
kingdom, but he lived not to finish it ; for in the
year 1596, being in his study, and, as it is imagined,
seized with a fit, he fell into the fire, and was found
dead, and his body half consumed. Of his works
there are extant, Legatio magni Indorum Imperatoris
ad Emanuelem Lusitanise Begem, anno 1513. Fides,
Religio, Moresque ^thiopum. Commentaria Rerum
Gestarum in India a, Lusitanio. The Histories of
Emanuel and John II. kings of Portugal; and a
Relation of the Siege of the City of Loiivain. In the
course of his travels he made a visit to Glareanus at
Friburg, and there contracted a friendship with him
and Erasmus, of which the former in his Dodeca-
chordon speaks with great satisfaction. Erasmus ac-
knowledges the receipt of a very handsome present
from Damianus in one of his Epistles ; and Damianus,
in one to him, tells him that he should be glad to
print his works at his own expence, and if he out-
lived him to write his life.* In music he was
esteemed equal to the most eminent masters of his
time. The following hymn of his composition in
published in the Dodecachordon : —
* Jortin's Life of Erasmus, vol. I. pag. 537, 574.
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Chap. LXXI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
327
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D AMI ANUS A Goes.
328
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VIII.
In the course of this work it has been found neces-
sary to attend to the distinction between vocal and
instrumental music. The preference which has ever
been given to the former, and the slow progress of
instrumental music in those ages when the mechanic
arts, on which it greatly depends, were in their in-
fancy, has determined the order in which each is to
be treated, and will suggest a reason why the priority
is given to that species, to the performance whereof
the animal organs alone are adequate. Nor was it
easy till the period at which we are now arrived, to
give any such description of the instruments in gene-
ral use, as might be depended on. The autlior of
whom we are about to speak has prevented many
difficulties that would have interrupted the course of
this narration, by giving accurate delineations, which
are now to be considered as the prototypes of most of
the instruments now in use. Of him and his works
the following is an account.
Ottomarus Luscinius, a Benedictine monk, and a
native of Strasburg, was the author of a treatise in-
titled Musurgia, sen Praxis Musicse, published at
Strasburg in 1536, in two parts, the first containing
a description of the musical instruments in use in his
time, and the other the rudiments of the science ; to
these are added two commentaries, containing the
precepts of polyphonous music* It is a small book,
of an oblong quarto size, containing about a hundred
pages, and abounds with curious particulars ; the
Musurgia is in the form of a dialogue, in which the
interlocutors are Andreas Silvanus, Sebastianus Vir-
dnng, sive malis, to use his own expression, Bar-
tholomeus Stoflerus, Ottomarus Luscinius. They
meet by accident, and enter into conversation on
music, in which Stoflerus, acknowledging the great
skill of his friend in the science, desires to be in-
structed in its precepts, which the other readily con-
sents to. The dialogue is somewhat awkwardly con-
ducted, for though Stoflerus is supposed to be just
arrived from a foreign country, and the meeting to
be accidental. Luscinius is prepared to receive him
with a great basket of musical instruments, which his
friend seeing, desires to be made acquainted with its
contents. The instruments are severally produced
by Luscinius, and he complies with the request of
his friend by a discourse, which is no other than a
lecture on them. The merit of this book is greatly
enhanced by the forms of the several instruments
described in it, which are very accurately delineated,
and are here also given. In the first class are the
plectral instruments, exhibited in this and the follow-
ing page :—
Of the above two instruments it is to be observed,
* Luscinius was a man of considerable learning, and an elegant writer.
He translated the Symposiacs of Plutarch, and some of the Orations of
Isoerates into Latin, and wrote Commentaries on the Holy Scriptures.
Between him and Erasmus there was some misunderstanding, for the
latter complains of Luscinius in one of his Epistles. Jortin's Life of
Ejasmus, vol. II. pag. 723.
that they are both in foct Spinnets, though the latter
is by Luscinius termed a Virginal, which is but
another name for a small oblong spinnet. Scaliger
speaks of the Clavicitherium, which appellation seems
to compi'ehend as well the one as the other of the
above instruments, as being much more ancient than
the triangular spinnet, or the harpsichord ; and
indeed the latter seem to be an improvement of the
former.
The first of the three following instruments, called
by Luscinius a Clavichord, and by others sometimes
a Clarichord, is used by
the nuns in convents ;
and that the practitioners
on it may not disturb the
sisters in the dormitory,
the strings are muffled
with small bits of fine
woollen cloth.
The Clavicimbalum, the next in position to it, is
no other than the harpsichord,
Clavicimbalum being the common
Latin name for that instrument ;
the strings are here represented
in a perpendicular situation ; and
there is good reason to suppose
that the harpsichord was originally
so constructed, notwithstanding
that the upright harpsichord has of
late been obtruded upon the world
as a modern invention. There is a very accurate repre-
sentation of an upright harpsichord in the Hannonici
of Mersennus,viz.,in the tract entitled De Insfrumeiitis
Harmonicis, lib. I. prop. xlii. and also in Kircher.
The last of the above
three instruments is the
Lyra Mendicorum, ex-
hibited by Mersennus
and Kircher ; the '
strings are agitated by
the friction of a wheel, which either is or should be
rublied with powder of rosin ; all these he says have
chords, which being touched v/ith keys, make complete
harmony.
There are others he says that require to be stopped
at certain distances by the fingers, and of these he
gives the following instrument,
which he calls Lutina, and seems i
to be a small lute or mandolin,
as an example : —
As to the above instrument, both the name and
the size import that it is a diminutive of its species :•
that the lute was in use long before the time of
Luscinius there is the clearest evidence in Chaucer
and other ancient writers.
In Dante is the following
jiassage
' Jo vidi un fatto a guisa di lluto,'
Inferno, Canto xxx.
to denote the figure of a person swoln with the
dropsy. The Theorbo and Arch-lute are of more
modern invention, and will be spoken of hereafter. -j-
+ Salinas asserts that the instruments of the above class take the name
of lute from their Halieutic or Bnat-like form. De Musica, lib II. cap.
xxi. It seems that the word AXttvg [Alieus] is used by Homer and
Plutarch; by the one as applying to a fisherman, by the other for a p<^^-
Chap. LXXI.
AND PEACTICE OF MUSIC.
329
Those stringed instruments, in which the vibration
of the string is caused by the friction of a hair bow,
as the following —
constitute, in the order
observed by Luscinius,
another class ; the first
of these instruments is
a Monochord, for a
reason, which it is very
difficult to discover,
called the Trumpet Marine. The second, though of
a very singular form, can be no other than the treble
viol or the violin, for so Ludwig explains the term
Geig ; * and the third is clearly a species of the
Chelys or bass viol. The elder Galilei is of opinion
that this instrument was invented by the Italians,
or rather in particular by the Neapolitans.!
In another
class he places
those instru-
ments in which
every chord pro-
duces a several
sound, as do for
example the an-
nexed, the latter
whereof is no
other than a hori-
zontal harp.
The instrument hereunder delineated corresponds
exactly with the modern dulcimer ; but Luscinius
says it is little esteemed, because of the exceeding
loudness of its sound. The name given by him to it
is Hackbret, a word which
in the German language
signifies a Hackboard, i. e.
a chopping board used by
cooks,:j: to which it bears an
exact resemblance. It is
struck with two small sticks.
After having briefly mentioned these instruments,
ticular species of fish, vide Soap. Lex. Art. AXg, and Leuto is the Italian
word for a lute: the etymolofry is singular, and wants authority, and is
the rather to be doubted, because Vincentio Galilei in the most express
tenns ascribes the invention of the lute to the English, and adds that in
England lutes were made in great perfection, though some persons in his
time gave the preference to those made in the neighbourhood of Brescia.
The same author observes that the lute is but little used in Germany,
and gives this strange reason for it, that that country is so cold, that the
inhabitants cannot stir out of their rooms, which are heated with stoves,
for eight months in the year. By this it should seem that no person who
does not go much abroad can be a proficient on the lute. He had never
heard perhaps that Luther, who lived much in his study, played very
finely on this instrument ; and that upon his being summoned to render
an account of his doctrines before the diet of Worms, in order to compose
and calm his mind, he spent the greater part of the night preceding his
appearance there, at his lute.
* Vide Jun. Etyniol. Angl. Voce Gigges. This word suggests the
derivation of that other, Jigg, the name of an air or tune peculiarly
ijdapted to the instruments of this class.
+ Dial, dell Mus. pag. 147.
I Ludwig's Gernidn Lexicon.
.=^ ..^^
Luscinius proceeds to describe those from which
sound is produced by the means of air ; those he
says claim the first place that are acted upon by
bellows, which force the air into them, and when
filled, answer a touch of the finger with a musical
sound. These instruments he adds, as they are more
costly than others, so they exceed all others in har-
mony. He says that other instruments are for the
use and pleasure of men, but that these are generally
dedicated to the service of God.
Stoflerus upon this remarks, that the organ is
almost every where made use of in divine service ;
and that our religious worship is no way inferior to
that of the ancient Romans, which was always cele-
brated with music. As a proof whereof he says it is
recorded that when Caius Junius, Publius Terentius,
and Quintus ^milius were consuls, the Tibicines
employed in the public worship, being prohibited
eating in the temple of Jove, went away in a body
to the city of Tibur ; the senate, growing impatient
of their absence, besought the inhabitants of that city
to give them up, and the Tibicines were summoned
to appear in the senate-house, but they refused to
obey. Upon this the Tiburtines had recourse to a
stratagem ; they invited them to a musical entertain-
ment, and made them drunk, and while they were
asleep threw them into a waggon and sent them to
Rome, and on the morrow they found themselves
in the midst of the Forum. The populace hearing
of their arrival ran to meet them, and by their tears,
and an assurance that they should be permitted to
eat in the temple of Jove, prevailed on them to re-
turn to their duty.
This relation of Stoflerus leads him to ask the
opinion of his friend upon this question, whether
music has a tendency to corrupt the minds of those
that apply themselves closely to the study of it, or
not?
To this Luscinius answers, that no one was ever
yet so senseless as to separate music from the other
lil)eral arts, the great end whereof is to recommend
integrity of life. He adds that the Pythagoreans
deemed it one of the chief incentives to virtue ; and
that were any person of his time to make a catalogue
of excellent musicians whom music itself had estranged
from every vice, he would begin from Paul Hofhaimer,
a man born in the Alps, not far from Saltsburg. But
his character will be best given in the words of
Luscinius himself, which are these : ' He has received
' great honours from the emperor Maximilian, whom
* he delights as often as he plays upon the organ. Nor
' is he more remarkable for skill in his profession,
' than for the extensiveness of his genius, and the
* greatness of his mind. Rome owes not more to
' Romulus or Camillus, than the musical world does
' to Paulus. To speak of his compositions, they are
' neither so long as to be tedious, nor does the brevity
' of them leave ought to be wished for : all is full and
' open, nothing jejune, or frigid, or languishing. His
' style is nor only learned but pleasant, florid, and
* amazingly copious, and withal correct, and this
' great man during thirty years, has suffered no one
* to exceed, or even equal him. In a word, what
330
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book YIII.
* Quintilian says of Cicero I think is now come to
' pass ; and a person may judge of his own pro-
' ficiency in music according as he approves of the
' compositions of Paul, and lahours day and night to
' imitate them. This Paul has had many disciples,
' who are every where very honourably supported,
' and conduct our church in large cities and public
' places. Of these there are several, whom I am
' very intimate with, and reverence for their great
' ingenuity and purity of manners, to wit, Johannes
' Buschner, at Constance, Joannes Kotter, Argeutius
* of Bern, Conrade of Spires, Schachingerus of Padua,
' Bolfgangus of Vienna, Johannes Coloniensis, at the
' court of the duke of Saxony, and many others
' whom I pass over, as having no intimacy with
' them ; I think it is of great importance in delivering
'•the precepts of any art to give an account of its
' several professors, that a learner may know whom
' he ought to imitate, and whose examples he should
' follow.'
After this eulogium on his friend Hofhaimer,
Luscinius proceeds in his description of the organ,
of which he says there are two kinds, the Portative
and the Positive, the first whereof, as its name im-
ports, capable of being carried about like other
musical instruments, the other fixed as those are in
churches. The figures of ^oth are thus delineated
bv Luscinius : —
Besides these he gives
the figure of an instru-
ment called the Regal or
the Regals, Regale,* as
here represented
* Regale, sorta di strumento simile air organo, ma minore. Altieri,
Dizion. Ital. ed Iiigl. Lord Bacon distingtuishes between the regal and
the organ in a manner which shews them to be instruments of the same
class. ' The sounds that produce tones, are ever from such bodies as
' have their parts and pores equal, as are the nightingale pipes of regals
'or organs.' Nat. Hist. Cent. II. Sect. 102. But notwithstanding
these authorities, the appellative Regal has given great trouble to the
lexicographers, whose sentiments with regard to its significations are
here collected, and brought into one point of view.
Skinner, upon the authority of an old English dictionary, conjectures
the word Rigals, or Regals, to signify a stringed instrument, namely
a clavichord ; possibly founding his opinion on the nature of the oflice
of tuner of the regals, and not linowing that such wind instruments
as the organ need frequent tuning, as do the clavichord and other
stringed instruments. It is highly probable that the word Regal is
a corruption of Rigabello, of which take the following explanation from
Sir Henry Spelman : ' In rede sancti Raphaelis Venetiis, instrumenti
' musici cujusdani forma extat, ei nomen Rigabello ; cujus in ecclesiis
This it seems is a kind of diminutive portable
organ, and is at this day in common use in many
parts of Germany. The second of the above figures
represents the instrument entire, the first the bellows
and wind-chest in a state of disunion from it. In an
account of queen Elizabeth's annual expence, published
by Peck in his Desiderata Curiosa, vol. I. Kb. II. page
12, among the musicians and players there occur
' Makers of instruments two,' which in a note on tlie
passage are said to be an organ -maker and a rigall-
maker, the former with a fee or salary of twenty, the
latter with one of ten pounds a year : and in the lists
of the establishment of his majesty's royal chapels
is an officer called Tuner of the Regals, whose business
at this day is to keep the organ of the royal chapel
in tune.
Having dispatched those instruments which are
rendered sonorous by means of wind collected and
' usus fuerit ante organa ilia pneumatica quae hodie usurpantur.' San-
sovinus, lib. VI. Descript. Venetiarum. That is to say, in the church of
St. Raphael at Venice was to be seen the figure of a musical instrument
called a Rigabello, anciently used in churches instead of the organ.
Walther is more particular in his discription of the Regal : he makes
it to be a reed-work in an organ, with metal and also wooden pipes and
bellows adapted to it, so contrived, as that it may be taken out, and set
upon a chest or table. He says that the name Regal is frequently given
to that stop in an organ called the Vox humana; and in this sense Mer-
sennus uses it in his Harmonie Universelle, liv. VI. Des Orgues, Trop.
VIII. As touching the use of the Regal, the following is the account
which a very ingenious organ-maker, a German, now living in London,
gives of it. 'In Germany, and other parts of Europe, on Corpus Christi
' and other festivals, processions are made, in which a regal is borne
' through the streets on the shoulders of a man : wherever the procession
' stops the instrument is set down on a stool, and some one of the train
' steps forward and plays on it, he that carried it blowing the bellows.'
The same person says he once repaired a regal, so contrived as to shut up
and form a cushion, which when open discovered the pipes and keys on
one side, and the bellows and wind-chest on the other. Walther adds to
his description of this instrument, from Michael Praetorius, that the
name of it is supposed to have arisen from the circumstance of its
having been presented by the inventor to some king. ' Regale, quasi
dignum rege. Regium vel regale opus.'
These authorities, and the representation of it by Luscinius, seem
sufficient to prove that the regal is a pneumatic, and not a stringed
instrument.
But Mersennus relates that the Flemings invented an instrument, les
Regales de Bois, consisting of seventeen cylindrical pieces of wood,
decreasing gradually in length, so as to produce a successiorj of tones
and semitones in the diatonic series, which had keys, and was played
on as a spinnet, the hint whereof he says was taken from an instrument
in use among the Turks, consisting of twelve wooden cylinders, of
different lengths, strung together, which being suspended, and struck
with a stick having a ball at the end, produced music. Harm Universelle,
liv. III. pag. 175.
Ligon, in his History of Barbadoes, pag. 48, relates a pretty story of
an Indian, who having a musical ear, by the mere force of his genius
invented an instrinuent composed of wooden billets, yielding music, and
nearly corresponding with those above described, for speaking of the
music of the islanders he says, ' I found Macow [the negro] very apt for
' it of himselfe, and one day comming into the house (which none of the
' negroes use to doe, unlesse an officer as he was) he found me playingon
' a Theorbo, and singing to it, which he hearkened very attentively to ; and
' when I had done took the Theorbo in his hand, and strooke one string,
' stopping it by degrees upon every fret, and finding the notes to varie
' till it came to the body of the instrument, and that the neerer the body
' of the instrument he stopt, the smaller or higher the sound was, which
' he found was by the shortning the string ; considered with himselfe
' how he might make some triall of this experiment upon such an in-
' strument as lie could come by, having no hope ever to have any instru-
' ment of this kind to practise on. In a day or two after, walking in the
' plantine grove, to refresh me in that cool shade, and to delight myselfe
' with the sight of those plants, which are so bcautifull, as though they
' left a fresh impression in me when I parted with them, yet upon a
' review something is discern'd in their beautie more then I remembered
' at parting, which caused me to make often repair thither ; I found this
' negroe (whose office it was to attend there, being the keeper of that
'grove,) sitting on the ground, and before him a piece of large timber,
' upon which he had laid cross six billets, and having a hand-saw and a
'hatchet by him. would cut the billets by little and little, till he had
' brought them to the tunes he would fit them to ; for the shorter they
' were the higher the notes, which he tried by knocking upon the ends of
' them with a stick which he had in his hand. When I found him at it I
' took the stick out of his hand and tried the sound, finding the six Billets
' to have six distinct notes one above anotlier, which put me in a wonder
' how he of himselfe should without teaching doe so much. 1 then
' shewed him the difference between flats and sharps, which he presently
' apprehended, as between pa and mi ; and he would have cut two more
' billets to those tunes, but I had then no time to see it done, and so left
' him to his own enquiries. I say this much to let you see that soma
' of these people are capable of learning arts.'
Chap. LXXI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
331
forced into them by bellows, he speaks of such as are
filled with air blown into them by the mouth ; and
of these he gives a great number, particularly the
Schalmey, i. e, Chalameau, and Bombardt, flutes of
various kinds, cornets, the Cornamusa, or bagpipe,
and some other instruments, for which no other than
German names can be found, all which are hereunder
represented, according to their respective classes.
on a very large scale published some years ago, of a
tessellated pavement of a temple of Fortuna Virilis,
erected by Sylla at Rome, in which is a representation
of a yoimg man playing on a traverse pipe, with an
aperture to receive his breath, exactly corresponding
with the German flute.
Of the Zuuerchpfeiff, the second of the above in-
struments, no satisfactory account can be given.
Luscinius next exhibits the forms of four other wind
instruments, namely, 1. The Ruspfeiff. 2. The
Krumhorn. 3. The Gemsen horn. And 4. The
Zincke : —
1.
The second of the two instruments above delineated
is the Schalmey, so called from Calamus a reed,
which is a part of it ; the other called Bombardt is the
bass to the former ; these instruments have been im-
proved by the French into the Hautboy and Bassoon.
Next follow flutes of various sizes, all of which,
bating the simplicity of their form, as being devoid
of ornaments, seem to bear an exact resemblance to
the flute a bee,* or, as it is called, the common
English flute. Whether this instrument be of
English invention or not, is hard to say. Galilei
calls it Flauto dritto, in contradistinction to the
Flauto traverso, and adds it was brought into Italy
by the French. Notwithstanding which, Mersennus
scruples not to term it the English flute, calling the
other the Helvetian flute, and takes occasion to
mention one John Price, an Englishman, as an ex-
cellent performer on it.f The word Flute is derived
from Fluta, the Latin for a Lamprey or small eel
taken in the Sicilian seas, having seven holes, the
precise number of those in front of the flute, on each
side, immediately below the gills. Luscinius has thus
represented this species : —
2. 4. 3.
By the name of the first nothing more is meant
than the black-pipe, Rus in the German language
signifying Black, and Pfeiff a Pipe. The word
Krumhorn is compounded of the adjective krum, i. e.
crooked, and horn, and signifies a cornet or small
shawm ; and it is said that the stop in an organ
called the Principal answers to it. Gems, in the
German language, signifies the Shamoy or wild goat ; '
and this appellation denotes the Gemsen horn, Zincken
are the small branches on the head of a deer, and there-
fore it is to be supposed that the instrument here
called the Zincke is little better than a child's toy, or
in short a whistle. |
Luscinius gives the Krumhorn in a more artificial
form, that is to say, with the addition of a reed, or
something like it, at one end, the other being con-
torted to nearly a semicircle, with regular perfora-
tions, as here : —
The largest instrument of the four is the bass flute.
These are succeeded by two other flutes, the first
called the Schuuegel, the other the Zuuerchpfeiff;
the former bears a resemblance to the traverse or
German flute, though it is much slenderer and does
not agree with it in number of holes : —
But for these, as also for the Platerspil, the lowest
in position of the instruments above delineated, the
bare representation of them must here suffice.
The Cornamusa, or Bagpipe, is in the German
language very properly termed the Sackpfeiff, i. e,
the Sack-pipe ; its figure is thus given : —
It seems that the invention of the traverse flute is
not to be attributed either to the Germans or the
Helvetians, notwithstanding that the elder Galilei
and Mersennus ascribe it to the latter ; the well-known
antique statue of the piping faun seems to be a proof
of the contrary ; and there is now extant an engraving
* Bec is an old Gaulish word, signifying the beak of a bird or fowl ;
but more especially a cock. Menafre in. articulo. The term Flute ibec
must therefore signify the Beaked Flute, an epithet which appears upon
comparing it with the traverse flute, to be very proper.
t Harmonic. De Instrumentis Harmonicis, lib. II. prop. ii. vi.
t The names and descriptions of these several instruments instruct
us as to the nature and design of many stops in the organ, and what
they are intended to imitate. To instance in the Krumhorn; the tone
of it original. y resembled that of a small cornet, though many ignorant
332
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE.
Book VIII.
Luscinius next speaks of certain ductile tubes ot
brass, meaning thereby the trumpet species, though
in strictness of speech the Tuba Ductilis signifies the
Sacbut. Bross 226. The first he terms the Busaun,
and is probably the sackbut or bass trumpet, and the
second the Felt, i. e. the field or army trumpet : —
Vincentio Galilei says that the trumpet was in-
vented at Nuremburg, an assertion not reconcileable
to the general opinion of its antiquity. Brossard calls
it the most noble of the ancient portative instruments ;
but it is highly probable that Galilei means the brazen
trumpet ; and that Brossaixl had a more general idea
of it is evident from his making the word Tromba
synonymous with Buccina, which means a trumpet
made of the horn of an ox ; and if so there is no
great disagreement between the two authors.
The Claret which is next given by Luscinius, may
mean the Clarion, an instrument of the same form,
but smaller, and consequently of a more acute sound
than the trumpet : —
The following instrument is by Luscinius called the
Thurnerhorn, and is a kind of trumpet or clarion : —
From hence he descends to bells, and even to the
anvil and hammers, by means whereof Pythagoras
is said to have investigated the consonances. He
then proceeds
to treat of the
pulsatile instru-
ments, at the
head whereof
he places the
common, or
side, and kettle-
drums. The
drum is said
by Le Clerc to
be an Oriental
invention ; and
he adds, that
the Arabians,
or rather perhaps the IMoors, brought it into Spain.
And these are followed by the bugle oi hunting-
horn,* a pot, with a stick, a contorted horn, the Jew's
harp, and some other instruments of less note.
organ-makers have corrupted the word into Cremona, supposing; it to he
an imitation of the Cremona violin. The GL-rasen horn and Busaun,
corrupted into Buzain, answering to the sacbut, are to be found in many
great organs in Germany, as is also the Zincke corruptly spelt Cink.
* Bugle from the Saxon bugan, curvare, arcuare, signifies a thing
bowed or bent. Vide Jun- Etymol. A basket-maker calls the curved
handle or bale of a basket, a bugle.
It is probable that the hint of the stick and salt-bojc, Merry Andrew's
From hence he digresses to the Jewish instruments
mentioned by St. Jerome, in an epistle of his to
Dardanus, of a very awkward form, and as to their
construction inexplicable.
The description of the musical instruments con-
tained in this first book of the Musurgia leads
Stoflerus into an enquiry into their use, the explana-
tion whereof, the nature of the consonances, and the
signification of the several characters, are the subject
of the second book, which containing nothing re-
markable, it is needless to abridge.
CHAP. LXXIL
Notwithstanding the great variety of instruments
extant at the time when Luscinius wrote his Musurgia,
there is very little reason to suppose that what we
now call a concert of music, altogether instrumental,
was then known. The first of this kind were sym-
phoniac compositions, mostly for viols of different
sizes, called Fantazias,f and these continued till about
the middle of the seventeenth century, when they
gave way to a much more elegant species of com-
position, the Sonata di Chiesa, and the Sonata di
Camera ; the first of these, as being adapted to
church- service, was grave and solemn, consisting of
slow movements, intermixed with fugues ; the other
admitted of a variety of airs to regular measures,
such as the Allemande,the Courant, the Saraband,
instrument to divert the mob, was taken from the pot and stick above
represented.
To this description of the musical instruments by Ottomarus Luscinius
that contained in the Orbis Sensualium Pictus of Johannes Amos
Comenius may be considered as a supplement, the brevity of which
latter is amply atoned for by its perspicuity. Comenius's design in this
kittle work was to instruct youth as well by sensible images, as the names
of things; and under the article of Musical Instruments he has given
the names and uses of thirty, with as precise a delineation of their
respective forms as half a i)age of a small volume would allow of. The
following character of this inestimable little hook in the Sculptura of
Mr. Evelyn exhibits but a faint representation of its excellence ; speaking
of the arts of sculpture, and their tendency to facilitate instruction, he
says : ' What a specimen of this Jo. Amos Commenius in his Orbis
' Sensualium Pictus gives us in a Nomenclator of all the fundamental
' thing.s and actions of men in the whole world, is public: and I do
'boldly affirm it to be a piece of such excellent use, as that the like was
' never extant ; however it comes not yet to be perceived.' Sculptura,
or the History of Chalcography, chap. V.
Comenius was a native of Moravia, and flourished in the middle of the
last century. He came into England in the year 1641, u))on an in-
vitation to assist in a plan for a reformation in the method of instructing
youth, but the troubles of the times drove him from hence to Sweden,
where he was favourably entertained and patronized by count Oxenstiern.
Bayle, art. Comenius, has given upon the whole an unfavourable account
of him, representing him as an enthusiast in religion, and a friend of
Madam Bourignon ; neither of which particulars admitting them to be
true, detract from the merit of his writings, nor indeed from his general
character, which is that of a very learned, ingenious, and pious man. He
died at Amsterdam in the year lfi71, being then eighty years of age.
+ In the Harm. Universelle of Mersennus, Des Instrumens &. Vent.
277, is a Fantasia for cornets in five parts by the Sieur Henry le Jeune,
hut it seiTiis to have been composed about the time that Fantazias began
to be disused.
Chap. LXXII.
AND PRACTICE OP MUSIC.
333
and others, of which there are nnmherless examples
in the works of the Italian masters ; these were
succeeded by the concerto, which is nothing more
than a sonata in four parts, with a reduplication of
some of them, so as to make the whole number
nominally seven.
The earliest intimation touching the origin of in-
strumental music in parts, is contained in a book
written by Thomas a Sancta Maria, a Spanish Domi-
nican, and published at Valladolid in 1570, intitled
* Arte de tanner fantasia para tecla, viguela y todo
instrumendo de tres o quatro ordenes.' From hence,
and because neither Franchinus, Glareanus, nor even
Luscinius himself, have intimated to the contrary, it
may be concluded that the instrumental music of
their time was either solitary, or at most unisonous
with the voice : and with respect to vocal harmony,
it seems to have been so appropriated to the service
of the church, as to leave it a question whether it
was ever used at public festivities. It however con-
tinued not long under this restraint, for no sooner
were the principles of counterpoint established and
disseminated, as they were by the writings of Fran-
chinus, Glareanus, and the other authors herein before-
mentioned, than harmony began to make its way into
the palaces of princes and the houses of the nobility ;
and of this the story above related of Lewis XII.
and his Phonascus lodocus Pratensis contains a proof;
and at this period the distinction between Clerical,
or ecclesiastical, and Secular music seems to have
taken its rise. At Rome the former was cultivated
with a degree of assiduity proportioned to the zeal
of the pontiffs, and the advantages which the science
had derived from the lectures and writings of Fran-
cliinus : and in England it was studied with the same
view, namely, the service of religion. The strictness
of our own countrymen must indeed appear very
remarkable in this respect, for if we judge from the
compositions of the succession of English musicians,
from John of Dunstable, who died in 1455, to
Taverner, who flourished about 1525, it must seem
tliat their attention was engrossed by the framing of
masses, antiphons, and hymns ; no other than com-
positions of this kind being to be found in those
collections of their works which are yet remaining,
either in the public libraries or other repositories. It
has already been related that the Germans, to whom
may be added the inhabitants of the several parts of
Switzerland, were among the first that cultivated the
art of practical composition ; when this is recollected,
it may induce an acquiescence in an opinion which
otherwise might admit of a doubt, namely, that vocal
concerts had their rise in the Low Countries, or
rather in those parts of Flanders, which about the
middle of the sixteenth century were under the
dominion of the emperor of Germany. The fact is
thus to be accounted for ; the crown of Spain had
received a great accession of wealth and power by
its conquests in America in the preceding century :
and Charles V. king of Spain and emperor of
Germany, favouring the disposition of the inhabitants
of the Low Countries, which led them to trade and
merchandise, not only made the city of Brussels the
place of residence for himself and his court, but by
the encouragement he gave to traffic, and other
means, so ordered it, that a considerable portion of
his revenues centered in this part ot his dominions
as a bank from whence it was circulated through all
Europe. Tlie splendour and magnificence of his
court, and the consequent encouragement of men of
genius to settle there, drew together a number of
men of the greatest eminence in all professions,
but more especially musicians. Of some of the
most famous of these particular mention is made
by Lodovico Guicciardini, the nephew of the Italian
historian of that name, in a work of his entitled
' Descrittione di tutti i Paesi Bassi,' printed at
Antwerp in 1556 and in 1581. In this book the
author speaks of the flourishing state of the Low
Countries, the wealth of the inhabitants, and the
perfection to which the arts had arrived there, in
the enumeration whereof he speaks thus of music .
' Questi sono i veri maestri della musica, e quelli
' die I'hanno restaurata, e ridotta a perfettione,
' perche Ihanno tanto propria e naturale, che
' huomini e donne cantan' naturalmente a misura,
' con grandissima gratia e melodia, onde poi con-
' giunta r arte alia natura, fanno e di voce, e di
' tutti gli strumenti quella pruova e harmonia, che
' si vede e ode, talche se ne truova sempre per tutte
' le Corti de Principi Christiani.*
The masters celebrated by this author as the great
improvers of music are, Jusquin di Pres, Obrecht,
Ockegem, Ricciafort, Adriano Willaert, Giovanni
Mouton, Verdelot, Gomberto, Lupus lupi, Cortois,
Crequilon, Clemente non Papa, and Cornelio Canis,
who, he says, were all dead before the time of writing
his book ; but he adds that they were succeeded by
a great number of others, as namely, Cipriano di
Rore, Gian le Coick, Filippo de Monti, Orlando di
Lassus, Mancicourt, Jusquino Baston, Christiano
Hollando, Giaches di Waert, Bonmarche, Severino
Cornetto, Piero du Hot, Gherardo di Tornout,
Huberto Waelrant, and Giachetto di Berckem, who
were settled at Antwerp, and in other parts of
Flanders, and were in the highest reputation for skill
and ingenuity. This account given by Guicciardini
of the flourishing state of music in the Low Countries
is confirmed by Thuanus, who, in an eulogium on
Orlando de Lasso, takes occasion to observe that in
his time Belgium abounded with excellent musicians.
Besides that these men were favoured by their
prince, they received considerable encouragement
in the prosecution of their studies from the most
opulent of the inhabitants, who at that time were
both Merchants and Courtiers. Of the magnificence
and liberality of which class of men such stories are
related as must seem incredible to those who are not
acquainted with the history of that period. Some idea
may be formed of the grandeur and dignity of the
mercantile character in the sixteenth century from
the extensive commerce of Gresham and Sutton, our
countrymen, the former of whom is said, by means of
his correspondence and connexions, to have drained
the bank of Genoa, and thereby retarded the Spanish
invasion for two years ; and the other to have covered
334
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VIII.
the sea with his ships. Eemhrandt's famous print of
the gold-weigher encompassed with casks of coined
gold, which he computes not by tale, but weight,
suggests such an idea of enormous wealth, as makes
the traders of the present time appear like pedlars ;
but the fact is, that the merchants in the ages preceding
were but few in number, and that in consequence of
their interest and intelligence, their knowledge in the
living languages, and perhaps for other reasons, they
had free access to princes, and held the rank of
courtiers.*
The author above-cited, speaking of the city of
Antwerp, the great mart of Europe, and of the
numerous resort of merchants of all countries thither,
takes occasion to speak of the Foccheri, or Fuggers,
of Augsburg, three brothers of the same family, the
eldest named Anthony, and the second Raimond, all
merchants, whom he mentions as rivalling the highest
nobility in Europe in riches, magnificence, and libe-
rality. Of the first a judgment may be formed from
the journal of our Edward VI. printed in Burnet's
History of the Reformation, wherein appear so many
minutes of negociations with the Fuggers, for the loan
of large sums of money, that he seems to have had
more dependance on them than on his own treasury.
In the journal above-mentioned the Foulacre is the
term by which the copartnership or house of these
three men is to be understood. Sir John Hayward
approaching somewhat nearer to the true orthography,
calls it the Foulker. From the minutes in the journal
it appears that the rate of interest taken by them was
ten in the hundred, which, according to Sir John
Hayward's account, was four per cent, under the usual
rate of interest at that time,f and that Thomas Gres-
ham was the principal negotiator of these loans, in all
which there appears to have been the most punctual
and honourable dealing, as well on the part of the
Fuggers, as of the king.J
* Discrittione, pap;. 42.
The evidence of this fact is contained in a very curious book, supposed
to have been written in the twelfth century, by a Norwegian nobleman, in
the Icelandic language, and from thence translated into Danish and Latin,
with the title of Speculum Regale, and published at Soroe by Halfdan
Einersen, a professor there, in 1768, in a quarto volume. If is a system
of policy adapted to the age in which it was originally composed, with
a view to the four professions or occupations of the greatest importance
to a state, that is to say, the merchant, the lawyer, the divine, and the
husbandman or farmer.
Under the first head are contained the instructions of a father to his
son, touching the means of advancing his fortunes, in wliich he exhorts
him to betake himself to the profession of a merchant, and in order
thereto, to acquire a competent skill in the mathematics, particularly
arithmetic and astronomy ; in the law, and in the Latin and Walloon
languages, and to visit foreign countries. He advises him also to be
splendid in his apparel and equipage, magnificent in his entertainments,
and to be careful that his table be ' covered with a clean cloth ; ' to be
liberal in his expenses, and, above all, to appear frequently at courts,
where, says he, merchants are considered as the Satellites of princes, to
whom they are frequently appointed agents or procurators. He also
asserts that no one can become a Courtier unless he hath travelled as a
Merchant to foreign countries.
It is a not little curious to observe how Guicciardini's account of the
state of the Low Countries in his time, falls in with the sentiments of the
author of the Speculum Regale, and that evidence of the truth of his
assertions should subsist, notwithstanding the natural vicissitude of
things, four liundred years after he wrote ; for Guicciardini relates that
the catholic king [Philip II.], the king of Portugal, and the queen of
England disd.iined not to receive merchants into their company, but
employed them in mercantile negociations, calling them their factors.
He says that the catholic king had two, Caspar Schetz and Gian Lopez ;
the king of Portugal one, Francesco Pesoa; and the queen of England
one, namely, Messer Tommaso Grassano, cavaliere, i. e. Sir Thomas
Gresliam, a man much honoured, ' il quale parimente con sutticiente
'proccura, ha levato per lei di questa borsa grosse somme di denaii e
' le va ricapitando nobilimente.' Descritt. pag. 170.
t Life and Raigneof king Edw. VI. quarto, pag. 154.
t Viile CoUertion of Records, &c. referred to in the second part of
Burnet's Hist. Reform, pag. 25. 27. 46. 48. 53.
Roger Ascham, in a letter to a friend of his at
Cambridge, dated 20 Jan. 1551, from Augsburg, says,
' There be five merchants in this town thou2:ht able
' to disburse as much ready money as five of the
' greatest kings in Christendom. The emperor would
' have borrowed money of one of them, the merchant
' said he might spare " ten hundred thousand guil-
" ders," and the emperor would have had eighteen ;
* a guilder is 3s. 6d. These merchants are three
' brethren Fuccurs, two brethren Bamgartner.§ One
' of the Fuccurs doth lodge, and hath done all the
* year, in his house the emperor, the king of the
' Romans, the prince of Spain, and the queen of
' Hungary, regent of Flanders, which is here, besides
* his family and children. His house is covered with
' copper.' Ascham's Works published by James
Bennet, pag. 376.
Bayle says of these men that they had rendered
themselves illustrious by their liberalities to men of
letters : they made great offers to Erasmus, and pre-
sented him with a silver cup.
Luther takes notice of their amazing wealtli, and
says the Fuggers and the money-changers of Augs-
burg lent the emperor at one time eight and twenty
tons of gold, and that one of them left eighty tons at
his death, t
Bayle also celebrates the magnificence and gene-
rosity of these brethren, and tells the following story
of them : ' The Fuggeri, celebrated German mer-
' chants, to testify their gratitude to Charles V. who
' had done them the honour to lodge in their house
' when he passed through Augsburg, one day, amongst
' other acts of magnificence, laid upon the hearth a
' large bundle of cinamon, a merchandize then of
' great price, and lighted it with a note of hand of
' the emperor for .a considerable sum which they had
' lent him.' ^
Farther, the riches of this family were so great as
to be the subject of a proverb, which Cervantes him-
self puts in the mouth of his hero, for when Don
Quixote is giving a fictitious account of his adven-
tures in the cave of Montesinos, he relates that his
mistress Dulcinea had sent a damsel to request of
him the loan of six reals upon the pawn of her dimity
petticoat, and that he dismissed the messenger with
§ Of the family of Bamgartner or Paumgartner an account is given
pag. 314, in not.
II Colloquia Mensalia, pag. 86.
H It is probable that this story gave occasion to the following stanza
in the old ballad of Whittingtori : —
' More his fame to advance,
' Thoufands he lent his king
' To maintain wars in France,
' Glory from thence to bring:
* And after at a feaft,
' Which he the king did make,
' He burnt the bonds all in jeft,
'And would no money take.
The author whereof, unwilling that his hero should be outdone by
any foreign merchant, has engrafted this story into his narration, upon
the bare supposition that under the like circumstances Whittington
would have shewn as much loyalty and liberality as the Fugger, he
being indeed a prodigy of wealth and munificence, and one of the many
ancient citizens of London, whose good deeds have rendered them an
honour to their country, and to human nature itself. See an account of
him in Stowe's Survey, tit. Honour of Citizens and Worthinesse of Men.
Sir Richard Whittington was thrice mayor of London, viz., in the
years 1397, 1406, and 1110, but the ballad above-cited can hardly be more
ancient than the time of queen Elizabeth.
Chaf. LXXII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
335
four, which was all that he had, saying to her,*
* Sweetheart, tell your lady that I am grieved to my
' soul at her distresses, and wish I were a Fugger f
' to remedy them.'
The above facts imply liberality, and, to say the
truth, a disposition not quite so commendable ; but
the nobleness and grandeur of their spirit was mani-
fested in the erection of sumptuous edifices,'^ and by
their patronage of learned and ingenious men in all
professions ; and the benefits thence arising were
enjoyed by the scholars, the painters, sculptors, gold-
smiths, engravers, and musicians of that day, in
common with other artists. To what degree the
musicians in particular were thought to merit en-
couragement, may in some measure be collected from
the passage above referred to in Guicciardini ; but
their title to it will best appear from the account
hereafter given of them, and the works by them
severally published.
Guicciardini has taken frequent occasion to mention
the pompous service in the great church of Antwerp,
and in other churches of Flanders, celebrated with
voices and instruments of various kinds. Compo-
sitions of this sort may well be supposed to have
employed the masters residing there ; but it was not
in the study of these alone that they were engaged :
concerts of instrumental music, as has already been
mentioned, were then scarcely known ; but vocal
music in parts was not only the entertainment of
persons of rank at public solemnities, but was so
much the customary amusement at social meetings,
and in private families, that every well-educated
person of either sex was supposed capable of joining
in it. Castiglione, who lived about this time, men-
tions this as one of the necessary accomplishments of
his courtier, and requires of him to be able to sing
his part at sight, § wliich, when the nature of the
vocal compositions then in practice is explained, will
appear to have been no very difficult matter.
By that convivial kind of harmony above spoken
of, is to be understood a musical composition of three
or more parts for different voices, adapted to the
words of some short but elegant poem, and known
by the name of the Madrigal. || The Italian language
* ' Amiga mia, k vuestra sennra, que d. mi me pesa en el alma de sus
' trabajos, y que quisiera s^r un Fuc^r para remediarlos.' Don Quixote,
part II. lib. VI. cap. xxiii.
t See Article " Ftigger," Moreri's Dictionary edition, 1740.
t Beatus Rhenanus, in a letter to a friend, gives a description of the
ma^^nificent houses, or rather palaces, of Anthony and Raimond Fugger ;
ami a late traveller speaks of a memorial of their opulence yet remaining,
that is to say, a quarter in the city of Augsburg called the Fuggery, con-
sisting of several streets and fair palaces built by them. Journey over
Europe by A. D. Chancel, octavo, Lond. 1714, pag. 96.
§ II Corteg, lib. II.
11 It is very difficult to say from whence this word is derived. Kircher
laboured in vain to (ind an etymology for it. The bishop of Avranches.
Huet, in his treatise De 1' Origine des Romans, supposes it to be a
corruption of the word Martegaux, a name given to the ancient in-
habitants of a particular district of Provence, who were proliably the
inventors of, or excelled in this particular species of musical composition.
Had he known that there is in Spain a town named Madrigal, it is likely
he would have deduced its origin from the Spaniards.
Doni, who is clear that the Madrigal came originally from the Pro-
vencals, is nevertheless at a great loss for the derivation of the word,
and gives his reader the choice of two etymologies, the best of which
seems to be the Italian word Mandra, a flock, a herd, a sheep fold : and
sjen against this it is objected that pastoral manners are not peculiar to
this kind of poetical composition. Crescimbeni, in his Commentarj
IntJrno all' Istoria della volgare Poesia, vol. I. lib. ii. cap. 22, has taken
up the enquiry, but leaves the matter nearly where he found it ; and so
indeed does Mattheson, who wrote some years after him. Better success
was at this time generally understood throughout
Europe ; its fitness for music entitled it to a prefer-
ence above all others, and the sonnets of Petrarch,
and other of the old Italian poets, to which in the
preceding ages the barbarous melodies of the Pro-
vencal minstrels had been adapted, were looked on
as the most eligible subjects for musical composition ;
and to render these delightful, the powers of melody
and harmony were by some of the first class of
masters mentioned by Guicciardini, very success-
fully employed.
It cannot be supposed that the first essays of this
kind had much to recommend them besides the cor-
rectness of the harmony, which was just and natural,
and yet these had their charms : Anne Boleyn, a
lively and well accomplished young woman, and who
had lived some years in France, doted on the com-
positions of Jusquin and Mouton, and had collections
of them made for the private practice of herself and
her maiden companions ; but the best of these fell
very far short of those of the succeeding age.
The excellence of this species of musical com-
position, the madrigal, may be inferred from this
circumstance, that it kept its ground even long after
the introduction of music on the theatres ; for dramatic
music, or what is now called the opera, had its rise
about the year IGOO, and it is well known that one
of the finest works of Stradella, who was contemporary
with our Purcell, is the madrigal for five voices,
' Clori son fido amante.'
Of some of the masters mentioned by Guicciardini,
in the passage above-cited, there are particulars ex-
tant which may be thought worth relating ; and first
of Jusquin, so often mentioned by Glareanus and others
of his time, by the name of Iodocus Pratensis.
In that short account given of him by Walther, in
his Lexicon, it is said that he was born in the Low
Countries, but in what part thereof is not known,
though his name Pratensis, bespeaks him a native Ox
Prato, a town in Tuscany. He was a disciple of
Johannes Ockegem, or Okenheim, and for his excel-
lence in his art was appointed master of the chapel
to Lewis XII. king of France. Salinas says he was
universally allowed to be the best musician of his
time. Glareanus is lavish in his commendation, and
has given the following account of him : ' Iodocus
' Pratensis, or Jusquin de Prez, was the principal of
* the musicians of his time, and possessed of a degree
' of wit and ingenuity scarce ever before heard of.
' Some pleasant stories are related of him before he
' came to be known in the world, amongst many
' others the following may deserve a recital. Lewis
' XII. king of France had promised him some eccle-
has attended the enquiries into the origin and history of this species of
composition. Doni fixes the invention of it to the commencement of
the fifteenth century. Trattato della Melodic, jiag. 97. And Mattheson
acquiesces in this opinion, and asserts that Anselmo de Parma, Mar-
chetto de Padoana, Prosdocimus Beldiniandis, and other musicians,
who are but barely named by Franchinus, were the first composers of
madrigals ; and that Iodocus Pratensis, Joannes Mouton, Gombert, and
others, brought this style to perfection. Volkonienon Capel-meister,
pag. 79. In both these particulars Mattheson seems to be mistaken ;
for neither does it appear that these early musicians composed madrigals,
nor were they brought to perfection by Iodocus and the rest named bv
him. Those that perfected this style were Orlando de Lasso, Philippo
de Monte, Cypriano de Rore, among the Flemings, and of the Italians,
Palestrina, Pomponio Nenna, and his disciple the admirable Carlo
Gesualdo, prince of Venosa.
33S
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book Vlil.
' siastical pieferment ; but the promise was forgot
' (as too often happens in kings' courts) Jusquin
' being much disturbed in mind, composed a Psalm
beginning " Memor esto verbi tui servo tuo," but
with such elegance and majesty, that when it was
carried to the king's chapel, and there justly per-
formed, it excited universal admiration. The king,
who heard it, blushed for shame ; and as it were did
not dare to defer the performance of his promise, but
' gave him the benefice. He then having experienced
* the liberality of this prince, composed another psalm
' by way of thanksgiving, beginning " Bonitatem fe-
' cisti cum servo tuo Domine." As to those two
' pieces of hannony, it may be observed how much
' more the hopes of reward incited his genius in the
' former, than the attainment of it did in the other.'
The Dodecachordon contains also some extracts
from a mass of his composing, intitled L' Homme
arme, which indeed is celebrated by Luscinius, Sa-
linas, and many other authors. Besides these a great
number of his compositions are contained in the Do-
decachordon, and among others, that in which, not-
withstanding the adage of Erasmus above-mentioned,
he has ventured in a De Profundis for four voices to
pass from the Dorian to the Phrygian mode.
Notwithstanding the favour in which he stood with
Lewis XII. it seems that Jusquin in his latter days
experienced a sorrowful reverse of fortune. In the
Sopplementi Musicali of Zarlino, pag. 314, is the fol-
lowing sonnet of Serasino Acquilano to that purpose : —
Giosquin non dir che'l ciel sia crudo ed empio,
Che t'adorno de si soblime ingegno :
Et s'alcun veste ben, lascia lo sdegno ;
Che di ci6 gode alcun bufFone, 6 sempio.
Da quel ch'io ti diro prendi I'essempio ;
L'argento e I'or, che da se stess' e degno,
Si mostra nudo, e sol si veste il legno,
Quaudo s'adorna alcun theatro 6 tempio :
II favor di costei vien presto manco,
E mille volte il dl, sia pur giocondo,
Si muta il stato lor di nero in bianco.
Mi chi ha virtu, gira a suo modo il raondo ;
Com' liuom che nuota ed ha la zucca al fianco,
Metti'l sott' acqua pur, non teme il fondo.
Walther, from the Athense Belgic^e of Swertius,
cites the following epitaph on him : —
O mors inevitabilis !
Mors amara, mors crjudelis
Josquinum dum necasti
Ilium nobis abstulisti ;
Qui suam per harmoniam
Illustravit ecclesiam,
Propterea die tu musice :
Requiescat in pace. Amen.
Castiglione relates a story which bespeaks the
high opinion entertained by the world of Jusquin's
character as a musician. He says that at a certain
time some verses were produced to the duchess of
Urbino as of the composition of Sannazaro, which
were applauded as excellent ; but that as soon as it
was discovered that they were not really his, they
were condemned as worse than indifferent ; so like-
wise says he a motet sung before the same duchess
met with little approbation till it was known to be of
the composition of Josquin de Prez.*
The following motett of lodocus Pratcnsis, con-
taining a canon of two in one, occurs in the Dodeca-
chordon, and is here inserted as a specimen of his
style and abilities as a composer : —
* 11 Corteg. lib. II.
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O
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1231
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Chap. LXXII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
337
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335
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VIII.
loDoous Peatensis.
CHAP. LXXIII.
Jacobus Hobrechth, a Fleming, is celebrated for
his great skill and judgment, and is said by Glareanus
to have been possessed of such a degree of strength
and celerity of invention, as that he composed a
whole mass, and a very excellent one, in a night's
time, to the admiration of the learned. The same
author asserts that all the monuments that are left of
his composition have in them a wonderful majesty ;
and that he did not, like Jusquin, affect unusual
passages, but gave his compositions to the public
without disguise, trusting for the applause of his
auditors to their own intrinsic merit* He was pre-
ceptor in music to Ei'asmus.f
Johannes Ockegem, or as Glareanus calls him,
Okenheim, was also a native of the Low Countries,
and as he was the preceptor of lodocus Pratensis,
must be supposed to be somewhat more ancient than
bis disciple. Glareanus mentions a composition of
his for thirty-six voices, which, though he had never
seen it, he says, had the reputation of being admir-
able for its contrivance. In the composition of Fugue
he is said to have been excellent ; Glareanus says he
affected to compose songs that might be sung in
different modes, and recommends to the notice of his
reader the following fugue for three voices, which,
though said by hiA to be in the Epidiatessaron, or
fourth below, is in truth in the Epidiapente or fifth
below after a perfect time. It should seem by the
different signatures at the head of each stave, that
this was intended as an example of a cantus to be
sung in different modes.
Ambrose Wilphlingsederus of Nuremberg was at
the pains of resolving this intricate composition, and
published it in his Erotemata Musices Practicse
printed in 1563. The canon and resolution are here
given together : —
FUGA IN EPIDIAPENTE r^felj|-j*:Q:
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• Dodccachordon, pag. 456.
\ Ibii
Chap. LXXIII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
339
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Antimo Liberati, a musician of the last century,
and a singer in the pontifical chapel, says that, taking
their example from the schools of those two great
men Okenheim and lodocus Pratensis, many foreign
masters erected musical academies in different king-
doms and provinces, the first of whom was Gaudio
Mell, a Fleming, who instituted at Rome a noble and
excellent school for music, in which many pupils
were instructed in the science, and among them Gio.
Johannes Okenheim.
Pier Luigi Palestrina.* The truth of this relation,
so far as it regards the name of Palestrina's pre-
ceptor, is very questionable, and will be the subject
of a future enquiry.
About this time flourished Adriano Willaert, a
native of Bruges ; this person was intended for the
profession of a lawyer, and studied in that faculty in
the university of Paris, but an irresistible propensity
* Lettera scritta dal Sig. Antimo Liberati in risposta ad una del Sig.
Ovidio Persapegi, Roma, 1685.
340
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VIII.
to music diverted his attention from the law, and
engaged him deeply in the study of that science ;
upon his quitting Paris he went for improvement to
Italy, and by the favour of pope Leo X. became, to
use the style of Zarlino and other writers, ' Maestro
* di Cappella della serenissima Signoria di Venetia;'*
by which appellation is to be understood master of
the choir of the church of St. Mark. He seems to
have been the inventor of compositions for two or
more choirs, that is to say, those wherein the offices
are sung alternately by several chorusses, the effect
whereof is at this day sufficiently understood.f
Artusi, Doni, Printz, and other writers speak of
"VVillaert in general terms as a mere practical musi-
cian, a composer of motets, madrigals, and airs,
among whom they however admit he holds the first
rank ; but Zarlino, who was his disciple, and conse-
quently must have been intimately acquainted with
him, relates that he was incessantly employed in
making calculations and devising diagrams for de-
monstrating the principles of harmony, and, in short,
represents him as the ablest theorist of the age. It
is highly probable that this was his true character ;
and the particulars above related may in a great
measure account for that extreme propensity which
Zarlino throughout his voluminous works discovers
for that branch of musical science. His master had
made him sensible of its value, and had given a
direction to the studies of his disciple, who in i-eturn
has taken every occasion to c<3lebrate his praises, and
to transmit to posterity in the character of Adrian
Willaert, an exemplar of a consummate musician.
There are extant of Willaert's composition, Psalmi
Vespertini omnium Dierum Festorum per Annum,
4 Vocum, 1557; Motettae 6 Vocum, published in
1542; Cantiones Musicse, sen Motettae, cum aliis
ejusdem Cantionibus Italicis 4, 5, 6, et 7 Vocum ;
and Villanellse Neapolitans 4 Vocum, published
together in 1 588, and other works. J He is sufficiently
known to those who are conversant with the Italian
writers on music, by the name of JNIesser Adriano.
A few of the most excellent of Willaert's motets
are pointed out in the Istitutioni Harmoniche of
Zarlino, terza parte, cap. Ixvi. and are there cele-
brated as some of the finest compositions of that time.
His doctrines and opinions respecting some of the
most abstruse questions in music are delivered with
great accuracy in the Dimostrationi of Zarlino. He
was very much afflicted with the gout, but seems by
Zarlino's account of him to have nevertheless retained
the exercise of his mental faculties in all their vigour,
and to have rendered himself singularly remarkable
for his modesty, affability, and friendly disposition
towards all who professed to love or understand
music.§
The Dimostrationi of Zarlino, of which a par-
ticular account will in its place be given, are a series
of dialogues tending to illustrate the Institutes of the
same author. The interlocutors in these are Francesco
Viola, an eminent musician and maestro di cappella to
Alphonso duke of Ferrara ; Claudio Merulo, organist
of the great church at Parma ; Adrian Willaert, and
Zarlino himself In the course of these dialogues
many particulars occur from whence an adequate
idea may be formed of Willaert, of whom Zarlino
scruples not to say, as indeed do most that speak
of him, that he was the first musician of his time.
The following motet is of his composition : —
ft
m
m^
-l=-
1
ZWZ-
?_zz:t;;
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z\z=^:
QUEM di-cunt ho - mi - nes
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nes.
es
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se
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• Walth. Lex. in Art. Zarl. Ragion. pap:. 1. 8. t Zarl. Istitut. 34fi. Documenti Armonici di Angelo Berardii Ub. I. l.ag. 78.
i Walth. Lex. in Art. § Zarl. Dimostrationi passim.
Chap. LXXIII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
341
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&
342
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VIIL
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S
l^i
EtE=E
i[ggg
- la,
Al - le - lu - ia,
Al - le-lu
ia, Al - le
lu - ia.
'm=^.
' " ri-
trzztri
^z=:=S^:^=:r=z
Al - le - lu - ia,
Al
le
gEEEE^E^^^EEEEE^[Eg=g^EgEJEgEE^
znt :
lu - ia, Al - le - lu - ia, Al-le - lu - - la.
Adriano VVillaert.
Chap. LXXIV
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
343
CHAP. LXXIV.
of the greatest musicians of the age he lived in. He
composed many masses, which were highly approved
Johannes Mouton, a disciple of Adrian Willaert, by Leo X. A Miserere for four voices of his corn-
was Maestro di Capella to Francis I. king of France,* position is to be found in the Dodecachordon of
and, by the testimony of his contemporaries, was one Glareanus, as is also the following hymn.
-o *^=t:
«^|
ior
zm
-^-
ZX2Z
^=P=
—azzi
2^
U=
SAL - VE Ma - ter Sal
va - tor
Ss*^
f
r6=rJ:
;g±^
- tor
«
rqat
IS,
m
:4at;
irr
-T— »
r^t^-
IS,
Sal - ve
Inversio.
Ma
ter
m
=!c^
f^=^=El^E
Sal
— =1 — 1 E
-s
SAL
VE Ma
ter
Sal
-^-
^±zezw:i~
Sal
— <ai-r-«-»--
P«s>-
£5EE
:z3i
va
tor
IS,
Sal
va -
Canon Duo in TJno.
:a-Ez
r=o^«=*
SAL
VE Ma - ter
Sal
va
tor
- - IS,
nor - -
:^— J— J
T^—&-
=:cii=:
.X21
:i3-^— ;
EE^EiE^^
^^z*=^
^1^^^
turn,
vas ho - nor
mi - se
zz=ti
i^pi
, . e - lee
turn, vas ho-nor -
1
in:
IS,
vas ho-nor -
£=— p:
-<■> _
vas mi - se
n - cor
* This prince, as he was a great lover and encourager of learning and
the liberal arts, was peculiarly fond of music. In the memoirs of Mr.
De la Foret, ambassador from Francis I. to Solynian II. emperor of the
Turks, for concluding a treaty between those two princes, in the year
1543, it is related that the king designing to do a pleasure to his new
aLy, sent him a band of most accomplished musicians, making him, as
je thought, a present worthy of his grandeur. Solyman received them
very civilly, and was entertained by them with three different concerts
at his palace, in presence of all his court ; he shewed himself greatly
p.'iased with the music, but having observed that it tended to enervate
ills mind, he judged by himself that it might make still a greater im-
pression upon that of his courtiers. He much applauded the musicians ;
nevertheless, as he was apprehensive that music might occasion, in con-
sequence of its establishment, as much disorder in his empire as would
be caused by a permission of the use of wine, he sent back the musicians
with a handsome reward, after having ordered all their instruments to
be broken, with a prohibition against their settling in his empire upon
pain of death. Solyman thoroughly believed it to be a stroke of policy in
Francis I., for he told the French ambassador that he imagim d his master
had sent him this amusement to divert him from the business of war,
just as the Greeks sent the Persians the game of chess to slacken their
military ardour. Histoire de la Musique et ses Effets, torn. I. pag. 212.
344
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VID
t
fedigE^Sg
-jiz
pr^— ryz
:p
EE
:*2t:
vas mi
iH
se
==1:
ZTia:
n cor -
di
SIS
:f::^
-xtz
EiE^
pro no
ri - cor
di
ffl
^
:j«at:
:^^
S
fta-c— fct-
la;
:czi
pro no
IS
-»-^
=o=p:^P
•-iQ — e»-
EE^^
vas
mi - se - ri - cor
di
=;:=d^t=:
J^t:
icr:
^^=^^
rt:
SIS
di
as
SIS
pro no
bis,
pro no
ve - ni - ae.
- se, fons ve
fons
ve - 111 - ffl.
Johannes Mouton.
Thomas Crequilon, a Fleming, was master of the
cliapel to the emperor Charles V. about the year 1556.
He composed hymns for many voices, and some French
songs in four, five, and six parts.
Clemens, otherwise Jacob Clemens non Papa, a
Fleming, was one of the musicians of the emperor
Charles V. and a composer of masses and other
sacred offices. It seems that this prince, though
not an avowed patron of the arts, as was his rival
Francis I. was a lover of music. Ascham, in the
letter above-cited, relates that being at Augsburg, he
stood by the emperor's table, and that 'his chapel
* sung wonderful cunningly all the dinner-while.*
Cyprian de Rore was born at Mechlin, but lived
great part of his time in Italy. He composed man}^
very fine madrigals to Italian words. There is extant
in the great church of Parma the following sepulchral
inscription to his memory : —
Cypriano Roro, Flandro
artis musicse
viro omnium peritissimo,
cujus nomen famaque
nee vetustate obrui
nee oblivione deleri poterit,
Herculis Ferrariens. Ducis II.
deinde Venetorum,
postremo
Octavi Farnesi Parmae et Placentiae
Ducis II. Chori Praefecto,
Ludovicus frater, fil. et hreredes
moestissiini })osuerunt.
Obiit anno M.D.LXV. astatis xlix.
The following madrigal is given as a specimen of
his abilities in that style of musical composition : —
^^E^^gEE^z
%
i^
-OZ
-VLz=r,
AN
fEiEm
-o — fx—-a
-Jf=^
~f2~-
'-JOT
EE^E
COR
ch6 col par - ti
re
Jfiz
10 mi sen
to
mo - 11
I1--
AN
^lil
COR ch6 col
par
ti
re
10
mi
sen
to mo
ri
fcfiz
IIPS
-jcti
^--
AN - COR chS col par
ti
10
mi
^£
i^=
t^^lg^E
sen
-:1=|
to mo -
AN-COR chS col par
ti
re
10
mi sen - to mo
* The same author gives the following humorous account of the
behaviour of the emperor at dinner : ' He had four courses, lie had sod
beef, very good roast mutton, baked hare; these be no service in
'England. The emperor hath a good face, a constant look ; he fed well
' of a capon ; I have had a better from mine hostess Barnes many times
' in my chamber. He and Ferdinando eat together, very handsomely
'carving themselves where they list, without any curiosity. The em-
' peror drank the best that ever I saw ; he had his head in the glass five
' times as long as any of us, and never drank less than a good qu&rt at
' once of Rhenisb wine.' Ascham's Works, pag. 375.
Chap. LXXIV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
345
t^
rja— :=-
;a!i
501
:?z=
re
*=
par - tir vor - rei oga' or o - gni
mo-men - to
=t^
IDI
za:zii
tan - t'ilpia-cer che sen -
re
par - tir vor-reiogn' or ogu' or o-gnimomen - to tan - t'il piacerch'io sen
to
'—fa:
£E^
ii=:Di
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^
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tan
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p=l:
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re
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par - tir vor-reiogn' or o -gni mo -men - to
tan
t
EE
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10
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*=
del - la vi
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1721
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ta ch'ac -
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^z::=p=tf:^zz£^t:
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to
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ta ch'ac -
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ct
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ipi:
:pn=z=--
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rti
quis - to nel ri - tor
no
e CO - si mille e mil-le volte il gior
?=^i
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1—
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:S
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to
nel
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tor
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CO - SI,
e -
^^^^^^^^m
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'^ volte il
:zi:
ZKzq:_£,_
itzz:
^^^— — =^
zutz
no
:di
gior - no mille e mil-le volte il gior
par
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re
zct
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-tt-
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'iiz
c=f=
-F=
r-t=p=
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gior - no
ee^epb^^^eeE:
CO - si mille e mil-le volte il gior - no par - tir da voivor-re
- no mille e mil-le volte il gior-no millg e mil-le volte il gior - no par -tir . . da voi . . vor -re -
CO
^•zzzpz«=z^L^
-jaz
i=
r,_,^_dz=r3o::
EE^^^=EHE
z:zi=:
zzd
z^Elz izizz:
m
si mille e mil-le vol
te
mille e mil - le volte il gior - no par - tir da voi
vor
^
?=z-^^-S=z:^=z:=l
~E
tan - to son dol - ci
'-^=^^^^
gli
ri - tor
ni
mie -
f&3C
z?— ai
m^^^^^^^
-p
i tan - to son dol - ci,
■^
"m
:»zr^zff:=iz
izziztzb
:oz
-P
ri - tor -
i tan - to son dol - ci
tan - to son dol
ci gli . .
n - tor - ni
348
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VIII.
t:
=^l?
- 1
Et.=L=F
IDI
e
m^^
mille e mil-le volte il gior - no, mille e mil -le volte il
CO
SI
J^^^E
rrir
-t==
ii
t-
m
mie
'_=jn= zTii^
i=t
=i=P^
e CO - si mille e mille e volte il gior
no
CO
si mil
rJ^^^-E[^=^:
— «*-
FJE,^.zrlEr^^'— ^
mie
CO
si mille e mil-le volte il gior - no, mille e mil - le volte il gior-no, mille e
m
zun
irc2i
mie
E^E
^-
ZHZ
ga-f-^:
izii
CO
SI
mille e mil-le vol
te,
t
—dz
=±
_pjrrf_
^^^mm
=rz:
*
gior
— N— N
no
par - tir
da
vol
vor
re
mm^^m^=
t--
-t^
:ftz;
F£E
:iL^p.i^^^i^
=:i:3r"
le e mil - le
3=
volte - il gior - no par 2__*^'' ^* ^'oi vor re
1 tan - to son dol -
•i ■ c
l=F====1
mil - le vol - te gior
no
par - tir . . da voi . . vor - re -
£=:b
3=si--r]=:f-in-
?=f:
iri=:=t=
nt
rii::
tzp:
^?-^--
I- f-^— i — F —
mille
e mil - le volteil gior - no par - tir
da
vol
vor
re
tan - to son dol
-^mm^
Ml
i^E=^[=JiEig^^iE^
tan - to son dol - ci
gH
i:c=rr
H^iE=iJ3.gE=H=
*^
Ki=-
iH:
I'i - tor
m mie
::^-
J=
:c«i
-«-
EEE3«E=
Cl
-«9
tan
to son dol - ci
'^^^^^f^^:^^^^
V-
gli ri
— e»
tor - ni
mie
H^E3E
L^::
-|=
==1^2;=:
tan - to son dol - ci,
tan-to son dol - ci
gH •
11 - tor - ni
mie
ID I
m^^^^^^^^
^EE?:E^Er£Fl^EEr:EEE=EE;
^^
123;
ZTXl
4Z2t=
Cl,
tan - to son dol
ci gli
ri
tor
ni
mie
CiPRiANo De Rore.
Philippus De Monte, (a Portrait,) a native of
Mens in Hainault, born in 1521, was master of the
chapel to the emperor Maximilian II. a canon, and
treasurer of the cathedral church of Cambray. In
that church was a portrait of him, with the fol-
lowinc: distich under it : —
Cernimus excelsmTi,inente arte, et nomine Montem,
Quo Musae et Charites constituere domum.
The print given of him is taken from it, and is to
be found in the Bibliotheca Chalcographica of Boissard.
He composed, besides masses and motets, four books
of madrigals, of which the following is one : —
TZ- fJ prjP
^
:rDrr:pZ|
±:
^
<2-
ziz-
ZdZ
i^E
DA bei
ra - mi seen
i^
m^^^^^m
de
a
-<o-
dol
ce nel - la
me
mo - ria
zSz—t-Z
i^l^f^^;
p-
DA
bei ra - mi seen - de
m
-^-
-p;
DA
— ^-
mr^z
bei
— o-
ra
mi seen
de
dol - ce nel - la
m 1 — * — » r> 1 —
Eg^gEE|z^EEE=E=PE|
do! - ce nel - la
me - mo - ria u -
-^z^tzzaz
--ztr-
^^^^=i
me
mo
na u
znz
z\zz::^=jcxzz±E^z=z£^zb.
DA bei
ra - mi
ffccn - de
dol
ce nel
tEEE
la
::ir=
me - mo - ria u
^^^
Chap. LXXIV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
347
mwj^^m^
iprpi ?2rrz:
'''-• u - na piog - gia di fior
-Pi=
sov
r' il suo grem
bo
ed
el
la
ee=Ie
1=^=F=^^
BEi-,^EE^E,\
'^^=:
d-
:*— «L:
lie
::^:
-«>-
rz:z2i
^^ilPl:^.^
na piog-gia di fior sov - ra il suo grem - bo
:l^=t:=
E^
pz3:
— Ji
zaz
iE
sov- r' il
BUO
grem -
bo
ed el - la
^^P^^Ei^jg^iE
-P-
1=
na piog-gia di fior sov - ra il suo grem - bo, il suo grem -
- bo
ed el - la
=1
i3i2iii=r^
- na piog-gia di fior sov - ra il su - - o grem
bo
ed el
la
t^
i^^ii^E^
=?Z^
eS
-t
I* *I
1
61 se -
-» »-
t^
^;
de
a
u - mil in tan - ta glo - ria
EgZE£JEE=E^E
co-per-ta gia dell' a
mo - -
i?2=z=o:
::t:
^^^HE=^^
=^-
:i2i
=i^^
SI se
de
^ — I — ^-
a
mil in tan - ta glo - ria co - per-ta gia dell' a - mo - ro - so dell
^^^^^^^m^^^M^^^
SI se
de -
u - mil in tan - ta glo
na
CO - per-ta gia dell' a - mo - ro - so nem
~~\ 61 se
de -
a
EE?s=?:
— _ — 1-
liii
idi
t—
^,
::»:=-»35t.-^i
u - mil in tan - ta glo - ria
^^^=t=
\-^=^^=^^^k.
CO - pur-ta gia deir a - mo
ro
idz
-F— •
f^ia
so nem
bo
qual fior ca - dea sul lem
ci3^
-1 — ^-
i^=
^^^^^m^^m
rzai
i;l=.-:d=
mo - ro
so
nem
3=
bo qual fior ca - dea sul lem - bo, qual fior ca - dea sul lem
j|=5=5=aiilE=i^i^^^°l^?^=e
3=gifefei=g-^
~n 1-
- \Z
a - mo - ro - so nem
bo qual fior ca - dea sul lem -bo, qual fior ca - dea sul lem
e=E^&
:ck:
~^^^^mM
- so
nem
bo qual fior ca - dea sul lem
zriz
bo,
- bo qual sul
r0-
le
^
EfcPE
EEEE
-P— F
-<2-
P^Ee^?^
izt
tree - cie
bion
de
m-
=3EEg^3i|g
ch'O - 10 for - bi-toe per-le e -
boqualsul-le treccie bi - on -de qual sul -le treccie bion - de
ch'O
ro for - bi-toe per-le
^^S.
:4=
'^^^^^^^^^i^m^^^^^^^^^i
bo qual sul - le tree - cie bionde qual sul - le treccie bionde ch'O
'-A
zii
^^z
za-
^Xi-
=t:
quail sul-Ie treccie biou - dequalsul-le trec-ciebion - de
fl
ro for - bi-toe per-le
-f» —
ch'O - ro for - bi-toe per-le
— <?-
=3":
e -
t
>-#— fO-
=:p=ti
i:b'
:ni
'Zf2—
4:
-f* 0 G>-
zxiz
rrz:
'ja
^mm-
ran quel dia ve-der-le qual si
po - sa
vam
ter - ra
qual sul' on
ran quel dla ve-der-le qual si po - sa - vain ter - ra e qual sul' on - de, e
:Ei^E^E^
:t==
Ee^=^
^
ilili?
=l-q
ran quel dl a ve - der-le qual si po - sa
^=^
^^^
-zJ^zriz
=k3z^.^:zz±z zzw—u=s—z\zz[ |. 3^R
ran quel dl a vc - der- le qual si
po
-«. — j^
sa - va in ter
t-i-«-^
va in ter - ra e qual • . . sul' on - de e
ra
e qual sul' on - de
348
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VIIL
f
i^^i
EF=SE^i
- J-, — Fit — — ■-• — P— F-^— »— ■ — -i~4-^-3X-
-<P — -S*---"-r — P-F-^— P— F— ^*-*-»-F-
CK
de
qual
con
un
va
^:^l_^Sfe^^^iE[Ei
-»^— » a
- go
er-ro
re
gi
S^?ififi
~mz
•r^i^— J=r£E3==p8— -P
=■-»:
IE*:
qual sul' on- de qual con un va - go er-ro - re qual con un
qual sul' on - de qual con un va -go er - ro - re qual con
va -go er
fX
ro - - re
gi
r»n:=r
^
=3^^Ep^g^£=^i^=^gpEiE^g^^gEg=gg
unvago er - ro
re
gi
ran
3^p=i^
-e»—
qual sul' on - de
qual con un va-go er
ro
re
qui re - gn'A - mo - - - -
m
—tjt i_
-X.-
gi
€»-ia-,-
•| — «:* P-^ 1—
re,
gi - ran - do
re - gn'A - mo
re,
E^;
F»=»f2=
:tz=r
"231
re
gi - ran -do
mmmm
gi - ran - do
- ran - do pa - rea dir
re - gn'A - mo - . - .
re - gn'A-mo - - - - re, gi - ran - do
==^— «
t
r=E
qui
i^?i'^^[-ii?jE^i
ESS^
%
pa - rea
dir
_c»_
qui re - gn'A-mo - re,
mo
re.
._C2_
;g=gpgg^^^^P
ra3:
H
=3^e;|
*
pa - rea dir
— <2 ,^_ ^^ — ,3_
:t=;
:p=4==zr
qui
gn'A - mo
re,
re -
qui
gn'A - mo
re.
-^-v
— ^r:f==j=:— r=i-
pa - rea dir qui re - gn'A-mo
re, A - mo - re, .
qui
'~-gz:ErgrgEg=Ei
re - gn'A-mo
-F^J=zJ=E^^=
re.
=J^=:
IZ3;
-JfH
:jaz
=E:
LT:=^^
:rzi
11
pa - rea dir
qui
re
gn'A - mo - re, qui
re
gu'A - mo
re.
FiLippo DE Monte.
Orlandus Lassus, ('rt, Por^rrt?7, 9 otherwise called
Orlando de Lasso, was also a native of the city of
Mons above-mentioned, a contemporary and intimate
friend of Philippo de Monte. He, for the sweetness
of his voice while he was a child, and his excellent
compositions in his riper years, may be said to have
been the delight of all Europe. Tluianus, in his
history, gives the following account of him : ' Or-
' landus Lassus, a man the most famous of any in our
* age for skill in the science of music, was born at
' Mons in Hainault ; for this is the chief praise of
' Belgium, that it among other nations abounds in
' excellent teachers of the musical art. And he,
* while a boy, as is the fate of excellent singers, was,
* on account of the sweetness of his voice forced away,
' and for some time retained by Ferdinand Gonzaga in
' Sicily, in INIilan, and at Naples. Afterwards, being
' grown up, he taught for the space of two years at
* Rome. After this he travelled to France and Italy
* with Julius Caesar Brancatius, and at length returned
* into Flanders, and lived many years at Antwerp,
' from whence he was called away by Albert duke of
' Bavaria, and settled at that court, and there married.
' He was afterwards invited with offers of great
' rewards by Charles IX. king of France, to take
' upon him the office of his chapel -master, for that
' generous prince always retained a chosen one about
' him. In order to reap the benefit of this promotion,
' he set out with his family for France, but, before he
' could arrive there, was stopped by the news of the
' sudden death of Charles ; npon which he was re-
' called to Bavaria by William the son and successor
' of Albert, to the same duty as he had before dis-
' charged under his father : and having rendered
' himself most famous for his compositions both
' sacred and profane, in all languages, published in
' several cities for the space of twenty-five years, he
' died a mature death in the year 1595, on the third
' of June, having exceeded seventy-three years of
' age.
The account given by Thuanus does by no means
agree either in respect to the time of his birth or
Chap. L^XIV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
349
decease, with the inscription on the monument of
Orlando, which is as follows :
Orlandus Lassus, Bergse, Harmonise urbe
natus anno MDXXX.
Musicus et Symphoniacus sui seculi facile princepa :
Prima aetate admodum puer, ob miram vocis suavitatem
in canendo, aliquoties plagio sublatus :
Sub Ferdinando Gonzaga prorege Siciliae, annis ferme
sex partim Mediolani, partim in Sicilia, inter symphoniacos
edncatus.
Neapoli dein per triennium, ac demiim Romre amplius
biennium Musico prsefectus Sacello longe celeberrimo.
Post peregrination es Anglicanas et Gallicanas cum
Julio Csesave Brancacio susceptas, Antverpies
totidem annis versatus.
Tandem Alberti et Gulielmi Ducis Bojorum, musicse
Magister supremus per integrum vicennium.
A Maximiliano II. Cass, nobilitatus : a summis imperii
Principibus, ac Proceribus summe lionoratus.
Cantionibus Harmonicis tam sacris quam profanis omnium
linguarum in orbe universo celebratiss.
Obiit Monaci anno Sal. MDLXXXV. ^t. lv.
But there is reason to think that the inscription is
erroneous, for there is extant a print of Orlando de
Lasso engraved by Sadler, with a note thereon, pur-
porting that he was sixty-one in 1593 ; but with
this the epitaph agrees almost as badly as it does
with Thuanus's relation. As to the great rewards
Avhich that generous prince, as Thuanns styles him,
Charles IX. offered him upon condition of his
accepting the direction of his choir, his majesty was
induced to this act of beneficence by other motives
than generosity : Thuanns did not care to tell them,
but the reasons for his silence in this particular are
long since ceased ; the fact is, that the king, who had
consented to the massacre of the Hngonots in Paris,
and who, forgetting the dignity of his station, him-
self had a hand in it,* was so disturbed in his mind
with the reflection on that unparalleled act of inhu-
manity, that he was wont to have his sleep disturbed
by nightly horrors, and was composed to rest by
a symphony of singing boys : in short, to use the
language of Job, ' he was scared with dreams and
* terrified through visions.' He was a passionate lover
of music, and so well skilled in it, that, as Brantome
relates, he was able to sing his part, and actually sung
the tenor occasionally with his musicians :'\ and it was
thought that such compositions as Orlando was ca-
pable of framing for that particular purpose, | might
tend to alleviate that disorder in his mind, which bid
defiance to all other remedies, in short, to heal a
wounded conscience ; but he did not live to make
the experiment.
The new Dictionnaire Historique Portatif, as does
indeed the inscription on his monument, intimates that
Orlando visited England, and contains the following
singular epitaph on him : —
Etant enfant, j'ai cbante le dessus.
Adolescent, j'ai fait le contre-taille,
Homme parfait, j 'ai raisonne la taille,
Mais maintenant je suis mis an bassus.
Prie, Passant, que I'esprit soit la sus.
Orlando de Lasso had two sons, who were also
musicians, the one named Ferdinand, chapel-master
to Maximilian duke of Bavaria ; the other Rudulph,
organist to the same prince. They collected the mo-
tetts of their father, and published them in a large
folio volume with the following title, ' Magnum Opus
' musicum Orlandi de Lasso, Capell^ Bavaricse quon-
' dam Magistri, complectens omnes Cantiones, quas
' iMotetas vulgo vocant, tam antea editas, quam
' hactenas nondum publicatas, a 2 ac 12 voc. a
' Ferdinando Serenissimi Bavarise Ducis Maximilian,
' Musicorum prsefecto, et Rudulpho, eidem Principi
' ab Organis ; authoris Filiis summo Studio coUectum,
' et impensis eorundem Typis mandatum. Monachii
' 1604.' These it is to be noted are sacred compo-
sitions ; but there are extant several collections of
madrigals published by himself, which shew that he
equally excelled in that other kind of vocal harmony.
The memory of Orlando de Lasso is greatly
honoured by the notice which Thuanns has taken
of him, for, excepting Zarlino, he is the only person
of his profession whom that historian has condescended
to mention. A great musician undoubtedly he was,
and next to Palestrina, perhaps the most excellent of
the sixteenth century. He was the first great im-
prover of figurative music ; for, instead of adhering
to that stiff formal rule of counterpoint, from which
some of his predecessors seemed afraid to deviate, he
gave way to the introduction of elegant points and
responsive passages finely wrought ; and of these his
excellencies there needs no other evidence than the
following sweet madrigal of his composition : —
d'a - ma
sime on
♦ Mezeray, and other of the historians of those times, mention, that
In that shocking scene of horror and distress, his majesty, in great com-
posure of mind, walked out <if liis palace with a loaded fowling-piece,
■which, with all the deliberation of a good marksman, he fired at those
■who fled from their pursuers.
■f He founded the music-school of St. Innocent as a nursery for
musicians.
J The Penitential Psalms, and some particular passages selected from
the book of Job, which are extant, of Orlando's setting, seem to have
been composed with this view.
}50
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VIII.
^
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t:
IS3:
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fe3^iB^=p3ip==2=^Pi^
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de, tiist' Amaril-li mi
a,
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de, oh d'a - ma - ris - si-me on - de,
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trist' Amaril-li mi
il2— J:=^:
X--
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trist' Ama •
^^--
A— —I m ff —
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l^pgiii
d'a-ma - ris
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trist' Ama - ril-li mi
trist' Amaril-li
Id;
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1431
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ztzz
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T ___J._J_
^^^^-tjEgzr-jE^-Jzfgt
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m
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i=zzf=i=:jz=r=z
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=-^—^zzz:tz=zt
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t^
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z\zz
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z--±
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^
Chap. LXXIV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
351
Ti'
f
eS?
:*L
V
g=^=
zM—d-dzi*z
=?Z=p!=
:|==t
-(a-j=f2Z
=t
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:ni
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2-=i^Egg;
tE^=^^^E-i^.^^
ti±-.=t:z
Ur=t:
rfzi^
i4-
m
_o — n _ J
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XT-
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f^^E^a
^^i^Hi
^^-
eE^
«» — » — « 1 F
non ti strin - ge,
non t'ing hirlan - da e non ti strin -
- ge,
chi se n'a - dor - na
i=^--
-ri
-F & • — m-
izz;
— - — cf-
:^=f=:i.
=d::
MiE^=E^^
231
t'ing iiirlan - da
non t'ing liir-lan - da
& — --; — ^'
^■^?
6 non ti strin - ge.
chi se n'a - dor
^ -i-
:l«3p:
1^
e non ti strin - ge.
non ti strin
ge,
^-
nczi
lEgZ
cm
ge,
ohi
Upl^
— ^
J^t:
ge,
ohi
%
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:z3i
cm - ge.
ohi
me.
**^:
- na
cm
ge,
ohi
me.
me,
ZHZfZ
r=z]:
_Tai:
r*-
13=
:— cz_
1=3^^
me.
ohi
me, fiam - ma no - vel
la
ve-di
t 1 1 F-t-
=--4:
ohi
ZTT—
me, fiam - ma no - vel
la
-^
^^=^^te^r=r
p:
ohi - me, fiam - ma no - vel - la ve-di - la come n'ar
irfi:
---iXz
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■^:
ohi - me, fiam - ma no - vel
la ve
i^l^^^li^
:^,:i=F
zit^zitiz
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ohi
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la
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-0=^--
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=t
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r*3i
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me n'ar - de, ve-di -la come n'ar- de, ve-di-la come n'ar
de. vedi .
E^^^g^gi
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|[^PS
m
i==i=
--t=
ve-di-la come n'ar
de, ve-di
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CO
me n'ar - de, vedi-la come n'ar -
^Vz
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3^
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^—Z
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nar
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ve-di-la come n'ar
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^^^^^^
lai
m
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^
:=.E
nt
zulz
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-' * ^ «~
:r3
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de
=f^3E
SI
fa
bel - la
ohi
El^EE
n ar
me,
852
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VIII.
:n=r:
^'-
zaz
g~
ZJIZ
zpzztz
ohi - me fiam-ma no - vel
la
ve-di - la co - men'ar - de, ve-di-la come
:^T
:=iz
~r» r*
---jaz
'$^
li
'^^^^
me, fiam-ma no -vel
la
ve-di-la come n'ar - de, vedi -
^E^i^jgiE:
^^.
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> — *j~-
'■^--
^-
ZT±Z
:zii
me fiamma no
vel
la ve-di - la
co-me n'ar
de,
ve
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ms.
ZX2Z
me fiamma no
vel
la
[^=^^^i=
m
ve
di - la co-me n'ar
m
irar
de, ve-di-la come
n ar
de,
n:
;^=a:=a-p»_-
^zz:=z—
xxz
- me fiamma no
vel
la
x^^E^mms,
3SE=
ve-di - la
co-me
n ar
PE
f=cz:
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t^
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n ar
^i
de ve-di-la
im
- ef
f^-^^^^l3i=3^ii?^^lEi^^i
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ve-di - la come n'ar
zaz
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az=^=^^^?^-^-^~^.^^^
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CO
men'ar-de, ve-di-la co-me n'ar
m^
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de, vc-di-la come n'ar - de, e
i3C!zi:=:~:zr=
tir:
f=
:l2--7_-
come n'ar - de,
?
i^^i^
ve-di-la come n'ar - de, ve-di-la
come n ar
de.
If
'laz
:zl=:
:^=ir=t:
nz
zzzziiz
ve-di-la come, n'ar - de,
^r=
-» — ltd
ve-di-la come nar
ve-di - la
n ar
de,
ESE^
SI
lii;
de,
ve-di - la
come
n'ar - de
si fa bel -
=t!=g:
t
d=
i::
izz;
l?^iE^?i?E
zvt:
-fon
zdz
-^
1af^=
- de,
SI
fl bel
la
ve-di - la come n'ar - de, e si fa bel
la.
^m
a^iii=^
i^c=n
m^-
SI
fa
bel
la
ve-di - la
co-me n'ar - de,e si f^ bel
la.
m^^^f
EEEB^H
^=^-
p=P=t
PfQ-
=E:
— :i:
:=5:
t=^=^£
^E^;^3^E^;e
. si fa
bel
la ve-di-la co-me n'ar
de,
si fa bel
la.
^^
^-
zxtz
i
Ea^
^m
^m
E3«f=
. fa
bel
la
E^EEg^E^E^b^^^^^^^^^^^^^"
la
ve
di - la
co-me
n ar
de
^^^=
zSr^^az
-o-
si
f^
1or
la.
bel
Orlando de Lasso.
CHAP. LXXV.
The other masters mentioned by Guicciardini,
namely, Gombert, Curtois, Cornelio Canis, Manci-
court, Jusquin Baston, Christian Holland, Giaches
de Waert, Bonmarche, Severin Cornet, Piero du
Hot, Gerard Turnhout, Hubert Waelrant, and Gia-
chetto di Berckem, and the rest of those not par-
ticularly here characterised, were of somewhat less
note ; there are however extant some madrigals of
Severin Cornet and Giaches de Waert, which shew
them to have been eminently skilled in their pro-
fession.
From the foregoing deduction of the progress of
music, it appears that the Flemings, more than any
people in Europe, had contributed to bring it to a
standard of purity and elegance : and that towards
the latter end of the sixteenth century the Low
Countries abounded with professors of the science,
who in the art of practical composition seem to have
exceeded the Italians themselves. The reason of
this may be, that in consequence of the precepts
which Franchinus had delivered, the latter, under
the direction of the Roman pontiffs, were employed
in the forming of a new style for the church service.
It had been discovered that the clergy, and indeed
the laity, were grown tired of the uniformity of the
Cantus Gregorianus, and were desirous of introducing
Chap. LXXV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
^53
into the service a kind of music affording greater
Variety, and better calculated to engage the attention
of tlie hearers. Leo X. who was so fond of music
tliat the love of it is reckoned in the number of his
failings, was the first pope that endeavoured at this
Reformation ; and he had carried it so far, that the
Council of Trent, in the year 1562, took the state of
church-music into consideration, and, to prevent the
farther abuse of it, made a decree against Curious
singing,* which however had not its effect till about
the close of that century, when Palestrina introduced
into the church that noble and majestic style which
has rendered him the admiration of all succeeding
ages. After this the Italian masters fell in with the
practice of the Flemings in the composition of
madrigals and other forms of vocal harmony, in
which a latitude was given to all the powers of
invention, and in the exercise whereof it must be
owned they discovered a wonderful degree of skill
and judgment.
While these improvements were making abroad,
it seems that in England also the science had made
very considerable advances. It is true that from the
time of John of Dunstable, who lived about the year
1450, to Taverner, who flourished almost a century
after, the musical offices for the church discover very
little of that skill and invention which recommend
those works of the old Symphonetse contained in the
Dodecachordon of Glareanus ; but whether it was
dwing to the affection which it is known Henry
VlII. bore to music, or to that propensity in the
people of this nation to encourage it, which made
Erasmus say that the English challenge the pre-
rogative of having the most handsome women, and
of being ' most accomplished in the skill of music of
' any people ; ' it is certain that the beginning of the
sixteenth century produced in England a race of
musicians not inferior to the best in foreign coun-
tries ; and to this truth Morley, in pag. 151 of his
Introduction, speaking of Farefax, Taverner, Shep-
hard, Mundie, and others, has borne his testimony.
In the catalogue of Morley nothing like chrono-
logical order is observed, but in the following account
of some of the persons mentioned, and of others
omitted by him, the best arrangement is made of
them that the scanty materials for that purpose would
allow of. To begin with Cornish.
William Cornish lived about the year 1500 ;
bishop Tanner has an article for him, wherein he
mentions that some of his musical compositions are
to be found in a manuscript collection in the posses-
sion of Mr. Ralph Thoresby, and mentioned by him
in his History of Leeds, pag. 517. That manuscript
has been searched, and it appearing that there were
* This decree, which was made for correcting abuses in the celebration
of the mass, prohibits, among other things, ' 1' uso delle musiche nelle
'chiese con mistura di canto, o' suono lascivo, tutte le attinni secolari,
' colloquii profani, strepiti, gridori.' ». e. The use of music in churches
mixed with lascivious soni;s, all secular actions, profane speeches, noises
and screeches. Hist, del Concil. Trident, di Pietro Soave. Londra 1619,
pag. 559.
Fincenzo Buffo an eminent musician of the sixteenth century, and
Maestro di Capclla dal Ditomn da Pistaria, composed and published nt
Venice in 1574, certain of the Psalms fur five voices, and masses for six
voices, with a note in the title of I'ach, " that they were conformable to the
decree of the Sacicd Council of Trent;" and in the preface he relates, that
his patron Cardinal Boromeo Itad willed him to observe the same as a rule
t» theia several ComposiiionSi
two of the name, an elder and a younger, it is un-
certain which of them was the author of the treatise
between Trowthe and Enformacion, mentioned by
Tanner to have been printed among the works of
Skelton, and which has this title : —
In the Fleete made by me William COrniflie, othefwife called
Nyfycwete, chapelman with the molt famofe and noble king Henry
the VII. his reyne the xix yere the moneth of July. A treatife
betwene Trouth and Informacion ;
But as the poem, for such it is, contains a parable
abounding with allusions to music and musical in-
struments, and is in many respects a curiosity, that
part of it is here inserted. It seems to be a com-
plaint of Cornish himself against one that had falsely
accused him, who is distinguished by the name of
Informacion, as Cornish is by that of Musicke.
A parable betwen Informacion and Mufike.
Thfe examples.
Mufike in his melody requireth true foundes.
Who fectCLh a fong Ihould geue him to armony ;
Who kepeth true his tuenes may not paffe his fonds,
His alteracions and prolacions muft be pricked treuly.
For mulike is trew though minftrels maketh mayftry,
The harper careth nothing but reward for his fong,
Merily foundith his mouth when his tong goth all of wrong.
The Harpe.
A Harpe geueth founde as it is fette,
The harper may wreft it untunablye,
Yf he play wrong good tunes he doth lette.
Or by myftunyng the very trew armonye j
A harpe well playde on ihewyth fwete melody,
A harper with his wreft may tune the harpe wrong,
Myftuning of an inftrument Ihal hurt a true fonge.
A Songe.
A fonge that is trewe and ful of fwetnes,
May be euyll fonge and tunyd amyfe,
The fonge of hymfelfe yet neuer the les
Is true and tunable, and fyng it as it is :
Then blame not the fong, but marke wel this,
He that hath fpic at another man's fonge,
Will do what he can to haue it fonge wronge.
A Ciarkorde.
The claricorde hath a tunely kyndcj
As the wyre is wrefted hye and lowe,
So it tuenyth to the players mynde,
For as it is wrefted fo muft it nedes fhowe,
As by this refon ye may well know,
Any inftrument myftunyd ftiall liurt a trew fong.
Yet blame not the claricord the wrefter doth wrong.
A Trompet,
A trompet blowen hye with to hard a blaft,
Shal caufe him to vary from the tunable kynde,
But he that bloweth to hard muft fuage at the laft,
And fayne to fall lower with a temperate wynde,
And then the trompet the true tune fliall fynde,
For an inftrument over wynded is tuned wrong.
Blame none but the blower, oii him it is longe.
True Counjeli.
Who plaieth on the harpe he fliould play trew,
Who fyngeth a fonge, let his voice be tunable.
Who wrefteth the claricorde myftunyng efchew,
Who bloweth a trompet let his wind be mefurable.
For inftruments in them felf be ferme and ftable,
And of trouth, wold trouth to every manes fonge,
Tune them then truly for in them is no wronge.
2 A
354
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE.
Book VIII.
Colours of Mujyke.
In Mufike I have learned iiij colours, as this,
Blake, ful blake, uerte,* and in lykewife redde,
By thefe colours many fubtill alteracions ther is,
That wil begile one tho in cuning he be wel fped,
With a prike of Indicion from a body that is dede,
He fhal try fo his nombre with fwetnes of his fong.
That the ear flial be pleafed, and yet he al wrong.
The Praaifer.
I pore man, unable of this fcience to ikyll,
Save litel pradtife I have by experience,
I mean but trouth and of good will,
To remembre the doers that ufeth fuch offencC)
Not one fole, but generally in fentence,
By caufe I can fkyll of a little fonge.
To try the true corde to be knowen from the w^rong.
Treuth.
Yet trouth was not drownde ne fanke,
But ftill dyd fleete aboue the water,
Informacion had played him fuch a pranke,
That with power the pore had loft his mater,
Bycaufe that trouthe began to clater,
Informacion hath taught hym to folfe his fonge,
Paciens parforce, content you with wronge.
Truth.
I aflayde thels tunes me thought them not fwete,
The Concordes were nothynge muficall,
I called Mafters of Mufike -j- cnnyng and difcrete j
And the firft prynciple, whofe name was Tuballe,
Guido Boice, Jojin de Murris, Vitryaco and them al,
I prayed them of helpe of this combrous fonge,
Priked with force and lettred with wronge.
True Anjioere.
They fayd I was horce I might not fynge,
My voice is to pore it is not awdyblc,
Informacion is fo curyous in his chauntynge.
That to bere the trew plainfong, it is not pofible :
His proporcions be fo hard with fo highe a quatrible.
And the playn fong in the margyn fo craftely bound.
That the true tunes of Tuball cannot have the right founde.
Truthe.
Well quod trueth, yet ones I truft verely,
To have my voyce and fynge agayne.
And to flete out trueth and clarify truly.
And ete fuger candy adaye or twayne,
And then to the de/ke to fynge true and playn,
Informacion fhal not alwaye entune hys fong,
My parts fhal be true when his countreuers fliall be wrong.
Irtformac'ion.
Informacion hym enbolded of the monacorde,
From confonaunts to Concordes he mufyd his mayflry,
I afTayde the mufyke both knyght and lord.
But none would fpeke, the founde bord was to hye,
Then kept I the plain keyes the marred al my melody,
Enformacion drave a crotchet that paft al my fong
With proporcion parforce dreuen on to longe
Dialogue.
Sufferance came in to fyng a parte.
Go to, quod trouth, I pray you begyne,
Nay foft quod he, the gife of my parte
Is to reft a long reft or I fet in.
Nay by long reftyng ye fhal nothing wynne.
For informacion is I'o crafty and fo hye in his fonge,
That yf ye fal to refting in fayth it will be wrong.
» This passage should be red, blake ful, blake voide, &c. for the reason
given pag. 232 of this work.
t It is worthy of remark that the succeeding musicians to Hobrechth,
Okenheira, lodocus Pratensis, and others of the Flemish school, had the
appellation of Master, and hence the term Master of Music, which till
lately was the designation of a practical musician. This denomination
seems to have been first given them towards the middle of the sixteenth
Trciveth.
Informacion wil teche a dodtor his game,
From fuperacute to the noble dyapafon,
I afayd to acute, and when I came
Enformacion was mete for a noble dyatefTaron,
He fong by a Pothome \ that hath two kyndes in one.
With many fubtel femetunes moft met for this fong,
Pacience parforce, content you with wronge.
Trouth,
I kepe be rounde and he be fquare,
The one is bemole, and the other bequare,
If I myght make tryall a« I could and dare,
I fhould fhow why thefe ij kynds do varye.
But God knowyth al, fo doth not kyng Harry,
For yf he dydde than chaunge fhold this iiij fong,
Pytye for patience, and confcience for wronge.
Neuyffwhete Parabolam.
The younger Cornish appears to have been a good
musician. Two songs of his composition in the
Thoresby manuscript above-mentioned, are inserted
in the next succeeding book of this work.
John Taverner, mentioned by Morley in his
Catalogue, and also in his Introduction, pag. 151,
and elsewhere, was organist of Boston in Lincoln-
shire, and of Cardinal, now Christ-Church college,
in Oxford. It seems that he, together with John
Frith the martyr, and sundry other persons, who left
Cambridge wath a view to preferment in this, which
was Wolsey's new-founded college, held frequent con-
versations upon the abuses of religion which at that
time had crept into the church ; in short, they were
Lutherans. And this being discovered, they were
accused of heresy, and imprisoned in a deep cave
under the college, used for the keeping of salt-fish,
the stench whereof occasioned the death of some of
them. John Fryer, one of these unfortunate persons,
was committed prisoner to the master of the Savoy,
where, as Wood says, ' he did much solace himself
' with playing on the hate, having good skill in
' music, for which reason a friend of his would
* needs commend him to the master ; but the master
' answered, " take heed, for he that playeth is a devil,
" because he is departed from the Catholic Faith." '
He was however set at liberty, became a physician,
and died a natural death at London. § Frith had not
so good fortune ; he was convicted of heresy, and burnt
in Smithfield, together with one Andrew Hewet, in
1533.11
Taverner had not gone such lengths as Frith, Clerke,
and some others of the fraternity ; the suspicions
against him were founded merely on his having hid
some heretical books of the latter under the boards of
the school where he taught, for which reason, and
becaiise of his eminence in his faculty, the cardinal
excused him, saying he was but a musician, and so he
escaped. ^
century, for in the middle of it, when Glareanus wrote, they were termed
Phonasci and Symphonetae, Here they are called Masters of Music ;
and Guicciardini, in the passage lately cited from him, styles the
musicians of Flanders ' Maestri della Musica.'
X i. e. Apotome, the residue of three sesquioctave tones, after subtract-
ing the diatessaron, consisting of two such tones, and the Pythagorean
limma. See pag. 25 of this work.
§ Athen. Oxon. vol. II. pag. 124, Fasti, anno 1525.
II Fox's Acts and Monuments, vol. II. pag. 304, et seq.
U Fuller's Church History, Cent. XVI. Book V. pag. (171.) Fuller
mistakes the Christian name of Taverner, calling him Richard.
Chap. LXXV.
AND PRACTICE OP MUSIC.
365
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John Tavhibneb.
Dr. Ward, in his Lives of the Gresham Professors,
has brought forward to view a taau of the name of
John Taverner, who it seems was chosen music pro-
fessor in the year IGIO ; and it is necessary, in order
to prevent confusion between these two persons, who
had the same christian and surname, to distinguish
the one from the other ; and especially as Ward has
said but very little of the former of them, and in
speaking of him has made use of an expression that
oftener implies contempt than respect, ' There was
* one John Taverner of Boston, &c.'
The truth is, that this person is he whom all men
mean when they speak of Taverner the musician ;
and as to the professor, he was the son of the famous
Hichard Taverner,* who in the year 1539, published
* In the year 1552 this Richard Tavenier, though a layman, there
being then a scarcity of preachers, obtained of Edward VI. licence to
preach in any part of his dominions, and preached before the king at
court, wearing a velvet bonnet, a damask gown, and a gold chain ; and
in the reign of queen Elizabeth, being then high-sheriff of the county of
Oxford, he appeared in the pulpit at St. Mary's, then of stone, with a
sword and a gold chain about his neck, and made a sermon to the
scholars, which had this hopeful beginning, ' Arriving at tlie mount of
' St. Mary's in the stoney stage, where I now stand, I have brought you
' Some biscuits baked in the oven of charity, carefully conserved for the
a new edition of what is called Matthew's Bible, with
corrections and alterations of his own; but it does
not appear from the doctor's account of him that he
had any better claim to the office of music professor
than a testimonial from the university of Oxford,
where he had studied, purporting that he was ' in his
' religion very sound, a due and diligent frequenter
* of prayers and sermons, and in his conversation
' very civil and honest,' with this general recom-
mendation respecting his proficiency in music, ' that
* he had taken two degrees in that and other good
' arts.'
Robert Fairfax, of the Yorkshire family of that
name, was a doctor in music of Cambridge, and was
incorporated of Oxford in the year 1511. Bishop
Tanner says he was of Bayford in the county of
' chickens of the church, the sparrows of the spirit, and the sweet
' swallows of salvation.' The story is told by Wood, and repeated by
t)r. Ward, in his Lives of the Gresham Professors, with an intimation
that such flowers of wit and eloquence were then in vogue. But the
state of literature was not even then so very low as to afford an excuse
for such nonsense, or to induce the readers of it to believe that Mr,
Sheriff Taverner could be any other than a very shallow and conceited
old gentleman.
356
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VIIL
Hertford, and that he died at St. Alban's, which is interment, but has long been hid by the seat of the
rery probable, for he was either organist or chanter mayor of that town.* Some of his compositions, and
of the abbey church there, and lies buried therein. the following among the rest, are in the manuscript
His coat-armour is depicted over the place of his of Mr. Thoresby above-mentioned : —
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John Mason, in Morley's Catalogue called Sir
John Mason, as being in orders,"}" took the degree of
bachelor of music at Oxford in the year 1508, as
appears by the Fasti Oxon, of Wood, who adds that
he was much in esteem for his profession. He was a
prebendary, and the treasurer of the cathedral church
of Hereford, and died in 1547.
* In tlie Thoresby MS. it is the seat of the mayoress.
+ Tlie custom of prefixing the addition of Sir to the Christian-name of
a clergyman was formerly usual in this country. Fuller, in his Church
History, book VI. enumerates seven chauntries, part of a much larj^er
number, in the old cathedral of St. Paul in the time of king Edward VI.
with the names of the then incumbents, most of whom have the addition
of Sir, upon which he remarks, and gives this reason why there were
formerly more Sirs than Knights, ' Such priests as have the addition of Sir
'before their Christian-name were men not graduated in the university,
' being in orders, but not in degrees ; whilst others entituled Masters had
'commenced in the arts.'
Thi.s ancient usage is alluded to in the following humorous catch: —
' Now I am married, Sir John I'll not curse,
' He joined us together for better for worse ;
' But if I were single, I do tell you plain,
' I'd be well advis'd e'er I married again.'
----- ma.
DocTon Fayufax.
CHAP. LXXVI.
John Dygon, as appears by a composition of his
here inserted, was Prior of St. Austin's in Canterbury,
and a very skilful musician. In the catalogue of
the abbats of the monastery of St. Augustine, in
Dr. Battely's Antiquities of Canterbury, part II.
page 160, John Dygon is the sixty-eighth in num-
ber. It seems he was raised to this dignity from
that of prior, for many instances of the kind occur in
that list ; and let it be remembered that the brethren
of the monastery were of the Benedictine order.
According to Dr. Battely, Dygon was elected abbat
anno 1497, and died in 1509. In the Fasti Oxon. it
is said that John Dygon, a Benedictine monk, was
admitted to the degree of baclielor in music, anno
1512. This account agrees but ill with that given
Uhap. LXXVI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
357
of Dygon of Canterbury, and yet the coincidence in hardly admit of a supposition but that the persons
both, of so many particulars as a christian and sur- severally spoken of were one and the same. The fol-
name, and a religious and secular profession, will lowing Motet is the composition above referred to : —
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358
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VIII.
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John Digon, Prior of Saint Austin's, Canterbury.
William Chelle was admitted at Oxford to the
degree of bachelor in music 19th Jiily, 1526. He was
a secular chaplain, a prebendary, and precentor of
Hereford cathedral. Bishop Tanner mentions two
tracts of his writing, the one intitled Musicse Practicse
Compendium, the other De Proportionibus Musicis.
John Guinneth was a native of Wales, of very
poor parentage, but supported in his studies by some
beneficent clergyman, who allowed him an exhibition.
In the year 1531, being then a secular priest, and
having spent twenty years in the study and practice
of music, and composed the responses for the whole
year in division-song, and many masses and antiphons
for the use of the church, he supplicated for the
degree of doctor, and obtained it upon payment of
twenty-pence, and in 1533 was presented to the
rectory of St. Peter in West Chepe.* He wrote
' A Declaration of the State wherein Heretics do lead
' their Lives,' and other controversial tracts mentioned
bv Wood and Tanner.
John Shephard studied at Oxford twenty years,
and obtained a bachelor's degree. In 1554 he sup-:
plicated for that of doctor, but it does not appear by
the registers that he obtained it. Some of his com-;
positions are extant in a book intitled ' Mornyng and
' Evenying prayer and Communion, fet forthe in foure
* partes, to be fong in churches, both for men and
' children, wyth dyvers other godly prayers and An-
' thems, of fundry mens doynges. Imprinted at London
* by John Day, dwelling over Alderf-gate, beneath
* Saint Martins, 1565 ;' others in manuscript are
among the archives in the music-school at Oxford. |
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t Tlie music school at Oxford is the repository of a great number of
books containing compositions of various kinds, many of them of great
antiquity. That they are deposited in the music school rather than in the
Bodleian or other libraries of the university, will be presently accounted
for ; but first it must be mentioned that one William Forrest, a priest in
the reign ot Henry VIII. well skilled in music and poetry, had made a
copious collection of the best compositions then extant, and among them
many of John Tavenier of Boston, Marbeck of Windsor, Dr. Fairfax, the
above-named Shephard, and many others. These came to the hands of
William Heather or Heyther, one of the gentlemen of the royal chapel,
and who in 1622 was admitted to the degree of doctor in music. This
person, who died in 1627, founded the music lecture at Oxford, and for
the use of the professor, who was required to read it in the music school,
made a donation of the above collection, together with his own additions
thereto.
Chap. LXXVI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
359
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pre
i
sent, but .
M —
their pu - nish - ment to come, which ne
ver should re
l=r:=?-
d;
tr.
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sent,
but
their pu-nishment to come, which ne - ver should re - lent;
m
IZ3I
3Z f2^^J2Z
:Z2I
331
Zf2Z
It:
32-
It
^^
- lent; and for his con - stant faithe and fer - vent cha
ri
tie, From earth
o f-
X
^?^^=
-^:
Pi
m
lent;
and
for his
con
stant faithe and fer -vent cha - ri - tie.
From
icrz
^
=t
M\
z^==tz
-*> 11-
and
for
his
con-stant faithe and fer- vent cha - ri
tie,
From earth
=SaC::
=^
ZJtZ
^-
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/TS
=S^^
saw
znfz
m
Heav'n
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ous Ma
jes
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tie.
^
EE^
=t
EE
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4at:
SE
earth saw in Heav'n
EgE
Christ his glo - ri - ous Ma
jes
tie.
33:
32:
zxiz
saw in
Heav'n
Christ his
glo
ri - ous l\Ia - jes
tie.
John Shephard.
3G0
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
JJOOK V[Ii.
CHAP. LXXVII.
John Bedford was organist and almoner of St.
Paul's cathedral in the reign of Henry VIII., and, in
virtue of the latter office, master of the boys there.
Tusser, the author of the Five hundred Points of
Husbandry, and his scholar, gives a character of him
in the following stanza, taken from his life, written
by himself in verse : — *
By friendfhip's lot to Paul's I got,
So found I grace a certain fpace
Still to remaine
With Redford there, the like no where
For cunning fuch and vertue much,
By whom fome part of mufic's art
So did I gaine.
John Thorne, a contemporary of Redford, and
who has also a place in Morley's Catalogue, was of
York, and most probably organist of that cathedral.
The following motet may serve as a specimen of his
abilities : —
m
g
~L f^Z
-g>— ("— ^
::t:
_«_
eE^S
m
m
STEL - LA coe - li ex-tir-pa - vit quse lac-ta-vit
3^
4=i
1131
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STEL
LA cce
ex-tir - pa
i
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^
rfr«i
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m
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lac -
32:
r,-<0
STEL - LA coe
n
-t=^
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znz
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ex-tir-pa
vit,
ex - tir - pa - vit
quse lac-ta - vit
ill
ig=^j^
e6
ZT^Z
ZXXl
Do - mi-num,
^
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m
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J-J-^-o-
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Do-minum, quse lac - ta-vit Do -minum, Mor - tis pestem quam planta
vit, Mor - tis pestem
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la^S'z^ff^^az
^-
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tis pestem quam planta - vit.
r=:p!:
^^^^
primus Parens Ho - mi-num,
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y'TS
reus ho
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m
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mim.
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sa Stel - la nunc dig - ne - tur
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331
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ra compes-ce-re quo -rum bel-la plebem ce
t^^^^B
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*-=itz
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> - pes -ce - re quo - rum bel - la plebem ce
* Tusser had related in the preceding stanzas of this poem, that in his
infancy, probahly when he was about seven years old, he was thrust out
of his father's family, and sent to song-school at Wallinf^ford college,
where he underwent a great deal of liardship, being badly clothed, and
as badly fed, and that while he was there he was impressed by virtue of
a placard or warrant issued for the purpose of supplying the cathedrals
of this kingdom with boys, and made to serve the choir in several places.
^E^l
--■^-i
^=zii:i^
lE^^^^z
d
dunt
di - re mor-tis
ul-ce
He adds, th,at at length he had the good fortune to get to St. Pa-ul's,
where he became the scholar of Redford, as in the stanza above-cited.
Bishop Tanner says that afterwards, viz., anno 1543, he went to King's
College Cambridge, which he might do when he was about twenty years
of age This circumstance ascertains pretty nearly the time when
Redford lived, and fixes it to the latter end of the reign of Henry VIII.
Chap. LXXVII.
--—("-
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC
361
?5PE§^£ffE?E|^
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ISE
33:
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di - re mor - tis ul - ce
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rdz
zr^z
:^=°=Q:
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re,
di - re mor-tis ul
ce
:a=g'— p:-
EBI
i
4-
re.
O glo
n - o
It
zxii
B-t
IZZ £JZ
re,
di - re mor - tis
ul - ce
re.
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sa Stel - la
sa Stel -
i
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ZXJtZ
^
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ris
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331
li
us ni-hil ne - gans te ho - no -
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i-n^z
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su.
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rat,
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go.
mater te 0
rat, ma
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znz^^z
zrjtz
Hrf
331
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mater te 0
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i
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23:
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3J:
=:3^i^
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rat,
ma - ter te o
rat.
John Thobne, of York.
362
HISTOKY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VIII.
George Etheridge, in Latin Edrycus, born at
Thame in Oxfordshire, was a scholar of Corpus Christi
college in Oxford, anno 1534. He was admitted to
a degree in physic, and, being excellently skilled in
the Greek language, was appointed Regius professor
thereof in that university about the year 1553 ; but
having been in queen Mary's time a persecutor of the
Protestants,* he was by her successor removed from
that station, after which he betook himself to the
practice of physic in the city of Oxford, by which,
and the instruction of the sons of gentlemen of his
own communion (for he strictly adhered to the
Eomish persuasion) in the rudiments of grammar,
music, and logic, he acquired considerable wealth :
one of his pupils was William Gifford, afterwards
archbishop of Rheims. He was an excellent poet,
and well skilled in the mathematics, as also in vocal
and instrumental music, as appeared to Anthony
Wood by some of his compositions, which it is pro-
bable he had seen, and the testimony of the more
ancient writers, Leland, who was his familiar friend,
thus celebrates his memorj' :
Scripsisti juvenis multa cum laude libellos,
Qui Regi exiniie perplacuere meo.
And Pits sums up his character in these words :
' Erat peritus mathematicus, musicus turn vocalis,
' tum instrumentalis, cum primis in Anglia confe-
' rendus, testndine tamen et lyra prre cteteris delecta-
* batur. Poeta elegantissimus. Versus enim Anglicos,
* Latinos, Grsecos, Hasbreos accuratissime componere,
' et ad tactus lyricos concinnare pertissime solebat.'
Richard Edwards, a native of Somersetshire, was
a scholar of Corpus Christi college, Oxon, and re-
ceived his musical education under George Etheridge
above-mentioned. At the foundation of Christ Church
college by Henry VIII. in 1547, he was made senior
student, being then twenty-four years of age. At
the beginning of queen Elizabeth's reign he was made
a gentleman of the chapel and master of the children.
He was an excellent musician, and also a poet. Put-
tenham, in his Art of English Poesie, pag. 5, together
with the earl of Oxford, celebrates ' Maister Edwardes
' of her IMajestys chapel,' for comedy and interlude.
A particular account of him is referred to a sub-
sequent part of this work, in which the old English
poets are enumerated and characterised. In this
place he is spoken of as a musician only, and in that
faculty he is said to have manifested his skill in many
very excellent compositions.
Robert Testwood, of Windsor, and John IVIar-
BECK of the same place, a man to whom church-music
is greatly indebted, he being the original composer of
the music to the cathedral service in use at this day,
will be spoken of hereafter ; at present it may suffice
to say, that in the reign of Henry VIII. they were
both condemned to the stake for heresy, that the
former suffered, and the latter escaped the same fate
in regard of his great merit in his profession.
Besides the several English musicians above emi-
merated, there were many of great eminence of whom
» He assisted at the degradation of Ridley previous to the execution
of the sentence on him, and recommended that he should be gagged, to
prevent his speaking against his persecutors. Fox's Acts and Monu-
ments, edit. Ifi41, Veil. III. pag. 500. Fox calls him 'one Edrige, the
' Trader then of the Greek lecture.'
no memorials are now remaining, save those few of
their compositions which escaped that general de-
struction of books and manuscripts which attended
the dissolution of religious houses, and are now pre-
served in the libraries of cathedrals, those of the two
universities, the colleges of Eton and Winchester,
and the British Museum, f The following are the
names of famous musicians who flourished before the
Reformation, and have not a place in JMorley's Cata-
logue printed at the end of his Introduction. John
Charde, Richard Ede, Henry Parker, John Norman,
Edmund Sheffield, William Newark, Sheryngham,
Hamshere, Richard Davy, Edmund Turges, Sir
Thomas Phelyppis, or Philips, Browne, Gilbert
Banister, and Heydingham.
Morley's Catalogue may be supposed to contain
the names of the principal musicians of his time, and
of the age preceding ; but it is somewhat remarkable
that he has neither in that, nor in any other part of
his work, taken notice of our king Henry VIII. as
a composer of music. Erasmus relates that he com-
posed offices for the church ; bishop Burnet has
vouched his authority for asserting the same ; and
there is an anthem of his for four voices, ' O Lord,
' the maker of all things,' in the books of the royal
chapel, and in the collection of services and anthems
lately published by Dr, Boyce, which every judge of
music must allow to be excellent. It is true that in
a collection of church -music, intitled ' The first book of
' selected Church Musick, collected by John Barnard,
' one of the minor canons of the cathedral church of
' St. Paul,' and published in the year 1641, this
anthem is given to William Mundy, but the late
Dr. Aldrich, after taking great pains to ascertain the
author of it, pronounced it to be a genuine com-
position of Henry VIII.| The fact is, and there is
additional evidence of it existing, not only that
Henry understood music, but that he was deeply
skilled in the art of practical composition ; for in a
collection of anthems, motets, and other church offices,
in the hand-writing of one John Baldwin, of the
choir of Windsor, a very good composer himself,
which appears to have been completed in the year
1591, is the following composition for three voices,
with these words, ' Henricus Octavus,' at the beginning,
and these, ' Quod Rex Henricus Octavus,' at the end
of the Cantus, or upper part : —
+ Bale, who was a witness to it, gives the following relation of the
havoc of books at that time, and the uses to which they were put : —
' A greate nombre of them whych purchased those superstycvouse
' mansyons, reserved of those librarye bokes, some to serve theyr lakes,
' some to scoure theyr candelstyckes, and some to rubbe their bootes.
' Some they solde to the grossers and sope-sellers, and some they sent
' over see to the bokebynders, not in small nomhre, but at tymes whole
' shyppees full, to the wonderynge of the foren nacyons. Yea the
'unyversytees of thys realme are not all clere in this detestable fact.
' But cursed is that bellye whyche seketh to be fedde with suche ungodly
' gaynes, and so depelye shameth hys natural contreye. I knowe a
' merchaunt man, whych shall at thys tjine be namelesse, that boughte
' the contentes of two noble lybraryes for xl. shyllynges pryce, a shame
' it is to be spoken. Thys stufFe hath he occupyed in the stede of graye
' paper by the space of more than these x yeares, and yet he hath store
' ynough for as many yeares to come. A prodygyuose example is this,
' and to be abhorred of all men which love their nacyon as they shoulde
'do.' Preface to The laboryouse Journey & Serche of Johan Leylande
for Englande's Antiquities, with declaracyons enlarged: by Johan Bale,
anno 1549.
I See the preface to Divine Harmony, or A new Collection of select
Anthems used at her Majesty's Chappels Royal, Westminster Abbey,
St. Paul's, Windsor, both Universities, Eton, and most Cathedrals in
her Majesty's Dominions, octavo, 1712, which book, through an anony-
mous publication, was compiled by Dr. William Croft, as is attested by
an intimate friend of his, a reverend and worthy clergyman now living.
Chap. LXXVII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
363
^^^^
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QUAM pul
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as - 61 - mi
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364
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VIII.
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a,
ne -
33::
SI
cut
Chap. LXXVII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
365
^^^^^^[^^^^
'f» • '*-
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lis E
bur-ne
a, E
bur-ne
a,
si - cut
IP
-^— T-
331
i^^^^l
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a,
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ns
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E
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ne
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si - - cut Tur
ria
E
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o_
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:^§=3:
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Tur - ris .
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Ve - ni di - lec-te - mi, di
i
-^ e»-
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< 5=^=0=
=^g=i^g
E
bur
ne
a.
:ls"^!i^^=^=a=aiS^i
bur - ne -
1c4-
Ve - ni di - lee
te
jati
lot:
:=lc!fc:
ve
te=jJ=^
1— <3-
-^l
331
3^EE
f^g^
--:tr
TTTT
^
- lee - te - mi, ... ve - ni di - lee - te
mi.
ve - ni di - lee
^^^^m
-«»-
d=-
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mi, ve
ni di - lee
te - mi, ve - ni di - lee
C»"
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te
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:S» e>
te
mi.
E
gre
di -
3zaa:
:^c*t:
i
*2t:
=p3^^=3g^|^E
te
mi. .
m
j=ri:
i^
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mur, e - gre
m
HI
di - a -mur in A
- grum-,
=3=P-
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ffe^E^^
a - mur
in
m
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gre - di - a
mur m
^
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mur in A
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331
;»r:z^=a3:
^E
zar:
in
i^^
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nt3r
f
?spife
d°fc
I
grum,
E^:riEgE^^|gz:o!-g»-^-J#.>| p =33 j-.^.-
:s:^
if^gEEpZM ^
grutti,
■in A
grum,
366
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book VIIL
m^
f2=^^
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:23j
m
1831
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r>
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grum,
vi - de - a
mus, vi - de - a
^^i=^g
E3^=;^3^
3^E
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3^E^:^'
iqnti
m
grum,
VI
— Ic4-
gmm,
i^
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mus,
>-ior-
=1
m
VI
de - a
mus, VI
de - a
-^-
in
r*?Lzoza3i
^a^
SEstz]§g:
r:3
m
^p=&^
t
^E
i^
mus si flo - - - res frac - - tus . . par-tu - ri - unt, . . si - -
de
4i3t:
^E
mus
si flo
res frac
m-
11*=;;;^=
rt-e»-
tus, . . . fruc
■N
81
flo
res
fruc - tus par - tu - ri -
unt,
si flo - res fruc
tus par -
~ryi
337
IZ3I
i
flo
- res
fruc
- tus
par
tu
znz
-l»
^g
-ri—&-
33Z
— O— » &—r*
^—rr-^i-^.
I23Z
tus
par
tu -n
unt,
fruc-tus par - tu
ri
unt,
m
4a3>tr
tu
ri
-lor
unt,
lr_^z=Ei
81
flo - res fruc - tus
par
tu
- n
a^E^=
qzaC
?EEEB
:*2t:
n -
*^
-^^^,
331
'B
32-
unt.
81
flo
:S3tsi
ru
runt,
ma
la pu -
=M:
i^ot
ifE^
si flo-ru
runt
ma - la pu -
ni
ca, ma - la pu
-jor
3^E
:S2t=
:z3i
483C:
:r»~
-1r>| — :
"«3"
unt,
si flo-ru
rant
ma
m-
23==^=
S
ui - ea,
-^—
-fJ-&-
3=:
33;
I«^I33I
:1c^
]^^Ete^
-£>-
^
81
flo-ru -e - runt ma - la
pu
ni - ca.
I - bi da - bo ti - bi
^
i^ot-
3^
=l23t:
li^r-
aiE^^E^^^^^^^
331
^m.
33211
^^^E
ni
ca.
bi
da - bo
S
33:
■ixrx-.
IjCBtZZ
331
331
ca.
•T -~
i^op
la
pu
ni
I - bi
-J*^
33:
rS^z
^
ct
*
g^Pggg?i^gg|
u - be - ra
me - a.
bi
da - bo ti - bi
^
aazt^n
be-ra me
fegiiiie
^^^^^g
ti - bi
33
da - bo
u- be •
ra me - a,
-19—- 1-s^
i - bi da - bo ti - bi
u-be-ra me
■.fi
33!z*»;
^iss^fe
ti - bi u
be - ra me
u-be-ra me
33Z
-t«3h
ior
e
Henbious Ot*Avns, Anglic Rex.
Chap. LXXVII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
367
And though such a degree of skill as is manifested
in the above composition, may seem more than a king
can well be supposed to have possessed, it is to be
remembered, that being the younger of two brothers,
and his chance of succeeding to the crown therefore
precarious, he was intended by his father for the
church, with a remote view to the archbishopric of
Canterbury ; music was therefore a necessary part of
his education* And the statutes of Trinity
College, Cambridge, foimded by Henry VIII., make
part of the examination of candidates for fellow-
ships to be ' Quid in Cantando possitit-* indeed, all
members were supposed capable of singing a part
in choir service.
As to the composition above given, the words are
taken from the Canticum Canticorum, cap. vii. as
rendered by the vulgate translation, and it may be
presumed that the object of it was some female with
whom the king was upon terms of great familiarity.f
It was doubtless owing to the affection which this
prince entertained for music that his children also
arrived at great proficiency in it. Edward VI.
played on the lute, as appears from that expression
in Cardan's account of him, * Cheli pulsabat,' and
indeed from his own Journal, where he mentions his
playing on the lute to Monsieur le Mareschal 8t.
Andre, the French ambassador. Mary also played
on the lute and on the virginal, as appears by a
letter of queen Catherine her mother, wherein she
exhorts her ' to use her virginals and lute, if she has
* any : ' and as to Elizabeth, her proficiency on the
virginal is attested by Sir James Melvil, who himself
had once an opportunity of hearing her divert herself
at that instrument. This affection in the children of
Henry VIII. for music is but a trivial circumstance
in the history of their lives, but it went a great way
in determining the fate of choral service at several
periods during the Reformation, when it became a
matter of debate whether to retain or reject it, as
will appear by the following deduction of particulars.
The clamours against choral service, arising from
the negligent manner of performing it, were about
this time very great, and the council of Trent in
their deliberations with a view to the correction of
abuses in the celebration of the mass, had passed
some resolutions touching church music that gave
weight to the objections of its enemies' : as the Re-
formation advanced these increased ; those of the
clergy who fell in with Wickliffe's notions of a
reformation were for rejecting it as vain and un-
edifying ; the thirty -two commissioners appointed by
* It has already been remarked that a competent skill in music was
anciently necessary in the clerical profession : to the evidence of that
fact formerly adduced may be added the following extract from a letter
from Sir John Harrington to prince Henry, containing a character of
Dr. John Still, bishop of Bath and Wells, in 1592. ' His breeding was
' from 'his childhood in good literature, and partly in musick, which was
' counted in those days a preparative to divinity ; neither could any be
' admitted to primam tonsuram, except he could first bene le bene con bene
' can, as they called it, which is to read well, to conster well, and to sing
' well, in which last he hath good judgment.' Vide Sir John Harrington's
Brief View of the Church, and Nugae Antiquse, 12rao. Lond.l7G9, pag. 22.
+ It was probably composed in his juvenile years, when it is known he
had amours. One favourite of his he kept at Greenwich, her lodging
was a tower in the park of the Old Palace ; the king was used when he
visited her to go from Westminster in his barge, attended by Sir Andrew
Flamock, his standard-bearer, a man of humour, who entertained him
with jests and merry stories. The king, as the signal of his approach,
was used to blow his horn at his entrance into the park. Puttenham's
.\rte of English Poesif , pag. 224.
the statutes of 35 Henry VlII. and 3 and 4 Edward
VI. to compile a body of ecclesiastical laws, it is
true, allowed of singing ; but by the restraints that it
is laid under in the Reformatio Legum Ecclesiastica-
rum, tit. De Divinis Officiis, cap. 5. it seems as if that
assembly meant to banish figurate music out of the
church, and by admitting only of that kind of singing
in which all might join, to put cathedral and parochial
service on a level.
In the reign of Mary no one presumed to vent his
objections against choral singing : the Protestants
were too much terrified by the persecutions to which
their profession exposed them, to attend to the con-
tents of the Romish ritual ; and when they were
once persuaded that the worship of that church was
idolatrous, it could not but be with them a matter
of indifference whether the offices used in it were
sung or said.
But the truth of the matter is, that those men who
were best able to expose the errors and superstition
of popery withdrew themselves, and in a state of
exile conceived a plan of reformation and church
discipline so truly spiritual, as seemed to render
useless the means which some think necessary to
excite in the minds of men those ideas of reverence
and respect which should accompany every act of
devotion. Actuated by their zeal against popery,
they in short declared those rites and ceremonies to
be sinful, which at most could be but indifferent, as
namely, the habits anciently worn by the minister in
the celebration of divine service, and the little less
ancient practice of antiphonal singing ; and upon
their arrival from Geneva and Francfort, at the
accession of queen Elizabeth, the arguments against
both were pushed with great vehemence in the course
of the disciplinarian controversy.
This is a brief account of that opposition which
threatened the banishment of the solemn choral ser-
vice from our liturgy, and which, though made at
different periods, was in every instance attended with
the like ill success, as will appear from the following
short review of the measures taken for its establish-
ment and support.
For first, the disposition of Henry VIII. to retain
the choral service may be inferred from the provisions
in favour of minor canons, lay clerks, and choristers,
not only in the refoundations by him of ancient
cathedral and collegiate churches, but also in those
modern erections of episcopal sees at Westminster,
Oxford, Gloucester, Chester, Bristol, and Peter-
borough, which were made by him, and liberally
endowed for the support and maintenance of singers
in those cathedrals respectively.
Edward VI. manifested his affection for choral
singing by his injunctions issued in the year 1547,
wherein countenance is given to the singing of the
litany, the priest being therein required to sing or
plainly and distinctly to say the same. And in the
first liturgy of the same king, the rubric allows of the
singing of the 'Venite exultemus,' and other hymns,
both at mattins and even-song, in a manner contra-
distinguished from that plain tune in which the
lessons are thereby recpiired to be read.
Farther, the statute of 2 and 3 Edward VI. fo'-
368
filSTORY OF I'HE SCIENCE
Book IX.
uniformity of Service, contains a proviso that it shall
be lawful to use Psalms or pra.y-er taken out of the
Bible, other than those directed by the new liturgy ;
which proviso let in the use of the metrical psalmody
of the Calvinists, and also the anthem, so peculiar to
cathedral service, and was recognized by the statute
of 5 and 6 of Edward VI. made for confirming the
second liturgy of the same king.
As to queen Elizabeth, she, by the forty-ninth of
her injunctions, given in 1559, declares her sentiments
of church music in terms that seem to point out a
tnedium between the abuses of it, and the restraints
tinder which it was intended to be laid by the Reform-
atio Leguln Ecclesiasticarum. The statute of uni-
formity made in the fii-st yeat of her reign, establishes
the second liturgy of Edward VI. with a very few
alterations. The act of the legislature thus co-ope-
rating with her royal will, as declared by her in-
junctions, and indeed with the general sense of the
nation, choral service received a twofold sanction, and
was thenceforth received among the rites and cere-
monies of the church of England.
From all which transactions it may be inferred that
the retention of the solemn choral service in our church
was in a great measure owing to that zeal for it in the
princes under whom the Reformation was begun and
perfected, which may be naturally supposed to have
resulted from their love of music.
BOOK IX.
CHAP. LXXVIII.
The foregoing deduction of the history of music in
England, and the specimens of vocal compositions
above given, respect chiefly the church-service, and
bring us nearly to that period when the Romish
t-itual ceased to prescribe the mode of divine worship,
and choral service in this country assumed a new
form. The general havoc and devastation, the dis-
persion of conventual libraries, and the destruction of
books and manuscripts, which followed the dissolution
of monasteries, and the little care taken to preserve
that which it was foreseen would shortly become of
no use, will account for the difficulty of recovering
any compositions of singular excellence previous to
the time of the Reformation ; and that any at all are
remaining is owing to the zeal of those very few
persons. Who were prompted to collect them as
evidences of the skill and ingenuity of our ancient
church musicians.
From hence we may perceive that as far as con-
cerns the music of the church, we are arrived at the
commencement of a new era ; and such in truth will
it appear to be when we come to speak of the reformed
liturgy, which though it was so calculated as to be
susceptible of all those advantages that divine service
is supposed to derive from music, can neither be said
to be borrowed from that of the Romish church,*
nor to resemble it so nearly as to offend any but
such as deny the expediency, and even lawfulness of
a liturgy in any form whatever.
These reasons render it necessary to postpone for
a while the prosecution of the history of church-
music in this our country, and to re-assume that of
secular music ; in the improvement whereof it is to
be noted that we were at this time somewhat behind
our neighbours ; for till about the commencement of
the sixteenth century, it does not appear that any one
of the English masters had attempted to emulate the
Flemings or the Italians in the composition of madri-
gals ; for which reason the account of the introduction
of that species of music into this kingdom must also
be referred to a subsequent page.
In the interim it is to be observed that songs and
ballads, with easy tunes adapted to them, must at all
times have been the entertainment, not only of the
common people, but of the better sort : These must
have been of various kinds, as namely, satirical,
humorous, moral, and not a few of them of the
amorous kind. Hardly any of these with the music
to them are at this day to be met with, and those few
that are yet extant are only to be found in odd part
books, written without bars, and with ligatures, in a
character so obsolete, that all hope of recovering
them, or of rendering to any tolerable degree intel-
ligible, any of the common popular tunes in use before
the middle of the sixteenth century, must be given
up. The two that follow have nevertheless been re-
covered by means of a manuscript formerly in the
collection of Mr. Ralph Thoresby, and mentioned in
the catalogue of his Museum, at the end of his History
of Leeds ; they both appear to have been set by
William Cornish, of the chapel royal, in the reign of
Henry VII. The words of the first song were
written by Skelton, and there is a direct allusion to
them in a poem of his entitled the Crovnie of Lawrell,
printed among his works. The latter song is sup-
posed to be a satire on those drunken Flemings who
came into England with the princess Anne of Cleve,
upon her marriage with king Henry VIII.
m
-^^^-
^.
-^
^
IDC
=E
-^-
^
-^^
zm
iz
-^1
:|ct:
Wii==^
^
<
%
H
be-shrew you by my fay, these wan -ton clarks be nyce al - way, A -vent, a -
eS
=?ar
'"^^^Ei
^-
H beshrew you by my fay,
A -vent, a -
:=s:
=s^
^=t
:^s
"Thfise wan - ton clarks be nyce al - way,
H
A -
* That the book of Comindri Pfayet hath its Original from the mass- Offices, pag. 24 ; and the preface to queen Elizabeth's iiturgy refers to
book is expressly denied by Hamon L'Estrange, in )iis Alliance of Divine the ancient fathers for the original and ground thereof.
Chap. LXXVIIl.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
569
f^ — I — j
- vent,
:«:
- vent,
=^=
zzM —
trCr^
E^
&-ni
10-
E?^
-^-
2e:s
^
my Popin
my Popinjay,
jay,
:^=^=t
what will ye do
no - thyng but play,
nothyng but play,
tul-ly
tul-ly val-ly
131
IE _ Ji:^g^
:=!— ni
eeS
vo'.t, a - veut, my Po-pin - jay, what will ye
tul -ly val-ly straw.
Ez±i
i^glilg
E
;==EE
:zEi
^I^[-^!e
val-ly straw, let be I
sav,
m^:
K
giip Jak of the vale, what ma-ner-ly
s^jifii
f=^-
^-
:A=B
irfz
^11
straw, let be
^=±
gup chris-ti-an clewte, gup Jak of the vale, what ma-ner-ly
g5E^igigg^Sii^EEE{aEaiE3sg5^g
gup christian clowte, .
what ma - ner-ly
m^^¥i
:b=J
l^t^ii^ilfislil^^^giPi^^^
— • — • — ^-
Mar-ge-ry,
Mar-ge-ry uiylk and ale, what
nia -ner-ly llar-ge-ry, ma-ner-ly Mar-ge-ry mvlk and ale.
what ma - ner-lv Mar-ge - ry mylk and ale, what Mar-ge-ry mylk and ale.
=:if^:z
^ Mar-ge-ry mylk and ale,
mylk and ale, what ma - ner-ly Mar-ge - ry mylk and
ale.
m
e— - a>
m
^
d=^-Z=2
-f2'-
By glide ye be
^^^
:=t
r* -1 1
:zt:=ti
a pre - ty pode,
strawe Jamvs fo -der ye
"«:»"
EEEa
i^nzTfi;
!z:f:=ti
e^Se
By gode ye be a pre - ty pode,
and I loveyouan hole cart lode.
ve
lirtz
ft~
-O::
;ge^
:=3z2tz
And I love you an hole cart
lode,
rnz
z*=n;
mM
=*=:■=
-P-
zff-
aEE^.^-=''
=t=
^^^^gg
J^=Fp
K
EP=E
play the fode, I am no hack - nie for your rode, go watch a bole your back is brode.
— -zr^=z:i.-
^^^m=^
-rz=3i
-^_
^EpE
ms^B^^i
XJ
:r2-zzzr*z=
play the fode, I am nohacknie for vour rode, go watch a bole your back is brode. Gup g<
, . 1 , ^jf<
— r. : \ T : —
3i^
Gup
H
<
-&- <5» S-
m
EE
^^^^^^^^m^^^.
I wiss ye dele un - cur - tes - lie, whatwoldeye frompil me, nowfye.
fye.
zzjzr^zrpzzd
z«z=p
q=^-
SS^E
3EEFE*^i^E
e£e:
E?=i£^4^=^^t
:d==r-^:S=J
I wiss ve dele un-cur-tes - lie, what wolde ye frompil me, now fye, fye.Whatandye shall
aE
m^m^.
:tr-z
What and ve shall
2 B
370
m
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
1 16»— ^jt^— ri^-» -1 ■ — '— 1— »^
p^=F— t^-SF=J-l=— P — - — qj-P-P— *^p
Book IX.
»- P-«W-T-»-»^^— ]—— -H— ^i=it£^«=fr» • — r-«* >-— r-O-
K
^=--=1=,
-10-
by Christ ye shal not,
I will not be ja - ped bo -de - ly. .^."^
ziji—z
3»i
iF-J^^=::
:&-
be my pigs-nye, my pigs-nye
:p=^=^i^^g^^^^
be my pigs-nye, my pigs-nye,
no, no harde-ly,
nye.
I will not be ja - ped bo
de - ly. Gup^l-
— -r—r-
my pigs
Gup
Pi
<
^ »— -— •-fD^^o=:^
EEi^f
p — o
■F=^-
:c«;;
i.-=i^!=z=r;=E:[z=z:E^=Ei:
^— Brpzrr
;rt_ZT=i-r^:|
;:p:z
msE^
Walke forthe your wav, ye cost me noughte. now have I found that I
have soughte, the best chepe
Zfl=^^
-fd-
=t3
■X.=:=.z
EE=E
E^EEEocz:!
Walke forthe your way, ye cost me noughte, now have I found that I have soughte, the best chepe
11
il=F-^
'^^m
Efe
^^E?^tz=::
ZZ^r
zn^z.^z
'5fff
Ej?_zz«-3i3=z[4
Yet for Hys love
that all hath wrought, wed me or els I dye for
^E^i^^i^
::i:
rrd
trJi
.11=^:=,
«^to=z^'^^^»^=^K^^^=
-h--
HiygE^^[i
flesh that e - ver I bought. yet for Hys love that all hath wrought, wed me or els I dye for
:==:3=iq_J 1
:i r
Fl3E^_a
flesh that e-ver I
bought.
Ea=^^ii=M=
E@
Jlf^EilBEi^E]!!
«
,:f-_c
thought.
:rri;
EEi^FjEEE^^
Go ma-ner-ly Marge-ry my Ike and ale.
— 1-
:«i=i
iiei - i_y iiiaige-i_v iiM ib.c aiiu. die. .^j,.;^
t. l_i y^ L-t .^^ J . t-g
thought. Gup chris-ti- an clowte your broth is stale go man-er - ly Mar-ge-ry mylke and ale. Gup.jj,|.
E^zrt
^i=S
ZfJLZ
ei^Si^^;
SiEJil
Gup chris-ti - an clowte your broth is stale.
Gup
William Cohnyshe, Jun.
d-
SE«
EEg^
^^i^
d^rrdi
rtrpd
ZS^SZ^T*— Z^^
^^s
^is^
E^EiE^EE[|
HOYDAY, hoy - day jol-ly rutte - kin, hoy - day, hoy- day like a rut - te-kin, hoy-day.
atu
^
!i3-:«irj
^^^m
z±
IJIEe
■m
Fi^JagjgiiSEElf
HOYDAY, hoyday
^3e^
jol-ly rutte-kin, hoy-daj', hoyday like . a rut-te^kin hoj' - day.
^^^^fz
^E|EE^
r=]-
E?_Eb—
Ei:fegiESii
HOYDAY, hoy - day jolly rutte-kin, hoy - day, hoy - day hke a ru - te - kin Jioy - day,
ggfeEE^g^g^p^g=ggpg
Hoy - day, hoy - day, hoy - day, , hoy - day j^hoy - day,
hoy - day, hoj' -
m
E^^iSz E£=^'^EEE E=EEE
Hoy - day, hoy - day, hoy - day, hoy - day, hoy - day.
^mM^^.
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zdz
:-^z=E=:
.d.
?E
EEE
m
Hoy - day, hoy-day, hoy
day,
hoy - day, hoy - day, hoy - day.
hny
CiiAv. LXXVIII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
371
^^^^^^m^^M
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day, like a rut-te - kin hoy -day,
like a rut - te - kin hov
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like a rut-te -kin hoy
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^-
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day, hoy - day, hoy -day, hoyday, hoy -day, hoy - day. Rut - te-kin is come un- to our town, In a
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t:E^T-^E:^EE
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cloke with - out cote or gown. Save a rag - gid hoode to kyver his crown, Like a rut -te-kin
S^^i3=ls-^=^^
^giggggig^g^^ggggi:
hoy-day, hoy - day, jol-ly rut-te - kin hoy - day, hoy - day, like a rut - te-kin hoy - day. .^
i^iM^a
zz\z
:i=z«E
zzi .-J -■-
c.~\zz
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lli3
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hoy - day, . hoy-dav,
jol-ly rat-tekin hoy-day, hoyday, like . a rut-tekin hoy -day., g.
hoy -day, hoy - day, jol-ly rutte - kin hoy - day, hoy - day, like a rut - te-kin hoy - day.
in=?n-
:p=ti
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;t^t=f==c^
Rut-tekin can speke no Eng - lishe, histongrenythall on buttyr'd fish, . besmerde with greese about his
Rut-tekin can speke no Eng - lishe.
-:^=,
.i?a-
besmerde with greese about his dishe, a - bout
^^^^^^m^E^^.
rb«a
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Histongrenyth all on butty'rd fish, besmerdewith greese abouthisdishe, about his
d:
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dishe, like a rutt - kin hoy-day, hoyday, jolly rutte-kin hoyday, hoyday, like a rut-te-kin hoyday. . :;"
^^^^^^^^^^m^^^iW^^^^^^mX
his dishe, like a rutt-kiu
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hoyday, hoy-day, jolly ruttekin hoyday, hoyday, like a rutte-kin hoyda . 2
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dishe, . . like a rutt - kin hoy-day, hoyday, jolly ruttekin hoy-day, hoy-day, like a rut- te-kin hoyday,
070
•J I _J
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IX.
m=^Ei^i\^^EE^
-jczl^z
t—
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mmm^:Mm
A stiiop of beer up at a pluk, at a pluk, up
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183"
ifi:
g
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Rut -te - kin shall bring you all good .
a stoop of beer up at a pluk, at a pluk, up
luck, a stoop of beer up at a pluk, at a pluk, at a
=t=t
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at
%
a pluk, till his brain be as wise as a duk, as a duk,
—10 — 1»-
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at
pluk.
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till his brain be as
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^1
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duk, a duk, like a rutt -kin
hoyday, hoyday.
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-*2=;^
znz
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:=i«2
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He will drink a gal-Ion pot full at twice.
-^._J=: _L 1 ?^_i — 1231
When Rut - te - kin from borde will rvse.
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he will drink a gal-Ion pot full at twice, and the o-ver-
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When Rut - te - kin from borde will ryse.
he will drink a gal -Ion pot full at twice, and the o-ver -
m
T^
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z±
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and
the o - ver - plus
un - der the
ble of the new
" mm
guise, like a
iilf^
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^
of the new guise,
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^
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new
guise.
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-plus un-der the ta - ble of the new guise,
of
the new guise, like
*;
d=:— ^_
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lizzie:
ic*
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P — I —
f^^^
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rutt - kin ho3'day, hoy - day, jol-ly rutte - kin hoy - day, hoy- day, like a rut - tekin hoyday.
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ilige:
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a ruttkin
^=zz=Z7i3=^— _=iz^zj^^=ziE3E^=^gz=:z_«_zzz:tx
jol-ly rut-tekin hoy-day, hoyday, like a rutte-kin hoy - day. ^
zl=oz:f
— E^=&
E^^
)=^iE
1=;
znz
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rutt - kin hoyday, hoy- day, jol-ly nit -te -kin hoy -day, hoy - day, like a rut - tekin hoy - day.
William Coknyshe, Jun.
Chap. LXXIX.
AXD PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
373
CHAP. LXXIX.
Better success has attended the attempts to re-
cover the mere words of those songs and baHads
which seem to have been the delight of past ages.
By these which follow, we discover that with the
young people of those times the passion of love
operated in much the same manner as it does now ;
that our forefathers loved strong ale, and that the
effects of it were discoverable in effusions of mirth
and pleasantry, in a total oblivion of care, and a reso-
lution to take no thought for the morrow.
If the coarseness of the raillery, or the profaneness,
or indelicacy of expression observable in the two
preceding, and in a few of the subsequent poems,
should need an apology for inserting them, the best
that can be made is, that they present to our view a
true picture of the times.* Before the statute of
James I. against profane cursing and swearing, the
profanation of the name of God was so frequent in
common discourse, that few looked on it as a crime.
When Cox, bishop of Ely, hesitated about alienating
a part of the episcopal estate in favour of Sir
Christopher Hatton, queen Elizabeth disdained to
expostulate with him, but swore by her Maker, in a
letter yet extant under her own princely hand, to
deprive him if he persisted in his refusal. In the
earlier copies of our old English plays oaths make
a part of the dialogue, and are printed at length : in
the later editions these are expunged; an evidence that
the national manners have in some respects improved
in the course of a century.
As to the other objection, the indelicate style of
love conversation, it may be imputed to the want of
that refinement which the free and innocent inter-
course of the sexes in the view of their elders and
superiors necessarily induces, not to mention the im-
provements in literature, which furnish the means
of regulating external demeanour, and teach us to
distinguish the behaviour of a rustic from that of
a gentleman.
In this respect, too, the manners of the present have
greatly the advantage over those of past ages ; at least
the style of courtship, which is all that concerns the
present question, is so much improved, that perhaps
there are few gentlemen in this kingdom capable of
writing to a mistress such letters as our king Henry
VIII. in the ardour of his affection sent with presents
of flesh, as he terms it, meaning thereby venison, to
his beloved Anne Boleyn, a beautiful, modest, and
well-bred young woman.
From the above particulars it may be inferred that
the poetical compositions of the period here alluded
to, wanted of tliat elegance which is now expected in
every thing offered to the public view ; and as a few
of the following are destitute of such a recommend-
ation, this circumstance would supply, were it neces-
sary, the want of other evidence of their antiquity.
The simplicity is no less remarkable than the style,
* A discretion has been exercised in reprinting this edition by omitting some
passages which appeared nbsolutehf due tn the prngress of good manners
since Sir John Hawkins' time. Some persons may think that this might
have been even more eitensiveiy exerted.
of the following dialogue, which seems to be very
ancient : —
I.
Beware my lyttyll fynger, Syr, I you defire,
Ye wrynge my hand to lore,
I pray you do no more,
Alas therefor,
Ye hurt my lyttyll fynger.
II.
Why fo do you fay ?
Ye be a wanton may,
I do but with you play,
Beware my lyttyll fynger.
III.
Syr, no more of fuche fport,
For I have lyttyl comfort
Of your hyther refort
To hurt my lyttyll fynger.
IV.
Forfoth goodly myfteris,
I am fory for your difeas :
Alack, what may you pleas ?
Beware my lyttyll fynger.
V.
Forfoth ye be to blame,
I wis it will not frame,
Yt is to your grete Ihame
To hurt my lyttyll fynger.
VI.
Thys was agayn my wyll certayn.
Yet wold I haue that hole agayn.
For I am fnry for your payn,
Beware my lyttyll finger.
VII.
Seeing for the caufe ye be fory,
I wold be glad wyth you for to mary,
So that ye wold not ouer longe tarry
To hele my lyttyll fynger.
VIII.
I fay wyth a joyfull hart agayne.
Of that I wold be full fayn,
And for your fake to take fume payne
To hele your lyttyll fynger.
IX.
Then we be both agreed
I pray you by our wedding wede.
And then ye fliall haue lyttyll nede.
To hele my lyttyll fynger.
X.
That I will by God's grace,
I /hall kyfle your minion face.
That yt Ihall Ihyne in euery place,
And hele your lyttyll fynger.
XI.
Beware my lyttyll fynger,
Alas my lyttyll fynger.
And oh my lyttyll fynger,
Ah lady mercy ! ye hurt my lyttyll fynger.
Behold the sentiments which sloth, corpulence,
and rags have a tendency to inspire, in the following
stanzas : —
I.
I cannot eat
But lyttyl meat,
My ftomack ys not good ;
But fure I think
That I can drynke
With any that were a bode.
Though I go bare.
Take ye no care,
I am nothing a cold ;
374
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IX.
I fluff my /kyn
So full within
Of jolly goad ale and old.
Back and fydes go bare,
Both fote and hand go cold,
But belly God lend thee good ale ynough,
Whether it be new or ould.
II.
I loue no roft.
But a nut-brown tofte
And a crab laid in the fire,
A little bread
Shall do me ftead,
Much bread I not defire ;
No froU nor fnow.
No winde I trow
Can hurte me if I wolde,
I am fo wrapt,
And throwly lapt.
Of joly good ale and old.
Back and fiJes go bare, &c,
III.
And Tib my wife,
That as her life,
Loueth well good ale to feek,
Full ofte drinkes fhee,
Till ye may iee
Tne teares run down her cheeke ;
Then doth (he trowle
To me the bowle,*
Even as a mault-wormf /hold ;
And faith fweet heart
I took my part
Of this joly good ale and old.
Back and fides go bare, &c.
IV.
Now let them drink.
Till they nod and wink,
Euen as good fellows fhould do.
They fhal not mifle
To haue the blifie
Good ale doth bring men to :
And all poor fouls,
That haue fcowred boules,
Or have them luftely trolde,
God faue the hues
Of them and their wiues,
Whether they be young or old.
Back and fides go bare, &c.J
In the following the praises of meek Mistress
Margaret are celebrated by her lover : —
I.
Margaret meke,
Whom I now feke,
There is none like I dare well fay }
So manerly.
So curtefly.
So prately
She delis alway.
• Trowle, or Trole the Bowl, -was a common phrase in drinking, for
passing the vessel about, as appears hy the following begiiinini, of an
old catch : —
Trole trole the bowl to me,
And I will trole the same again to thee.
And in this other in Hiltons's collection : —
Tom Bouls, Tom Bouls,
Seest thou not how merrily this good ale trowlesf
t Mault-wo*m is a humorous appellation for a lover of ale or strong
drink.
t This song is to be found in the old comedy of Gammer Gurton's
Needle, which was first i)rinted in 1551, and is even now well known
in many parts of England.
II.
That goodly las.
When fhe me pas,
Alas I wote not where
I go or ftond,
1 thynk me bond.
In fe in lond
To comfort her.
III.
Her lufty chere.
Her eyes moft clere,
I know no perc
In her beaute ;
Both Gate and Bes,
Mawde and Anes,
Sys is witnefs
Of her fetyfneflis.
IV.
My Margaret
I cannot mete.
In feeld ne flrete,
Wofull am I ;
Leue loue this chance,
Your chere avance,
And let us dance
' Herk my Lady.'§
A lover sympathizes with his mistress, who is sick
and ill at ease, in these lines : —
I.
Jhone is fike and ill at eafe,
I am full fory for Jhone's difeafe ;
Alqk good Jhone what may you pleafe ?
I fl^all beare the coft be fwete fent Denys.
II.
She is fo prety in euery degre.
Good lord who may a goodlyer be
In favoure and in facion lo will ye fe,
But it were an angell of the Trinite.
Alak good Jhone what may you plefe ?
I flial beare the coft be fwete fent Denys.
III.
Her countynaunce with her lynyacion,
To hym that wolde of fuch recreacion.
That God hath ordent in his firft formacion,
Myght wel be called conjuracion.
Alak good Jhone what may you pleafe ?
I fhal beare the coft be fwete fent Denys.
IV.
She is my lytell prety one.
What fhulde I fay ? my mynde is gone,
YfFfhe and I were togethir alone,
I wis fhe will not gyve me a bone,
Alas good Jhone fhall all my mone
Be loft fo fone ? ||
V.
I am a fole,
Leve this array,
Another day
We fhall both play,
When we are fole.^
The three following short poems exhibit a pictuia
of the deepest amorous distress : —
Have I not caufe to mourn, alas !
Ever whiles that my lyfe do dure ;
Lamenting thus my forrowful cafe
In fighes deepe without recure ?
Now remembryng my hard aduenture,
Meruclloufly makyng my hart wo :
Alas ! her lokes haue perfed me fo !
§ Probably the name of some dance-tune now forgotten.
II i.e. treat me with contempt. -
II Together or by ourselves.
Chap. LXXIX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
375
Sad is her chere with color chryftyne,
More fayrer of loke than faycr £lyn,
Eyes gray, clerer than columbyne,
Neuer a fweter of nature femynyne ;
Goodly in port, O what a paftyme and joy
Haue 1 when I behold her I
Wofully opprefled wyth forrow and payne,
Wyth fyghing my hart and body in diftrefs,
Greuoudy tormented through dildayne,
Lackyng the company of my lady and myftres,
Whych to atayne is yet remedyles j
But God of his grace furely me fend
My forrows importunate joyfully to amend.
Is it not fure a dedly payne.
To you I fay that louers be,
When faythful harts muft needs refrayn
The one the other for to fee ?
I you affure ye may truft me.
Of all the paynes that euer I knew,
It is a payne that moft I rewe.
The following trim stanzas exhibit the portrait of
a loyal lover : —
I.
As I lay flepynge,
In dremes fletynge,
Euer my fwetyng
Is in my mynd ;
She is fo goodly.
With looks fo louely,
That no man truly
Such one can fynd
II.
Her bewty fo pure,
It doth under lure,
My pore hart full lure
In gouernance ;
Therfor now wyll I
Unto hyr apply,
And euer will cry
For remembraunce.
III.
Her fayer eye perfyng.
My pore hart bledyng,
And I abydyng.
In hope of mede ;
But thus have I long
Entunyd this fonge,
Wyth paynes ful ftronge,
And cannot fpede.
IV.
AUs wyll not fhe
Now fliew hyr pytye,
But thus wyll take me
In fuche dyfdayne ;
Methynketh I wys,
Unkynde that fhe is.
That byndeth me thus,
In fuch hard payne.
Though (he me bynde,
Yet (hall ihe not fynde
My pore hart unkynd,
Do what (he can ;
For I wyll hyr pray.
Whiles 1 leue a day,
Me to take for aye.
For hyr owne man.
The following is the expostulation of a lover dis-
daiaed by his mistress, in a style of great simplicity :
I.
Complayn I may.
And right well fay,
Loue goth aftray.
And waxeth wildej
For many a day
Loue was my pray.
It wyll away,
I am begylde.
II.
I haue thankles
Spent my feruyce.
And can purches
No grace at all ;
Wherefore doubtlefs,
Such a myftres,
Dame Pi teles,
I may her call.
III.
For fikerly,
The more that I
On her do try
On me to thinke ;
The leffe mercy
In her fynd I,
Alas I dye.
My hart doth fynke.
IV.
Fortune pardye,
Afeineth me
Such cruelte,
Wythouten gylt ;
■ - Owght not to be,
1 twis pitee,
0 fhame to fee,
A man fo fpilt.
V.
^ That I fliuld fpyll
For my good wyll,
/ , I thynke gret ill,
Agaynft all ryght :
It is more ill,
She fhuld me kyl.,
Whom I loue ftyll,
Wyth all my myght.
VI.
But to exprefTe
My heauynes,
Syth my feruyce
Is thus forfake ;
All comfortles,
Wyth much dyftres.
In wyldernes,
I me betake.
VII.
And thus adewe,
Deth doth enfewe.
Wythout refcue,
Her * * *
1 trow a Jew
On me wold rew.
Knowing how trcw
That I have bene.
The two following are also of the amorous kind,
and are of eqnal antiquity with the rest : —
I.
Ah my fwete fwetyng ;
My lytyl prety fwetyng,
My fwetyng wyl I loue whereuer I go;
She is fo propre and pure.
Full ftedfaft, ftabill and demure.
There is none fuch ye may be fure,
As my fwete fweting.
376
. HISTORY OP THE SCIENCE
Boob. IX.
II.
In all thys world as thynketh me,
Is none fo plefaunt to my eye,
That I am glad foo ofte to fee.
As my fwete fwetyng.
III.
When I behold my fwetyng fwete,
Her face, her hands, her minion fete.
They feeme to me there is none fo mete.
As my fwete fwetyng.
IV.
Aboue all other prayfe muft I,
And loue my pretty pygfnye
For none I fynd foo womanly
As my fwete fwetyng.
What meaneft thou my fortune
From me fo faft to flye •
Alas thou art importune
To worke thus cruelly.
II.
Thy wafte continually
Shall caufe me call and crye ;
Woo worth the tyme that I
To loue dyd fyrft apply.
The following is the dream of a lover, taken from
Mr. Thoresby's^MS. :—
Benedicite ! whate dremyd I this night ?
Methought the worlde was turnyd up fo down.
The fon the moone had loft ther force and lyght,
The fee alfo drowned both toure and towne :
Yet more meruell how that I harde the founde
Of onys uoyce faying here in thy mind,
Thi lady hath forgoten to be kynd.
CHAP LXXX.
The two following short poems appear by the
manuscript from which they were taken to have
been composed about the time of Henry VIII.
They were communicated by a very judicious anti-
quary lately deceased, whose opinion of them was
that they were written either by, or in the person
of Anne Boleyn ; a conjecture which her unfortunate
history renders very probable : —
I.
Defiled is my name full fore,
Through cruel fpyte and falfe report.
That I may fay for euermore
Farewell, my joy ! adewe, comfort I
11.
For wrongfully ye judge of me,
Unto my fame a mortall wounde :
Say what ye lyft it wyll not be,
Ye feek for that cannot be found.
O Death, rocke me on flepe,
Bringe me on quiet refte,
Let paffe my uerye giltlefs gofte,
Out of my carefull breft ;
Toll on the paffinge bell,
Ringe out the dolefuU knell,
Let the founde my dethe tell,
For I muft dye,
There is no remedye,
For now I dye.
11.
My paynes who can expres?
Alas ; they are fo ftronge
My dolor will not fufFer ftrength
My lyfe for to prolonge ;
Toll on, &c.
III.
Alone in prifon ftronge,
1 wayle my deftenye ;
Wo worth this cruel hap that I
Should tafte this miferyc.
Toll on, &c.
IV.
Farewell my pleafures paft,
Welcum my prefent payne,
I fele my torments fo increfe.
That lyfe cannot remayne.
Ceafe now the pafling bell,
Rong is my doleful knell.
For the found my deth doth tell,
Deth doth draw nye,
Sound my end dolefully,
For now I dye.
The following not inelegant stanzas seem to have
been occasioned by the marriage of Margaret the
daughter of Henry VII. to James IV. king of
Scotland, in 1502 ; of whom it is related, that
having taken arms against his own father, he im-
posed on himself the voluntary penance of con-
tinually wearing an iron chain about his waist : —
I.
O fayer, fayreft of euery fayre.
Princes mofte plefaunt and preclare.
The luftieft on lyue that bene,
Welcum of Scotland to be quene.
II.
Yong tender plant of pulchritude,
Defcendith of imperial blood,
Frefh fragrant flower of fayrehode fhene,
Welcum of Scotland to be quene.
III.
Sweet lufty imp of bewtie clere,
Mofte mighty kings dowghter dere.
Borne of a princes moft ferene,
Welcum of Scotland to be quene.
IV.
Welcum the rofe both red and whyte,
Welcum the flower of our delyte.
Our fpirit rejoicing from the fplene,
Welcum of Scotland to be quene.
The two following songs are more sententious ;
the first is a sort of caveat against idle rumours : —
I.
Confidering this world, and th' increfe of vyce.
Stricken into dump, right much I mufed.
That no manner of man be he neuer fo wyle,
From all forts thereof can be excufed.
II.
And one vyce there is, the more it is ufed
Mo inconueniens fhall grow day by day.
And that is this, let it be refufed
Geue no fure credens to euery herefay.
in.
Lyght womens thoughts wyll runne at large,
Whether the tayle be falfe or juft ;
Tydyngs of alehoufe or Grauefend barge,
Bere-baytings or barbers Hiopes is not to truft.
Chap. LXXX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
377
IV.
An enemies tayle is fone diftruft,
Ye fhall perceue it parfhall alway,
To all the fbrci'ayd ret'rayn we mull.
To geue fure credens to euery herefay.
V.
Though herefay be trew. as perchauncc may fall,
Yet fyx not thy credens to high,
And though the teller feem right fubftantial,
And tell but herefay, why may he not lye ?
VI.
Then betwyxt lyght credens and a tonge hafty,
Surely the gyltlefs is caft away,
Condempnyng the abfent, that is unworthy
So paiTyth a lyfe from herefay to herefay.
VIL
Good Lord ! how fome wyll wyth a loud uoyce,
Tell a tale after the beft forte,
And fome herers how they will rejoyce,
To here of theyr neybours ill report !
VIII.
As though it were a matter of comfort,
Herein our charite doth dekay.
And fome maketh it but game and fport,
To tell a lye after the herefay.
IX.
Tell a good tale of God or fome faynt,
Or of fome mirakels lately done j
Some wyll beleue it hard and ftent,
And take it after a full lyght facyon :
X.
We here fay Chrift fuffrid pa/Tion,
And man fhall reuert to earth and clay,
, The rycheft or ftrongeft know not how foone,
Beleue well now this, for true is that herefay.
Tliis that follows is a dialogue between two lovers,
in which there is great simplicity of style and sen-
timent, and a frankness discoverable on the lady's part
not warranted by the manners of the present time : —
I.
[i/^] My harts luft and all my plefure,
Is geuen where I may not take it agayne.
[37;^] Do you repent ? [He^ Nay I make you fure.
[_S/ie^ What is the caufe then you do complayne ?
II.
[//«] It plefyth my hart to (hew part of my payne,
[S/ie] To whom ? [He] To you ! [S/ie] Plefe that wyl not me ;
Be all thefe words to me, they be in vayn,
Complayn where you may haue remedy.
III.
[He] I do complayn and find no releffe
[S/ie] Yea do you fo ? I pray you tell me how.
[He] My lady lyft not my paynes to redreffe.
[SAe] Say ye foth ? [He] V ea, i maKe God a vowe.
IV.
[SAe] Who is your lady ? [He] I put cafe you.
[She] Who I? nay be fure it is not fo.
[i/f] In fayth ye be. [SAe] Why do you fwere now ?
[He] In good fayth I loue you and no mo.
V.
[SJie] No mo but me ? [He] No fo fay I.
]SJie] May I you truft ? [He] Yea I make you fure.
[S/ie] I fere nay. [He] Yes, I fhall tell you why.
[SAe] Tell on, lets here. [He] Ye haue my hart in cure.
VI.
[S/ie] Your hart? nay. [He] Yes without mefure,
J do you loue. [SAe] I pray you fay not lo.
[He] In fayth I do. [S/ie] May I of you be fure ?
[He] Yea in good fayth. [•S'^'^J Then am I yours alfo.
By what kind of sophistry a lover may reason
himself into a state of absolute indifference, the
following ballad teaches : —
I.
Yf reafon did rule.
And witt kept fcoole,
Difcrecion fhoulde take place.
And heaue out heauines.
Which banifhed quietnes
And made hym hide his face.
II.
Sith time iiath tried,
And truth hath Ipied,
That fained faith is flatterie.
Why fhould difdaine
Thus ouer me raigne.
And hold me in captiuity ?
III.
Why fhoulde caufe my harte to brafte,
By fauoring foolifhe fantazie ?
Why fhould difpare me all to teare.
Why fhoulde I joyne with jelofie :
IV.
Why fhould I truft,
That neuer wasjufte.
Or loue her that loues manye j
Or to lament
Time paft and fpente.
Whereof is no recoverie *
V.
For if that I
Should thus applye,
Mylelfe in all I can;
Truth to take place,
Where neuer truth was,
I weare a foolifhe man.
VI.
Sett foorth is by fcience,
Declare it doth experience,
By the frute to know the tree ;
Then if a faininge flatterer.
To gaine a faithful louer,
It may in no wife be.
VII.
Therfore farewell flatterie,
Fained faith and jelofie.
Truth my tale fhall tell j
Reafon now fhall rule,
Witt fhall kepe the fcoole,
And bed you all farewell.
The arguments in favour of celibacy contained in
the following song are neither new or very cogent ;
yet they are not destitute of humour : —
I.
The bachelor mofl joyfullye.
In pleafant plight doth pafTe his dales,
Good fellowfhipp and companie
He doth maintaine and kepe alwaie.
II.
With damfells braue he maye well goe.
The marled man cannot doe lb,
If he be merie and toy with any.
His wife will frowne, and words geue manye ;
Her yellow hofe fhe flrait will put on,
So that the married man dare not difpleafe his wife Joanc.
There is somewhat subtle in the argument used by
the author of the following stanzas against lending
878
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IX.
money, which in short is this, to preserve friendship,
resist the emotions of it : —
I.
I had both monie and a frende,
Of neither though no ftore ;
lent my monie to my frende,
And tooke his bonde therfore.
11.
I aflced mv monie of my frende,
But nawght lave words I gott ;
I loft: my monie to kepe my frende,
For lewe hym would I not.
III.
But then if monie come,
And frende agjine weare founde,
1 woulde lend no monie to my frende,
Upon no kynde of bonde.
IV.
But after this for monie cometh
A friend with pawne to paye,
But when the monie fhould be had,
My frende ufed fuch delay,
V.
That neede of monie did me force.
My frende his pawne to fell,
And (o I got my monie, but
My frende clene from me fell.
VI.
Slth bonde for monie lent my frende.
Nor pawne afTurance is,
But that my monie or my frende
Therbye I ever miiFe.
VII.
If God fend monie and a frende,
As I haue had before.
1 will keepe my monie and fave my frende.
And playe the foole no more.
The exam])]es above given are only of such songs
and ballads as it is supposed were the entertainment
of the common people about the year 1550, they are
therefore not to be considered as evidences of the
general state of poetry at that time, nor imleed at any
given period of the preceding century ; for, not to
mention Chaucer, who flourished somewhat before,
and whose excellencies are known to every judge of
English literature, the verses of Gower abound with
beautiful images, and excellent moral precepts; and
those of the earl of Surrey, Sir Thomas Wyat, and a
few others, their contemporaries, with the liveliest
descriptions, and most elegant sentiments. One of
the most excellent poems of the kind in the English
language is the ballad of the Nut-brown Maid, pub-
lished with a fine paraphrase by Prior, which, though
the antiquity of it has by a few been questioned, was
printed by Pinson, who lived about the year 1500,
and probably was written some years before.
Many of the songs or popular ballads of this time
appear to have been written by Skelton, and a few of
them have been occasionally inserted in the course of
this work ; as to his poems now extant, they are so
peculiarly his own, so replete with scurrility, and,
though abounding with humour, so coarse and in-
delicate, that they are not to be matched with any
others of that time, and consequently reflect no dis-
grace on the age in which they were written.
Nothing can be more comical, nor nothing more
uncleanly, if we except certain verses of Swift, than
that poem of Skelton entitled the Tunnyng of Elynour
Kunnuyng. This woman is said by him to have lived
at Letherhead in Surrey, and to have sold ale, the
brewing or tunning whereof is the subject of the
poem. The humour of this ludicrous narrative con-
sists in an enumeration of many sluttish circumstances
that attended the brewing, and a description of several
persons of both sexes, of various characters, as tra-
vellers, tinkers, servant-wenches, farmers' wives, and
many others, whom the desire of Elynour's filthy
beverage had drawn from different parts of the coun-
try ; of her ale they are so eager to drink, that many
for want of money bring their household furniture,
skillets, pots, meal, salt, garments, working-tools,
wheel-barrows, spinning-wheels, and a hundred 'other
things. This numerous resort produces drunkenness
and a quarrel, and thus ends Skelton's poem the
Tunnyng of Elynour Rummyng.
Of his talent for satire the same author has given
an example in the following verses, which because
they are characteristic of an ignorant singing-man, a
contemporary of his, are here inserted at length : —
Skelton Laureate againft a comely Coyflrowne, that curiowfly
chauntyd and carryfhiy cowntred and madly in his Mufikes
mokkyfhly made, agaynft: the ix Mufis of politike Poems and
Poettys matriculat.
Of all nacyons under the Heuyn,
Thefe frantyke foolys I hate moft of all,
For though they ft:umble in the fynnes feuyn,
In peuyfhnes yet they fnapper and fall.
Which men the vii deadly fins call.
This peuyfh proud this prender geft.
When lie is well yet can he not refl.
A fwete fuger lofe and fowre bayards bun
Be lumdele lyke in forme and fhap.
The one for a duke the other for a dun j
A maunchet for Morell thereon to (nap,
ITis hart is to hy to haue any hap,
But for in his gamut carp that he can,
Lo Jak wold be a Jeutylman,
With hey troly loly, lo whip here Jak,
Alumbck lodyldym lyllorym Len,
Curyowfly he can both counter and knak,
Ot Martin Swart, and all hys mery men.
Lord how Perkyn is proud of his Pohen,
But afk wher he fyndyth among his monachords
An holy-water-clark a ruler of lordes.
He cannot fynd it in rule nor in fpace.
He folfyth to haute, hys trybyll is to hy.
He braggyth of his byrth that borne was full bace,
Hys mulyk withoute mefure, to fharp is his my,*
He trymmyth in his tenor to counter pardy,
His difcant is beiy, it is without a mene.
To fat is his fantfy, his wyt is to lene.
He tumbryth on a lewde lewte, Roty bulle Joyfe,-|-
Rumbill downe, tumbil downe, hey go now now,
He fumblyth in his tyngering an ugly rude noife,
It feemyth the ibbbyng of an old fow :
He wolde be made moch of and he wvft how;
Wele fped in ipyndels and tunyng of travellys,
A bungler, a brawler, a pyker of quarellys.
Comely he clappyth a payre of clauycordys,
He whyftelyth lo Iwetely he maketh me to fwet.
His difcant is dalhed full of dilcordes,
A red angry man but eafy to intrete ;
An ulher of the hall fayn wold I get,
To pointe this proude page a place and a rome.
For Jak wold be a Jentilman that late was a grolHi.
* f" e. The syllable mi used in solmisation.
t Tiie initial words of sume old song.
Chap. LXXXI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
379
Jak wold Jet and yet Jill fayd nay,
He counteth in his countenance to check with the baft,
A malaperte medler that pryeth tor his pray,
In a dyfli dare he rufh to wrangill and to wreft,
He findeth a proporcyon in his prycke fonge,
To drynke at a draught a large and a long.
Nay jape not with him, he is no fmall fole,
It is a lolempne fyre and a folayne,
For lordes and ladyes lerne at his fcole,
He techyth them I'o wyfely to foU'and to fayne.
That neither they fing wel prike-fong nor plain,
This Dodtor Dellias commenfyd in a cart,
A mailer, a mynftrel, a fydler, a — .
What though ye can counter Cujlodi nos.
As wel it becomith you a paryfh towne clarke
To fing Siipinitati dcdit ^gros.
Yet here ye not to bold, to braule ne to bark.
At me that medeled nothing with youre wark,
Corredt firft thy felfe, walk and be nought,
Deme what you lift thou knowift not my thought.
A prouerbe of old fay well or be ftill,
Ye are to unhappy occafion to fynde,
Uppon me to clater or elfe to fay yll.
Now have I ihewyd you part of your proud mind,
Take this in worth the beft is behind.
Wryten at Croydon by Crowland in the clay,
On Candelmas euyn the Kalendas of May.
Mention has already been made of the service-
books anciently used in the churches and chapels of
this kino^dom, by whom they were generally made,
and of the enormous price they bore while copies of
them could only be multiplied by writing. This,
though a great inconvenience, was not the only one
which music laboured under, for the characters used
in musical notation were for a series of years fluctu-
ating, so that they assumed a new form in every
century, and can hardly be said to have arrived at
any degree of stability till some years after the in-
vention of printing ; and it will surprise the reader
to behold, as he may in the specimens of notation
given (see Appendix, Nos. 45 to 55), the multifold
variation of the musical characters between the
eleventh century, when they were invented by Guido,
and the fifteenth, when, with a few exceptions in the
practice of the German printers, they were finally
Bcttled.
Upon these specimens it is to be remarked, that
they exhibit a series of characters used for the pur-
pose of musical notation from the eleventh century
down to the fourteenth, as they are to be found in
missals, graduals, antiphonaries, and other books of
offices adapted to the Romish service. With regard
to No. 48, ' Paupertate Spiritus,' the musical cha-
racters appear to be such as are said to have been in
use previous to the invention of the stave by Guido,
and from the smallness of the intervals it may be
questioned whether the notes are intended to signify
any thing more than certain inflections of the voice,
so nearly approaching to monotony, that the utter-
ance of them may rather be called reading than
singing.
The example (No. 50) ' Eripe me Domine' is clearly
in another method of notation, for the stave of Guido,
and also the F cliff, are made use of in it. With
regard to the characters on the lines and spaces, they
are very different from those points, from the use
whereof in nmsical composition the term Contrapunto
took its rise ; and so little do they resemble the cha-
racters proper to the Cantus Mensurabilis, as described
by Franco, De Handlo, and other writers on that
subject, that it is not without great difficulty that they
can be rendered intelligible. The author from whom
this example is taken exhibits it as a specimen of the
manner of notation in the twelfth century ; it never-
theless appears to have continued in practice so low
down as the sixteenth, for all the examples in the
IMargarita Pliilosophica of Gregory Reisch, printed
in 1517, are in this character, as are also those in the
Encliiridion of George Rhaw, the Compendium M\\-
sices of Lampadius, and other works ot the like kind,
published about the same time.
The specimen (No. 52) ' Verbum Patris' is of the
thirteentli century, and as to the form of the characters,
differs in some respects from the former ; and here it
may be remarked, that the F and C cliffs have each a
place in the stave, and that the station of tlie former
is marked by a pricked line. Other distinctions for
the places of the cliffs, namely, by giving the lines a
different colour or different degrees of thickness, were
usual in the earlier times, and are taken notice of in
an earlier part of this work.
The character in the specimen (No. 54) ' Vere dig-
num et justum' are supposed to denote the inflections
of tlie voice in reading.
The plate No. 45 shews the different forms of
the cliffs, and their gradual deviation from their
respective roots at different periods.
The two next succeeding plates contain a compre-
hensive view of the musical notes in different ages,
with their equivalents in modern characters.
The specimens are taken from the Lexicon Diplo-
maticum of Johannes Ludolphus Walther, published
at Ulm in 175G ; they appear to have been extracted
from ancient service-books in manuscript, of which
there are very many yet remaining in the public
libraries of universities and other repositories in
Europe.* The explanations in modern characters
are the result of his own labour and learned industry,
and furnish the means of rendering into modern cha-
racters those barbarous marks and signatures used by
the monks in the notation of their music.
CHAP. LXXXI.
The invention of printing proved an effectual
remedy for all the evils arising from the instability
of musical notation, for besides that it eased the
public in the article of expence, it introduced such
a steady and regular practice as rendered the musical,
an universal character.
The first essays towards music-printing were those
examples which occur in the works of Franchinus,
printed at Milan ; but of these it may be observed,
that the notes therein contained are not printed from
letter-press types, with a character cut on each, but
♦ One of the finest of the kind, perhaps in the world, is the Liber
Regalis, cnntaininij, among other things, the religious ceremonial of the
coronation of Richard II. and his queen, with the musical notes to the
offices. This curious MS. was orijjinally intended for the use of the
high-altar in Westminster abbey, and is now in the library of that church.
380
HISTORY l)F THE SCIENCE
Book IX.
in masses, or from blocks, with a variety of characters
engraven thereon. The Germans improved npiDn
this practice, and the art of printing music with
letter-press types appears to have arrived at great
perfection among them by the year 1500.
Mattheson, in hisVolkomenenCapelmeister, pag. 58,
relates that Jaques De Sanleques, a man who had
arrived to play exquisitely on all instruments, with-
out the least instruction, was tlie first who taught
the art of making music-types, and the method of
printing from them, in France ; and that he died in
the year 16B0, at the age of forty-six, having pre-
cipitated his death by excessive study and application.
This account of the introduction of musical printing
types into France can never be true ; for the Psalms
and other works of Claude Le Jeune, which was
published at Paris by Pierre Ballard before Sanleques
was born, that is to say in 1603 and 1G06, are a
demonstration to the contrary; and, to judge from
the exquisite beauty and elegance of the characters,
and the many elegant ornaments and ingenious
devices for the initial letters, it seems that the
French had in this kind of printing greatly the
advantage of their neighbours.
In England the progress of this art was com-
paratively slow, for in the Polychronicon * of
Ranulph Higden, translated by Trevisa, and printed
by Wynken de Worde, at Westminster in 1495, are
the following musical characters, which Mr. Ames
with good reason supposes to be the first of the kind
printed in England : —
-■■_■■ p 1
T"
I
1
— ■
-■ —
1
1
P J
-^ '
a
2
a
S
o
O
o
£U
O}
■ui
rt
a!
tS
a,
©
ai
TS
C8
a.
y.
cj
■^
c
:)
^
^
5*
Q
Grafton improved upon these characters in the
book published by him in 1550, entitled. The Book
of Common Prayer noted, which was composed by
John Marbeck organist of Windsor, and contains the
rudiments of our present cathedral service ; these, in
the opinion of the printer, stood so much in need of
explanation, that he has inserted the following me-
morandum concerning them ; —
• In this booke is conteyned fo much of the order of
* Common Prayer as is to be fung in churches, wherein
* are ufed only thefe iiii fortes of rotes : —
±3^li:
' The firft note is a ftrene note, and is a breve ; the
* fecond is a fquare note, and is a femybreve ; the iii a
' pycke, and is a mynymme. And when there is a
* prycke by the fquare note, that prycke is halfe as
* Those who do not know that the Polychronicon is a multifarious
history of events without order or connexion, will wonder how these
characters could find a place in it, but it is thus accounted for ; the
author relates the discovery of the consonances by Pythagoras, and to
illustrate his narration gives a type of them in the form above described.
' muche as the note that goeth before it. The iiii is
' a clofe, and is only ufed at the end of a verfe.'
These characters were considerably improved by
the industrious John Day, who in 1560 published
the church-service in four and three parts, to be sung
at the morning, communion, and evening prayer, and
in 1562 the whole book of Psalms, collected into
English metre by Sternhold, Hopkins, and others,
with apt notes to sing them withal, and by Thomas
Vautrollier, who in 1575 published the Cantiones of
Tallis and Bird under a patent of queen Elizabeth
to the authors, the first of the kind.f The succeeding
music-printers to Vautrollier and Day were Thomas
Este, who for some reasons not now to be guessed at,
changed his name to Snodham,| John Windet,
William Barley, and others, who were the assignees
of Bird and Morley, under the patents respectively
granted to them for the sole printing of music.
These men followed the practice of the foreign
printers, but made no improvement at all in the
art, nor was any made till the time of John Playford,
who lived in the reign of Charles II.
In what manner, and from what motives, music
was first introduced into the church-service, has
already been mentioned ; and in the account given
of that matter it has been shewn that the practice of
antiphonal singing took its rise in the churches of
the East, namely, those of Antioch, Cesaroea, and
Constantinople ; 'that the Greek fathers, St. Basil
and St. Chrysostom, were the original institutors of
choral service in their respective churches ; that St.
Ambrose introduced it into his church at IMilan ;
that from thence it passed to Rome, from whence it
was propagated and established in France, Germany,
Britain, and, in short, throughout the West : and, to
speak more particularly, that Damasus ordained the
alternate singing of the Psalms, together with the
Gloria Patri, and Alleluja ; in 384, Siricius, the
anthem ; in 507, Symmachus, the Gloria in Excelsis ;
that in 590 Gregory the Great reformed the Cantus
Ambrosianus, and established that known by his
name ; and that about the year 660 Vitalianus com-
pleted the institution by joining to the melody of the
voice the harmony of the organ.
From this deduction of the rise and progress of
music in cathedral worship, it may seem that the
introduction of music into the church was attended
with little difficulty. But the case was far otherwise ;
fortunately for the science, the above-mentioned
fathers were skilled in it, and their zeal co-operating
with their authority, enabled them to procure it
admittance into the church ; but there were then, as
there have been at all times, men, who either having
no ear, were insensible to the effects of harmony, or
who conceiving that all such adventitious aids to
devotion were at least unnecessary, if not sinful,
laboured with all their might to procure the ex-
clusion of music of every kind from the church, and
to restore the service to that original plainness and
simplicity, which they conceived to be its perfection.
And first St. Austin, whose suffrage is even at
this day cited in favour of choral music ; although
t Ames's Typographical Antiquities, pag. 335. t Ibid.
Chap. LXXXI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
581
speaking of the introduction of antiphonal singing
into tlie church of Milan, at which he was present,
thus pathetically expresses himself : ' How abundantly
' did I weep before God to hear those hymns of thine ;
' being touched to the (pick by the voices of thy
' sweet church song ! The voices flowed into my ears,
' and thy truth pleasingly distilled into my heart,
' which caused the affections of my devotion to over-
' flow, and my tears to run over, and happy did I
* find myself therein.'
Yet this very St. Austin having reason to suspect
that he had mistaken the natural workings of his
passions for the fervent operations of a vigorous
devotion, censures himself severely for being so
moved with sensual delight in divine worship, and
heartily blesses God for being delivered from that
snare. He withal declares that he often wished that
the melodious singing of David's Psalter with so
much art were moved from his and the church's
ears ; and that he thought the method which he had
often heard was observed by Athanasius, bishop of
Alexandria, was the safest, who caused him that read
the Psalm to use so little variation of the voice, that
he seemed rather to pronounce than sing.* And
elsewhere he declares that the same manner of sing-
ing as was used in Alexandria prevailed throughout
all Africa.f
St. Jerome, though a friend to magnificence in
divine worship, seems to more than hint a dislike of
artificial singing in the church, when he says, ' That
' we are not like tragedians to gargle the throat with
' sweet modulation, that our theatrical tunes and
' songs may be heard in the church, but we are to
' sing with reverence.' 1^
Isidore of Sevil, though a writer on music, and as
such mentioned in the account herein before given
of writers on the science, says, that the singing of
the primitive Christians was attended with so small
a variation of the voice, that it differed very little
from reading ; and as for that pompous manner of
singing, which a little before his time had been ip-
troduced into the Western church, he says it was
brought in for the sake of those who were carnal,
and not on their account who were spiritual, that
those who were not affected by words might be
charmed by the sweetness of the harmony.§
Rabanus Maurus, another musical writer, and a
disciple of the famous Alcuin, freely declares himself
against the use of musical artifice and theatrical
singing in the worship of God, and is only for such
music as may move compunction, and be clearly
understood by the hearers.||
Thomas Aquinas, universally reputed the ablest
and most judicious of the schoolmen, declares against
the use of instruments in divine worship, which,
together with the pompous service of the choir, he
intimates are Judaical. He says that ' musical in-
' struments do more stir up the mind to delight, than
* frame it to a religious disposition.' He indeed
allows that ' under the law such sensitive aids might
' be needful, as they were types or figures of some-
« Confess, lib. X. rap. 33. t Epist. 119. 1 Epist. ad Rusticum.
J Defied Off. lib. I. cap. 5. |] De Institut. Cleric, lib. 11. cap. 48.
' thing else ; but that under the gospel dispensation
' he sees no reason or use for them.'^f
And, to come nearer our own times, Cornelius
Agrippa, though a sceptic in most of the subjects
which he has written on, declaims with great vehe-
mence against cathedral music, which he says is ' so
* licentious, that the divine offices, holy mysteries,
' and prayers are chanted by a company of wanton
' musicians, hired with great sums of money, not to
' edify the understanding, but to tickle the ears of
' their auditory. The church,' he adds, ' is filled
' with noise and clamour, the boys whining the
' descant, while some bellow the tenor, and others
' bark the counterpoint ; others again squeak the
' treble, while others grunt the bass ; and they all
' contrive so, that though a great variety of sounds is
' heard, neither sentences, nor even words can be
* understood.' * *
Erasmus, who, as having been while a boy a
chorister, might be reasonably supposed to entertain
a prejudice rather in favour of music than against it,
has a passage to this purpose : ' There is, says he,
' a kind of music brought into divine worship which
' hinders people from distinctly understanding a word
' that is said ; nor have the singers any leisure to
' mind what they sing ; nor can the vulgar hear any
' thing but an empty sound, which delightfully glides
' into their ears. What notions, says he, have they
' of Christ, who think he is pleased with such a noise ?'
And in another place he thus complains : ' We
' have brought a tedious and capricious kind of music
' into the house of God, a tumultuous noise of different
' voices, such as I think was never heard in the
' theatres either of the Greeks or Romans, for the
' keeping up whereof whole flocks of boys are main-
* tained at a great expence, whose time is spent in
' learning such gibble-gabble, while they are taught
' nothing that is either good or useful. Whole
' troops of lazy lubbers are also maintained solely
' for the same purpose ; at such an expence is the
' church for a thing that is pestiferous.' Whereupon
he expresses a wish ' that it were exactly calculated
' how many poor men might be relieved and main-
' tained out of the salaries of these singers :' and con-
cludes with a reflection on the English for their
fondness of this kind for service.f f
Zuinglius, notwithstanding he was a lover of music,
speaking of the ecclesiastical chanting, says, t^at that
' and the roaring in the churches, scarce understood
' by the priests themselves, are a foolish and vain
' alsuse, and a most pernicious hindrance to piety.' |:|:
But lest the suffrage of Zuinglius and Calvin, who
speaks much in the same manner, should be thought
exceptionable, it may not be amiss to produce that
of cardinal Cajetan, who, though a great enemy to
the reformers, agrees with them in declaring that it
may be easily gathered from 1 Corinthians xiv. that
it is much more agreeable to the apostle's mind that
the sacred offices should be distinctly recited and
intelligibly performed in the church, without musical
IT In. 21. Qu. 91. a. 2. 4.
** De Vanitate et Incertudine Scientiarum, cap. 17.
tt Comment on 1. Corinth, xiv. 19.
II Zuinglii Act. Disp. pag. 10(i.
382 HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE Book IX.
and artificial harmony, than so managed, as that with ancients with confusion in the modes of time, which
tlie noise of organs and the clamorous divisions, and were not invented till the middle of the eleventh
absurd repetitions of affected singers, which seem as century4
it were devised on purpose to darken the sense, the Against the objections of these men choral service
auditors should be so confounded as that no one has been defended by arguments drawn from the
should be able to understand what was sung. practice of the primitive church, and its tendency to
Polydore Virgil, though an Italian, and of the edification ; these are largely insisted on by Durandus.
Romish communion, writes to the same purpose : cardinal Bona, and others of the liturgical writers.
' How, says he, the chanters make a noise in the As to the censure of the council of Trent, it regarded
' church, and nothing is heard there but a voice ; only the abuses of church-music ; for it forbids only
' and others who are present rest satisfied with the the use of music in churches mixed with lascivious
' consent of the cries, no way regarding the meaning songs, and certain indecencies in the performance of
' of the words. And so it is, that among the multi- it which the singers had given into ; § and as it was
' tude all the esteem of divine worship seems to rely designed to bring it back to that standard of purity
• on the chanters, notwithstanding generally no men from which it had departed, it justified the decent
' are lighter or more wicked.' And speaking of the and genuine use of it, and gave such authority to
choir service in general, he adds : ' I may say that choral or antiphonal singing, that its lawfulness and
• this, and the ceremonies attending it, are for the expediency has long ceased to be a subject of con-
' most part brought into our worship from the old troversy, except in the reformed churches ; and in
' Heathens, who were wont to sacrifice with symphony, these a diversity of opinion still remains. The
' as Livy, lib. IX. witnesseth.' * Calvinists content themselves with a plain metrical
Lindanus, bishop of Ruremonde, speaking of the psalmody, but the Lutheran and episcopal churches
musicians and singers that had possessed the church have a solemn musical service. The original oppugners
after the Reformation, complains that their music is ot that of the church of England were the primitive
nothing but a theatrical confusion of sounds, tending Puritans ; the force of their objections to it is con-
rather to avert the minds of the hearers from what tained in the writings of their champion Thomas
is good, than raise them to God; and declares that Cartwright, in the course of the disciplinarian con-
he had often been present, and as attentive as troversy ; and to these Hooker, in his Ecclesiastical
he could well be to what was sung, yet could he Polity, has given what many persons think a
hardly understand any thing, the whole service w^as satisfactory answer. The arguments of each are
so filled with repetitions, and a confusion of different referred to in a subsequent part of this work,
voices and tones and rude clamours. And thereupon However, these are merely speculative opinions,
he commends those who had expelled this sort of into which it were to little purpose to seek either for
music out of their churches as a mere human device, the causes that contributed to the establishment of cho-
and a profane hindrance of divine worship. f ral music, or for the reasons that influenced those who
To these censures of individuals some have added opposed its admission, since in their determinations
that implied in the decree of the council of Trent, the bulk of mankind are actuated by considerations
made anno 1562, for correcting abuses in the cele- very remote from the reasonableness or propriety of
bration of the mass, not distinguishing between the any. The fact is, that the fathers above -mentioned,
use and the abuse of the subject in question. from a persuasion of its utility and agreeableness to
Such are the authorities usually insisted on against the word of God, laboured to introduce it into the
the practice of antiphonal singing in cathedral church ; and it is no less certain, that chiefly on the
churches, against which it might be objected, that score of its novelty it met with great opposition from
the arguments, if such they may be called, of the the common people ; for, not to mention the tumults
several writers above-mentioned, seem less calculated which the introduction of it occasioned at Constanti-
to convince the reason than to inflame the passions nople, and the concessions which St. Chrysostom
of those who should attend to them ; that allowing thereupon made, it appears that when Gregory the
them all their weight, they conclude rather against Great, in G20, sent the CantusGregorianus into Britain
the abuse of singing than the practice itself: and that by Austin the monk, the clergy were so little disposed
all of those writers who have been thus free in their to receive it, that the endeavours to establish it
censures of church-music, were not so well skilled occasioned the slaughter of no fewer than twelve
in the science as to be justifiable for pretending to hundred of them at once ; and it was not till fifty
give any opinion at all about it. Polydore Virgil has years after, when Vitalianus sent Theodore the Greek
never yet been deemed a very respectable authority to fill up the vacant see of Canturbury, that the
either for facts or opinions ; and as to Cornelius clergy of this island could be prevailed on either to
Agrippa, the author of a book which the world have celebrate the Paschal solemnity, the precise time for
long stood in doubt whether to approve or condemn, which was then a subject of great controversy, or to
choral singing might well seem confusion to him, acquiesce in the admission of cathedral service in the
who was so grossly ignorant in the science of music, manner required by the Romish ritual ; nor did they
as not to know the difference between the harmonical then do it so willingly but that the pope about nine
and metrical modes, and who has charged the j com. Agrippa in loc. citat.
* T)p Tnvptit Poriitv, I'h VT I § ' L" uso delle musiche nelle chiefe con mistura di canto, 6 suono
i7e invent, iverum. iin. vi. cap. H. ' lascivo, tutte le attioni secolari, coUoquii profani, strepiti, gridori.
t Lindan. Panophae, lib. V. cap.vii. Hist, del Concil. Trident, di Pietro Soave, Londra, 1619, pag. 559.
Chap. LXXXI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
383
years after, found himself under the necessity of
sending hither the principal singer of the church of
{St. Peter at Rome, Avho taught the Britons the Roman
method of singing, so that the true era of cathedral
music in this our land is to be fixed at about the year
of our Lord 679.
But in France the business went on still less
smoothly than in Britain, for which reason Adrian
taking advantage of the obligation he had conferred
on Charlemagne, by making him emperor of the
West, stipulated with him for the introduction of
the Cantus Gregorianus into the Gallic church : the
account of this memorable transaction is thus given
by Baronius. ' In the year 787 the emperor kept
' his Easter with pope Adrian at Rome ; and in
' those days of festivity there arose a great con-
' tention between the French and Roman singers.
' The French pretended to sing more gravely and
' decently, the Romans more melodiously and arti-
' ficially, and each mightily undervalued the other.
' The emperor yielded to the pope, and made his
' own servants submit ; and thereupon he took back
' with him Theodore and Benedict, two excellent
* Roman singers, to instruct his countrymen. The
■ pope also presented him with the Roman antipho-
' nary, which the emperor promised him should be
' generally used throughout his dominions ; and upon
' his return to France he placed one of these artists in
' the city of Metz, ordering that the singers should
' from all the cities in France resort hither to be
' taught by him the true method of singing and
' playing on the organ.' *
Thus the matter stood at about the end of the
eighth century, by which time all actual opposition
to cathedral music was pretty well calmed ; and,
saving the objections above-cited, which seem rather
to apply to the abuse of it than the practice itself,
church-music may be said to have met with no in-
terruption for upwards of seven centuries. On the
contrary, during all that period the church of Rome,
with a sedulous application continued its utmost
endeavours to cultivate it. And from the time that
Franchinus became a public professor of the science,
the younger clergy betook themselves with great
assiduity to the study of music, for which no adequate
cause can be assigned other than that it was looked
on as the ready road to ecclesiastical preferment.
Nor was it from those popes alone who were skilled
in, or entertained a passion for the science, that music
received protection ; others of them there were, who,
influenced by considerations merely political, con-
tributed to encourage it ; the dignity, the splendor,
and magnificence of the Roman worship seemed to
demand every assistance that the arts could afford.
All the world knows how much of the perfection
which painting has arrived at, is owing to the en^
couragement given by the church to its professors :
Michael Angelo and Raphael were almost solely
employed in adorning tlie church of 8t. Peter and
the Vatican with sculptures and scripture-histories ;
and from motives of a similar nature the greatest
* A circumstantial acco\int of this event, as related by Diirandus and
cardinal Baronius, is given in book IV. chap. 30. of this worl^.
encouragements were given to musicians to devote
their studies to that species of composition which is
suited to the ends of divine worship ; and to the
perfection of this kind of music the circumstances of
the times were very fortunate : for notwithstanding
the extreme licence taken by persons of rank and
opulence at Rome, and indeed throughout all Italy,
and that unbounded love of pleasure, which even in
the fourteenth century had fixed the characteristic
of Italian manners, it does appear that much of
their enjoyment was derived from such public spec-
tacles as to the other powers of fascination add
music ; and that masquerades, feasting, and gallantry
were with them the principal sources of sensual
gratification. The musical drama, or what is now
called the opera, was not then known ; the con-
sequence whereof was, that the church not having
then, as now, the stage for its competitor, had it in
its power to attach the most eminent professors of
the science to its service, and to render the studies
of a whole faculty subservient to its purposes.
To this concurrence of circumstances, and a dis-
position in those whose duty led them to attend to
the interests of religion, to which may be added that
theoretical skill in the science, which Franchinus
had by his public lectures disseminated throughout
Italy, are owing the improvements which we find to
have been made in the art of practical composition
by the end of the sixteenth century. The prodigious
havoc and destruction which was made in the con-
ventual and other libraries, not only in England, at
the dissolution of monasteries, but in France and
Flanders also, in consequence of those commotions
which the reformation of religion occasioned, have
left us but few of those compositions from whence
a comparison might be drawn between the church-
music of the period now spoken of, and tliat of the
more early ages ; but from the few fragments of the
latter now remaining in manuscript, it appears to be
of a very inartificial contexture, and totally void of
those excellencies that distinguish the productions of
succeeding times. Nor indeed could it possibly be
otherwise while the precepts of the science inculcated
nothing more than the doctrine of counterpoint and
the nature of the canto fermo, a kind of harmony
simple and unadorned, and in the performance
scarcely above the capacities of those who in singing
had no other guide than their ear and memory ; in
short, a species of music that derived not the least
advantage from any difference among themselves
in respect of the length or duration of the notes,
which all men know^ is an inexhaustible source of
variety and delight.
But the assigning of diff'erent lengths to sounds,
the invention of pauses, or rests, the establishment of
metrical laws, and the regulating the motion of a
great variety of parts by the tactus or beat, whereby
an union of harmony and metre was effected, were
improvements of great importance ; from these sprang
the invention of fugue and canon, and those infinitely
various combinations of tone and time which dis-
tinguish the canto figurato from the canto fermo, op
ecclesiastical plain -song.
384
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IX.
The principal motive to tnese improvements was
undoubtedly the great encouragement given to
students and professors of music by the court of
Rome. Those writers, who, to palliate the vices
of Leo X. insist on his love of learning, and the
patronage afforded by him to the professors of all
the finer arts, ascribe the perfection of music among
the rest to his munificence ; but in this they are
mistaken ; an emulation to promote music prevailed
at this time throughout Europe, and the temporal
princes were not less disposed to favour its improve-
ment than even the pontiffs themselves ; our own
Henry VIII. not only sang, but was possessed of
a degree of skill in the art of practical composition
equal to that of many of its ablest professors, as
appears by many of his works now extant. Francis
the First of France reckoned Joannes Mouton, his
chapel-master, and Crequilon, among the chief orna-
ments of his court ; and the emperor Charles V. by
his bounty to musicians had drawn many of the most
celebrated then in Europe to settle in Germany and
the Low Countries.
Such was the general state of the church-service
in Europe in the age immediately preceding the
Reformation, at the time whereof it is well known
choral music underwent a very great change ; the na-
ture of this change, and the precise difference between
the Romish and the other reformed churches in this
respect will best appear by a comparison of their
several offices ; nevertheless a very cursory view of
the Romish ritual, particularly of the missal, the
gradual, and the antiphonary, will serve to shew that
the greater part of the service of that church was
sung to musical notes. In the Antwerp edition of
the missal, printed MDLXXVIII. conformable to
the decree of the council of Trent, the suffrages
and responses are printed with notes, which are
included within a stave of four red lines. The
offices in usum Sarisburiensis, as they are termed,
contained in the Missal, the Manual, the Proces-
sional, and other books, nay even those for the
consecration of salt, of water, tapers, and ashes,
are in like manner printed with musical notes.
These it must be supposed, as they are for the
most part extremely plain and simple, were in-
tended for common and ordinary occasions ; in
short, they are that kind of plain-chant which is
easily retained in the memory, and in which the
whole of a congregation might without any dis-
sonance or confusion join.
But the splendour and magnificence of the Romish
worship is only to be judged of by the manner of
celebrating divine service upon great festivals, and
other solemn occasions, and that too in cathedrals
and conventual churches, and in those abbies and
monasteries where either the munificence of the state,
or an ample endowment, afforded the means of
sustaining the expense of a choir. In these cases
the mass was sung by a numerous choir, composed
of men and boys, sufficiently skilled in the practice
of choral service, to music of a very elaborate and
artificial contexture ; in the composition whereof the
strict rules of the tonal melody were dispensed with,
and the greatest latitude was allowed for the exercise
of the powers of invention.
However, this mode of solemn service was not
restrained to cathedral, collegiate, and conventual
churches, it was practised also in the royal and
universal chapels, and in the domestic chapels of the
dignitaries of the church, and of the higher orders of
nobility. Cavendish, in his life of cardinal Wolsey,
relating the order and offices of his house and chapel,
gives the following account of the latter : —
' Now t will declare unto you the officers of his
* chapel, and singing-men of the same. First, he
' had there a dean, a great divine, and a man of ex-
' cellent learning ; and a subdean, a repeatour of the
' quire, a gospeller and epistoller ; of singing priests
' ten. A master of the children. The seculas of the
' chapel, being singing - men, twelve. Singing
* children ten, with one servant to wait upon the
' children. In the vestry a yeoman and two grooms ;
' over and besides other retainers that came thither
' at principal feasts. And for the furniture of his
' chapel, it passeth my weak capacity to declare the
' number of the costly ornaments and rich Jewells
' that were occupied in the same. For I have seen
' in procession about the hall forty-four rich copes,
' besides the rich candlesticks and other necessary
' ornaments to the furniture of the same.'*
Besides the higher dignitaries of the church, such
as the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of
Durham and Winchester, while those bishopricks
were not held in commendam by the cardinal, and
perhaps some others, whose station might require it,
there were several among the principal nobility who
seemed to emulate Wolsey in this particular, and had
the solemn choral service performed in the chapels
of their respective palaces and houses. One of these
was the earl of Northumberland, whose great pos-
sessions and ample jurisdiction seem to have been
adequate to, and to warrant every degree of magnifi-
cence under that of a king ; for it appears that at the
seat of the earl of Northumberland, contemporary
with Wolsey, there was a chapel, in which, to judge
from the number and qualifications of the persons
retained for that purpose, it should seem that choral
service was performed with the same degree of
solemnity as in cathedral and conventual churches.
The evidence of this fact is contained in an ancient
manuscript of the Percy family, purporting to be the
regulations and establishment of the household of
Henry Algernon Percy, the fifth earl of Northumber-
* The state and dignity in which Wolsey lived, seemed to require a retinue
of secular musicians ; and accordingly we find that he held a company of
such <ittending him, which, upon some occasions, tic lent to the King. To
this purpose. Stow, in his 4'>uals, p. 535, relates a fact which is here given
in his own words: — ' There was not only plerily of fine meats, hut also much
' mirth, and solace, as well in merry communication, as with the noise of my
■ Lord's minstrels, who played there all that night so cunningly, that the
' King tooke therein great pleasure ; insomuch that he desired my Lord to
' lend them nnto him for the next niiiht, and after supper their banquet
'finished, the ladies and gentlemen fell to daunsing, among u'hom, one
' Madame Fontaine, a maide, had the price. And thus passed they the
' most part of the night ere they departed. The next day the King tooke my
' Lord's minstrels, and rode to a nobleman's house where was some image to
' whom lie vowed a pilgrimage, to performe his devotions. When he came
' there, which was in the night, hee daiinsed and caused other to doe the same,
' (ifler the sound of my Lord's minstrels, who played there all night, and
' never rested, so that whether it were with extreme labour of blowing, or
' irith poyson (as some iuriged ) because they were commended by the King
■ more than his owne. I cannot tell, but the player on the shaline (who wa»
■ icry excellent in that instrument) dyed within a day or two after!'
Chap. LXXXI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
385
land, at his castles of Wresill and Lekingfield in
Yorkshire, begun anno domini MDXII. By this it
appears that the earl had his dean and subdean of
the chapel, a gospeller and pistoler, gentlemen and
children of the chapel, an organist, and, in short, the
same officers and retainers as were employed in the
royal and other chapels ; and as to their number, it
appears by the following entries in the manuscript
above referred to : —
' Gentyllmen and Childeryn of the Chapell.
' Item. Gentyllmen and childryn of the chapell xiiij,
' viz., gentyllmen of the chapell viii, viz., ij bassys, ij
' tenors, and iiij countertenours — yoman or grome of the
* vestry j — childeryn of the chapell v, viz., ij tribills and
iij meanys — xiiij.
* Gentilmen of the chapel ix, viz., the maister of the
' childre j — tenors ij — countertenors iiij — the pistoler j —
' and oone for the orgayns — childer of the chapell vj.'
The wages of the dean, the gentlemen, and the
children of the chapel, are thus ascertained : —
' The dean of the chapel iiij 1. if he have it in housholde
' and not by patentt.*
' Gentillmen of the chapel x, as to say two at x marc
' a pece — three at iiij 1. a pece — two at v marc a pece —
' oone at xls. — and oone at xxs. viz., ij bassys, ij tenors,
' and vj countertenors — childeryn of the chapel vj, after
' XXV s. the pece.
' The gentlemen ande childrin of my lordis chapell
' whiche be not appointid to uttend at no tyme, but oonely
' in exercising of Goddis service in the chappell daily at
' Mat tins, Lady-Mass, Highe-Mass, Even-songe, and
' Complynge.
' Gentlemen of my lordis chappell.
' Furst, a bass. Item, a seconde bass. Item, the third
' bass. Item, a maister of the childer, a countertenour.
* Item, a second countertenour. Item, a third counter-
' tenour. Item, a iiijth countertenour. Item, a standing
* tenour. Item, a second standing tenour. Item, a
'iijd standing tenour. Item, a fourth standing tenour.
' Childrin of my lordis chappell.
' Item, the fyrst child a trible. Item, the ijd child a
* trible. Item, the iijd cliild a trible. Item, the iiijth
' child a second trible. Item, the vtli child a second
' trible. Item, the vjth child a second trible.
' The noumbre of tbois parsons as childrin of my lordis
' chappel vj.'
The wages or stipends severally assigned to the
gentlemen and children of the above establishment
have already been mentioned ; provision was also
made for their maintenance in this noble family, as
appears by the following articles respecting their
diet : —
' Braikfast in Lent for ij meas [mess] of gentilmen o'
' tb' chapel, and a meas of childeryn, iij loofs of brede,
' a gallon dimid [half] of here, and iij peces of salt fish
* or ells, iiiij white herryng to a meas — iij.'
And in another place their ordinary breakfast is
directed to be —
' iij loif of boushold bred, a gallon dimid of here, and
' iij peces of beif boylid. — ^j
' Braikfasts for ij meas of gentilmen o' th' chappel,
* The wages of the dean, considering the dignity of his station, seem
greatly disproportionate to those of the gentlemen of the chapel, two of
whom are assigned ten marks, or CI. 13s. 4d. a piece : what was the dif-
ference between having the office in household and by patent does not
appear ; if it could be ascertained it might account for this seeming
inecjuality.
* and a meas of childer, iij loifs of boushold breid, a gallon
' dimid of here, and a pece of salt-fische.
' Service for iiij mease of gentyllmen and childre of the
' chapell at suppar upon Tewisday in the Rogacion days,
' furst X gentylmen and vj childre of the chapel iiij meas.
* Service for gentylmen and childer o' th' chapell, to
' every meas a loof of bred, a pottell of here, half a dysch
' of buttre, and a pece of saltt-fische, viij dyschis.'f
Besides these assignments, they had also liveries
of white or wax-lights, of fagots, and of coals for
fuel ; provision was also made for the washing of
Albesf and surplices for the gentlemen and children
of the chapel, and also of altar-cloths : the times
of washing them were regulated by the festivals that
occur in the course of the year, and the rate of
payment to the launderer was a penny for every
three surplices. The whole expense of washing
linen for the chapel as thus ascertained, was estimated
at seventeen shillings and four pence a year, and the
amount of the chapel-wages for a year was thirty-five
pounds fifteen shillings.
' The orderynge of my lordes chapell in the queare at
' mattyngis, mass, and evynsonge. To stonde in ordure as
' hereafter foUoweth, syde for syde daily : —
' The deane side. ' The seconde side.
' The Deane.
' The subdeane.
' A basse.
' A tenor.
' A countertenor.
' A countertenor.
' A countertenor.
' The Lady-masse priest.
' The gospeller.
' A basse.
' A countertenor.
' A countertenor.
' A tenor.
' A countertenor.
' A tenor.
+ The regimen of diet prescribed by the hook from which the above
extracts are made, was, with a few variations extended to the whole
family : the follovring regulations respect the breakfasts of the earl an()
the countess and their children during Lent : —
' Braikfast for my lorde and my lady.
' Furst, a loif of brede in trenchers, ij manchetts, a quart of here, a
' quart of wyne, ij pecys of salt-fisch, vj baconn'd herryng, iiij white
' herryng, or a disch of sproits — j .
' Braikfaste for my lorde Percy and maister Thomas Percy.
' Item, half a loif of household brede, a manchet, a potell of here, a
' dysch of butter, and a pece of salt-fish, a dysch of sproits, or iij white
' herrynge— j.
' Braikfaste for the nurcy for my lady Margaret and maister
' Ingeram Percy.
' Item, a manchet, a quarte of here, a dysch of butter, a pece of salt-
' fisch, a dysch of sproitts, or iij white herryng— j.'
And, excepting the season of Lent and fish-days, the ordinary allow-
ance for this part of the family throughout the year was as follows:
' Braikfastis of flesch days dayly thorowte the yere.
' Braikfastis for my lorde and my lady.
'Furst, a loof of brede in trenchors, ij manchetts, j quart of here, a
' quart of wine, half a chyne of muton, or ells a chyne of beef boiled— j.
' Braikfastis for my lorde Percy and Mr. Thomas Percy.
' Item halfe a loif of householde breide, a manchet, j potell of here, a
' chekynge or ells iij mutton bonys boiled — ^j.
' Braikfasts for the nurcy for my lady Margaret and Mr. Yngram Percy.
' Item, a manchet, j quarte of here, and iij mutton bonys boiled.'
The system of household ccconomy established in this family must be
supposed to correspond with the practice of the whole kingdom, and
enables us to trace the progress of refinement, and in short, to form an
estimate of national manners at two remote periods.
I The Alb is a white linen garment, and is frequently mistaken for the
surplice, though the rubric at the end of the first liturgy of Edward VI.
and also that before morning prayer in the second liturgy of the same
king, has clearly distinguished between them ; but as described by
Durandus, Ration. Divin. Officior. lib. III. cap. iii. De Tunica, it is a
garment made fit and close to the body, tied round the waist of the
wearer with a girdle or sash. In the picture of the communion of St.
Jerome by Dominichino, of which there is a fine print by Jacomo Frey,
is the figure of a young man kneeling, with a book under his arm, having
for his outer garment an alb. The Alb was anciently embroidered with
various colours, and ornamented with fringe. See Bingham's Antiqui-
ties, book XIII. chap. viii. § 2. Wheatley on the Common Prayer,
chap. II. sect. 4. o _
386
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IX
' The ordurynge of my lordes chappell for the keapinge
* of our Ladyes mass thorowte the weike.
' Monday.
' Sonday.
' Master of tlie Childer a
' countertenor.
' A tenour,
* A tenour.
' A basse.
' Twisday.
' Master of the childer a
' countertenour.
* A countertenour.
* A countertenour.
' A tenour.
' Thursdaie.
Master of the childer a
' countertenor.
* A countertenoure.
' A countertenoure.
' A tenoure.
* Master of the Childer a
' Countertenor.
* A countertenour.
' A counter-tenonr.
' A tenor.
' Wedynsday
' Master of the childer a
' countertenor
' A coimtertenour.
* A tenour.
' A basse.
' Fryday.
' Master of the childer a
' countertenor.
' A countertenour.
' A countertenour.
* A basse.
' Satturday.
Master of the childer a
' countertenor
' A countertenor.
* A countertenor.
' A tenour.
* Fryday.
' And upon the saide
' Friday th'ool chapell,
' and evry day in the
* weike when my lord
' shall be present at the
' saide masse.
' The ordurynge for keapinge weikly of the orgayns
' one after an outher as the namys of them hereafter
' followith weikly : —
' The maister of the childer, yf he be a player, the
' first weke.
' A countertenor that is a player the ijde weke.
' A tenor that is a player the thirde weike.
' A basse that is a player the iiijth weike.
' And every man that is a player to keep his cours
weikly.'
CHAP. LXXXII.
It is probable that Wolsey looked upon this
establishment with a jealous eye. The earl might
be said to be his neighbour, at least he lived in the
cardinal's diocese of York, and such emiilation of
pontifical magnificence in a layman could hardly be
brooked ; be that as it may, it is certain that upon
the decease of the above-mentioned earl of North-
umberland, the cardinal's intention was to deprive
his successor of the means of continuing the solemn
service in the family, by requiring of him the books
used in the cliapel of his father : what pretext he
could frame for such a demand, or what reasons,
other than the dread of offending him, might induce
the young earl to comply with it, it is not easy to
guess, but the books were delivered to him, and the
earl had no other resource than the hope of being
able one time or other to set up a chapel of his own,
which he expresses in a letter to one of his friends,
yet extant in the Northumberland family, a copy
whereof is given below.*
• ' Bedfellowe.
' After my most harte recoraendacion : thys Monday the iijd off August
' I resevyd by my servaunt letters, from yowe beryng datt the xxth day
'off July, deleveryd unto hym the sayme day, at the king's town of
' Newcastell ; wherin I do perseayff my lord cardenalls pleasour ys to
' have such boks as was in the chapell of my lat lord and fayther, (wo3
'soil Jhesu pardon) to the accomplyshement off which at your dcsyer
From the foregoing account of the rise and progress
of choral music, it appears, that notwithstanding the
abuses that might naturally be supposed to arise from
an over zeal to improve and cultivate it, and in spite
of the arguments and objections from time to time
urged against it, as a practice tending rather to the
injury than the advantage of religion, it not only was
capable of maintaining its ground, but by the middle
of the sixteenth century was arrived at great per-
fection. It farther appears that the objections against
it, many of which were urged with a view to banish
music, or at least antiphonal singing, from the church-
service, prodx;ced an effect directly the contrary, and
were the cause of a reformation that conduced to its
establishment.
For it seems the objections against choral service
had acquired such weight, as to be thought a subject
worthy the deliberation of the council of Trent, in
which assembly it was urged as one of the abuses in
the celebration of the mass, that hymns, some of a
profane, and others of a lascivious nature, had crept
into the service, and had given great scandal to the
professors of religion. The abuses complained of
were severally debated in the council, and were re-
formed by that decree, under which the form of the
mass as now settled derives its authority.
It is easy to discern that by this decree choral
service acquired a sanction which before it wanted :
till the time of passing it the practice of singing in
churches rested solely on the arguments drawn from
the usage of the Jews, and the exhortations contained
in those passages in the epistles of St. Paul, which
are constantly cited to prove it lawful ; but this act
of the coimcil, which by professing to rectify abuses,
* I am confformable, notwithstanding I trust to be abell ons to set up a
' chapell off myne owne, but I pray God he may look better upon me
' than he doth. But methynk I have lost very moch ponderyng yl ys no
' better regardyd ; the occasion wheroff he shall perseayff.
' Fyrst, the long lyeng off my tressorer ; with hys very hasty and un-
' kynd words unto hym, not on my parte deservyd.
' Also the news of Mr. Manyng, the whych ys blon obroud over all
' Yorksher ; that neyther by the kyng nor by my lord cardenall I am
' regardyd ; and that he wyll tell me at my metyng with him, whan I com
'unto Yorksher ; whych shall be within thys month, God wyllyng; but
' I ffer my words to Mr. Manyng shall despleas my lord, ffor I wyll
' be no ward.
' Also, bedfellow, the payns I tayk and have takyn sens my comyng
' hether are not better regardyd, but by a fflaterynge byshope off Carell
' [Carlisle] and that fals worm [William Worme undermentioned] shall
' be broth [brought] to the messery and carffulness that I am in ; and in
' such slanders, that now and my lord cardenall wold, he can not bryng
' me howth [out] thereoff.
« « * *
' I shall with all sped send up your lettrs with the books unto my lords
'grace, as to say, iiij!anteffonars [antiphonars], such as I thynk wher nat
' seen a gret wyll ; v grails [graduals] an ordeorly [ordinal], a manual,
' viij prossessioners [processionals], and ffor all the ressidew, they are
' not worth the sending nor ever was occupyed in my lords chapel. And
' also I shall wrj't at this tyme as ye have wylled me.
' Yff ray lords grace wyll be so good lord unto me as to gyff melychens
' [lycence] to put Wyllm Worme within a castell of myn off Anwyk in
'assurty, unto the tyme he have accomptyed ffor more money reed than
'ever I reed, I shall gyff hys grace ij C. li. and a benyflfis offa C worth
' unto his colleyg, with such other thyngs reserved as his [grace] shall
' desyre ; but unto such tyme as myne awdytors hayth takyn accompt off
' him : wher in, good bedfellow, do your best, ffor els he shall put us to
' send mysselff, as at owr metyng I shall show yow.
' And also gyff secuer credens unto this herer, whom I assur yow
' I have ffonddon a marvellous honest man as ever I ffownd in my lyff.
' In hast at my monestary off Hul-Park the iij day of August. In the
' owne hand off Yours ever assured
' To my bedfellow Arundell. H. Northpmberland.'
This earl of Northumberland was Henry Percy, the lover of Anne
Boleyn ; the person to whom the letter is addressed was Thomas Arundel.
one of the gentlemen of the privy-chamber to cardinal Wolsey. There is
another letter from the earl to the same person relating to Fountain's
Abbey in Yorkshire, in a curious work now publishing, Mr. Grose's An-
tiquities of England and Wales, Numb. XIII.
Ohap. LXXXII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
387
assumes and recognizes the practice, is as strong an
assertion of its lawfulness and expediency as could
have been contained in the most positive and explicit
declaration.
This resolution of the council of Trent, an assembly,
(if we may believe such writers as Pallavicini, and
others of his communion,)the most august and awful
that ever met for any purpose whatever, and acting,
as they farther assert, under the immediate direction
and influence of that spirit which Christ has said
shall remain with his church, could hardly fail of
exciting a most profound veneration for choral music
in the members of the Romish church. Nor did it
produce in the leaders of the Reformation that general
aversion and abhorrence, which in many other in-
stances they discovered against the determinations of
that tribunal, in all human probability the last of the
kind that the world will ever see : on the contrary,
the Lutherans in a great measure adopted the Romish
ritual, they too reformed the mass, and as to the
choral service, they retained it, with as much of the
splendour and magnificence attending it as their
particular circumstances would allow of.
It must be confessed that the difference between
the music of the Romish and reformed churches is
in general very great ; but it is to be remarked that
some of the reformed churches differ more widely
from that of Rome than others. The church of
England retains so much of the ancient antiphonal
method of singing, as to afford one pretence at least
for a separation from it ; and as to the Lutheran and
Calvinistic churches, whatever may be their practice
at this day, those persons greatly err who suppose
that at the time of their establishment they were both
equally averse to the ceremonies of that of Rome.
In short, in the several histories of the Reformation
we may discern a manifest difference between the
conduct of Luther and Calvin with respect to the
work they were jointly engaged in ; the latter of
these made not only the doctrine but the discipline
of the church of Rome a ground of his separation
from it, and seemed to make a direct opposition to
popery the measure of his reformation ; accordingly
he formed a model of church government suited to
the exigence of the times ; rejected ceremonies,
and abolished the mass, antiphonal singing, and,
in a word, all choral service, instead of which
latter he instituted a plain metrical psalmody,
such as is now in use in most of the reformed
churches.
But Luther, though a man of a much more
irascible temper than his fellow-labourer, and who
had manifested through the whole of his opposition
to it a dauntless intrepidity, was in many instances
disposed to temporize with the church of Rome ; for
upon a review of his conduct it will appear, first,
that he opposed with the utmost vehemence the
doctrine of indulgences ; that he asserted not only
the possibility of salvation through faith alone, but
maintained that good works without faith were mortal
sins, and yet that he submitted these his opinions to
the judgment of the Pope, protesting that he never
meant to question his power or that of the church.
In the next place he denied the real presence of
Christ in the eucharist, but yet he substituted in ita
place that mode of existence called consubstantiation,
which if not transubtantiation, is not less difficult than
that to conceive of. Again, although he denied that
the mass is what the church of Rome declares it to
be, a propitiatory sacrifice, and was sensible that,
according to the primitive usage, it was to be cele-
brated in the vulgar tongue, that the people might un-
derstand it ; he in a great measure adopted the Romish
ritual, and with a few variations permitted the cele-
bration of it in the Latin. He allowed also of the
use of crucifixes, though without adoration, in de-
votion, and of auricular confession, and in general
was less an enemy to the superstitious rites and
ceremonies of the church of Rome than either Calvin,
Zuinglius, or any other of the reformers.
The effect of this diversity of opinions and con-
duct are evident in the different rituals of the
Lutheran and Calvinistic churches in Switzerland,
France, and the Low Countries ; the Psalms of
David were the only part of divine service allowed
to be sung, and this too in a manner so simple and
plain, as that the whole congregation might join in it.
The Lutherans, on the contrary, affected in a great
measure the pomp and magnificence of the Roman
worship ; they adhered to the use of the organ and
other instruments ; they had in many of their
churches, particularly at Hamburg, Bremen, and
Hesse Cassel, a precentor and choir of singers ; and
as to their music, it was not much less ciirious and
artificial in its contexture than that of the church of
Rome, which had so long been a ground of objection.
Few or none of the authors who have written the
history of the Reformation have been so particular
as to exhibit a formulary of the Lutheran service.
Dr. Ward, in his Lives of the Gresham Professors,
says ' that the Lutherans seem to have gone much
' the same length in retaining the solemn service as
' the church of England, though with more instru-
' ments and variety of harmony.' But the truth of
the matter is, that they went much farther, as appears
by a book, which can be considered no otherwise
than as their liturgy, printed about seven years after
Luther's decease, in folio, with the following title,
' Psalmodia, hoc est, Cantica sacra veteris ecclesiaa
selecta. Quo ordine, et melodiis per totius anni
curriculum cantari usitate solent in templis de Deo,
et de filio ejus Jesu Christo, de regno ipsius, doc-
trina, vita, passione, resurrectione, et ascensione, et
de Spiritu Sancto. Item de Sanctis, et eorum in
Christum fide et cruce. Jam primum ad ecclesiarum,
et scholarum usum diligenter collecta, et brevibus ac
piis scholiis illustrata, per Lucam Lossium Lune-
burgensem.* Cum praefatione Philippi Melanthonis.
Noribergae Apud Gabrielem Hayn, Johan. Petrei
generum, MDLIIL'
From this book it clearly appears that the Lutherans
retained the mass, and sundry less exceptionable parts
of the Romish service, as namely, the hymns and
other ancient offices ; a few of the more modern
* A particular account of Lucas Lossius is given in a subsequent page
of tliis work.
388
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IX,
liymns are said to have been written by Luther
himself, the rest are taken from the Roman anti-
phonary, gradual, and other ancient rituals ; as to
the music, it is by no means so strict as that to which
the Romish offices are sung, nor does it seem in any
degree framed according to the tonic laws ; and it is
highly probable that in the composition of it the ablest
of the German musicians of the time were employed.
Nay, there is reason to conjecture that even the
musical notes to some of the hymns were composed
by Luther himself, for that he was deeply skilled in
the science is certain. Sleidan asserts that he para-
phrased in the High German language, and set to a
tune of his own composition, the forty-sixth Psalm,*
' Deus noster refugium.' Mr. Richardson the painter
mentions a picture in the collection of the grand
duke of Tuscany, painted by Giorgione, which he
saw when he was abroad, of Luther playing on a
harpsichord, his wife by him, and Bucer behind him,
finely drawn and coloured.f And the late Mr.
Handel was used to speak of a tradition, which all
Germany acquiesced in, that Luther composed that
well-known melody, which is given to the hundredth
Psalm in the earliest editions of our English version,
and continues to be sung to it even at this day.
And though this tune adapted to Psalm cxxxiv.
occurs in Claude Le Jeune's book of psalm-tunes in
four parts, published in 1613 by his sister Cecile Le
Jeune, there is not the least pretence for saying that
he composed the original tenor. Nay, the self-same
melody is also the tenor-part of Psalm cxxxiv. in the
Psalms of Goudimel, published in 1603, both these
musicians professing only to adapt the three auxiliary
parts of cantus, altus, and bassus, to the melodies as
they found them.
If a judgment be made of the Lutheran service
from the book now under consideration, it must be
deemed to be little less solemn than that of the
church of Rome ; and from the great number of
offices contained in it, all of which are required to be
sung, and accordingly they are printed with the
musical notes, it seems that the compilers of it were
well aware of the efficacy of music in exciting devout
affections in the minds of the people. The love
which Luther entertained for, and his proficiency in
music, has been already mentioned in the course of
this work ; but his sentiments touching the lawful-
ness of it in divine worship, and the advantages re-
sulting to mankind, and to youth in particular, from
the use of music both as a recreation and an in-
centive to piety, are contained in a book, known to
the learned by the name of the Colloquia Mensalia
of Dr. Martin Luther, the sixty -eighth chapter
whereof is in these words : —
' Musick, said Luther, is one of the fairest and
' most glorious gifts of God, to which Satan is a
' bitter enemie ; therewith many tribulations and
* evil cogitations are hunted away. It is one of the
' best arts ; the notes give life to the text ; it ex-
* pelleth melancholic, as we see on king Saul. Kings
* Comment, de Statu Religionis et Reipub. sub Carolo V. Caesare,
lib. XVI.
•f Account of Statues, Bas Reliefs, Drawings, and Pictures in Italy,
pag. 73.
and princes ought to preserve and maintain musick,
for great potentates and rulers ought to protect good
and liberal arts and laws ; and altho private people
have lust thereunto, and love the same, yet their
ability cannot preserve and maintain it. We read
in the Bible that the good and godly kings main-
tained and paid singers. Musick, said Luther, is the
best solace for a sad and sorrowful minde, through
which the heart is refreshed and settled asrain in
peace, as is said by Virgil, " Tu calamos hiflare leves,
' ego dicer e versus :" Sing thou the notes, I will sing
the text. Musick is an half discipline and school-
mistress, that maketh people more gentle and meek-
minded, more modest and understanding. The base
and evil fidlers and minstrels serve thereto, that we
see and hear how fine an art musick is, for white can
never be better known than when black is held
against it. Anno 1538, the 17th of December,
Luther invited the singers and musicians to a
supper, where they sung fair and sweet Motetse ; |
then he said with admiration, seeing our Lord God
in this life (which is but a mere Cloaca) shaketh
out and presenteth unto us such precious gifts, what
then will be done in the life everlasting, when every
thing shall be made in the most compleat and
delightfullest manner ! but here is only materia
prima, the beginning. I always loved musick,
said Luther. Who hath skill in this art, the
same is of good kind, fitted for all things. We
must of necessity maintain musick in schools ; a
school-master ought to have skill in musick, other-
wise I would not regard him ; neither should we
ordain young fellows to the office of preaching,
except before they have been well exercised and
practised in the school of musick. Musick is a fair
gift of God, and near allied to divinity ; I would
not for a great matter, said Luther, be destitute of
the small skill in musick which I have. The youth
ought to be brought up and accustomed in this art,
for it maketh fine and expert people. — Singing,
said Luther, is the best art and practice ; it hath
nothing to do with the affairs of this world ; it is
not for the law, neither are singers full of cares, but
merry, they drive away sorrow and cares with sing-
ing. I am glad, said Luther, that God hath bereaved
the countrie clowns of such a great gift and comfort
in that they neither hear nor regard music. — Luther
once bad a harper play such a lesson as David
played ; I am persuaded, said he, if David now
arose from the dead, so would he much admire how
t The Motet is a species of vocal harmony appropriated to the service
of the church. The etymology of the word is not easily to be ascertained;
Menage derives it from Modus, to which it bears not the least affinity.
Butler, k motu, because, says he, ' the church songs called mntetseniove
' the hearts of the hearers, striking into them a devout and reverent
' regard of them for wliose praise they were made.' On Musick, pag. 5,
in notis. Morley seems to acquiesce in this etymology, but understands
motion in a sense different from Butler, as appears by these his words :
' A motet is properlie a song made for the church, either upon some
' hymne or anthem, or such like ; and that name I take to have been
'given to that kinde of musicke in opposition to the other, which they
' called Canto fermo, and we do commonlie call plain-song, for as nothing
' is more opposit to standing and firmness than motion, so did they give
' the motet that name of moving, because it is in a manner quight con-
• trarie to the other, which after some sort, and in respect of the other,
' standeth still.' Introd. part III. pag. 179.
Du Cange, voce Motetum, says that though this kind of composition
is now confined to the church, it was originally of the most gay and
lively nature; an opinion not inconsistent with the definition of th©
word.
Chap. LXXXII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
389
this art of musick is come to so great and au ex-
celling
height ; she never came higher than now
she is. How is it, said Luther, that in carnal
things we have so many fine poems, but in spiritual
* matters we have such cold and rotten things ? and
' then he recited some German songs. I hold this
' to be the cause, as St. Paul saith, I see another law
* resisting in my members ; these songs, added he,
' do not run in such sort as that of " Vita ligno
' moritur" which he much commended, and said
' that in the time of Gregory that and the like were
' composed, and were not before his time. They
' were, said he, fine ministers and school-masters
' that made such verses and poems as those I spake
* of, and afterwards also preserved them. — Marie the
' loving mother of God hath more and fairer songs
* presented unto her by the Papists than her childe
' Jesus ; they are used in the Advent to sing a fair
' sequence " Mittitur ad Virginem, ^c." St. Mary
' was more celebrated in grammar, music, and
* rhetoric than her childe Jesus. — Whoso contemneth
' music, as all seducers do, with them, said Luther,
* I am not content. Next unto theology I give the
* place and highest honour to music, for thereby all an-
' ger is forgotten, the devil is driven away, unchastity,
' pride, and other blasphemies by music are expelled.
' We see also how David and all the saints brought
' their divine cogitations, their rhymes and songs
' into verse. Quia pads tempore regnat musica,
' i. e. In the time of peace music flourishes.' *
* The Colloquia Mensalia, a work curious in its kind, as it exhibits a
lively portrait of its author, will hardly now be thought so excellent
either for matter or form as to justify that veneration which we are told
was formerly paid to it : the subject of it is miscellaneous, and its form
that of a common place. In short, it answers to those collections which
at sundry times have appeared in the world with the titles of Scaligeriani,
Menagiani, Parrhasiana, &c. which every one knows are too much in the
style of common conversation to merit any great degree of esteem, and iu
short are calculated rather for transient amusement than instruction.
But the publication of this book was attended \viih. some such very
singular circumstances as entitle it in no small degree to the attention of
the curious.
The sayings of Luther were first collected by Dr. Anthony Lauterbach,
and by him written in the German language. Afterwards they were dis-
posed into common places by John Aurifaber, doctor in divinity. A
translation of the book was published at London in 1652, in folio, by one
Captain Henry Bell ; his motives for undertaking the work are contained
in a narrative prefixed to it, which is as follows :
' I, Captain Henrie Bell, do hereby declare both to the present age and
' posterity, that being employed beyond the seas in state affaires diverse
' years together, both by king James and also by the late king Charles, in
* Germany, I did hear and understand in all places great bewailing and
' lamentation made by reason of the destroying and burning of above
' fourscore thousand of Martin Luther's books, entitled his last divine
' discourses.
' For after such time as God stirred up the spirit of Martin Luther to
' detect the corruptions and abuses of popery, and to pYeach Christ, and
' clearly to set forth the simplicity of the gospel, many kings, princes, and
' states, imperial cities, and Hans-towns fell from the popish religion and
'became protestants, as their posterities still are, and remain to this
' very daie.
' And for the farther advancement of the great work of reformation
' then begun, the foresaid princes and 'the rest, did then order, that the
' said divine discourses of Luther should forthwith be printed, and that
' everie parish should have and receive one of the foresaid printed books
' into everie church throughout all their principalities and dominions, to
' be chained up for the common people to read therein.
' Upon which divine work or discourses the reformation begun before
' in Germanic was wonderfully promoted and encreased, and spread both
' here, in England, and other countries beside.
' But afterwards it so fell out, that the pope then living, Tiz. Gregory
' Xin. understanding what great hurt and prejudice he and his popish
' religion had already received by reason of the said Luther's divine dis-
' courses, and also fearing that the same might bring further contempt
' and mischief upon himself and upon the popish church, he therefore, to
' prevent the same, did fiercely stir up and instigate the emperor then in
' being, viz., Rudolphus II. to make an edict thorow the whole empire
' that all the foresaid printed books should be burned, and also that it
' should be death for any person to have or keep a copie thereof, but also
' to burn the same, which edict was speedily put in execution accordingly,
' insomuch that not one of all the said printed books, nor so much as any
' one copie of the same could be found out nor heard of in any place.
From the several passages above collected, which
it seems were taken from his own mouth as uttered
by him at sundry times, it must necessarily be con-
cluded, not only that Luther was a passionate ad-
mirer of music, but that he was skilled in it, all
which considered, there is great reason to believe
that the ritual of his church was framed either by
himself or imder his immediate direction.
It is more than probable that this institution of
a new form of choral service by the Lutherans, co-
operating with the censure of the council of Trent
against singing, as then practised in churches, pro-
duced that plain and noble style of choral harmony,
of which Palestrina is generally supposed to have
been the father. This most admirable musician,
who was Maestro di Capella of the church of St.
Peter at Rome, with a degree of penetration and
sagacity peculiar to himself, in the early part of his
life discovered that the musicians his predecessors
had in a great measure corrupted the science ; he
therefore rejecting those strange proportions which
' Yet it pleased God that anno 1626 a German gentleman, named
' Casparus Van Sparr, with whom in the time of my staying in Germany
' about king James's business I became very familiarly known and
' acquainted, having occasion to build upon the old foundation of an
' house wherein his grandfather dwelt at that time when the said edict
' was published in Germany for the burning of the foresaid book, and
' digging deep into the ground under the said old foundation, one of the
' said original printed books was there happily found lying in a deep
'obscure hole, being wrapped in a strong linen cloth, which was waxed
' all over with bees wax, within and without, whereby the book was pre-
' served fair without any blemish.
' And at the same time Ferdinand II. being emperor in Germany, who
' was a severe enemy and persecutor of the protestant religion, the fore-
' said gentleman, and grand-chUde to him that had hidden the said book
' in that obscure hole, fearing that if the said emperor should get know-
' ledge that one of the said books was yet forth commlng, and in his
' custody, whereby not only himself might be brought into trouble, but
' also the book in danger to be destroyed as all the rest were so long
' before : and also calling me to minde and knowing that I had the High
' Dutch tongue very perfect, did send the said original book over hither
' into England unto me, and therewith did write unto me a letter, where-
' in he related the passages of the preserving and finding out of the
' said book.
' And also he earnestly moved me in bis letter that for the advance-
' ment of God's glorie and of Christ's church, I would take the pains to
' translate the said book, to the end that that most excellent divine work
' of Luther might be brought again to light.
' Whereupon I took the said book before me, and many times began to
'translate the same, but alwaies I was hindred therein, beeing called
' upon about other business, insomuch that by no possible means I could
' remain by that work. Then about six weeks after I had received the
' said book, it fell out that I being in bed with my wife one night between
' twelve and one of the clock, she beeing asleep, but myself yet awake,
' there appeared unto mee an ancient man standing at my bed side,
' arrayed all in white, having a long and broad white beard hanging down
' to his girdle-steed, who taking me by my right ear, spake these words
' following unto mee : "Sirrah, will not you take time to translate that
"book which is sent you out of Germany? I will shortly provide for
"you both place and time to do it." And then he vanished away out
' of my sight.
' Whereupon being much thereby affrighted, I fell into an extreme
' sweat, insomuch that my wife awaking and finding me all over wet, she
' asked me what I ailed, I told her what I had seen and heard, but I
' never did heed nor regard visions nor dreams, and so the same fell soon
' out of my minde.
' Then about a fortnight after I had seen that vision, on a Sundaift
' I went to Whitehall to hear the sermon, after which ended I returned
' to my lodging, which was then in King-street at Westminster, and sit-
' ting down to dinner with my wife, two messengers were sent from the
' whole council board with a warrant to carrj' me to the keeper of the
' Gatehouse, Westminster, there to be safely kept until further order
' from the lords of the council, which was done without shewing me any
' cause at all wherefore I was committed. Upon which said warrant
' I was kept there ten whole years close prisoner, where I spent five
' years thereof about the translating of the said book, insomuch as I
' found the words very tnie which the old man in the foresaid vision
' did say unto me, " I will shortly provide for you both place and time to
"translate it."'
The author then proceeds to relate that by the interest of archbishop
Laud he was discharged from his confinement, with a present of forty
pounds in gold.
By a note in his narrative it appears that the cause of his commitment
was that he was urgent with the lord treasurer for the payment of a long
arrear of debt due from the government to him.
His translation of the Colloquia Mensalia was printed in pursuance of
an order of the House of Commons, made 24 February, 1646.
390
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IX.
few were able to sing truly, and which when sung
excited more of wonder than delight in the hearer,
sedulously applied himself to the study of harmony,
and by the use of such combinations as naturally
suggest themselves to a nice and unprejudiced ear,
formed a style so simple, so pathetic, and withal so
truly sublime, that his compositions for the church
are even at this day looked on as the models of har-
monical perfection.
CHAP. LXXXIII.
The foregoing account of the rise and progress of
chi;rch-music, or as it is most usually denominated,
antiphonal singing, may in a great measure be said
to include a history of the science itself so far down-
ward as to the time of the Reformation ; to what
degree, and under what restraints it was admitted
into the service of the reformed churches, will be the
subject of future enquiry ; in the interim, the order
and course of this history require that the succession
both of theoretic and practical musicians be continued
from the period where it stopped, and that an account
be given of that species of music which had its rise
about the middle of the sixteenth century, namely,
the dramatic kind, in which the Opera and Oratorio,
Es they are improperly called, are necessarily in-
cluded.
Of the writers on music, the last hereinbefore
mentioned is Peter Aron, a man more distingiushed
by his attachment to Bartholomew Ramis, the ad-
versary of Franchinus, than by the merit of his own
writings ; he lived about the year 1545. The next
writer of note was
Martinus Agricola, chanter of the church of
Magdeburg, who flourished about this period, and
was an eminent theoretic and practical musician.
In the year 1528 he published a treatise, which he
intitled KtutBcht iWuStC ; and in the year following
another, intitled Musica Instrumentalis ; both these
were written in German verse, and were printed for
George Rhaw of Wittenberg, who though a book-
Beller, was himself also a writer on music, and as
such, an accoimt has been given of him in the course
of this work.* In the latter of these works are the
representations of most of the instruments in use in
his time. He was the author also of a tract on
figurate music, in twelve chapters, and of a little
treatise De Proportionibus ; and of another in Latin,
intitled Rudimenta Musices, for the use of schools ;
but his great work is that intitled Melodise Scholasticse
sub Horarum Intervallis decantandse, published at
Magdeburg in 1612, and mentioned by Draudius in
his Bibliotheca Classica Librorum Germanicorum.
He was the author also of a tract intitled ' Scholia in
Musicam Planam Wenceslai Philomatis de Nova
Domo ex variis Musicorum Scriptis pro Magde-
burgensis Scholse Tybus, collecta,' in the preface to
which he speaks thus of himself : ' Prseterea, lector
' optime, cogitabis, me nequaquam potuisse singula
* artificiosissime tradere, quemadmodum alii excel-
' lentes musici, quum ego nunquam certo aliquo
* Viz., book viii. chap. 69. page 314.
' prseceptore in hac arte usus sim, sed tanquam
' musicus avTofvrjQ occulta quadam nature vi, qua
' me hue pertraxit, tum arduo labore atque domestico
' studio, id quod cuilibet perito facile est sestimare,
' Deo denique auspice, exiguum illud quod intelligo,
* sim assecutus, ut non omnino absolute, veriim tan-
' quam aliquis vulgariter doctus, tantiim simplicissime,
' adeoque rudibus hujus artis pueris princij^ia prai-
* scribere, atque utcumque inculcare queam, non dis-
* similis arbori, cui spontanea contigit e terra pul-
' lulatio, qua3 nunquam sua bonitate respondet alteri
' arbori, quae nunc ab ipso hortulano, loco opportuno
' plantatur ac deinceps etiam quotidie fovetur ac
' irrigatur.' In the year 1545 he republished his
Musica Instrumentalis, and dedicated it to George
Rhaw, but so much was it varied from the former
edition, that it can scarce be called the same work ;
and indeed the first edition was by the author's own
confession so difficult to be understood, that few could
read it to any advantage. In this latter edition,
besides explaining the fundamentals of music, the
author enters very largely into a description of the
instruments in lase in his time, as namely, the Flute,
Krumhorn, Zink, Bombardt, Sackpipe, Swisspipe,
and the Shalmey, with the management of the tongue
and the finger in playing on them. He also treats
of the violin and lute, and shows how the gripe, as
he calls it, of each of these instruments is to be
divided or measured ; he speaks also of the division
of the monochord, and of a temperature for the organ
and harpsichord. Agricola died on the tenth day of
June, 1556, and in 1561 the heirs of George Rhaw
published a work of his intitled ' Duo Libri Musices
' continentes Compendium Artis, et illustria Exampla ;
' scripti a, Martino Agricola, Silesio soraviensi, in
' gratiam eorum, qui in Schola Magdeburgensi prima
' Elementa Artis discere incipiunt.'
The works of Agricola seem intended for the in-
struction of young beginners in the study of music; and
though there is something whimsical in the thought
of a scientific treatise composed in verse, it is probable
that the author's view in it was the more forcibly to
impress his instructions on the memory of those who
were to profit by them. His IMusica Instrumentalis
seems to be a proper supplement to the Mi;surgia of
Ottomarus Luscinius, and is perhaps the first book
of directions for the performance on any musical in-
strument, ever published. Martinus Agricola is
sometimes confounded with another Agricola, whose
Christian - name was Rudolphus, a divine by pro-
fession, but an excellent practical musician, and an
admirable performer on the lute and on the organ.
Such as know how to distinguish between these two
persons, call Rudolphus the elder Agricola, and well
they may, for he was born in the year 1442, at
Bafflen, a village in Friesland, two miles from Gro-
ningen, and dying in 1485 at Heidelberg, was buried
in the Minorite church of that city, where is the
following inscription to his memory : —
Invida clauserunt hoc marmore fata Rodulphum
Agricolam, Frisii spemque decusque soli.
Scilicet hoc iino meruit Germania, laudis
Quicquid habet Latium, Graecia quicqiiid habet.
Chap. LXXXIII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
391
Henricus Faber flourished about the year 1540.
He wrote a Compendium Musicae, which has been
printed many times, and Compendiolum Musicas pro
Incipientibus, printed at Franckfort in 1548, and
again at Norimberg in 1579. He was rector of the
college or public school of Quedlinburg for many
years, and died anno 1598 : the magistrates of that
place erected a monument for him, upon which is the
following inscription : —
Clariss. et Doctiss. Viro, M. Heinr. Fabro, optime
de hac Schola merito monumentum hoc posuit Reipu.
hujus Quedlinburg. Senatus.
Henrici ecce Fabri ora, Lector, omnis
Qui doctus bene liberalis artis,
Linguarumque trium probe peritus
Hanc rexit patriam Scholam tot annos,
Quot mensis numerat dies secundus,
Fide, dexteritate, laude tanta,
Quantam et postera praedicabit setas,
Nunc pestis violentia solutus
Isto, quod pedibus teris, sepulcro
In Christo placidam capit quietem,
Vitam pollicito sereniorem.
27 Aug. obiit An. 1598. cum vixisset annos LV.
Christopher Morales (a Por^rai^), anativeof Sevil,
was a singer in the pontifical chapel under Paul III. in
or about the year 1544, and an excellent composer. He
was the author of two collections of masses, the one
for five voices, published at Lyons in 1545, the other
for four voices, published at Venice in 1563, and of a
famous Magnificat on the eight tones, printed at
Venice in 1562. Mention is also made of a motet of
his, ' Lamentabatur Jacob,' usually sung in the pope's
chapel on the fourth Sunday in Lent, which a very
good judge* styles 'una maraviglia dell' arte.'f He
" Andrea Adami da Bolsena, nelle sue Osservazioni per ben regolare il
Coro de i Cantori della Cappella Pontificia. Rom. 1711.
+ Christopher Morales Is the first of eminence that occurs in the scanty
list of Spanish musicians. The slow profiress of music in Spain may in
some decree be accounted for by the prevalence of Moorish manners and
customs for many centuries in that country. The Spanish guitar is no
other than the Arabian Pandura a little improved ; and it is notorious
that most of the ;^panish dances are of Moorish or Arabian original.
With respect to the theory of music, it does not appear to have been at
all cultivated in Spain before the time of Salinas, who was born in the
year 1513, and it is possible that in this science, as well as in those of
geometry and astronomy, in physics, and other branches of learning, the
Arabians, and those descended from them might be the teachers of the
Spaniards. There is now in the library of the Escurial an Arabic manu-
script with this title, ' Abi Nasser Mohammed Ben Mohammed Alpharabi
' Musices Elementa, adjectis Notis Musicis et Instrumentorum Figuris
'plus triginta. CMVI."
As the date of this MS. and the age when the author lived are prior to
the time of Guido Aretinus, we are very much at a loss to form a judg-
ment of any system which could then prevail, othef than that of the
ancients, much less can we conceive of the forms of so great a variety of
instruments as are said to be contained in it.
The author of this book is however sufficiently known. In the
Nouveau Dictionnaire Historique Portatif, is the following article con-
cerning him : —
' Alfarabius lived in the tenth century. He did not, like most
' learned men of his country, employ himself in the interpretation of the
' dreams of the Koran, but penetrated the deepest recesses of abstruse
'and useful science, and acquired the character of the greatest philoso-
' pher among the Mussulmans. Nor was he more distinguished for his
' excellence in most branches of learning, than for his great skill in
' music, and his proficiency on various instruments. Some idea of the
' greatness of his talents may be formed from the following relation.
' Having made a pilgrimage to Mecca, and returning through Syria, he
' visited the court of the sultan Seifeddoulet. At his arrival he found
' the sultan surrounded by a great number of learned men, who were met
' to confer on scientific subjects, and joining in the conversation, argued
'with such depth of judgment and force of reasoning, as convinced all
'that heard him. As soon as the conversation was at an end, the sultan
'ordered in his musicians, and Alfarabius taking an instrument, joined
'in the performance. Waiting for a seasonable opportunity, he took an
'instrument in his hand of the lute or pandura kind, and touched it so
' delicately, that he drew the eyes and attention of all that were present.
' Being requested to vary his style, he drew out of his pocket a song,
' which he sang and accompanied with such spirit and vivacity, as pro-
composed also the Lamentations of Jeremiah for four,
five, and six voices, printed at Venice in 1564. A
Gloria Patri of his is preserved in the Musurgia of
Kircher, lib. VII. cap. vii. sect. ii.
Grkgorius Faber, professor of music in the uni-
versity of Tubingen in the duchy of Wirtemberg,
published at Basil, in 1553, Musices Practicae Erote-
matuiu, libri II. a book of merit in its way. In it
are contained many compositions of Jusquin de Pres,
Anthony Brumel, Okeghem, and other musicians of
that time.
Adrian Petit Coclicus, who styles himself a dis-
ciple of Jusquin de Pres, was the author of a tract
intitled Compendium Musices, printed at Norimberg
in 1552, in which the musicians mentioned by Gla-
reanus, with many others of that time, are celebrated.
The subjects principally treated of by him are thus
enumerated in the title-page, De Mode ornato canendi
— De Regula Contrapuncti — De Compositione. To
oblige his readers, this author at the beginning of his
book has exhibited his own portrait at full length,
his age fifty-two. It would be very difficult to de-
scribe in words the horrible idea which this repre-
sentation gives of him. With a head of an enormous
bigness, features the coarsest that can be imagined, a
beard reaching to his knees, and cloathed in a leather
jerkin, he resembles a Samoed,or other human savage,
more than a professor of the liberal sciences. But
notwithstanding these singularities in the appearance
of the author, his book has great merit.
LuiGi Dentice, a gentleman of Naples, was the
author of Due Dialoghi della Musica, published in
1552 ; the subjects whereof are chiefly the propor-
tions and the modes of the ancients; in discoursing
on these the author seems to have implicitly fol-
lowed Boetius : there were two others of his name,
musicians, who were also of Naples : the one named
Fabricius is celebrated by Galilei in his Dialogue on
ancient and modern Music, as a most exquisite per-
former on the lute. The other named Scipio is taken
notice of in the Musical Lexicon of Walther. Adrian
Le Roy, a bookseller of Paris, who in 1578 published
Briefe et facile Instruction pour aprendre la Tabla-
ture a bien accorder, condiiire, et disposer la Main
' voked the whole company to laughter ; with another he drew from them
' a flood of tears ; and with a third laid them all asleep. After these
' proofsof his extraordinary talents, the sultan of Syria requested of Alfa-
' rabius to take up his residence in his court, but he excused himself,
' and departing homeward, was slain by robbers in a forest of Syria, in
' the year 954. Many of his works in MS. are yet in the public library at
' Leyden.'
It must be confessed that the foregoing account carries with it much
of the appearance of fable : the following, contained in Mr. Ockley's
translation of Abu Jaafar Ebn Tophail's Life of Hal Ebn Yokdhan, is of
the two perhaps the nearest the truth: —
' Alpharabius, without exception the greatest of all the Mahometan
' philosophers, reckoned by some very near equal to Aristotle himself.
' Maimonides in his epistle to Rabbi Samuel Aben Tybbon, commends
' him highly ; and though he allows Avicenna a great share of learning
' and acumen, yet he prefers Alpharabius before him. Nay, Avicenna
' himself confesses that when he had read over Aristotle's Metaphysics
' forty times, and gotten them by heart, he never understood them
' till he happened upon Alpharabius's exposition of them. He wrote
' books of rhetoric, music, logic, and all parts of philosophy ; and his
' writings have been much esteemed not only by Mahometans, but Jews
' and Christians too. He was a person of singular abstinence and conti-
' nence, and a despiser of the things of this world. He is called Alphara-
' bins from Farab, the place of his birth, which, according to Abulpheda,
' (who reckons his longitude, not from the Fortunate Islands, but from
' the extremity of the western continent of Africa) has 88 deg. 30 min. of
' longitude, and 44 deg. of northern latitude. He died at Damascus in
' the year of the Hegira 339, that is about the year of Christ 950, when he
' was about fo\irscore years old.'
892
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE.
Book IX.
Bur la Guiterne, speaks in that book of a certain
tuning of the lute, which was practised by Fabrice
Dentice the Italian, and others his followers, from
whence it is to be inferred that he was a celebrated
performer on that instrument.
But of the many writers of this time, no one seems
to have a better claim to the attention of a curious
enquirer than
Don Nicola Vicentino, a writer whom it has al-
ready been found necessary frequently to take notice
of in the preceding pages of this work, inasmuch as
there are few modern books on music in which he is
not for some purpose or other mentioned. He, in
the year 1555, published at Rome a book intitled
' L'Antica Musica ridotta alia moderna prattica, con
' la dichiaratione et con gli essempi de i tre generi,
' con le loro spetie. Et con I'inventione di uno nuovo
' stromento, nel quale si contiene tutta la perfetta
' musica, con molti segreti musicali.'
In this work of Vicentino is a very circumstantial
account of Guido ; and, if we except that contained
in the MS. of Waltham Holy Cross, and a short me-
moir in the Annales Ecclesiastici of Baronius, it is
perhaps the most ancient history of his improvements
any where to be found ; it is not however totally free
from errors ; for he attributes the contrivance of the
hand to Guido, the very mention whereof does not
once occur either in the Micrologus, the Epistle to his
friend Michael, or in any other of his writings.
In the account he gives of the cliffs or keys, he
asserts that the characters now used to denote them
(^l RS S. A are but so many corruptions of
the letters F, 0, G,* though he allows that the latter
of the three continued in use long after the two
former, of which there can be no doubt, since we find
the letter (q used not only to denote the series of
superacutes, but in Fantasies and other instrumental
compositions it was constantly the signature of the
treble or upper part, down to the end of the six-
teenth century ; the character now used for that pur-
purpose ^ is manifestly derived from this Aaf
which sigtiifies gs, and was intended to signify the
place of G SOL re ut. He farther conjectures, that
in order to distinguish the Hexachords, or, as others
call them, the properties in singing, namely, in what
cases b was to be sung by fa, and in what by mi, it
was usual to affix two letters at the head of the stave,
in the first case G and F, and in the last 0 and G.
The fourth chapter of the first book contains an
account of John De Muris's invention of the eight
notes, by which we are to understand those characters
said to have been contrived by him to denote the
time or duration of sounds, and of the subsequent
improvements thereof; the whole is curious, but it is
egregiously erroneous, as has been demonstrated.
He then proceeds to declare the nature of the con-
sonances, and, with a confidence not unusual with the
* Kepler ic of the same opinion, and has {^ven an entertaining and
probable relation of the gradual corruption of the cliffs in his Harmonices
Mundi, the substance whereof is inserted in the account herein after
given of him and his writings.
writers of that age, to attempt an explanation of that
doctrine which had puzzled Boetius, and does not
appear to have been clearly understood even by
Ptolemy himself.
That Vicentino had studied music with great assi-
duity is not to be doubted, but it does not appear by
his work that he had any knowledge of the ancients
other than what he derived from Boetius, and those
few of his own countrymen who had written on the
subject. It was perhaps his ignorance of the ancients
that led him into those absurdities with which he is
charged by Doni and other writers in his attempts to
render that part of the science familiar which must
ever be considered as inscrutable ; and as if the diffi-
culty attending the doctrine of the genera were not
enough, he has not only had the temerity to exhibit
compositions of his own in each of the three severally,
but has conjoined them in the same composition ; for
first, in the forty-eighth chapter of the third book is
an example of the chromatic for four voices ; in the
fifty-first chapter of the same book is an example of
the enarmonic for the same number ; and in the fifty-
fourth chapter is a composition also for four voices,
in which the diatonic, the chromatic, and the enar-
monic are all combined. These examples have a
place in the preceding part of this work, and are there
inserted to shew the infinite confusion arising from a
commixture of the genera.
In the year 1551 Vicentino became engaged in a
musical controversy, which terminated rather to his
disadvantage : the occasion of it was accidental, but
both the subject and the conduct of the dispute were
curious, as will appear by the following narrative
translated from the forty-third chapter of the fourth
book of the work above-cited : —
* I, Don Nicola, being at Rome in the year of our
' Lord 1551, and being at a private academy where
' was singing, in our discourse on the subject of
' music, a dispute arose between the reverend Don
' Vincenzio Lusitanio and myself, chiefly to this effect,
' Don Vincenzio asserted that the music now in
' use was of the diatonic genus, and I on the contrary
' maintained that what we now practise is a com-
' mixture of all the three genera, namely, the chromatic,
* the enarmonic, and the diatonic. I shall not mention
' the words that passed between us in the course of
' this dispute, but for brevity's sake proceed to tell
* that we laid a wager of two golden crovpns, and
' chose two judges to determine the question, from
' whose sentence it was agreed between us there
' should be no appeal.
•' Of these our judges the one was the reverend
' Messer Bartholomeo Escobedo, priest of the diocese
' of Segovia, the other was Messer Ghisilino Dan-
' cherts, a clerk of the diocese of Liege, both singers
' in the chapel of his holiness ; f and in the presence
' of the most illustrious and most reverend lord
' Hyppolito da Este, Cardinal of Ferrara, my lord
t Escobedo is celebrated by Salinas in these words : Cum Bartholomseo
' Escobedo viro in utraque musices parte exercitatissimo.' De Musica,
lib. IV. cap. xxxii. pag. 228. And Ghisilino Dancherts is often mentioned
in the preface to Andrea Adanii's Gsservazioni per ben regolare il Coro
de i Cantori dellaCappella Pontificia, by the name of Ghisilino d'Ankerts
Puntatore, i. e. precentor of the college of singers of the pontifical cliapel.
The same author, in his Gsservazioni above-mentioned, pag. 163, styles
d' Ankerts ' ottimo contrapuntista di madrigali.'
Chap. LXXXIII
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
393
' and master, and of many learned persons, and in
' the hearing of all the singers, this question was
* agitated in the chapel of his holiness, each of us, the
' parties, offering reasons and arguments in support
' of his opinion.
' It fortuned that at one sitting, for there were
' many, when the Cardinal of Ferrara was present,
' one of our judges, namely, Ghisilino, being pre-
' vented by business of his own, could not attend.
' I therefore on the same day sent him a letter, in-
' timating that in the presence of the Cardinal I had
* proved to Don Vincenzio that the music now in
' use was not simply the diatonic as he had asserted,
* but that the same was a mixture of the chromatic
' and enarmonic with the diatonic. Whether Don
•' Vincenzio had any information that I had written
' thus to Ghisilino I know not, but he also wrote to
* him, and after a few days both the judges were
' unanimous, and gave sentence against me, as every
' one may see.
' This sentence in writing, signed by the above-
' named judges, they sent to the Cardinal of Ferrara,
' and the same was delivered to him in my presence
' by the hand of my adversary Don Vincenzio. My
' lord having read the sentence, told me I was con-
' demned, and immediately I paid the two golden
' crowns. I will not rehearse the complaints of the
' Cardinal to Don Vincenzio of the wrong the judges
' had done me, because I would rather have lost 100
' crowns than that occasion should have been given
* to such a prince to utter such words concerning me
' as he was necessitated to use in the hearing of such
' and so many witnesses as were then present. I
' will not enumerate the many requests that my
' adversary made to the Cardinal to deliver back the
' sentence of my unrighteous judges ; I however
' obtained his permission to print it and publish it to
' the world, upon which Don Vincenzio redoubled
' his efforts to get out it of his hands, and for that
* purpose applied for many days to Monsignor Pre-
* posto de Troti, to whom the Cardinal had committed
' the care of the same.
' A few days after my lord and master returned to
' Ferrara, and after dwelling there for some time,
' was necessitated to go to Sienna, in which country
' at that time was a war ; thither I also went, and
' dwelled a long time with much inquietude. After
' some stay there I returned to Ferrara, from whence
' I went with my lord and master to Rome, in which
' city by God's favour we now remain.
' I have said thus much, to the end that Don Vin-
' cenzio Lusitanio may not reprehend me if I have
* been slow in publishing the above sentence, which
' some time past I promised to do. The reasons
' why I have delayed it for four years are above
' related ; I publish it now that every one may de-
' termine whether our differences were sufficiently
•understood by our judges, and whether their
' sentence was just or not. I publish also the rea-
' sons sent by me, and also those of Don Vincenzio,
' without any fraud, or the least augmentation or
' diminution, that all may read them.'
The following is a translation of a paper containing
the substance of Vincentino's argument, intitled ' II
Tenore dell' Informatione manda Don Nicola a
M. Ghisilino per sua prova' : —
* I have proved to M. Lusitanio, that the music
' which we now practise is not simply diatonic, as he
' says. I have declared to him the rules of the three
' genera, and shewn that the diatonic sings by the
' degrees of a tone, tone and semitone, which indeed
' he has confessed. Now every one knows that our
' present music proceeds by the incomposite ditone,
' as from tjt to mi, and by the trihemitone ut fa,
* without any intermediate note, which method of
' leaping is I say according to the chromatic genus ;
' and I farther say that the interval fa la is of the
' enarmonic kind ; and I say farther that the many
' intervals signified by these characters § and b,
' which occur in our present music, shew it to partake
' of all the three genera, and not to be simply diatonic
' as M. Lusitanio asserts.'
The arguments on the other side of the question
are contained in a paper intitled ' II tenore dell' In-
formatione mando Don Vincentio Lusitanio a M.
Ghisilino per sua prova,' and translated is as follows : —
' Signor Ghisilino, I believe I have sufficiently
' proved before the Cardinal of Ferrara, and given
' him to understand what kind of music it is that is
' composed at this day, by three chapters of Boetius,
' that is to say, the eleventh and the twenty -first of
' the first book,* in which are these words : " In his
"omnibus, secundum diatonicum cantilene, procedit
"vox per semitonium, tonum, ac tonum in uno tetra-
" chordo. Rursus in alio tetrachordo, per semitonium,
" tonum, et tonum, ac deinceps. Ideoque vocatur
" diatonicum quasi quod per tonum ac per tonum
" progrediatur. Chroma autem (quod dicitur color,)
" quasi iam ab huiusmodi intentioni prima mutatio
" cantatur per semitonium et semitonium et tria
" semitonia. Toto enim diatessaron consonantia est
" duorum tonorum ac semitonii, sed non pleni.
" Tractum est autem hoc vocabulum ut diceretur
" chroma, a superficiebus, quae cum permutantur in
" alium transeunt colorem. Enarmonium vero quod
" est maius coaptatum, est quod cantatur in omnibus
" tetracordis per diesin et diesin, et ditonum, &c."
' Being willing to prove by the above words the
' nature of the music in use at this day, it is to me
' very clear that it is of the diatonic kind, in that it
' proceeds through many tetrachords by semitone,
* tone and tone, whereas in the other genera, that is
' to say, the chromatic and enarmonic, no examples
* can be adduced from the modern practice of an
' entire progression by those intervals which severally
' constitute the chromatic and enarmonic ; and I have
' shewn the nature of the diatonic from the fifth
' chapter of the fourth book of Boetius, beginning
" Nunc igitur diatonici generis descriptio facta est in
" eo, scilicet, modo qui est simplicior ac princeps
" quern Lidiuni nuncupamus."
' To this Don Nicola has objected that the melody
' above described is not the characteristic of the pure
' diatonic genus, because it admits of the semiditone
* This is a twofold mistake of Lusitanio: he has cited but two chap-
ters of Boetius, and the e'eveiith of the first book contains nothing to
his pnriiosc.
394
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IX.
'and ditone, which are both chromatic and enar-
' monic intervals ; to which I answered, that both
* these never arose in one and the same tetrachord,
' which is an observation that Boetius himself has
' made ; and I said that Don Nicola was deficient in
' the knowledge of the true chromatic, which consists
' in a progression by semitone and semitone, as also
* of the enarmonic, proceeding by diesis and diesis.
* As to the ditone and semiditone, they are common
* to all the genera, and are taken into the diatonic, as
* agreeing with the order of natural progression : and
' though Don Nicola would insinuate that the ditone
' and semiditone are not proper to the diatonic, he
* does not scruple nevertheless to call the genus so
' characterized the diatonic genus, which I af&rm it
I desire you will communicate to your com-
is.
' panion these reasons of mine, and, as you promised
* the Cardinal of Ferrara, pronounce sentence on
* Sunday next. Vincentinus Lusitan.'
Vicentino observes upon this paper, that the two
first chapters quoted by his adversary from Boetius
make against him, and prove that opinion to be true
which he, Vicentino, is contending for ; and, in
short, that both the chromatic and enarmonic in-
tervals, as defined by Boetius, were, used in the
music in question, which consequently could not
with propriety be deemed the pure and simple
diatonic : he adds, that he will not arraign the
sentence of his judges, nor say that they understood
not the meaning of Boetius in the several chapters
above-cited from him, but proceeds to relate an in-
stance of his adversary's generosity, which after all
that had passed must seem very extraordinary; his
words are these : —
' The courtesy of Don Vincentino has been such,
' that having gained my two golden crovpns and a
' sentence in his favour, and thereby overcome me,
' he has a second time overcome me by speaking
'against the sentence of my condemnation, and
' against the judges who have done him this favour ;
' and in so doing he has truly overcome and per-
' petually obliged me to him : and moreover he has
' published to the world, and proved in one chapter
' of his own, that the sentence against me was unjust ;
' nay, he has printed and published the reasons con-
' tained in the paper written by me, and sent to Messer
' Ghisilino, our judge ; and this he has done as he says
' to discharge his conscience, and because it seemed to
' him that he had stolen the two golden Scudi.* —
' God forgive all, and I forgive him, because he has be-
' haved like a good Christian ; and to the end that every
' one may be convinced of the truth of what I now
' assert, I refer to a work of his intitled " Introductione
" facilissima et novissima di canto fermo et figurato
* In this controversy two things occur that must strike an intelligent
reader with surprise : the one is that the two judges should concur in an
opinion so manifestly erroneous as that the system in question, which
was in truth no other than that now in use, was of the diatonic genus ;
the other is the concession of Lusitanio that it partook of all the three
genera. The reader will recollect the sentiment of our countryman
Morley on this head, who, after diligently enquiring into the matter, pro-
nounces of the music of the moderns that it is not fully, and in every
respect, the ancient diatonicum nor right chromaticum, hut an imperfect
commixture of hoth ; and, to shew that it does not partake of the enar-
monic, he remarks that we have not in our scale the enarmonic diesis,
which is the half of the lesser semitone. Morley in the Annotations on
the first part of his Introduction. Vide Brossard, Dictionare de Musique.
Voce Systema, to the same purpose.
" contrapunto semplice, &c. Stampata in Roma in
" campo di Fiore per Antonio Blado, Impressore
" Aposto. L'anno del Signore M.D.LIII. a li xxv.
" di Settembre." At the end of this work he treats
' of the three genera of music in these words : —
" The genera or modes of musical progression are
" three, viz., the Diatonic, which proceeds by four
" sounds constituting the intervals of tone, tone, and
" semitone minor, the Chromatic, which proceeds by
" semitone, semitone major, and three semitones,
" making in all five semitones, according to the
" definition of Boetius in his twenty-first chapter ;
"and according to his twenty -third chapter, by
" semitone minor, semitone major, and the interval
" of a minor third, re fa, not re mi fa, because re
" FA is an incomposite, and re mi fa is a composite
" interval. The Enarmonic proceeds by a diesis,
" diesis and third major in one interval, as ut mi,
" not UT RE MI ; the mark for the semitone minor is
" this % and that for the diesis is this x."
Vicentino remarks upon this chapter, that his
adversary has admitted in it that the leap of the
semiditone or minor third, re fa or mi sol, is of the
chromatic genus, which position he says he had
copied from Vicentino's paper given in to Messer
Ghisilino ; he then cites Vincentio's explanation of
the enarmonic genus, where he characterizes the leap
of a ditone or major third by the syllables ut mi.
' This,' says Vicentino, ' my adversary learned from
' the above paper, to which I say he is also beholden
' in other instances, for whereas he has boldly said
' that I understand not the chromatic, I say as boldly
' that he would not have understood it but for the
' above paper of mine ; because whoever shall con-
' front his printed treatise with that paper, will find
' that he has described the genera in the very words
' therein made use of ; and his saying that he was
' able before he had seen it to give an example of
' chromatic music is not to be believed. Nay farther,
' in his paper to Messer Ghisilino he asserted that
' the ditone and semiditone are diatonic intervals, but
' in this treatise of his he maintains the direct con-
' trary, saying that re fa is not of the diatonic, but
' of the chromatic genus. Here it is to be observed
' that the enarmonic ditone is ut mi, and not ut re
' mi. In short,' continues Vicentino, ' it is evident
' that what my adversary has printed contradicts the
' reasons contained in his written paper. In short,
' I am ashamed that this work of Don Vincentio is
' made public, for besides that it is a condemnation
' as well of himself as our judges, it shews that he
' knows not how to make the harmony upon the
' enarmonic diesis. Nay he has given examples
' with false fifths and false thirds ; and moreover,
' when he speaks of a minor semitone, gives mi fa,
' and fa mi as an example of it. And again, is of
' opinion that the semitones as we now sing or tune
' them, are semitones minor, whereas in truth they
' are semitones major, as fa mi or mi fa.'
Vicentino proceeds to make good his charge by
producing the following example from his adversary's
printed work, of false harmony : —
Chap. LXXXIV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
395
-g-^»-^-^-»
^tfezsz^^zsrM:
-^-^
35^^
tr-
Alto con la quinta falsa soprano con la decima falsa.
mB\
-o — e-
-<&-k-t-H—
Basso
Tenore con le conson. false.
' It much grieves me,* says Vicentino, ' that I am
' obliged to produce this example of false harmony,
' but I am not the author of it, and have done it for
' my own vindication. It now remains to produce
' the sentence given against me, which I shall here do,
' truly copied from the original, subscribed by the
'judges, and attested in form : —
" Sententia.
" Christi nomine invocato, &c. Noi sopradetti
" Bartholomeo Esgobedo, et Ghisilino Dancharts, per
" questa nostra diffinitiva sententia et laude in pre-
" sentia della detta congregatione, et delli sopra detti
" Don Nicola, et Don Vincentio, presenti intelligenti,
" audienti, et per la detta sententia instanti. Pro-
" nontiamo sententiamo il predetto Don Nicola non
" haver in voce, ne in scritto provato sopra che sia
" fondata la sua intentione della sua proposta. Immo
" per quanto par in voce et in scriptis il detto Don
" Vincentio ha provato, che lui per uno competente-
" mente cognosce et intende di qual genere sia la
" compositione che hoggi communamente i compo-
" sitori compongono, et si canta ogni di, come ogniuno
" chiaramente disopra nelle loro informationi potra
" vedere. Et per questo ill detto Don Nicola doner
" essere condennato, come lo condenniamo nella scom-
" messa fatta fra loro, come disopra. Et cosi noi
" Bartholomeo et Ghisilino soprascritti ci sotto scri-
" viamo di nostra mano propria. Datum Romae in
" Palatia Apostolico, et Capella prsedetta, Die vii.
" Junij. Anno suprascripto Pontificatus s. d. n. d.
" Julij. PP. iii. Anno secundo et laudamo.
" Pronuntiavi ut supra. Ego Bartholomeus Esgo-
" bedo, et de manu propria me subscripsi.
" Pronuntiavi ut supra. Ego Ghisilinus Dancherts,
" et manu propria me subscripsi.
" lo Don Jacob Martelli faccio fede, come la sen-
" tentia et le due polize sopra notate sono fidelmente
" impresse et copiate dalla Copia delia medesima
" sententia de i sopra detti Giudici.
" lo Vincenzo Ferro confirmo quanto di sopra.
" lo Stefano Bettini detti il Fornarino, confirmo
*' quanto di sopra.
" lo Antonio Barr^ confirmo quanto di sopra."
It is to be suspected, as well from the publication
of the above sentence, as from the observations of
Vicentino on his adversary's book, that he is not in
earnest when he calls him a good Christian, and pro-
fesses to forgive him ; nor indeed does it appear by
his book, which has been consulted for the purpose,
that Vincenzio formally retracted the opinion main-
tained in the paper delivered in to Ghisilino ; and
though the passages above cited from his treatise do
in effect amount to a confession that his former
opinion was erroneous, his publishing that work with-
out taking notice of the injury Vicentino had sus-
tained by the sentence against him, is an evidence of
great want of candour.
It seems that the principal design of Vicentino in
the publication of his book was to revive the practice
of the ancient genera, in order to which he invented
an instrument of the harpsichord kind, to which he
gave the name of Archicembalo, so constructed and
tuned, as to answer to the divison of the tetrachord
in each of the three genera : such a multiplicity and
confusion of chords as attended this invention, intro-
duced a great variety of intervals, to which the ordi-
nary division of the scale by tones and semitones was
not commensurate, he was therefore reduced to the
necessity of giving to this instrument no fewer than
six rows of keys, * Sei ordini di tasti,' the powers of
which he has, though in very obscure terms, ex-
plained ; and indeed the whole of the fifth and last
book of Vioentino's work is a dissertation on this
instrument.
CHAP. LXXXIV.
KiRCHER relates that Gio. Battista Doni, who lived
many years after Vicentino,* reduced the six Tasti
of his predecessor to three, and as it should seem,
without essentially interrupting that division of the
intervals to which the six Tasti were adapted.^ In
another place of the Musurgia he says that the most
illustrious knight Petrus a Valle, in order to give an
example of the metabolic style, procured a triarmonic
instrument to be constructed under the direction of
Doni.J This was Pietro Della Valle, § the famous
Italian traveller, who appears to have been intimate
with Doni, for the fourth discourse at the end of the
Annotazioni of Doni is dedicated to him ; and Della
Valle in his book of travels takes occasion to mention
Doni in terms of great respect. The triarmonic in-
strument mentioned by Kircher is described by Doni
in the fifth of his discourses at the end of his Anno-
tazioni.
In prosecution of these attempts to restore the
ancient genera, a most excellent musician, Galeazzo
Sabbatini of Mirandola, made a bold effort, and gave
a division of the Abacus or key -board, by means
whereof he proposed to exhibit all imaginable har-
monies ; but it seems that none of these divisions
were ever received into practice ; they indeed may
be said to have given rise to several essays towards a
* This person was secretary to cardinal Barberini, afterwards pope
Urban VIII. He wrote a treatise De Praestantia Musicae veteris, ano-
ther De Generi e di Mode' della Musica, and another, being annotations
on the latter. He possessed a considerable degree of musical erudition,
but appears to have been a bigot in his opinions. A full account of him
and his writings will be given in the course of this work.
t Musurg. torn. I. lib. VI. pag. 459.
t Musurg. torn. I. lib. VII. pag. 675.
§ Pietro della Valle was a Roman gentleman of great learning ; he
spent twelve years in travelling over Turkey, Persia, India, anr. other
parts of the East. He married a young lady of Mesopotamia, named
Sitti Maani, who dying shortly after his marriage, he postponed her in-
terment, carrying her remains about with him in his travels many years.
At length returning to Rome, he caused her to be buried with great pomp
in the church of Araeeli, twenty-four cardinals attending the solemnity ;
and the afflicted husband prepared to pronounce a funeral oration over
her body, began to deliver it, but was interrupted by his tears, and could
not proceed. The Roman poets of that time celebrated her death with
verses, and there is a book entitled Funerale di Sitti Maani della Valle,
celebrato in Roma nel 1627, e descritto da Girolamo Rocchi.
396
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IX.
new temperament of the great system adapted to the
diatonic genus, wherein it has been proposed to reduce
the several keys to the greatest possible degree of
equality in respect to the component intervals of the
diapason. One Nicolaus Ramarinus, in the year 1640,
invented a key -board, simple in its division, but
changeable by means of registers.* By this invention
he effected a division of the tone into nine commas ;
but neither was this contrivance adopted, for in gene-
ral the primitive division of the key-board prevailed,
and the arrangement of the tones and semitones in
the organ and harpsichord, and other instruments of
the like kind, is at this day precisely the same as
when those instruments were first constructed.
The above-mentioned work of Vicentino is vari-
ously spoken of among musicians. Gio. Battista Doni,
in his treatise De Generi e de' Modi della Musica,
cap, I. pretends to point out many absurdities in his
division of the tetrachord for the purpose of intro-
ducing the ancient genera into modern practice, and
treats his invention of the Archicembalo with great
contempt. But in his treatise De Prsestantia Musics
veteris, he is still more severe, and gives a character
of Vicentino at length in the following speech, which
he puts into the mouth of one of the interlocutors in
that dialogue : —
' I suppose you have seen in a tract, which Donius
* has lately sent abroad, what depraved and absurd
* opinions, and altogether foreign to the truth, one
' Nicolaus Vicentinus has conceived concerning the
' nature, property, and use of the genera : he who, as if
' he had restored the music of the ancients in its prin-
' cipal part, affected that specious, not to say arrogant,
' title or surname of Archimusicus, and boasting sang
' that the ancient music had just now lifted up its
* head above the deep darkness. Do not he and his
' followers seem to think that the nature and property
* of the enarmonic genus consists in having the har-
' monical series, or what is called the perfect system,
' cut up into the smallest and most minute intervals ?
' from whence arises that false and ridiculous opinion
* that the common Polyplectra are to be alone called
' diatonic, and that those which have their black keys
* divided in a twofold manner are chromatic, while
' those which are thicker divided, and consist of more
* frequent intervals, are to be termed enarmonic : they
' would not have fallen into this error if they had un-
* derstood the ancient and natural harmonies in the
' writings of Aristoxenus and others. But if Vicen-
* tinus had been somewhat better instructed in the
' rules of the science, and in the reading of the ancient
' authors, when he undertook the province of restor-
' ing the ancient music, he would not have entered
' the sacred places of the Muses with unwashed feet,
' nor defeated that most ample praise he would have
' deserved for his honest intentions by unprosperous
' and vain attempts. — I have often wondered at the
* confidence of Vicentinus, who, although he could not
' but be sensible that he had but slender, or rather no
' learning and knowledge of antiquity, nevertheless
' did not hesitate to undertake so great a work. But
' I cease to wonder when I reflect on that Greek
* Musurgia, torn. I. lib. VI. pag. 460, et seq.
' sentence, " Ignorance makes men bold, but learning
" timid and slow." '
To say the truth, it does not appear from his book
that Vicentino's knowledge of the science was derived
from any higher source than the writings of Boetius ;
and with no better assistance than they could furnish,
the restoration of the genera seems to have been a
bold and presumptuous undertaking, and yet there
have not been wanting musicians of latter times who
have persisted in attempting to revive those kinds of
music, which the ancients for very good reasons re-
jected ; and there is to be found among the madrigals
of Dominico Mazzochi, printed at Rome, one intitled
Planctus Matris Euryali Diatonico-Chroraatico-Enar-
monico, that is to say, in all the three genera of the
ancients, which is highly applauded by Kircher.
And with respect to Vicentino, so far are the
writers on music in general from concurring with
Doni in his censure of him, that some of the most
considerable among them have been his encomiasts,
and have celebrated both him and that invention or
temperature of the Scala maxima to which his in-
strument the Archicembalo is adapted.
' The first among the moderns that attempted
' compositions in the three genera, was Nicolaus
' Vicentinus, who when he perceived that the
' division of the tetrachords, according to the three
' genera by Boetius, could not suit a polyphonous
' melothesia and our ratio of composition, devised
' another method, which he treats of at large in an
' entire book. There were not however some want-
' ing, who being strenuous admirers and defenders of
' ancient music, cavilled at him wrongfully and un-
' deservedly for having changed the genera, that had
' been wisely instituted by the ancients, and put in
' their stead I know not what spurious genera. But
' those who shall examine more closely into the
' affair will be obliged to confess that Vicentinus had
' very good reason for what he did, and that no other
* chromatic-enarmonic polyphonous melothesia could
' be made than as he taught.' f
And as touching that division of the octave by
Vicentino, which Doni and others are said to have
improved, the late Dr. Pepusch is clearly of opinion
that it was perfectly agreeable to the doctrines of
the ancients ; for after remarking that Salinas had
accurately determined the enarmonic, and that
strictly speaking the fourth contains thirteen dieses,
that is to say, each of the tones five, and the semitone
major three ; he adds that the true division of the
octave is into thirty-one equal parts, which gives the
celebrated temperature of Huygens, the most perfect
of all, and concludes his sentiments on this subject
with the following eulogium on Vicentino : ' The
' first of the moderns who mentioned such a division
' was Don Vincentino, in his book entitled, L'Antica
' Musica ridotta alia moderna Prattica, printed at
' Rome, 1555, folio. An instrument had been made
' according to this notion, which was condemned by
' Zarlino and Salinas without sufficient reason. But
* Mr. Huygens having more accurately examined the
* matter, found it to be the best temperature that
t Musurgia, torn. I. lib. VII. pag. 660.
Chap. LXXXIV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
397
' could be contrived. Though neither this great
* mathematician, nor Zarlino, Salinas, nor even Don
* Vincentino, seem to have had a distinct notion of
* all these thirty-one intervals, nor of their names,
' nor of their necessity to the perfection of music' *
Herman Finck, chapel -master to the king of
Poland, in 1556, published in quarto a book with
this title ' Practica musica Hermanni Finckii, ex-
' empla variorum signorum,proportionum et canonum,
'judicium de tonis, ac qusedam de arte suaviter et
* artificiose cantandi continens ; ' a good musical in-
stitute, but in no respect better than many others that
were published in Germany after the commencement
of the sixteenth century. The author, though a
chapel-master, seems to have been a protestant, for in
the beginning of his work he mentions Luther of
pious memory, and confirms the accounts of him that
say he loved and understood music.
Ambrosius Wilphlingsederus in 1563, published
at Norimberg, Erotemata Musices Practicse, a curious
book, and abounding with a great variety of com-
positions of the most excellent masters ; and in the
same year
Lucas Lossius, of Lunenburg, published a book
with this title, ' Erotemata Musical ex probatissimus
* quibus que hujus dulcissima artis scriptoribus ac-
' curate et breviter selecta et exemplis puerili in-
' stitutioni accomodis illustrata jam primnm ad usum
' scholfe Lunenburgensis et aliarum puerili am in
' lucem edita, a Luca Lossio. Item melodiaj sex
* genenim carminnm usitatiorum in primis suaves in
' gratiam puerorum selectse et editse Noribergae,
* M.D.LXIII.' and again in 1570, with additions by
Christopher Prsetorius, a Silesian and chanter of the
church of St. John at Lunenburg. The title of this
book of Lossius does in a great measure bespeak its
contents : Lossius was a Lutheran divine, born at
Vacha in Hessia in the year 1508, and for above
fifty years rector of the college or public school at
Lunenburg, a celebrated instructor of youth, and very
well skilled in music. He died anno 1582. Two
years before his death, which happened anno 1582,
he composed the following epitaph on himself : —
Hac placide Lucas requiescit Lossius urna.
Parte cinis terras, qua levis ille fuit.
Pars melior vivens coeli mens incolit arcem,
Inter, qui multos erudiere, viros.
Qui pubi decies quinos atque amplius annos
Tradidit hie artes cum pietate bonas.
Edidit et facili qui simplicitate libellos
Non paucos, Christi, Pieridumque scholis.
Finibus Hassiacis nemorosis natus, et agris,
Vacham qua praster, clare Visurge, fluis.
Hsec ubi cognoris, quo te via ducit euntem,
Lector abi, et felix vive, valeque diu.
It was this Lossius that published the Lutheran
Psalmodia, mentioned in a preceding page. It seema
by the numerous publications about this time of little
tracts, with such titles as these, Erotemata Musicse,
Musicse Isagoge, Compendium Musicse, that the
protestants were desirous of emulating the Roman
* Letter from John Christoph. Pepusch, Mus. D. to Mr. Abraham de
Moivre, published in the Philosophical Transactions for the months of
Oct. Nov. and Dec. 1746, page 266 et seq.
catholics in their musical service, and that to that
end these books were written and circulated through-
out Germany. They were in general printed in a
small portable size, and a book of this sort is to be
considered as a kind of musical accidence : that of
Wilphlingsederus, as also this of Lossius, are ex-
cellent in their way ; the merit of them consists in
their brevity and perspicuity, and surely a better
method of institution cannot be conceived of than
this, whereby a child is taught a learned language,
and the rudiments of a liberal science, at the same
time.
These, and other books of the like kind, calculated
for the instruction of children in Cantu chorali et in
Cantu figurati vel mensurali, i. e. in plain-song and
in figurate or mensural music, are for the most part
in dialogue, in which the responses, according as re-
quired, are spoken in words or sung in notes. They
all contain a division or title De Clavibus signatis,
with a type of the cliff's as they are now called. Rhaw
gives it in this form : —
-$-^-
Signa cla-
vium in
utroque
cantu.
n
^ef
^
Et ponuntur omnes in lineali
situ, qusedam tamcn sunt magis
familiares, utpote F et C. g.
rariuscule. F vero et d d ra-
fisaime utimur. Umle
Linea signatas sustentat scili-
cet omnes.
Et distant inter se mutuo per
diapentem.
F tamen ycififia distinguat
septima quamvis.
iMf
And Wilphlingsederus thus : —
03
o
s
03
I-
O
^
7^
^
tl
HF^
o
■73
O
o
o
>
cS
s-
!=!
C
B
a
D U
'^M
s
^5
^^
'i
1
I
398
HISTORY OP THE SCIENCE
Book IX.
The Typus Clavinm Signatarum of Lucas Lossiua
is in this form : —
c3
O
-SV-tfe^
1i-^ :§
■#■
^-^
■3i^45
a^
(..
^
^
o
p
3
Lampadius, an author of the same class with those
above-cited, and whose Compendium Musices is
mentioned in a preceding page, gives the following
character /^ as the signature for G sol re ut in the
series of superacutes ; this is worthy of observation,
for his Compendium was published in 1537, and it is
the character in use at this day.
By the above types it appears that anciently five
keys, or cliffs, as they are called, were made use of,
whereas three are now found sufficient for all pur-
poses. It may be said perhaps that T and dd were
at no time necessary ; but it seems that in order to
imprint the place of the cliffs upon the memory of
children, it was necessary in some way or other to
tell them that the station of P was a seventh above
r, and that the other cliffs were a diapente distant
from each other ; this Lossius does in the following
verses : —
Linea signatasclaves complectitur omnes
Mutuo distantes inter se per diapentem,
F licet ab ya/ifia distinguat septima tantum.
And Rhaw in these words : —
Linea signatas sustentat scilicet omnes,
Et distant inter se mutuo per diapentem.
F tamen ab yajifia distinguat septima quamvis.
It therefore became necessary to give T as the
terminus a quo for P, and though the power of dd
was sufficiently ascertained by the cliff g, it is to be
observed that the signature dd answered to the rule
above -cited, and preserved the appearance of re-
gularity ; for by this disposition of the cliff, C
occupied the middle of the scale, and as there were
two cliffs below, so were there two above it. Rhaw
observes that the most usual are P, C, and g, and
that r and dd are very rarely used ; he adds, that it
was anciently a practice to make the line for P of a
red, and that for C of a yellow colour, and that in-
stances thereof were in his time to be seen in ancient
music books : this is a confirmation of a passage in
the Micrologus of Guido to the same purpose.
All these writers distinguish between the cliffs
proper to plain-song, and those used in figurate or
mensural music, which it was thought necessary to
do here, for unless this be thoroughly understood,
very little of the music of these and the preceding
times can be perused with any degree of satisfaction.
They also severally exhibit a Cantilena or actual
praxis of the intervals by the voice, in order to impress
them on the minds of children. The most ancient
example of this kind known to be extant is a
Cantilena for the practice of learners, inserted in a
subsequent part of this work, said to have been
framed by Guido himself; but for this assertion
there seems to be no better authority than tradition,
for it is not to be found in any of his writings. Those
contained in the Enchiridion of George Rhaw, and
the Compendium Musices of Lampadius, differ but
very little from that of Guido above-mentioned.
Claudius Sebastianus published at Strasburg in
1563 a book intitled Bellum Musicale, inter Plani et
Mensuralis Cantus Reges. A whimsical allegory,
but a learned book.
GiosEFFO Zarlino, of Cliioggia,* a most celebrated
theorist and practical musician, was born in the year
1540 ; from the greatness of his erudition there is
reason to imagine that he was intended for some
learned profession ; this at least is certain, that it was
by the recommendation of Adrian Willaert that he
betook himself to the study of music, and Salinas
asserts that he was a disciple of Willaert. Bayle
styles him president and director of the chapel of the
Signory of Venice, but the true designation of the
office is maestro di capella of the church or temple
of St. Mark. He composed the music for the re-
joicings at Venice upon the defeat of the Turks at
Lepanto, which was much applauded ; notwithstand-
ing which the world has chosen to consider him as
a theorist rather than a practical composer, and in
this they seem to have judged properly, for in the
science of music he is indisputably one of the best
writers of the modern times. He died at Venice in
February 1599, as Thuanus relates, who has cele-
brated him among the learned men of that time.
In the catalogue of the library of Thuanus, mention
is made of two books of Zarlino, the one intitled
Dimostrationi Harmoniche, printed at Venice in the
year 1571, and afterwards with additions in 1573 ;
and the other printed in the same city in the year
1588, and intitled Sopplimenti Musicali ; but the
best edition of these and his other works is un-
questionably that of 1589, in folio, printed at Venice
with this title, Tutti 1' Opere del R. M. Gioseffo
Zarlino Da Chioggia. These consist of four volumes,
the first is intitled Istitutioni Harmoniche, the second
Dimostrationi Harmoniche in cinque Ragionamenti,
the third Sopplimenti Musicali ; the fourth volume
is a collection of tracts on different subjects, which
have no relation to music.
In the three first volumes of these his works,
Zarlino, in a style, in the opinion of some very good
judges of Italian literature, not inelegant, has entered
into a large discourse on the theory and practice of
music, and considered it under all the various forms
in which it appears in the writings of the Greek
harmonicians, and the writers of later times : as he
appears to have been acquainted with the Greek
language, there is little doubt but that he derived
his intelligence from the genuine source ; and as to
t An episcopal city in one of the isles of the gulph of Venice, in Latin
Clodia, whence comes the Latin surname of Clodieneis given to Zarlino.
Chap. LXXXIV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
399
Boetius and the other Latin and Italian writers, he
seems to be possessed of all the knowledge that their
writings were capable of communicating.
As the substance of what is contained in the
ancient writers has already been given in the course
of this history, it is unnecessary to incumber it with
a minute abridgment of so copious a work as that of
Zarlino ; and a general account of the contents of the
Istitutioni, the Dimostrationi, and the Sopplimenti,
with occasional remarks and observations on the
several particulars contained in them, will suffice to
shew the nature and tendency of Zarlino's writings,
and exhibit a general view of the merit and abilities
of their author.
The Istitutioni begins with a general eulogium
on music, setting forth its excellence and use as
applicable to civil and religious purposes ; in his
division of music into mundane and humane, Zarlino
follows Boetius and other Latin writers. Of the
number Six, he says that it comprehends many
things of nature and art ; and in a far more rational
way than Bongus has done, he considers its properties
60 far only as they relate to music.
In his explanation of the several kinds of propor-
tion of greater and lesser inequality, and of the
difference between proportion and proportionality, he
is very particular, and very learnedly and judiciously
comments upon Boetius, who on this head is rather
too concise.
The account of the ancient system given by him
cannot be supposed to contain any new discoveries,
all that can be said about it is to be found in the
writings of the Greek harmonicians, and with these
he seems to have been very well acquainted.
In his description of that species of the diatonic
genus called the Syntonous, or intense of Ptolemy,
in which the tetrachord is divided into tone major,
tone minor, and a greater hemitone in the ratio of
16 to 15, he gives it the epithet of Natural, an ex-
pression which seems to bespeak that predilection
in its favour, which he manifested in a formal dis-
pute with Vincentio Galilei on the subject, in which
he contended for its superior excellence in compa-
rison with every other of the diatonic species, and
succeeded.
Chap. xxv. of the second part of the Istitutioni is
an explanation of an instrument called the Mesolabe,
said to have been invented either by Archytas of
Tarentum, or Eratosthenes, the use whereof is to
distinguish, by means of mean proportionals, between
tlie rational and irrational intervals, and to demon-
strate the impossibility of an equal division of the
superparticular ratios. This instrument was it seems
a great favourite with Zarlino, for in the Sopplimenti,
lib. IV. cap. 9. he enlarges on the utility of it, and
complains of his disciples that they could not be pre-
vailed on to study it with that degree of attention
which it merited.
Chap, xxxix. contains a figure of the diapason,
with a representation of the diatonic tetrachord, con-
stituted of a greater semitone, in the ratio -^ of a
tone major f , and tone minor ^^ ; this is the division
which Zarlino throughout his works contends for as
the natural and only true one, and is called the
syntonous or intense diatonic of Ptolemy. The
figure above - mentioned is thus delineated by
Zarlino : —
Tetrachord
of the Syntonous
Diatonic accord-
ing to ProLEMT.
D
180
IfiO q" 144 Jj 135
120 g^ 108
96
16
15
90
To.maj. To.min. Se.niaj. To.maj. To.min. To.maj. Se.maj
Chap. xlix. contains the author's sentiments of the
ancient genera and their species, upon which he does
not scruple to pronounce that the ancient division of
them is vain and unprofitable.
The third part of the Istitutioni contains the ele-
ments of counterpoint, and directs how the several
parts of a Cantilena are to be disposed. It contains
also the precepts for the composition of fugue, where-
on discoursing, the author makes frequent mention of
Jusquin, Brumel, and other excellent composers ; and
celebrates, in terms of the highest respect, the ex-
cellencies of Adrian Willaert his master.
The fourth and last part of the Istitutioni treats of
the modes or tones, that is to say, those of the
ancients, and those other instituted by St. Ambrose
and pope Gregory, and adapted to the service of the
church. Zarlino's account of the former contains a
great deal of that history which is justly suspected to
be fabulous, as namely, that the Phrygian was in-
vented by Marsyas; the Mixolydian by Sappho of
Lesbos, the poetess; and the others by persons of whom
scarce any memorials are extant. In this part of
his work Zarlino very clearly explains the difference
between the harmonical and arithmetical division of
the diapason, from whence the two kinds of mode,
the authentic and the plagal, are known to arise ; but
here with Glareanus he contends, notwithstanding the
opinion of many others to the contrary, that the
modes are necessarily twelve ; he does not indeed pro-
fess to follow Glareanus in his division, but whether
he has so done or not is a matter in which the
science of music is at this time so little interested,
that it scarce deserves the pains of an enquiry.
Chap, xxxii. of this last part contains some rules
for accommodating the harmony of a cantilena to the
words which are the subject of it. Rules indeed, if
any can be prescribed for accommodating melody to
words, might be of use, but between the harmony of
sounds and the sentiments of poetry there seems to
be no necessary relation.
The Dimostrationi Harmoniche are a series of dis-
courses in dialogues, divided into five Ragionamenti.
400
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IX.
The author relates that in the year 1562, his friend
Adrian Willaert being then afflicted with the gout,
he made him a visit, and found at his house Francesco
Viola, chapel - master to Alfonso d'Este, duke of
Ferrara, and Claudio Merulo, whom he styles a most
sweet organist ; * they begin a discourse on the
subject of music, in which each delivers his senti-
ments with great freedom.
The subjects treated on in the first of the Ra-
gionamenti are the proportions of greater and lesser
inequality, and the measure of intervals. The whole
of this dialogue may be said to be a commentary on
Boetius ; the thirty-ninth and last proposition con-
tains a demonstration that six sesquioctave tones ex-
ceed the diapason.
The second and third of the Ragionamenti consist
for the most part of demonstrations of the ratios of
the consonances and the lesser intervals. In the
second, Prop. xiv. is a diagram, an improvement on
the Helicon of Ptolemy, whereby the ratios of the
consonances are clearly demonstrated.
This parallelogram is
divided into six parts by
lines, which are bisected
by a diagonal line pro-
ceeding from a point that
e divides the side C D
equally, to the opposite
angle. The side of the
a parellelogram A B is sup-
posed to contain twelve
parts ; the bisection of the
"d line C D is equal, that is
to say it gives six parts on each side, but the bisec-
tion of the other lines is such, as gives the following
harmonical proportions, amounting in number to no
fewer than forty-five, as appears by this table : —
12 <
10^
10 Semiditone
6 Diatessaron
.9 Diatessaron
5 Hexachord minor
8 Diapente
4 Diapason
6 Diapason
8.
3 Diapason and dia-
5 Diap. & semiditone
tessaron
4 Diapason & diapente
2 Disdiapason
3 Disdiapason
1 Trisdiapason
2 Disdiap. & diapente
1 Trisdiap. & diapente
5 Semiditone
4 Diapente
9 Tone minor
8 Ditone
6 Hexachord major
6.
3 Diapason
2 Diapason & diapente
1 Disdiapason iV;' semi-
5 Diapason
ditone
4 Diapason and ditone
3 Diapason and Hexa-
1
' 4 Ditone
chord major
H
3 Hexachord major
2 Disdiapason & ditone
2 Diapason and ditone
1 Trisdiap. and ditone
1
i^ I Disdiapason & ditone
8 Tone major
1
'' 3 Diatessaron
6 Diapente
A
2 Diapason
5 Heptachord minor
\
> 1 Disdiapason
4 Diapason & tone maj.
< r
3 Diapason & diapente
i
'' 2 Diapente
2 Disdiapason and tone
H
1 Diapason and dia-
major
\
i^ pente
1 Trisdiapason and
tone major
2 1 Diapason
9<
* Claudio Merulo, or Merula, of Correggio, was organist to the
duke of Parma. He composed masses, psalms, and motets, and pub-
lished Toccata d' Intavolatura d'Organo. In Roma, appresso Simone
Vesovio, 1598, fol.
The divisions of the lines e f and n o, which give
the proportions of 11 to 1, and 7 to 5, are irrational,
and are therefore omitted in the table.
The fourth of the Ragionamenti directs the division
of the monochord, and treats in general terms of the
ancient system.
The fifth and last contains the sentiments of the
author on the modes of the ancients, in which little is
advanced that is not to be found elsewhere.
The Sopplimenti Musicali is dedicated to Pope
Sixtus V. ; the author styles it ' A declaration of the
' principal things contained in the two former volumes,
* and a formal defence of the author against the calum-
' nies of his enemies.' The ground of the dispute
between Zarlino and his adversaries was principally
this, Zarlino through the whole of the two former
volumes, in his discrimination of the five several
species of the diatonic genus, rejects the ditonic
diatonic of Ptolemy |^ f f, which indeed seems to
be no other than the diatonic of Pythagoras himself,
and prefers to it the intense or syntonous diatonic of
Ptolemy, as it is called, -fg- f V» ^^ being the most
natural to the ear. This is in truth the Diatonic
of Didymus, for it was he that first distinguished
between the greater and lesser tone, with this dif-
ference, that he places them in this order \^ ^ f,
thereby giving to the lesser tone the first place in the
tetrachord, whereas Ptolemy gives it the second ; and
in thus preferring the syntonous to the ditonic,
Zarlino, as Dr. Wallis observes, was followed by
Kepler, Mersennus, Des Cartes, and others.f
This, the Lutenists, who, as they were for the
most part Aristoxeneans in practice, had adopted
another tuning, opposed. They contended for a
tetrachord of two equal tones and a semitone, but
yet refused to abide a determination of the question
by any other judgment than that of the ear.
At the head of these opponents of Zarlino stood
Vincentio Galilei, a man of great learning and inge-
nuity, and who, though not a musician by profession,
was deeply skilled in the science. He was besides
a most exquisite performer on the lute, and a favourer
of that division of Aristoxenus which is called the
intense, and gave to the tetrachord a hemitone and
two whole tones. This person, who had formerly
been a disciple of Zarlino, published as it seems a
short examen of the Istitutioni upon its first publica-
tion, intitled ' Discorso intorno all' Opere del Zarlino,'
which he criticises with an unwarrantable degree of
severity ; but in a subsequent work, intitled ' Dialogo
della musica antica et della moderna,' he takes great
pains to prove that the preference which Zarlino had
given to the syntonous species of the diatonic above-
mentioned, had no foundation in nature. The con-
duct of Galilei in this dispute is worthy of remark.
He considers Zarlino as an innovator or corrupter of
t Dr. Wallis makes it a question whether or no Zarlino was the first
that endeavoured to introduce the syntonous diatonic instead of the
ditonic diatonic, but Galilei, in his Dialogue, pag. 112, expressly asserts
that Lodovico Fogliano of Modena, and who published in 1529 a folio
volume intitled Musica Theorica, of which an account has herein before
been given, was the first who discovered that the diatonic of his time
was not the ditonic, but the syntonous or intense diatonic This, Zarlino,
in the Sopplimenti, lib. HI. cap. ii. seems to deny ; but the truth of the
matter is, that Fogliano, in the second section of his book, treats ex-
pressly ' De utilitate toni majoris et minoris,' which he would hardly
have done, but with a view to establish that division of the tetrachord
which Zarlino afterwards contended for.
Chap. LXXXIV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
401
music, and while he is treating him as such, he
endeavours to make it believed, that he was the first
among the moderns that attempted to introduce that
species of the diatonic which admitted of dissimilar
tones, but fearing lest instead of a corrupter he might
in the opinion of some be deemed an improver of
musical practice, he takes care to inform the world,
and indeed expressly asserts, that Lodovico Fogliano,
many years before Zarlino, found out and maintained
that the diatonic even of that day was not the di-
tonic, but the syntonous diatonic of Ptolemy.
The Sopplimenti Musicali of Zarlino, lib. III.
cap. 2, contains a defence of the author against this
invidious charge of Galilei, whom he ironically styles
his loving disciple, ' il mio discepolo amorevole.'
As to the merits of the question between them, they
seem to be determined in favour of Zarlino, for not
only have Kepler, Mersennus, and Des Cartes adopted
the division which he contended for,* but it is the
only one practised at this day.
* As this assertion does at present stand on no better ground than a
bare dictum of Dr. Wallis, in the appendix to las edition of Ptolemy, it
may liere be expected that in support of it tlie opinions of the authors
above named should severally be adduced. To begin with Kepler. This
author, who in his reasoning about music, affects a language peculiar to
himself, after giving the preference to the division of the tetrachord
% V T^> ^P^^'^5 of ^'^° kinds of musical progression, the hard and
the soft, which others characterize by the terms major and minor third.
In the former of these, proceeding from the syllable uT, which is the pro-
gression referred to by all who speak of the disposition of the greater and
lesser tone, he says that in the division of the tetrachord, nature herself
informs us that the greater tone has the lower place, whereby he ex-
presses his acquiescence in the opinion of Zarlino and his adherents upon
the question in debate. Harmonices Mundi, lib. III. cap. vii.
As to Mersennus, who appears to have reviewed the controversy with
great attention, he says that nature pays no regard to the conveniency of
it, and that though the division of Aristoxenus may for particular reasons
be preferred by those who play on the lute, it does by no means follow
that it is upon the whole the most eligible ; for, adds he, ' of all systems
' possible, that is the most natural and easy to sing, which follows
' the harmonical numbers, as is experienced when good voices sing seve-
' ral parts together, who could not do all that is marked in simple or
' diminished counterpoint commonly made use of, unless they observed
' the distinction of the greater and lesser tone, and that of the greater
' mean, and lesser semitone, and of several others elsewhere spoken of by
him.' Harm. Univers. Des Instruments, liv. II. pag. 61. And in
another place, ' that system which consists of a greater and lesser tone,
' and also of different semitones, and other just intervals both consonant
' and dissonant, is the best of all ; and that this is the very nature of the
' song, the ear, the imagination, the instruments, and the understanding
' all confirm, provided experiments are made use of for an accurate
' enquiry into it.' Mersen. Harmonic, lib. V. De Dissonantiis, pag. 86.
The sentiments of Des Cartes on the question which of all others is
the most eligible division of the diapason, are deducible from the chapter
in his Compendium Musicse, intitled De Gradibus sive Tonis musicis,
wherein lie asserts that the order to be observed in constituting the in-
tervals contained in the diapason ought to be such, as that a semitone
major shall have on each side next to it, a tone major and a tone minor.
This disposition he illustrates by the following figure : —
O Q
CO
..
yK
Ton c
/\
minor / \
1 Tone
\
/ Tone
\
-major
>
major
288
bM05 SemitoTte
/
'Tr
KSemitoTie
576 E
\ majus^
/\
^^^ttJllS
j
\ muior 1
CO ]
Tone ^\.
, vunor /
km F
X^
1
CO
V^
s
The Sopplimenti is of a miscellaneous nature, for
it is a defence of many opinions advanced by the
author in his former works. It contains also many
particulars, many diagrams and mathematical pro-
blems, calculated to explain and illustrate his doctrines.
In the fourth book he treats of the Genera and their
species or colours, as they are called, and proposes
a temperament adapted to the lute, whereby the dia-
pason is divided by semitones into twelve equal parts.
In the sixth book he treats of the ancient modes,
which with Glareanus he makes to be twelve in
number. In the eighth and last book he speaks of
the organ, and describes one in the ancient city of
Grado, the figure whereof is given in a preceding
page of this work.
Many very curious particulars and little anecdotes
of persons and things relating to music are inter-
spersed in these three volumes of Zarlino's works,
viz., the Istitutioni, Dimostrationi, and Sopplimenti,
some of the most remarkable are these. Deer are
delighted with the sound of music, and huntsmen by
means thereof easily take them. Istit. II. pag. 11. f
Upon which it may be observed that A is assumed for the chord A, and
the other letters for the corresponding chords in the scale. Between A
and B [7 the ratio is |^ j? ^, which in smaller numbers is 4-t, and between
E and F ? J §, also 4-|-, both of which are semitones major, 4-g-g- '^ \y
and 4^-x 's ir^, thus are produced the intervals contended for, 4-6- -g^ U*,
which in the opinion of Zarlino and others constitute the syntonous or
intense diatonic tetrachord of Ptolemy, and in that of Des Cartes is the
most eligible division or temperament of that interval, and consequently
of the diapason.
There is little doubt but that that division of the tetrachord which
constitutes the syntonous or intense species of the diatonic genus is in
theory the most eligible, and as far as regards vocal music, it may be
equally well adapted to practice. But it seems that in such instruments
as the organ, and others where the measure of intervals does not depend
upon the performer, such a divison of the tetrachord as distinguishes
between the greater and lesser tone is not admissible. Nay, were the
concords themselves in such instruments to be uniformly tuned to the
degree of perfection required by a nice ear, some of the consonant inter-
vals would be so constituted as to approach very nearly to discord.
For this reason it is said that Zarlino could never prevail in his en-
deavours to establish a tuning of the organ correspondent to the division
of the tetrachord in the syntonous diatonic ; for Bontempi attests, that
not only no organ in Italy or Europe was altered, or the tuning thereof
in any degree varied, in consequence of his speculations, but that that of
the chapel of St. Mark, where he presided, continued exactly in the state
it had been left in by Claudio Monteverde, Giovanni Rovetta, and others
his predecessors. Historia Musica di Bontempi, Parte prima, Corol-
lario IV.
The difficulties arising from that surd quantity which in a course of
numerical calculation arises in the division of the diapason, was bat
little noticed in vocal performance, for this reason, that the voice in
singing accommodates itself to the ear, and with wonderful facility con-
stitutes only grateful intervals, insensibly rejecting such as are dissonant.
But in such instruments as the organ this quantity was for a long time
found to be an unmanageable thing ; a series of fifths all perfect through
the scale was what the ear would not bear, and this consideration sug-
gested the invention of what is called a Temperament, by which is to he
understood a tuning, wherein by making the intervals irrational, more,
in respect of harmony and coincidence of sound, is given to the disso-
nances than is taken from the consonances: the first essay of thi«kind is
said by Polydore Virgil, De Rerum Inventoribus, lib. III. cap. xviii. to
have been the invention of some very learned man in the science of
music, but whose name, country, and even the age he lived in, are
irrecoverably lost ; it consisted in the intension of ttie diatessaron, and
the remission of tlie diapente, and by necessary consequence made both
the tones equal. Bontempi, 18G. Salinas, lib. III. cap. xiii, has re-
marked upon this division that the equality of the tones implies the
taking away of the comma ; and in another place, that by this division
the redundant commas in the diapason, which he makes to be three, are
distributed throughout the diapason system. And this temperament is
preserved by those tuners of the organ who make it a rule, and it is
almost an universal one, to tune the thirds as sharp, and the fifths as flat,
as the ear will bear them.
The reduction of the tones to an equality rendered each of them capable
of a division into semituiies, and gave rise to the invention of that called
by the Italians Systema Participate, in which the diapason is divided
into twelve semitones, whereby, in the opinion of some, the diatonic and
chromatic genera are united, as indeed will seem to be the case upon a
bare view of the keys of an organ or harpsichord.
+ The author asserts this fact on the autliority of .^lian, a writer of no
great credit ; nevertheless that these animals are susceptible of the pjwer
2d
402
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IX.
— The human pulse is the measure of the beats in
music. Ibid. 256. — Country people, and those that
understand not music, naturally sing the diatonic
of music is not to be disputed, Plutarch, in the seventh book of his
Symposiacs, says of deer and horses, that they are of all irrational crea-
tures the most affected with harmony. Playford, in the preface to his
Introduction to Music, says the same thins, and adds, 'Myself, as I
' travelled some years since near Royston, met a herd of stags, about 20,
' upon the road, following a bagpipe and violin, which when the music
' played they went forward, when it ceased they all stood still, and in this
' manner they were brought out of Yorkshire to Hampton Court.' And
whoever will make the experiment, will find it in his power to draw to
him and detain one of these creatures as long as he pleases by the sound
of a violin or any instrument of that kind. Horses are also delighted with
the sound of music.
' For do but note a wild and wanton herd,
' Or race of youthful and unhandled colts,
' Fetching mad bounds, bellowing and neighing loud,
' (Which is the hot condition of their blood)
■ If they but hear perchance a trumpet sound,
' Or any air of music touch their ears,
' You shall perceive them make a mutual stand ;
' Their savage eyes turn'd to a modest gaze
' By the sweet power of music'
Shakespeare's Merchant of Venice, Act V. Scene I.
For this fact we have also the authority of the duke of Newcastle, who
asserts it in his book of Horsemanship. Henry Stephens also relates that
he once saw a lion at London, which would forsake his food to hear
music. Pref. ad Herod.
Elephants are likewise said to be extremely susceptible of the power of
music. Suetonius relates that the emperor Domitian had a troop of
elephants disciplined to dance to the sound of music, and that one of
them, who had been beaten for not having his lesson perfect, was
discovered the night after in a meadow, practising it by himself. In
the Melanges of Vigneul Marville, tom. III. is a humorous relation of
the effects of music on a number of animals of different kinds, wherein
it is said that a horse, a hind, a dog, and some little birds were very much
affected by it, but that an ass, a cow, a cat, and a cock and hen were all
insensible of its charms.
In the Histoire de la Musique, et de ses Effets, tom. I. pag. 321, is
the following curious relation to this purpose : —
' Monsieur de , captain of the regiment of Navarre, was con-
' fined six months in prison for having spoken too freely to Monsieur de
' Louvois, he begged leave of the Governor to grant him permission to
' send for his lute to soften his confinement. He was greatly astonished
' after four days to see at the time of his playing the mice come out of
' their holes, and the spiders descend from their webs, who came and
' formed a circle roimd him to hear him with attention. This at first so
' much surprised him, that he stood still without motion, when having
'ceased to play, all those insects retired quietly into their lodgings:
' such an assembly made the officer fall into reflections upon what the
' ancients have told us of Orpheus, Arion, and Amphion. He assured
' me that he remained six days without playing, having with difficulty
'recovered from his astonishment, not to mention a natural aversion he
' had for these sorts of insects, nevertheless he began afresh to give a
'concert to these animals, who seemed to come every day in greater
' numbers, as if they had invited others, so that in process of time he
' found a hundred of them about him. In order to rid himself of them,
' he desired one of the jailors to give him a cat, which he shut up some-
■ times in a cage when he chose to have this company, and let her loose
' when he had a mind to dismiss them, making it thus a kind of comedy
' that alleviated his imprisonment. I long doubted the truth of this story,
' but it was confirmed to me six months ago by M. P , intendant of
' the duchess of V . a man of merit and'probity, who played upon
' several instruments to the utmost excellence. He told me that being
' at , he went up into his chamber to refresh himself after a walk,
' and took up a violin to amuse himself till supper-time, setting a light
' upon the table before him ; he had not played a quarter of an hour
' before he saw several spiders descend from the ceiling, who came and
' ranged themselves round about the table to hear him play, at which he
' was greatly surprised, but this did not interrupt him, being willing to
' see the end of so singular an occurrence. They remained upon the
'table very attentively until somebody came to tell him supper was
' ready, when having ceased to pl,ay, he told me these insects remounted
'to their webs, to which he would sufl^er no injury to be done. It was
• a diversion with which he often entertained himself out of curiosity.'
The same author says that he once saw, at the fair of St. Germain, rats
dance in cadence upon a rope to the sound of instruments, standing up-
right, each holding a little counterpoise, in the manner of rope dancers.
He says he also saw eight rats dance a figure-dance as truly as so many
professed dancers ; and that a white rat from Lapland danced a saraband
justly, and with all the gravity of a Spaniard.
Plutarch relates that a certain barber, who kept a shop in the Gree.k
forum, had a magpye that imitated the sound of musical instruments,
the cry of oxen, and could pronounce the words of men ; and that a
certain rich man passing by, with trumpeters in his train, who, as was
usual, stopped there and played for some time, the bird from that day
became mute, to the wonder of every one. Many reasons were given for
his silence, but the true one was he was meditating to imitate the sound
of the trumpets, for first he was observed to practise silently and to him-
self the tune they had played, at last he broke out, and sang it so truly
and melodiously, that all were astonished who heard him.
CcElius Rhodiginus relates that he saw at Rome a parrot which Cardinal
Ascanius had purchased for a hundred pieces of gold, that pronounced
and clearly articulated, without hesitation or interruption, the words of
the Apostle's Creed.
And lastly, Kircher relates, that when Basilius the emperor of the
octave with a third and sixth major. Ibid. 262. —
Domenico da Pesaro, an excellent fabricator of harp-
sichords, and other instrumenti da penna. Ibid.
171. — Boccace invented the Rima Ottava. Ibid.
3S1. — Jusquin considered the fourth as a consonance,
and used it in two parts without any accompaniment.
Ibid. 187. — Vincenzo Colombi, and Vincenzo Colonna
of Italy, two organ-makers, inferior to none in the
world. Ibid. 374. — Michael Stifelius, an excellent
mathematician,* and Nicolo Tartaglia of Brescia,"]'
attempted an equal division of the tone, but without
success. Dimost. 146. — Adrian Willaert persuaded
Zarlino to the study of music. Ibid. 12. — The
Chromatists of Zarlino's time were in his opinion the
enemies of good music. Ibid. 215. — Vincenzo Co-
lombi, the famous organ-maker, made the author a
monochord, diatonically divided, by semitone major,
tone major, and tone minor. Ibid. 198. — Bede, who
wrote on music, makes use of the terms Concentus
and Discantus, from whence it is to be inferred that
music in parts was known in his time. Soppli. 17.
— Gioseffi Guammi of Lucca, an excellent organist
and composer. Ibid. 18.
The fourth and last volume of Zarlino's work is
on miscellaneous subjects. It contains a treatise on
Patience, a discourse on the origin of the Capuchin
Friars, and an answer to some doubts that had arisen
touching the correction of the Julian calendar.
From the foregoing account of the works of Zar-
lino it sufficiently appears that they are a fund of
musical erudition ; and the estimation in which they
are held by men of the greatest learning and skill in
the science, may be judged of from the following
character which John Albert Bannius has given of
him and his writings. ' Joseph Zarlino of Chioggia
' was a great master of the theory of music. In his
' learned Institutions, Demonstrations, and Supple-
' ments published in Italian at Venice, 1580, he has
' explained and improved the science with much
' greater success than any other author. He is some^
' what prolix, but his learning amply compensates for
* that fault. John Maria Artusius Bononiensis re-
* duced the precepts of Zarlino into a Compendium,
' and this again into tables. In these he sets forth the
' science of music in a short, clear, and perspicuous
' manner. There are others who have written on
' music, whether they equal Zarlino or not I do not
'know, at least they do not surpass him. — So that
East, at the persuasion of Santabarenus, had thrown his son Leo into
prison on suspicion of his having conspired against him, the household
lamented the fate of Leo, and sang mournful verses, these a parrot
learned ; and Basilius when he heard the parrot repeat them, and in a
melancholy tone pronounce the name of Leo, was so affected that he re-
leased him, that it might not be said he was overcome by a parrot in
tenderness for his son.
* Michael Stifelius was a German Lutheran minister, a man of learning,
and particularly skilled in the science of arithmetic, by the help whereof
he undertook to predict that at ten in the morning of the third day of
October, 1533, the world would be at an end ; early in the morning of
that day Stifelius ascended the pulpit, and exhorted his hearers to make
themselves ready, for that the minute was at hand in which they were
to ascend to heaven with the very clothes that they had then on; the
hour passed, and the people finding themselves deceived, fell on their
pastor, and had he not escaped, would probably have killed him; however,
by the interest of Luther, he got reinstated in his church. Thuanus
and other historians relate this fact with all its circumstances, and
Camerarius in his Historical Meditations has made a very comical story
of it : the whole may be seen in Bayle, who has an article for Stifelius.
+ Nicolo Tartaglia was an excellent mathematician ; he translated
Euclid into the Italian language, and wrote a treatise Di Numero et
Misure. Apostolo Zeno styles liim ' Un dotto Bresciano.'
Chap. LXXXIV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
403
' Zarlino alone will serve instead of the all the rest :
' without him the opinions of the ancients cannot be
' understood, nor a perfect knowledge of this science
' be easily attained.* But he does not come up to
* the perfection of the modern music. I have com-
' mended Zarlino above all the rest, not because the
' writings of other men on this subject are of no value,
' for they contain many excellent and learned in-
' structions, but because he is the best writer on this
* subject, and as many authors having given but an
' imperfect account of music, and this defect must be
' supplied by great study, industry, and various
' reading, I cannot recommend any one of them to
' those who study this art except Zarlino. Besides,
' few of them have at the same time thoroughly exa-
' mined and understood both the theoretical and
' practical part of music. Zarlino in my opinion has
' written on this subject with more learning and
' success than all the rest : and he is almost the only
* author who has succeeded in it. His Compendium,
' as it is drawn up by John Maria Artusius Bono-
' niensis, is an excellent method, and may be of
* singular use in the practice of musical composition.'!
Artusi is by this account of Bannius so connected
with Zarlino, that it becomes necessary to speak in
this place of him rather than of Vincentio Galilei,
the great opponent of the latter. The Compendium
above-mentioned was published at Venice in 1586,
and therefore must have been taken either from the
first or second edition of the Istitutioni. It is en-
titled ' L'Arte del Contraponto ridotta in tavole, dove
' brevemente si contiene i precetti a quest' arte ne-
* cessarii.' The author professes to follow the mo-
derns, and particularly Zarlino, from whose work
above-mentioned he has extracted a variety of ex-
cellent rules. These are disposed in analytical order,
and are selected with such care and judgment, that
this Compendium, small as it is, for it makes but a
very thin folio, may be said to be one of the books
of the greatest use to a practical composer of any
now extant.
In 1 589 Artusi published a second part of L'Arte
del Contraponto, intended, as the title-page declares,
to explain the nature and use of the dissonances ; a
curious and valuable supplement to the former.
Artusi was an ecclesiastic, and a canon regular in
the congregation Del Salvatore at Bologna : a con-
sideralile time after the publication of his book en-
titled L'Arte del Contraponto, he published a treatise
* Notwithstanding; this encomium on Zarlino, which at least implies
that he was well skilled in the ancients, there have not been wanting
those who have asserted that he never read them. Bontempi, speaking
of the modern system, in which most of the intervals are irrational, uses
these words, ' Egli non ^ ne il Sintono antico, ne il Sintono reformato da
' Tolemeo, come infelicemente sostenta il Zarlino, il quale, senza Greca
' litteratura, overo senza haver letto overo considerato la dottriiia de'
' Greci, da I'essere ad un' altro sintono a modo suo, non constituito da
'padri della scientia.' Hist. Music, pas. 188.
There can be little doubt hut that Zarlino was acquainted with the
Greek language, seeing that his writings abound with quotations from
the Greek authors ; but whether he had ever seen the Manual of Nico-
machus, the Elements of Aristoxenus, the three books of Aristides Quin-
tilianus De Musica, or the Harmonics of Ptolemy, with the Commentaries
of Porphyry and Manuel Bryennius thereon, may be questioned, since
Salinas, who wrote after him, intimates that in his time they were ex-
tant only in manuscript, and that by the favour of the Cardinal of
Burgos he procured transcripts of them from the library of St. Mark at
Venice.
+ Joan. Alberti Banni Dissertatio Epistolica de Musicse-Natura. Lugd.
Bat. IfiS", pag. 29. 57.
Delle Imperfettioni della moderna Musica, in two
parts, with a view to correct some abuses in music
which had been introduced by modern writers and
composers ; he was the author also of a little tract in
quarto, published in 1604, intitled ' Impresa del
' Molto R. M. Gioseffo Zarlino da Chioggia : ' of
these an account vnll be given hereafter.
Vincentio Galilei is next to be spoken of. He
was of Florence, and as it seems a man of rank, for
in the title-page of his books he styles himself
' Nobile Fiorentino,' and the father of the famous
Galileo Galilei, the mathematician. He had been
a disciple of Zarlino, and, by the help of his in-
structions, joined with an unwearied application to
the study of the ancients, became an excellent
speculative musician. Of the instruments in use
in his time, the lute and the harpsichord seem to
have held the preference ; the latter of these was
chiefly the entertainment, as Zarlino relates, of the
ladies ; | the- practice of the former was cultivated
chiefly by the men. Galilei had an exquisite hand
on the lute, and his propensity to that instrument,
for very obvious reasons, led him to favour the
Aristoxenean principles, which Zarlino throughout
his works labours to explode. Galilei censured
many of the opinions of his master in a tract
intitled ' Discorso intorno all' Opere del Zarlino,'
which the latter has taken notice of in the second
volume of his works ; but in 1581 he published a larger
work, intitled ' Dialogo della Musica antica e mo-
derna,' written, as the title-page expresses it, ' in sua
Difesa contra Giuseppe Zarlino,' though the publica-
tion of this latter work was a formal attack on Zar-
lino, who is treated by his adversary with less respect
than seems to be due from a disciple to his master ;
this Zarlino seems to have resented, for in the Soppli-
menti he takes notice of the urbanity, as he calls it,
of the disciple to his preceptor, as an instance where-
of he cites these w^ords from the table to Galilei's
Dialogue, * Gioseffo Zarlino si attribuisce per sue
' molte cose che non sono,' an expression not easily
to be reconciled with the commendation which in
many parts of this book he affects to bestow on Zar-
lino and his writing's.
The division of the tetrachord which Galilei con-
tended for, was that called the syntonous or intense
diatonic of Aristoxenus, which supposes the dia-
tessaron to contain precisely two tones and a half,
according to the judgment of tlie ear. Ptolemy has
given it the ratio of 12, 24, 24, but Galilei failed in
his attempt to establish it ; and the syntonous or
intense diatonic of Ptolemy is, as it is said, the only
division which the moderns have received into
practice. §
Galilei was also the author of a book intitled ' II
' Fronimo, Dialogo sopra I'Arte del ben intavolare
X Doni calls the harpsichord Clavichordium Matronale.
§ This is the sentiment of Dr. Wallis, as delivered by him in the
Appendix to his edition of Ptolemy, and is confirmed by Dr. Pepusch in
his letter to Mr. de Moivre, published in the Philosophical Transaction*
for the year 174R ; nevertheless it is said that since the invention of
a temperament the ancient distinctions of ditonic diatonic, inten.se di».
tonic. &c. have justly been laid aside. Vide Harmonies by Dr. Robert
Smith, 2d. edit. pag. 33, this is the more likely to be true, as the tuner*
of instruments measure their intervals by the ear, and are therefore said
by Mersennus to be Aristoxeneans in practice.
404
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IX.
' e rettamente suonare la Musica. In Venezia, 1583 ;'
the design whereof is to explain that kind of
musical notation practised by the composers for the
lute, called the Tablature.* The Dialogo della
Musica, notwithstanding the objections it is open to,
is replete with curious learning, and seems to have
been the effect of deep research into the writings of
antiquity. Among other particulars contained in it
are these. The Battuta, or beating of time, was not
practised by the ancients, but was introduced by the
Monks for the regulation of the choir, 101.— The
monochord was invented by the Arabians, 133. —
Diodes, and not Pythagoras, in the opinion of some,
first discovered the musical proportions by the sound
of an earthen vessel, 127. — Glareanus did not under-
stand the modes of the ancient Greeks, 72. — Marcianus
Capella, so far as relates to the modes, was an Aris-
toxenean, 56. — The music of the moderns is despised
by the learned, and approved of only by the vulgar,
83. — The Romans derived their knowledge of music
from the Greeks, 1. — At the close of this work he
gives a probable account of the inventors of many of
the instruments now in use, of which notice has herein
before been taken. Speaking of the lute, he mentions
a fact which an English reader will be glad to know,
namelv, that in his time the best were made in England.
The style of Galilei is clear and nervous, but negligent.
Nice judges say it is in some instances ungrammatical,
nevertheless, to speak of his Dialogue on ancient and
modern music, it abounds with instruction, and is in
short an entertaining and valuable work.
CHAP. LXXXV.
Franciscus Salinas flourished about the middle
of the sixteenth century ; he was a native of Burgos
in Spain, and the son of the qxiestor or treasurer of
that city ; and though he laboured under the mis-
fortune of incurable blindness, composed one of the
most valuable books on music now extant in any
language. His history is contained in the preface to
his work published at Salamanca in 1577, and is so
very curious, that it would be doing an injury to his
memory to abridge it.
' From my very infancy I devoted myself to the
study of music ; for as I had sucked in blindness
* from the infected milk of my nurse, and there re-
* maining not the least hope that I should ever re-
' cover my sight, my parents could think of no em-
' ployment so proper for me as that which was now
' suitable to my situation, as the learning necessary
* for it might be acquired by the sense of hearing,
* that other best servant of a soul endued with reason.
' I employed almost my whole time in singing and
' playing on the organ, and how much I succeeded
* therein I leave to the judgment of others ; but this
* The Tablature is a method of notation adapted to the lute, and
other instruments of the like kind, in which the chords are represented
by a corresponding number of lines, and on these are marked the letters
a, b, c, &c. which letters refer to the frets on the neck of the instrument.
The time of the notes is signified by marks over the letters of a liooked
form, that answer to the minim, crotchet, quaver, &o., this is the French
tablature, but the Italians, and also the Spaniards, till of late years made
use of figures instead of letters. Galilei's Dialogue teaches the tablature
by figures, the other method is explained in a book written by Adrian le
Roy of Paris, in 1578, the first of tlie kind ever published, of which a full
account will hereafter be given.
I dare affirm, that he who would perfectly under-
stand the doctrine of Aristoxenus, Ptolemy, and
Boetius, and other famous musicians, should be long
and much practised in this part of music, since every
one of those has written concerning the first part of
music which is called Harmonics, and belongs to the
composition of instrumental harmony ; and a man
who is versed in the musical instruments which we
make use of, will be able to judge more readily and
perfectly of those things. But lest I should seem
to say more of the studies of other men than of my
own, be it known that while I was yet a boy there
came into our country a young woman born of ho-
nest parents, and famous for her knowledge of the
Latin language, who, as she was about to become a
nun, had a vehement desire of learning to play on
the organ, wherefore she became a sojourner in my
father's house, and was taught music by me, and she
in return taught me Latin, which perhaps I should
never have learned from any other, because either
that never came into my father's head, or because
the generality of practical musicians persuaded him
that letters would prevent or interrupt my learning
of music ; but I growing more eager for instruction
from this little of learning that I had now got, pre-
vailed on my parents to send me to Salamanca,
where for some years I applied myself closely to
the study of the Greek language, as also to philo-
sophy and the arts, but the narrowness of my cir-
cumstances obliging me to leave that university,
I went to the king's palace, where I was very kindly
received by Petrus Sarmentus, archbishop of Com-
postella ; and as he was afterwards taken into the
number of cardinals, I went with him to Rome,
more for the sake of learning than of enriching my-
self, where conversing with learned men, of whom
there is always a great number there, I began to be
ashamed of my ignorance in the art which I pro-
fessed, not being able to give any reason for those
things I spoke of; and I at length perceived this
saying of Vitruvius to be very true, and that it
might be applied as well to music as architecture,
viz., " Those who labour without learning, let them
be ever so well versed in the practice, can never
gain any credit from their labours ; and those who
place their whole dependance on reasoning and
learning alone, seem to pursue the shadow and not
the thing ; but those who are masters of both, like
men armed from head to foot, attain their ends with
greater facility and reputation." Wherefore when
I found from Aristotle that the ratios of numbers
were the exemplary causes of consonants and har-
monical intervals, and perceiving that neither all the
consonants nor the lesser intervals were constituted
according to their lawful ratio, I endeavoured to in-
vestigate the truth by the judgment both of reason
and the senses, in which pursuit I w^as greatly
assisted, not only by Boetius, whom every musician
has in his mouth, but by several manuscript books
of the ancient Greeks not yet translated into Latin,
great plenty whereof I found there, but above all,
three books of Claudius Ptolemajus (to whom whether
music or astronomv be most indebted I cannot sav)
Chap. LXXXV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
405
' on harmonics, from the Vatican library, and of Por-
* phyrius's Comments thereon, constructed of great
* and vahiable things collected from the reading of
' the ancients, which were procured for me by Car-
' dinal Carpensis ; also two books of Aristoxenus De
* Harmonicis Elementis, and also two books of Nico-
'machus, whom Boetius has followed, one book of
' Bacchius, and three books of Aristides, likewise
* three of Bryennius, which the Cardinal of Burgos
' caused to be transcribed at Venice from the library
' of St. Mark ; so that being made more learned by
' what they had well and truly said, and more cautious
' by what was otherwise, I was able to attain to an
' exact knowledge of this art, in the search and exa-
' mination whereof I spent upwards of thirty years,
' till at length, oppressed by many misfortunes, more
* especially by the death of the two cardinals and the
' viceroy of Naples, who all loved me more than they
* enriched me, and by the loss of three brothers, who
' were all slain, I determined to return to Spain, con-
* tent with what little I had, which might serve to
' supply me with a very slender maintenance ; and
' I also proposed to spend the small remainder of my
' life within my own walls in an honest poverty, and
* sing only to myself and the Muses :
' Nam nee divitibus contingunt gaudia solis,
' Nee vixit male, qui natus moriensque fefellit.
* But I imagine it seemed good to the greatest and
' best God that it should be otherwise, for he recalled
« me into Spain from Italy, where I had lived almost
« twenty years, not altogether in obscurity, and of all
« the other towns in Spain in which I might have
t practised the musical art with sufficient premiums,
t permitted me at length to return to Salamanca, after
» an absence of almost thirty years from the time
' I had left it, where a stipend sufficiently liberal was
' appointed for a professor of music capable of giving
' instructions both in the theory and practice. For
* Alphonsus king of Castile, the tenth of that name,
' and surnamed the Wise, who founded and endowed
* this professorship, knew that the science of music, no
' less than the other mathematical arts, in which he
* greatly excelled, ought to be taught ; and that not
' only the practical but the speculative part was ne-
* cessary for a musician. Wherefore he erected that
* school among the first and most ancient, and as a
* teacher was at that time wanted, and one was sought
' after who was capable of teaching both parts of music
' well, I came to Salamanca, that I might hear the
* professors of this art make their trials of skill there ;
but when I had exhibited a specimen of my studies
in music, I was adjudged qualified for that employ-
* ment, and obtained the chair, which was thereupon
' endowed with nearly double the usual stipend by the
' approbation of his majesty. Perhaps I have said
' more than is necessary concerning myself, but
' I mention these things that I might not be thought
to attempt so great a work destitute of all assistance.'
To these particulars which Salinas has related of
himself and his fortunes, the following, grounded on
the testimony of others, may be added, viz., that being
an admirable performer on the organ and other instru-
ments, he was in great esteem among persons of rank,
and particularly with Paul IV. then pope, by whose
favour he was created Abbat of St. Pancratio della
Rocca Salegna, in the kingdom of Naples. Thuanus
relates that he died in the month of February, 1590,
being seventy-seven years of age. Johannes Scri-
banius, a professor of the Greek language, his con-
temporary, wrote the following verses in praise of
him : —
Tiresise quondam eseco pensaverat auetor
Naturge damnum munere fatidieo.
Luminis amissi jacturam eascus Homerus
Pignore divini sustinet ingenii.
Demoeritus visu eernens languescere mentis
Vires, tunc oculos eruit ipse sibi.
His ita dum doctas mentis eonstaret acumen,
Corporis gequanimi damna tulere sui.
Unus at liic magnus pro multis ecce Salinas
Orbatus visu, prestat utrumque simul.
The treatise De Musica of Salinas is divided into
seven books ; in the first he treats of proportion and
proportionality, between which two terms he dis-
tinguishes, making Proportion to signify the ratio
between two magnitudes, and Proportionality a cer-
tain analogy, habitude, or relation between propor-
tions themselves. He says that as proportion cannot
be found in fewer than two numbers, so proportion-
ality must consist at least of two proportions and
three numbers, whose mean divides them agreeably
to the nature of the proportionality. He says that
in the time of Boetius no fewer than ten different
kinds of proportionality were known and practised
by the arithmeticians, but that all that are necessary
in the speculative part of music are those three in-
vented by Pythagoras, and mentioned by Aristotle
and Plato, namely, arithmetical, geometrical, and har-
monical, concerning which severally he thus speaks :
' We call that an Arithmetical mean which is sepa-
' rated from either extreme by equal differences and
' unequal proportions ; by Differences we mean the
' quantities of the excesses which are respectively
' found between the numbers themselves, as in the
' proportion of 8 to 4 ; we say that 6 is an arith-
' metical mean because it is distant from each term
' by an equal difference, which is the number 2, but
' the proportions between the mean and the extreme
' terms are unequal, for 6 to 4 makes a sesquialtera,
* and 8 to 6 a sesquitertia, as plainly appears in these
' numbers, 4, 6, 8, in which the difference is the same
' between 6 and 4 as between 6 and 8, for each is
' equal to 2, whereas the proportions are unequal, as
' we have said. WTiat is to be chiefly considered in
* this kind of proportionality by the musician is, that
' in it the greater proportions are found to be placed
' in the smaller numbers, and the lesser in the greater,
' as in this duple, 4 to 2, which when divided by the
' arithmetical mean 3, gives the sesquialtera and ses-
' quitertia, the greater of which proportions, the ses-
' quialtera, is found in the lesser numbers 3 to 2, and
' the lesser, the sesquitertia, in the greater numbers
' 4 to 3, as these numbers shew, 2, 3, 4. But the
' readiest method of finding an arithmetical mean is
' by adding the two extremes together, and the half
* of their sum when taken will be the mean required ;
' as in this same duple 4 to 2, the snm of whose terms
406
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IX,
is 6, and the half thereof 3, is the arithmetical mean
between them. It is to be observed that if the num-
ber arising from the snm of the two extremes be m\-
even (which is the case when one is even and the
other uneven), and consequently the half thereof
cannot be had, you must double the extremes, and
then their sum will be an even number, and its half
may be found ; thus between 3 and 2, because their
sum 5 is an uneven number, no arithmetical mean
can be found in whole numbers, for they are distant
from each other only by unity, which is indivisible,
wherefore they must be doubled, to have 6 and 4,
which being added together make 10, and the half
thereof 5 will be the mean between them, and this
is sufficient for the explanation of arithmetical pro-
portionality.
' Geometrical proportionality is that in which the
mean is distant from each extreme by equal propor-
tions and unequal differences, as in the proportion
4 to 1, the geometrical mean will be 2, which is the
duple of 1, as 4 is of 2, but the differences are un-
equal, because 2 is distant from 1 by unity, and from
4 by 2, as these numbers shew : —
i:
Difference
2 I 1
Duple 1 Duple
Quadruple
Geometrical division
of the quadruple.
' This kind of mediation is not so often to be found
' as either of the others, because it can only be had in
' those numbers tliat are compounded of two equal
' ones, as the quadruple, the sum whereof is two
* duples, as is shewn in the above type, and the
' nonuple or ninefold, which consists of two triples,
'as 1, 3, 9, and in these, 9, 4, which include two
' sesquialteras, as appears in these numbers, 4, G, 9,
' and in these numbers, 25, 9, which contain 2 super-
* bipartient 3, as these numbers shew, 9, 15, 25 ; and
' thus examples are frequently to be met with in all
' kinds of proportions except in such, as are super-
* particular, for a superparticular proportion cannot
' be divided into two equal proportions in a certain
' determined number. This proportionality has this
' peculiar to it, that what in it is called the geometrical
' divisor or the mean, being multiplied into itself, will
* give the same product as arises from the multipli-
* cation of the two extremes into each other, as in this
' proportion, 9 to 4, whose geometrical mean is 6,
' that number bearing the same proportion to 4 as to
* 9, each being a sesquialtera to the mean 6, with un-
* equal differences, for (] is distant from 4 by 2, and
' from 9 by 3. I say that 6 multiplied into itself will
' yield the same product 36 as is made by the multi-
* plication of 9 into 4 ; wherefore there is no readier
* method of finding out a geometrical mean than to
' multiply into each other the two numbers of such a
' proportion as we propose to divide geometrically,
' and then to find out some intermediate number,
' which being multiplied into itself, will produce the
' same sum as they did : thus if we would divide
* geometrically the proportion 16 to 9, we shall find
the product of these two multiplied into each other
to be 144, and as there cannot be any other number
than 12 found, which being multiplied into itself
will make that sum, that will be the geometrical
divisor required, for it bears the same proportion to
9 as it does to 16, that is a sesquitertia. These
things are esteemed requisite for musicians to con-
sider, and I shall now only advertise the reader,
that the numbers which express in the lowest terms
any proportion that may be divided geometrically
will be squares, for if the number can be divided
into equal proportions, as the geometrical propor-
tionality requires, it must necessarily be also com-
pounded of two equal proportions, which compo'
sition we have in another place called Doubling :
now the doubling of any proportion is made by the
squaring of the two numbers under which it was
comprehended when single, wherefore those num-
bers in which the proportion is found to be doubled
must be squares.
' It now remains to speak of Harmonical Propor-
tionality, which seems to have been so called as
being adapted to harmony, for consonants are by
musicians called harmonies, and answer to propor-
tions divided by an harmonical mediation. The
harmonical proportionality is that in which the
mean, when compared to the extremes, observes
neither the equality of differences as in the arith-
metical mean, nor that of proportions, as the geo-
metrical proportionality does, but is of such a nature,
that whatsoever proportion the greater extreme bears
to the lesser, the same will the excess of the greater
extreme above the mean bear to the excess of the
mean above the lesser extreme, as in this proportion,
6 to 3, in which the harmonic mean is 4, for the
difference between 6 and 4, which is 2, bears the
same proportion to the difference between 4 and 3,
that is unity, as is found from 6 to 3, for they are
each duple, as appears in these numbers : —
Duple
2
}
6
Differences of the mean
and extremes.
Harmonical division
of the duple.
3 }
Sesquialtera | Sesquitertia
Duple
' Plato in Timseus seems to have expressed this
much more concisely and elegantly when he says
the harmonic mean exceeds one extreme, and is also
■ exceeded by the other by the same parts of those
' extremes respectively, as 8 between 6 and 12, for 8
• exceeds 6 by the third part of 6, and is exceeded
• by 12 by the third part of 12. It is to be observed
' that the harmonical proportionality is nothing else
' than the arithmetical inverted, for it is found to be
' divided into the same proportions, excepting that
' the greater proportions are found in the arithmetical
' division between the lesser numbers, but in the har-
' monical they are transferred to the greater numbers,
' while the lesser proportions (as must be the case)
'are found in the lesser numbers, and if possible
' remain in the same numbers in which they were
' before, as in this duple arithmetically divided, 2, 3, 4,
Chap. LXXXV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
407
which if we would have mediated harmonically, the
sesquialtera proportion, which is between 3 and 2,
must be transferred to greater numbers ; and in
order to leave the sesquitertia in the same as they
were in, viz., 4 to 3, we must try whether 4 has a
sesquialtera above it, which it will consequently
have if it is encreased by its half 2, to produce the
number 6, which is sesquialtera to 4, and the sesqui-
tertia from 4 to 3 will be left as it was before ; and
thus the greater proportion is in the greater num-
bers, and the lesser in the lesser, according to the
property of harmonical proportionality, which these
numbers shew : —
Harmonical Proportionality.
Arithmetical Proportionality.
6
Sesquialtera | Sesquitertia | Sesquialtera
Duple.
Duple.
' It now remains carefully to investigate the method
of obtaining the harmonical mean, which will be
easily found out if the arithmetical mean be first
had, for where an arithmetical mean cannot be
found, there also an harmonical mean cannot be had,
since the harmonical proportionality, as we have
said, is the arithmetical inverted. Having therefore,
according to the method shewn above, found out the
arithmetical mean, we must next enquire whether
that has a number above it in the same proportion
to it as subsisted between the numbers divided by
the arithmetical mean, and if it has such a one, then
that will be the mean which will divide the propor-
tion harmonically, in which proportion that number
which was the mean in the arithmetical proportion-
ality will be the least extreme in the harmonical,
and that which was the greatest extreme in the
arithmetical, will be the harmonical mean, and the
assumed number will be the greatest extreme ; thus
if we would harmonically divide this triple, 3 to 1,
we must first find its arithmetical mean, which is 2,
and then take the triple thereof, wliich is 6, and so
the proportion which was arithmetically divided
from 3 to 1, will be harmonically divided from
6 to 2 ; and 3, which was the greatest extreme in
the arithmetical, will be the mean in the harmonical,
and 2, which was the arithmetical mean, will be the
lesser extreme, and 6, the number assumed will be
the greater, as may be perceived in these numbers : —
' this, however, is not to be done rashly, but by some
' certain rule, for in multiples they are almost always
' found as in the duple and triple shewn before, and
' in the quadruple and quintuple in these numbers : —
1
4
2
5
8
5
8
20
Quadraple to be
divided.
QuadiTiple arithme-
tically divided.
Quadruple harmo-
nically divided.
Quintuple arithme
tically divided.
3 5 15
Quintuple harmoni
eally divided.
Triple arithmetically divided.
Lesser
extreme
Arithme-
tical mean
Greater
extreme
1 2 3 6 1
Lesser
extreme
Harmoni -
'cal mean.
Greater
extreme
Triple harmonically divided.
' But if no number can be found to bear the same
■ proportion to the arithmetical mean as subsisted
between these which it divided, the numbers must
be doubled or tripled till such an one can be found ;
' And examples of this kind are everywhere to be
met with in almost all multiples. But in superpar-
ticulars we m.ust proceed by much more certain and
constant rules ; for as in finding an arithmetical
mean in every superparticular proportion the num-
bers must be doubled, so in finding an harmonical
mean they must in the sesquialtera be doubled, in
the sesquitertia tripled, in the sesquiquarta quadra -
' pled ; and if this order be observed, the harmonical
• mean may be easily found in all superparticulars, as
■ is manifest in these three examples : —
EXAMPLE I.
■ 2. 3. Sesquialtera to be divided.
' 4. 5. 6. Sesquialtera divided arithmetically.
■ 8. 10. 12. The Numbers of the arithmetical pro-
' portionality doubled.
• 10. 12, 15. Sesquialtera harmonically divided.
EXAMPLE II.
4. Sesquitertia to be divided.
8. Arithmetically divided.
24. Numbers tripled.
24. 28. Harmonically divided.
EXAMPLE IIL
5. Sesquiquarta to be divided.
9. 10. Arithmetically divided.
40. Numbers quadrupled.
40. 45. Harmonically divided.'
Speaking of the Diapason, Salinas says though it
consists of eight sounds, it did not take its name from
the number 8, as the diapente does from 5, and the
diatessaron from 4, but it is called diapason, a word
signifying ' per omnes' or ' ex omnibus,' that is to say,
by all or from all the sounds, as Martianus Capella
asserts, and this with very good reason, for the dia-
pason contains in it all the possible diversities of
sound, every other sound above or below the sep-
tenary, being but the replicate of some one included
in it.*
' The Unison, though in a sense somewhat different from that of
Martianus Capella in the above passage, may also be said to contain in
it, if not all the sounds, at least ail the consonances in the septenary,
together with their replicates. To explain this matter, it is necessary to
observe that Aristotle in Proh. XVIII. of his 19th Sect, puts this question,
Why do the graver sounds include the acuter ? and Mersennus, who has
taken upon him the solution of it, in the course of his investigation
asserts from experiments made by himself, that a chord being struck
when open, gives no fewer than five different sounds, namely the unison,
octave, 12th, 15th, and greater 17th, and, to a very nice ear, the greater 23d.
3.
6.
7.
18.
21.
21.
4.
8.
9.
32.
36.
3G.
408
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IX.
In the eighth and ninth chapters of his second
book he contends against the modern musicians that
the diatessaron is to be deemed a consonant ;* and in
Harmonic. De Instrum. Harm. lib. I. prop, xxxiii. Harm. Univers.
ib. IV. pag. 209.
The Oscillation of chords is a subject of very curious speculation, and
the above is a wonderful phenomenon ; but neitlier Mersennus, nor even
Aristotle himself, seems to have been acquainted with another not less
so, namely, that which proves that the vibrations of chords are com-
municated at a distance to other chords tuned in consonance with
themselves.
An account of this discovery communicated by Dr. Wallis to the Royal
Society maybe seen in Lowthorp's Abridgment, Vol. I. chap. x. pag. 606,
and is to this eflect. Let a chord A C be an upper octave to another a g,
and therefore an unison to each half of it stopped at b. If while a g is
open A C be struck, the two halves of this other, that is a b and b g, will
both tremble, but not the middle point at b, which will easily be observed
if a little bit of paper be lightly wrapped about the string a g, and re-
moved successively from one end of it to the other
A C
a M g
b
This discovery it seems was first made by Mr. William Noble of Merton
college, and after him by Mr. Thomas Pigot of Wadham college. Long
after that Monsieur Sauveur communicated it to the Royal Academy at
Paris as his own discovery ; but upon his being informed by some of the
members present that Dr. Wallis had published it before, he immediately
resigned all the honour thereof. There is an exquisite solution of these
and other phenomena of sounds by Dr. Narcissus Marsh, in Dr. Plot's
Natural History of Oxfordshire.
* Hardly any question has been more agitated by the modern musicians
than this, whether the diatessaron be a concord or a discord ? The argu-
ments to prove it the former are hardly anywhere so well enforced as in a
very learned and ingenious book intitled The Principles of Music in
Singing and Setting, with the twofold Use thereof, ecclesiastical and civil,
by Charles Butler, of Magdalen college, Oxford, quarto, 1636, pag. 54, in
not. and are to this purpose: —
' This concord is one of the three, so famous in all antiquity, with the
' symphony whereof the first musicians did content themselves ; and for
'the inventing of whose proportions, that most ancient and subtle
'philosopher Pythagoras has been ever since so much renowned among
' all posterity. The joint doctrine of these three concords, though it be
' as ancient as music itself, approved not only by Pythagoras, but also
' by Aristotle, Plato, Ptolemy, Euclid, and by Aristoxenus, Boetius,
* Franchinus, Glareanus, and all learned musicians ; yet some pregnant
'wits of later times, have made no bones to teach the contrary: and
' now, forsooth, this diatessaron, which for thousands of years hath been
'a special concord, without any the least impeachment or question,
'must needs upon the sudden be reckoned among the discords: and that
' not only authority, but reason also, and the very judgment of the ear,
•reclaiming. For he that listeth to try upon the organ or well-tuned
' virginal, shall find that of itself it doth well accord with the ground,
'and better than either of the other secondary concords [the sixth or im-
' perfect third] and with a sixth to yield as true a symphony as a third
' with a fifth : and more sweet than a third with a sixth : and with a sixth
' and an eighth, to sound fully and harmoniously in pleasing variety amoiig
' other symphonies. So that althdugh being no primary concortl, it be
'not set to the base in a close; yet is it good in other places, even im-
' mediately before the close, and that in slow time, as in this example:—
5*ri&
■3
Qs:
-Jz
±a--±^^
±M:
:s:^n3z
' Moreover, alDeit before the close, a discord, either with the bass, or
' with an other part, be sometimes allowed (the note being but of short
' time, and a sweetening concord presently succeeding) yet in the close
' (where all parts meet together) in a long-timed note, not without some
'pause upon it (so that the ear doth especially attend it) there is never
' any discord at all : but all the upper notes are concords of one sort or
' other : and those as primary to the bass, so secondary among themselves.
'For example, where the close note of the bass is in Gam-ut (and con-
'sequently those of the other parts in B-Mi, D-sol-re, and G-sol-re ut,
' or their eighths) B-Mi being a perfect third to the bass, is an imperfect
' third to D-soL-RE, and a sixth to G-sol-re-ut : and likewise D-
'soL-RE being a fifth to Gam-ut, is a third imperfect to B-mi, and
'a fourth to G sol-re-ut. Seeing then that in closes, which are
'simply harmonious, no discord is admitted, but all notes concord
' among themselves ; it follows that a fourth as well as a sixth, or an
' imperfect third must be a concord : and seeing that a ground and his
'eighth are as it were all one, how can any man think that D sol-re,
' which is a fifth unto Gam-ut, and a fourth unto G-sol-re-ut [his eighth]
' should be the sweetest concord unto the one, and a discord unto the
' other ; and yet that B-mi, which is but a third unto the ground, should
'be a concord also to the eighth.
' And therefore that honourable sage [Lord Verulam] whose general
' knowledge and judgment in all kind of literature is generally applauded
'by the learned, rejecting their novel fancy that reject this ancient con-
'cord, professes himself to be of another mind. "The concords in
"music," saith he, " between the unison and the diapason are the fifth :
" which is the most perfect, the third next : and the sixth, which is more
"harsh : and (as the ancients esteemed, and so do myself and somaother.s)
"the fourth, which they call diatessaron. Cent. II. Numb. 110. .\mong
" those others, that singular musician (to whom the students of this
" abstruse and mysterious faculty are more beholding, than to all tliat ever
"have written thereof) Sethus Calvisius is one. His words are these :
" Rejicitur hodi6 4 plerisque musicis ex numero consonantiarum, diates-
the following chapter he with admirable ingenuity
shews that the ditone and semiditone, though perhaps
the last or lowest in degree, are yet to be ranked
among the consonances ; this he has almost made
Ptolemy confess by the sense which he puts upon the
sixth chapter of his first book, but his own arguments
in favour of his position are the most worthy our
attention, and they are comprised in the following
passage : —
'Next after the diapente and diatessaron are formed
' by a division of the diapason, the ditone is easily to
' be found, and after that the semiditone, which in-
' terval is the difference whereby the diapente exceeds
' the ditone, for the diapente is no otherwise divided
' ,into the ditone and semiditone, than is the diapason
* into the diapente and diatessaron ; and the division
' of the diapason being made into the diapente and
* diatessaron, which are, as has been said, the next
' consonants after it as to perfection, and consist in
' two proportions, the sesquialtera and sesquitertia,
' which follow the duple immediately ; reason itself
'seems to demand that the diapente, which is the
' greater part of the diapason, should be rather di-
' vided than the diatessaron, which is the lesser part ;
' thus the diapente will be divided into the ditone and
' semiditone, as the sesquialtera ratio is into the ses-
' quiquarta and sesquiquinta ; for the terms of the
' sesquialtera ratio 2 and 3, because it cannot be di-
' vided in these, being doubled, there will arise 4 and
' 6, the arithmetical mean between which is 5, which
' is sesquiquarta to the lesser, and subsesquiquinta to
' the greater ; and though these two proportions do
' not immediately follow the sesquialtera as that does
' the duple, yet they divide it by a division which is
' the nearest to equality ; and in the same manner,
"saron, sed mimiis recti. Nam omnes musici veteres, tam Grieci qu4m
" Latiui, earn inter consonantias collocarunt : id quod monumenta
" ipsorum testantur. Deind^ quia conjuncta cum aliis intervallis, parit
"consonantiam : ut si addatur ad diapente, fit diapason : si ad ditonon,
"vel trihemitonion, fit sexta major aut minor. Nihil autem quod in
" intervallis plurium proportionum consonat, per se dissonare potest.
"Tertio, si chord.-E in instrumentis musicis, exacts juxta proportiones
" veras intendantur ; nulla dissonantia in diatessaron apparet ; sed ambo
"goni uniformiter et cum suavitate quadam aures ingrediuntur : sic in
" testudinibus chordae graviores hoc intervallo inter se distant, et ratione
"diatessaron intenduntur. Quarto, nulla cantilena plurium vocum
"haberi potest, quce careat hac consonantia. Nequaquam igitur est
' ' rejicienda ; sed, propter usum, quem in Melopceia (si dextrfe adhibeatur)
" habet maximum, recipienda.' "
The several arguments contained in the above passage, with many
others to the purpose, may be seen at large in a treatise written by
Andreas Papius Gandensis, a man of excellent learning, and a good musi-
cian, entitled De Consonantiis seu pro Diatessaron. Antv. 1581.
But notwithstanding the authorities above-cited, it seems that those
who scruple to call the diatessaron a consonant, have at least a colour of
reason on their side ; for it is to be noted of the other consonants, namely,
the diapason and diapente, that their replicates also are consonants, that
is to say, the fifteenth is a consonant, as is also the twelfth, which is the
diapason and diapente compounded, but the diapason and diatessaron
compounded in the eleventh do not make a consonance. Dr. Wallis
assigns as a reason for this, that its ratio w =4 X 2, or in words, 8 to 3,
equal to 4 to 3 multiplied by 2, is neither a multiple nor a superparticular.
Wall. Append, de Vet. Harm. 328. He adds with respect to the solitary
or uncompounded fourth, that the reason for not admitting it in compo-
sition is not because it is not a consonant, but because whenever its
diapason is taken with it, as it frequently must be, it as it were over-
shadows or obscures it, and the fifth and not the fourth is the consonance
heard. Ibid.
The observation of Dr. Wallis, that the Diapason cum Diatessaron is
neither a multiple nor a superparticular, is grounded on a demonstration
of Boetius in his treatise De Musica, lib. II. cap. xxvi. which see tran.s-
lated in the former part of this work, book III. cap. xxv. The title of the
chapter in the original is ' Diatessaron ac Diapason non esse con-
' sonantiam, secundum Pythagoricos ;' and it is highly probable that this
assertion, and the singular property of the diatessaron above noted,
might give occasion to Des Cartes to say, as he does in his Compendium
Musica;, cap. IV. that the diatessaron is of all the consonances the most
unhappy.
Chap. LXXXVI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
409
though the ditone and semiditone do not imme-
diately follow the diapente but the diatessaron, yet
they divide it as the diapente and diatessaron divide
the diapason, that is to say, in proportions the nearest
to equality that may be, and the ditone, as being the
greater part of the diapente, is found in the greater
proportion, that is the sesquiquarta, and is therefore
justly called by practical musicians the greater third.
But the semiditone, which is the lesser part of the
diapente, is in the sesquiquinta ratio, and is there-
fore justly called the lesser third. The analogy of
this new division is approved both by the senses
and reason, and therefore its description must by no
means be omitted.
TA. , ( Ditone
Diapente | g.^i^itone
Diatessaron
' The same analogy is thus declared in numbers : —
of the dissonances, the tone major, and the diapason
cum tono majori, whereas he says in this instrument
the unison and seven consonants are found within
the diapason, five more within the disdiapason, and
two beyond it ; and of the dissonant intervals, not
only the greater tone, and diapason with the greater
tone, as in that, but also the lesser tone and greater
semitone ; so that, as he says, not one of the simple
intervals proper to the diatonic genus is undefined
by this invention of his, as may be seen in the ex-
planation subjoined to the type thereof exhibited by
him, and which type is as follows : —
Diapason |
Duple divided.
I Sesquialtera divided. . |
I »}iP'f ^ I Sesquialtera I gesquitertia I ^3?=^fi^ I Sesquiquinta I
I undivided | undivided | ^ I undivided | i ~» |
12 3 4 5 6
Diatessaron ,.„j;,.,vi„,i Semiditone
I Diapason
undivided
Diapente
undivided
Diapason divided. |
Diapente divided.
I
Salinas adds, that men always did and always will
use the above consonances both in vocal and instru-
mental music, and not those of Pythagoras, some of
which were not only dissonant, but inconcinnous, as
the ditone 81 to 64, and the semiditone 32 to 27.
As to the ditone and semiditone investigated by him,
he says, as their proportions follow by a process of
harmonical numeration, that of the sesquitertia, they
must necessarily be consonants, and immediately fol-
low the diatessaron. He concludes this chapter with
observing that Didymus seems to be the first of mu-
sicians that considered the ditone and semiditone as
answering to the sesquiquarta and sesquiquinta ratios,
and that the same may be gathered from those posi-
tions which Ptolemy has given in the second book,
chap. xiv. of his Harmonics.
CHAP. LXXXVI.
Having thus shewn the ditone and semiditone to
be consonances, with the method of producing them,
Salinas proceeds in the next subsequent chapters to
explain how the lesser intervals are produced, by
stating the several differences by which the greater
exceed the lesser. The method taken by him for
that purpose has been observed in a preceding chap-
ter of his work, where the ratios of the several in-
tervals are treated of, and therefore need not be here
repeated.
In the nineteenth chapter of the same second book is
contained a description of an instrument invented by
Salinas for demonstrating the ratios of the conso-
nances, as also of the lesser intervals. He says that
this instrument is much more complete than the
Helicon of Ptolemy, described in the second book of
his Harmonics, for that in the Helicon are only five
consonants of the Pythagoreans, and the diapason
cum diatessaron, which Ptolemy himself added, and
EXPLANATION.
' The side a f of this square is divided into many
parts, first into two equally at the point o, then into
three at the points b and d, and lastly into four, to
give the point e, so that the whole line a f is triple
of the part a b, duple of a c, sesquialtera to a d, and
sesquitertia to a e. From these points are drawn the
six parallel lines a m, b n, c o, d p, e q, and f r, all
of which, except the first, are, by a line drawn from
the angle a, to the middle of the line f r, cut into
two parts in the points o, h, i, k, l. If any one shall
cause an instrument to be constructed of this form
with chords, so that the stays which sustain the whole
may fall in with the lines a f, and m r, and the chords
with the other lines, and if a bridge be applied in the
direction a, l, I say that all the consonants and the
lesser intervals of the diatonic genus will be heard
therein ; for as the sides of the similar triangles, which
are opposite to equal angles, are proportional to each
other by the fourth proposition of the sixth book of
Euclid, therefore as the whole line a f is to its parts,
so is the line f l to the sides that are parallel and
opposite to it. Wherefore as the line a f of the
triangle a, f, l, is constituted sesquitertia to a e of
the triangle a e K, f l will also be sesquitertia to
E K, and if the line f l be made to consist of twelve
parts, the line e k will contain nine of them ; and
by a like reasoning the lines d i will have 8, c h 6,
and B G 4 ; and the upper line a m being double of f l,
will contain 24. The remaining part of the lines
beyond the bridge will contain as many parts as will
complete the respective parts within the bridge to 24.
So that G N will consist of 20, h o 18, i p 16, k q 15,
L R 12, and if every two of these numbers be com-
pared together, the intervals which arise from strik-
410
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IX.
' Diapason
with the
' ing their respective chords will be perceived in
' this manner : —
' Unison 12 to 12.
' Greater semitone 16 to 15.
' Lesser tone 20 to 18.
' Greater tone twice, 9 to 8, 18 to 16.
' Semiditone twice, 18 to 15, 24 to 20.
' Ditone twice, 15 to 12, 20 to 16.
' Diatessaron five times, 8 to 6, 12 to 9, 16 to 12,
' 20 to 15, 24 to 18.
' Diapente five times, 6 to 4, 9 to 6, 12 to 8, 18 to
' 12, 24 to 16.
* Lesser hexachord twice, 24 to 15.
* Greater hexachord twice, 15 to 9, 20 to 12.
' Diapason five times, 8 to 4, 12 to 6, 16 to 8, 18
' to 9, 24 to 12.
' Some intervals repeated with the diapason.
fLesser tone 20 to 9.
Greater tone twice 9 to 4, 18 to 8.
Ditone twice, 20 to 8, 15 to 6.
Diatessaron twice, 16 to 6, 24 to 9.
Diapente thrice, 12 to 4, 18 to 6, 24 to 8.
^Greater hexachord 20 to 6.
' Disdiapason twice, 16 to 4, 24 to 6.
' Some intervals repeated with a disdiapason,
! Greater tone 18 to 4,
Ditone 20 to 4.
Diapente 24 to 4.
Upon this improvement of the Helicon of Ptolemy
Salinas himself remarks in the words following : —
' I thought proper thus minutely to exj)lain all the
' parts of this instrument because of its great and
' wonderful excellence. But what I think seems
* most worthy of admiration in it is, that it consists
' in sextuple proportion, wherein are contained all the
' consonants and dissonants. And hereby the won-
' derful virtue of the senary number appears, since not
' only six simple consonants are found in the six first
' number^ and in the six first simple proportions, and
* also in the six first which successively arise by mul-
' tiplication (so that we cannot either in the one or the
* other proceed farther to any other consonants or har-
' monical intervals) but also you may find consonants
' and dissonants constituted in all the six kinds of pro-
* portion, that is to say, in one of equality, and five of
' inequality, if you are minded to investigate their
* lawful proportions in numbers.' *
* The investigation of so great a number of consonant and dissonant
intervals as are above given by means of so simple an instrument or
diajiram as this of Salinas, is a very delightful speculation. But it has
lately been discovered that from the famous theorem of Pythagoras, con-
tained in the 47th Proposition of the first book of Euclid, the consonances
and dissonances may with no less a degree of certainty be demonstrated
than by the above method of Salinas. The author of this discovery was
Mr. John Harington, of the well-known family of that name, near Bath.
This gentleman made the important discovery above-mentioned, and in
the year 1693 communicated it to Mr. Newton, afterwards Sir Isaac, in a
letter, which, with the answer, are here inserted from a miscellany
entitled Nugae Antiquee, published in 1769: —
' Sir, — At your request I have sent you my scheme of the harmonic
'ratios adapted to the Pythagorean proposition, which seems better tu
'express the modern improvements, as the ancients were not acquainted
' with the sesquialteral divisions, which appears strange Ptolemy's
' Helicon does not express these intervals, so essential in the modern
* system, nor does the scheme of four triangles or three express so clearly
' as the squares of this proposition. What I was mentioning concerning
' the similitude of ratios as constituted in the sacred architecture, was
' my amusement at my leisure hours, but am not master enough to say
' much on these curious subjects. The given ratios in the dimension.s of
In his demonstration that the ratio of a comma is
81 to 80, and that it is the difference between the tone
major and tone minor, he says that the comma is the
' Noah's ark, being 300, 50, and 30, do certainly fall in with what I ob-
' served; the reduction to their lowest terms comes out 6 to I, which
' produces the quadruple sesquialteral ratio, and 5 to 3 is the inverse of
'6 to 5, which is one of the ratios resulting from the division of the ses-
' quialteral ratio ; the extremes are as 10 to 1, which produce by reduction
' 5 to 4, the other ratio produced by the division of the sesquialteral ratio^
' Thus are produced the four prime harmonica! ratios, exclusive of the
' diapason or duple ratio. I have conjectured that the other most general
' established architectural ratios owe their beauty to their approximation
' to the harmonic ratios, and that the several forms of members are more
' or less agreeable to the eye, as they suggest the ideas of figures com-
' posed of such ratios. I tremble to suggest my crude notions to your
'judgment, but have the sanction of your own desire and kind promise
' of assistance to rectify my errors. I am sensible these matters have
' been touched upon before, but my attempts were to reduce matters to
' some farther certainty as to the simplicity and origin of the pleasures
' affecting our diflferent senses, and try by comparison of those pleasures
' which affect one sense, from objects whose principles are known, as the
' iatios of sound, if other affections agreeable to other of our senses were
' owing to similar causes. You will pardon my presumption, as I am
' sensible neither my years nor my learning permit me to speak with
' propriety herein, but as you signified your pleasure of knowing what
' I was about, have thus ventured to communicate my undigested senti-
' ments, and am, Sir, Your obedient servant,
' Wadham-college, May 22, 1693. John Harington.'
Klmcc : KLMCB = 25 : 24 1? 2d
CML : IBGH = 15 : 16 J? 2d
CB : CM = 9 : 10 JJ 2d
BG : BC = 8 : 9 Jf 2d
BA : BG = 7 : 8 i? f 3d
AD : AB = 6 ; 7 jj +f 2d
c : AD = 5 : 6 b 3d
B : c = 4 : 5 jj 3d
BA : CB = 7 : 9 f 4th
A : B = 3 : 4 4th
c : BA = 5 : 7 Jf 4th
DEMONSTRATION.
BA : CM =; 7 : 10 b 5th
B : AD := 4 : 6 5th
CB : CMB :^ 9 : 14 Jjl 5th
c : BG = 5 : 8 t* 6th
A : 0 a: 3 : 5 JJ 6th
BGH : ABn 12 : 7-bl?7th
ab: B=r 7:4+J+j;6th
CB : BGIH = 9 : 16 b 7th
c : CB = 5 : 9 b 7th
bg: cmi, = 8 : 15 if 7th
'^'"'''^ bg : CMLEC = 48 : 25 it tt 7th
The above demonstration is given in the author's own figures and
characters, but it seems in some instances to be rather inaccurately ex-
pressed ; and perhaps it had been better if he had spoken thus : 25 to 24
semitone minus, 16 to 15 semitone majus, 10 to 9 tone minor, 8 to 9 tone
major, 6 to 5 third minor, 16 to 9 seventh minima, 9 to 5 seventh minor,
15 to 8 seventh major, 48 to 25 greatest, or sharp sharp seventh.
The following is the answer to Mr. Harington's letter :
' Sir, — By the hands of your friend, Mr. Consel, I was favoured with
' your demonstration of the harmonic ratios from the ordinances of the
' 47th of Euclid. I think it very explicit, and more perfect than the
' Helicon of Ptolemy, as given by the learned Dr. Wallis. Your obser-
' vations hereon are very just, and afford me some hints, which when
' time allows I would pursue, and gladly assist you with any thing I can
' to encourage your curiosity and labours in these matters. I see you have
' reduced from this wonderful proposition the inharmonics, as well as the
' coincidences of agreement, all resulting from the given lines 3, 4, and 5.
' You observe that the multiples hereof furnish those ratios that afford
' pleasure to the eye in architectural designs. I have in former consider-
'ations examined these things, and wish my other employments would
' permit my further noticing thereon, as it deserves much our strict
scrutiny, and tends to exemplify the simplicity In all the works of the
Chap. LXXXVI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
411
least of all the sensible intervals, and that he had
experienced it to be so by his ear, in an instrument
which he had caused to be made at Rome, in which
both tones are heard, and their difference was plainly
to be perceived, and he infers from a passage in Pto-
lemy, where he makes it indifferent whether the ses-
quioctave or sesquinonal tone have the acute place in
the diatonic tetrachord, that the ear of Ptolemy was
not nice enough to discern the difference between the
greater and lesser tone.
Salinas observes, that besides the two semitones, the
greater and lesser, into which the tone is divided, and
which is the difference whereby the ditone exceeds the
semiditone, there is a necessity for inserting into mu*
sical instruments, more especially the organ, another
interval called the Diesis,* because without it there
can be no modulating in that kind of music called by
the Symphonetse, Musica ficta,t in which there is
occasion to make use of three diversities of b soft ;
nor ought this, he says, to be deemed a new invention,
for, which is curious and worthy of observation, he
'Creator; however, I shall not cease to give my thoughts towards this
' subject at my leisure. I beg you to pursue these ingenious speculations,
'as your genius seems to incline you to mathematical researches. You
'remark that the ideas of beauty in surveying objects arises from their
' respective approximations to the simple constructions, and that the
' pleasure is more or less as the approaches are nearer to the harmonic
'ratios. I believe you are right; portions of circles are more or less
' agreeable as the segments give the idea of the perfect figure from whence
' they are derived. Your examinations of the sides of polygons with
'rectangles certainly quadrate with the harmonic ratios; I doubt some
' of them do not, but then they are not such as give pleasure in the
'formation or use. These matters you must excuse my being exact in
' during your enquiries, till more leisure gives me room to say with
' more certainty hereon. I presume you have consulted Kepler, Mersenne,
'and other writers on the construction of figures. What you observe of
' the ancients not being acquainted with a division of the sesquialteral
' ratio is very right ; it is very strange that geniuses of their great talents,
' especially in such mathematical considerations, should not consider that
' although the ratio of 3 to 2 was not divisible under that very denomi-
' nation, yet its duple members 6 to 4 easily pointed out the ditone 4 to 5,
' and the minor tierce 6 to 5, which are the chief perfections of the diatonic
' system, and without which the ancient system was doubtless very im-
' perfect. It appears strange that those whose nice scrutinies carried
'them so fai as to produce the small limmas, should not have been more
' particular in examining the greater intervals, as they now appear so
' serviceable when thus divided. In fine, I am inclined to believe some
'general laws of the Creator prevailed with respect to the agreeable or
' unpleasing affections of all our senses ; at least the supposition does not
' derogate from the wisdom or power of God, and seems highly consonant
' to the simplicity of the macrocosm in general. Wliatever else your in-
' genious inquiries may produce I shall attentively consider, but have
' such matters on my mind that I am unable to give you more satisfaction
' at this time ; however, I beg your modesty will not be a means of pre-
' venting my hearing from you as you proceed in these curious researches,
' and be assured of the best services in the power of
' Your humble servant,
' May 30, 1693. ' Is. Newton.'
* The author observes that the ancients gave a diesis to each of the
three genera, that is to say, they called the least intervaKin each by that
name. In .short, the word diesis signifies properly a particle, and Macro-
bius uses it in that sense, and so explains it ; but the diesis which Salinus
is here for introducing, is that interval whereby the lesser semitone is
exceeded by the greater, and is in the ratio of 128 to 125.
t Musica ficta, in English feigned music, is by Andreas Ornithoparcus
thus defined : ' Musica ficta is that which the Greeks called Synenimenon,
'a song made beyond the regular compass of the scale ; or it is a song
'full of conjunctions.' He means to say it is that kind of Cantus in
which the tetrachord synemmenon is used, and which has for its final
note or key some chord not included in the ordinary scale, as B 1? or Et>.
See a type of it in the account hereinbefore given of Ornithoparcus,
book VIII. chap. Ixviii. jiag. 308.
It is pretty clear that at the time when Ornithoparcus wrote, that
practice of dislocating the mi, which feigned mJsic implies, was carried
no farther than was necessary to constitute the keys Bi} and El?, each
with the major third. As to the latter, it is said to have been first made
use of by Clemens non Papa, who lived about the year 1560 ; and it is
■worthy of observation, that that great variety of keys which is created bv
the multiplication both of the acute and grave signatures, except in the
above instances, is a modern refinement. Compositions in these keys,
for example, D with a major third, A with a major third, E with a major
third, F ^ with a minor third, F with a minor third, and B natural with a
minor third, are not to be traced much backwarder than to the middle of
the last century, and probably owe their introduction to the improve-
ments in the practice of the violin ; else had they probably been included
in the definition of Musioa ficta by Ornithoparcus.
relates that the Italians have in their organs two dieses
in every diapason, the one between a, diatonic, and g,
chromatic, and another between d, diatonic, and c,
chromatic ;;j: and that on many such organs as these
he had often played, particularly on a very famous
one at Florence, in the monastery of the Dominicans,
called Santa INIaria Novella.
In the subsequent chapters of this second book are
a great number of scales and diagrams, contrived with
wonderful ingenuity to explain and illustrate the seve-
ral subjects treated of in the book.
In the third book he treats of the genera of the
ancients, and that with so much learning and sagacity,
that, as has already been noted. Dr. Pepusch scrupled
not to declare to the world that the true enarmonic,
the most intricate of the three, and which lias been
for many ages past supposed to be lost, is in this work
of his accurately determined.
From his representation of the ancient genera, that
is to say, of the enarmonic, the chromatic, and even
some species of the diatonic, it most evidently appears
that they consisted in certain divisions of the tetra-
chord, to which we at this day are strangers ; and it
may farther be said that the intervals which divide
both the chromatic and the enharmonic tetrachord,
however rational they may be made to appear by an
harmonical or numerical process of calculation, are to
a modern ear so abhorrent as not to be borne without
pain and aversion.
After what has been said in some preceding pages
of this work touching the genera and their species,
and from the testimony of some even of the Greek
harmonicians herein-before adduced, it is clear beyond
a doubt that both the enarmonic and chromatic genera
are as it were by the general consent of mankind laid
aside. It would therefore be to little purpose to
follow Salinas through that labyrinth of reasoning
by which he attempts to explain them ; such as are
desirous of full information in this respect must be
referred to his own work. In order, however, to
gratify the curiosity of others, and to display the
depth of knowledge with which this author inves-
tigates the doctrine of the ancient genera, it may not
be amiss here to subjoin the following extracts, which
contain the substance of his arguments in the dis-
cussion of this curious subject.
A Genus in music, according to this author, is a
certain habitude or relation which the sounds that com-
pose the diatessaron have to each other in modulation.
Having thus defined the term Genus, in the doing
whereof he has apparently taken Ptolemy for his
guide, he thus farther proceeds to deliver his sen-
timents of the genera at large : —
' The ancients were unanimously of opinion that
' the genera were determined rather by the division
' of the diatessaron, that being the least, than of any
' other sy.stem or consonance ; and this was not the
' sentiment of the Pythagoreans only, who held that
* there could be no consonance of a less measure than
I The passage in Salinas is as above, but it is to be suspected that the
letter c is misprinted, and should have been e ; and if so, this improve-
ment of the organ by the Italians corresponds exactly with what is to be
observed in some organs in this country, that in the Temple church in
particular, wherein are several keys for gj| and at*, and for dti and ef?,
from the lowest to the highest in the range.
412
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IX.
two tones, but also of Aristoxenus himself, who,
though he taught that the differences of the intervals
were not commensurable by numbers and their pro-
portions, but that the senses were the proper judges
thereof, asserts in the first book of his Elements of
Harmony, that no consonance can be found of a less
content than that between the unison and its fourth ;
a position which, however, we have shown not to be
strictly true, whether we appeal to the judgment of
our senses or our reason. Not to enter into too scru-
pulous a discussion of this matter, let it suffice to say,
that for the purpose of defining the genera, all the
ancients to a man have supposed a division of the
diatessaron into four sounds or three intervals, from
which method of division are constituted the three
genera : the difference between each of these is gene-
rally denoted by the epithets rarum, rare or thin ;
spissum, thick or close set; and spississimum, thickest
or closest set, according to the quantities of those
lesser intervals by which they were severally di-
vided : the primitive terms of distinction for the
genera were those of Diatonica, Chroma, and Har-
monia, though the writers of later times use those
of Diatonicum, Chromaticum, and Enarmonium.
The diatonicum was said to be rare because it pro-
ceeds by a tone, tone and semitone, which are the
greatest and most rare of the lesser intervals : and
Ptolemy asserts that this genus was called the Dia-
tonum because it abounded in tones. The Chro-
maticum was that which proceeded by a trihemitone,
a semitone and semitone ; and because the semitones
are thicker or closer than the tones, this genus was said
to be thicker and softer than the diatonum. The word
Chroma, which in Greek signifies colour, was applied
to it, as Boetius writes, as being expressive of its
variation from the diatonum, or, as the Greeks say,
because that as colour is intermediate between white
and black, so also does the chromatic genus observe
the medium between the rareness of the diatonum
and the thickness of the harmonia. The Harmonia
or Enarmonium proceeded by a ditone, a diesis, and
diesis towards the grave, and because the dieses are
thicker than the semitones, this genus, which is the
thickest of the three, was termed the Enarmonium,
as being the best coadapted, and the most absolute of
them all.*
' Nor did the ancients proceed any farther in the
constitution of the genera than is above related,
because in it no harmonical interval less than that
of a diesis is discoverable except the comma, which
is common to all the three ; and though they may
all seem to agree in dividing the diatessaron into
three intervals in every genus, yet is there not one
of those who have written on this subject that does
not differ from the rest in determining the pro-
portions of the several intervals that constitute it ;
for Pythagoras, Archytas, Philolaus, Eratosthenes,
and, in a word, all the writers on this branch of the
science have assigned to it different ratios all equally
repugnant to harmonical truth. Those who are de-
sirous of more particular information, may consult
Boetius, book III. chap. v. ; and Ptolemy, book II.
• Lib. III. cap. I. pag. 101.
' towards the end. The most celebrated mode ot
' generical division was undoubtedly that of Pytha-
' goras, which constituted the diatonic diatessaron of
* two tones, both in a sesquioctave ratio, and that in-
' terval which was wanting to complete it, but this
' we have nevertheless shewn to be erroneous in the
' eleventh chapter of the second book of this work,
' where we have treated of the ditone and greater
' semitone, seeing that both the ditone and lesser
' semitone or limma are both abhorrent to harmony
' as is demonstrated by Ptolemy, and appears from
' reason itself. The division of Aristoxenus was es-
* teemed the next after this of Pythagoras, to which it
' was contrary in almost every thing, for Aristoxenus
' thought it agreeable in the diatonic genus to proceed
* not only by equal tones, but also in the chromatic
' to proceed by two equal semitones, and in the enar-
* monic by two equal dieses. A third division, that
* of Didymus and Ptolemy, made neither the tones
* nor semitones equal, but constituted a greater and
* lesser of each.f
' Tlie genera can neither be more nor fewer than
* three, because that is the number of the lesser inter-
vals whereby they are distinguished from each other.
In the diatonic the least interval is the greater
semitone ; in the chromatic the lesser : and in the
enarmonic the diesis ; and as the diesis is the least
of all the intervals that can vary the genus, it
follows that the enarmonic must be the thickest of
them all ; and the reason why the diatessaron was
chosen as the fittest of the consonances to adjust the
several genera by, was not because, as the ancients
assert, it was the smallest of the consonances, for
that it certainly is not, but because all those inter-
vals which arise from the first division of the lowest
consonances, were found once in the diatessaron,
such as the greater tone, the lesser tone, and the
greater semitone ; for the greater and lesser tone
arise from the first division of the ditone, and the
greater tone and lesser semitone from the first
division of the semiditone ; but if these were re-
spectively added, the one to the former and the
other to the latter, the complement would be a dia-
tessaron consisting of three intervals and four sounds,
wherefore the constitution of the genera is not to be
found in any of those less systems than the dia-
tessaron ; on the contrary, in the greater consonants,
such as the diapente and diapason, we meet with
a repetition of these three several intervals, for in
the diapente the greater tone is found twice, and in
the diapason three times, and the lesser tone and
greater semitone are found twice in the diapason.' J
Although Salinas has laboured to explain the
meaning of the terms spissum and non spissum,
which so frequently occur in the writings of the
ancients, and which are used to express a distinguish-
ing property of the genera, he professes to use the
epithet spissum in a sense different from that in which
it was accepted by them : they called that constitution
spissum, or thick, where the acutest interval was
greater than the other two, as in the chromatic and
enarmonic ; and they called that non spissum, iu
t Lib. III. cap. i. pag. 102. J Lib. III. cap. ii.
Chap. LXXXVII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
413
which the two grave ones taken together were
greater than the acute, as in the diatonic. ' But we,
says this author, ' maintain that genus not to be thick
' wherein the consonants are found intermediated
' with thinner and fewer intervals, of which sort is
' the diatonum, in which the consonants are inter-
' sected by tones and a greater semitone, which are
' the thinnest of all the lesser intervals : the diatessaron,
' for example, is divided into three intervals ; on the
* contrary, we say that that genus is thick in which
' all the consonants are intersected by thicker and
' more close intervals ; such is the chromatic, which
,' proceeds by a greater and lesser semitone, which
' are thicker intervals than tones, and in the com-
' position of a perfect instrument divides the dia-
' tessaron into six intervals and seven sounds, but
' according to that which we use, the division is
' into five intervals and six sounds, for the trihemi-
* tone is not, as the ancients would have it, an inter-
' val of this genus, seeing it is truly a consonant, and
' consonants are not the intervals of any genus.*
' But the thickest of the genera is the enarmonic,
' because it proceeds by lesser semitones and dieses,
' which are indivisible intervals ; nor can the ditone
' be said to be an interval of this genus, although as
' well the ancient writers as those of later times assert
' it to be so, because it is a true and perfect consonant,
' and, like all the rest, requires to be filled up, where-
* fore in this genus the diatessaron will have nine in-
' tervals and ten sounds.
* The constitution of all the genera is not to be
' sought for in the division of the diatessaron, it is
* only in the diatonic that this method is to be taken,
' for the intervals by which it proceeds are not to be
* found in any lesser consonant. But to discover the
* constitution of the chromatic, we assert that the
division of the greater tone is sufficient, because all
' the intervals by which this genus proceeds are to be
* found once therein. For the consideration of the
' enarmonic genus the greater semitone is sufficient,
' for in that are all the intervals to be found through
* which this genus proceeds ; all this is the effect of
* the great and wonderful constitution of the har-
' monical ratio. The diatessaron seems to have been
* assumed for displaying the diatonic genus, because
' it is the excess of the diapason above the diapente :
* the tone by which we explain the chromatic is the
* excess of the diapente above the diatessaron ; and
' the greater semitone by which we declare the enar-
* monic is the excess of the diatessaron above the
* ditone. Moreover it is necessary to know that the
' three genera stand in the relation to each other of
' good, better, and best ; for as good can exist by
itself, but better cannot be without good, so may
the diatonic exist alone, aiJd become the foundation
of the others, as is seen in the Cythara, wherein are
no semitones but the greater, in which this genus
* abounds, for the lesser semitones are proper to the
* chromatic.
* Here Salinas cautions his reader not to be disturbed that the Diates-
saron, which talies its name from the number four, and is tlierefore
understood to consist of so many sounds, should here be said to contain
six intervals and seven sounds, for that circumstance, he says, is peculiar
to the diatonic.
' But although the diatonic be the most natural,
' yet, as Boetius says, it is the hardest of the three,
'and to soften or abate of this hardness was the
' chromatic invented, and yet the chromatic could
' not have existed without the diatonic, it being
' nothing else than the diatonic thickened ; and such
' does that constitution appear to be which we find
' in those instruments that are struck with black and
' white plectra. As to the enarmonic, it is clear that
' it cannot subsist by itself, and being a compound of
' the other two, it is the thickest, best compacted,
' and most perfect ; and no one can believe that any
' modulation could be made in either the chromatic
' or enarmonic separated from the diatonic, seeing it
' is impossible to proceed without it through the
' chromatic or enarmonic intervals, and this is not
' only shown by Ptolemy, but it is evident both to
' sense and reason.' f
The notion which Salinas entertained of the genera
was that the chromatic was the diatonic inspissated ;
and that the enarmonic was the chromatic inspissated,
and in all his reasoning about them he supposes a
necessity in nature for filling up those spaces or
chasms, as he aff"ects to consider them, which the
difference between the greater and lesser intervals in
the diatonic tetrachord seems to imply.
Of the several species of the diatonic, Salinas
scruples not to prefer the sjmtonous or intense of
Ptolemy, and says that if Plato had been sensible of
its excellence, he would not have been so tormented
as he was, at finding that the Pythagorean limma 256
to 243 was not superparticular, and therefore not
in truth a proportion, but rather, as he is forced to
term it, a portion, i. e. a particle or fraction. \
CHAP. LXXXVII.
In the fifth chapter of his third book Salinas shews
the method of constructing the type of the diatonic,
which he does by such a division of the monochord
as arives d d in the ratio of each to the other of 81 to
80, making thereby the one a tone minor, and the
other a tone major above c ; the former of these he
calls d inferior, and the latter d superior, this dis-
tinction he observes in the succeeding types of the
chromatic and enarmonic ; that of the diatonic is as
follows : —
144
135
120
108
96 90
81,80
72
E
F
G
a
h c
dd
e
10-
12—0-
-9-
-3
-10-
-2
-3
-4
-8
Of the Chromatic he says, chap, vi., that it arose
from tliat division of the tone which was invented to
soften the harshness of the tritonus between F and Jj ;
and in chap. vii. he directs, by the division of the
t Lib. III. cap. ii.
I Lib. in. cap. iii. pag. 107.
414
HISTORY OP THE SCIENCE
Book IX.
monochortl, the construction of the type of the chro-
matic genus.
As in the diatonic division he gives d inferior and
d superior, so in this of the chromatic does he give
Fjjfc inferior, and Fi superior, and also b inferior and
b superior, besides Gjf , c|l, and ep, distinguished by
the short or different coloured plectra on the organ,
harpsichord, and other instruments of the like kind.
The following is the type of the chromatic gemis
according to this author : —
o
CO
00
E
o
o
CO
C) O
Oi CO
ii
o
o
G
o
CO
CO
I
o
CO
T— I
CQ
a
o o
CO o
o o
CO CO
o
Ci
o
o
CO
bb h
CO
CO
I—I
I
o o
Ci o
1:0 '^
dd
o
o
o
1
1
27 0
25 24
6
5
4
20
0
18
0 16
15
5
4
3
16
15
0
0
12
18
0
16
15
In the eighth chapter of the same book Salinas re-
marks that the characteristic of the chromatic is its
least interval, which is a lesser semitone, and is there-
fore called the chromatic diesis, and is the difference
whereby the lesser tone exceeds the greater semitone.
The type above given is exhibited in the seventh
chapter, with this remark, that in it the lesser semi-
tone or chromatic diesis is found five times, that is to
say, between F and F|| inferior, G and G|J, b supe-
rior and ]-|, ci and c, and eb and e.
In the same chapter he treats of the Enarmonio
genus, which he says is the most perfect of all, as
containing in it the other two ; the following is the
type of the enarmonic as given by him :
0
0
0
0 0 iQ 0
0
0
0
0
CO 0 00
0
-tH
0 0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Ci
0
-tH 0 c:* 0
0
CO
0
0
t^ CO 0 0
0
CO
0 CO
0
<_)
l_)
LO
'—'
l_)
CO
CI
0
CO O} CO 0
0
0
0
CO
-:+< Ci 0 0
Ttl
oc
0 0
t^
-+
<_)
i^
<— )
UU
r^
>o
'^
i-H !— 1 0 0
<X)
CO
iO
CO
t-l 0 0 0
CO
CO
CO -*
CO
L-t
1-^7
0
<_>
UJ
lO
0
10
0 lO 0 0
^
"*
'^l
-*
-*'*'*-*
CO
CO
CO CO
CO
CU
(.'J
O'J
(.'J
LO
E
j F ii'^i''^ G I a{7
a
j i b b h f c f dt^ d d dieb e
1
1 1
6
. 5
1 I
4 ■
. 5
1
<^
t •
0
1 1
3 .
15
0
0
12
1
0
. 10
1
6
. 5
4
1
.
)
■
4
3
1
. 1
2
0
0
c
) 8
16
15
0
1
12
15
0
0
1
2
0 10
5
i
t
Upon which it is to he remarked, that the true
enarmonic intervals are distinguished from the dia-
tonic by a point placed over them.
As he had noted the chromatic by its diesis, which
is the interval of a lesser semitone, so has he re-
marked that the characteristic of the enarmonic is
the enarmonic diesis, which arises from a division of
the greater semitone into a lesser semitone and a
diesis, thus : —
GREATER SEMITONE.
Chromatic Diesis. | Enarmonic Diesis. |
120 125 128
Which lesser semitone, by the way, is no other than
the chromatic diesis, and in its lowest numbers is 25
to 24. As to the enarmonic diesis, its ratio is above
demonstrated to be 128 to 125, and it is the interval
between Fjt inferior and Gb inferior, that is to say,
between the numbers 51840 and 50625, which are in
the ratio of 128 to 125, for 51840 contains the num-
ber 405, 128 times, and 501)25 contains the same
number 405, 125 times. It is again found between
ajl inferior and b inferior, that is to say, between the
numbers 41472 and 40500, for the former of these
contains the number 324, 128 times, and the latter
contains the same number 125 times. The enarmonic
diesis is elsewhere to be found in the above division
of the diapason in three instances, but the two above
given are sufficient to make it known.
It was necessary to be thus particular in the re-
presentation of Salinas's system of the genera, more
especially the enarmonic genus, because he himself
appears to be so confident of his skill in this abstruse
part of the musical science, that he scruples not to
Chap. LXXXVII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
416
reprehend very roundly the Greek writers for mistakes
about the genera ; and speaking of his division of
the enarmonic, he says, that if it be made as by him
is directed, nothing in harmonics can be more abso-
lutely just and perfect. It is positively asserted by
Dr. Pepusch, in his letter to Mr. De Moivre, that
Salinas has determined the enarmonic accurately :
and it is more than probable that those are in the
right who think so.
The diagrams made use of by Salinas to illustrate
his doctrine of the genera, more especially the types,
as he calls them, of each, are most astonishingly com-
plicated, but very curious and satisfactory. It is to
be remarked on this part of his work, that he med-
dles not with the colours or species of the genera.
Of the diatonic, he has taken the syntonous or intense
of Ptolemy ; and in his description of the chromatic,
he has given a representation which coincides with
no one species of that genus, for it is neither the soft,
the hemiolian, nor the toniac, but seems to be a di-
vision of his own. As to the enarmonic, it is well
known that it admitted of no distinction into species.
That Salinas had any desire to restore the ancient
genera is not to be inferred from the great labour he
has bestowed in the explanation of them. He indeed
seems to have been very solicitous to attemper some
of the harsher intervals in the diatonic series, and
for that purpose to have made an arrangement of the
white and black plectra, as he calls them, a little
differing from the ordinary one; and says that he
had with him at Salamanca an instrument which he
had caused to be made at Rome, wherein the tone
between G and a is accurately divided. But the
pains he has taken to ascertain the true division of
the chromatic and enarmonic, seems to be resolvable
into that eager desire of rendering the writings of
the ancient Greeks intelligible, which he uniformly
manifests in the course of his writings.
Seeing, then, that the world is in possession at last
of the true enarmonic, it remains to be considered
whether it must not at all times have been a matter
rather of speculation than practice. Were we to
think with the ancients, and adopt their reasoning
about the spissum and non spissum, we shoidd say
that that series of harmonical progression which
admitted of the smallest intervals, and left the fewest
chasms in the system, approached the nearest to per-
fection; but this is a consideration merelyspeculative,
and has as little to do with the sense of hearing as
the external form of any given musical instrument
with the hearing whereof we are delighted.
On the other hand, let any one make the experi-
ment, and try the effect of such intervals as the
enarmonic diesis, as above ascertained, on his ear,
and he will hardly be persuaded that the genus to
which it belongs could ever have been cordially
embraced by the unprejudiced part of mankind.
To favour the opinion that it was never received
into general practice, we have the testimony of some
of the ancient writers themselves, who expressly say
that on account of their intricacy both the chromatic
and enarmonic grew very early to be disesteemed by
the public ear, and gave way to that orderly pro-
gression the diatonic, which nature throughout her
works seems to recognize as the only true and just
succession of harmonical intervals.
In the thirteenth and subsequent chapters of his
third book, Salinas treats of the temperament of the
organ and other instruments. He says of the human
voice that it is flexible, and being directed by that
sense of harmony which is implanted in us, it chooses
and constitutes that which is perfect, and preserves
the consonants and the lesser intervals in their due
proportions, no impediment intervening. Farther he
says that it discriminates with the greatest exactness
between the greater and the lesser tone, and that as
the melody requires, it chooses either the one or the
other ; but in the organ and other instruments where
the sounds are fixed, and are not determined by the
touch of the performer, he says that the tones are of
necessity equal, and that this equality is preserved
by the distribution of the three commas, by which
the three greater tones in the diapason exceed the
lesser ones ; so that by this distribution, the con-
sonants and lesser intervals participate of that dis-
sonance which in some part of the system or other
is occasioned by the comma.
The system thus attempered is called by the Italians
Systema Participato. It is mentioned in a preceding
chapter of this work, and is described by Zarlino in
his Istitutioni Harmoniche, part II. cap. xli. et seq.*
Salinas says he himself when a youth at Rome, in-
vented a Systema Participato, in nothing differing
from that published by Zarlino, which he says is not
to be wondered at, seeing that truth is but one and the
same, and that it presents itself to all who rightly en-
deavour to investigate it.f
The fertility of Salinas's invention suggested to
him various other temperaments, which he has de-
scribed with his usual accuracy. After stating and
comparing them, and giving the preference to the
first, he proceeds in chap, xxvii. to show the bad
constitution of a certain insti'ument begun to be con-
structed in Italy about forty years before the time of
writing his book, that is to say, about the year 1537,
concerning which he says that this instrument was
called Archicymbalam, and that it divided each of
the tones into five parts, giving to the greater semi-
tone three, and to the lesser two ; he says that this
instrument was much esteemed, and was made use of
by some musicians of great eminence. He says that
as the diapason contains six tones and a diesis, it di-
vided the octave into thirty-one parts ;J but that they
are dieses he absolutely denies. He then proceeds
* Bontempi has piven a system of another form, which he calls
Systema Participato, from its compretiending the diatonic and chromatic,
but it seems to be no other than that now in practice, in which the dia-
pason is divided into twelve semitones. Vide Bont. Hist. Mus. pag. 187.
t De Musica. lib. III. cap. xiv. Dr. Smith says that Salinas was the
first inventor of a temperament, and that both he and Zarlino laid claim
to the honour of the invention, and had a dispute about it. Harmonics,
pag. 37, in a note. But this is hardly reconcileable with the declaration
of Salinas above-mentioned, which seems to imply an inclination in him
rather to waive than promote a dispute.
I Dr. Pepusch in his letter to Mr. De Moivre, herein before cited, says
that this division of the octave into thirty-one parts was necessarily im-
plied in the doctrine of the ancients ; and that though the instrument
above-mentioned was condemned both by Zarlino and Salinas, they con-
demned it without sufficient reason, for that Mr. Huygens having more
acccurately examined the matter, found it to be the best temperament
that could be contrived.
416
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book IX.
to uoi'nt out the defects of this instrument, and pro-
nounces of it, that it was offensive to his ear, and was
not constructed in any truly harmonical ratio.*
In the twenty-eighth and four subsequent chapters
of his third book he takes occasion to speak of the
lute, viol, and organ, and of certain temperaments the
best adapted to each. In the former he says that
although the viol by name is not to be met with in the
writings of the ancients, yet Cassiodorus asserts that it
is to be found described among their different kinds
of Cythara ; and he himself adds that in the works of
Bede, an author sufficiently celebrated, it is expressly
mentioned.
The eighth chapter of the fouith book contains
* There cannot be the least doubt hut that the instrument above
spoken of is the Archicembalo of Don Nicola Vicentino, though Salinas
confesses himself at a loss to whom to ascribe the invention of it. Mer-
sennus once thought it was invented by Fabius Columna. Harmonic,
lib. VI. De Generibus et Modis, Prop. xiii. From these two particulars
it may be inferred that neither Salinas nor he had ever seen Vicentino's
book ; but it seems that Merscnnus was set right in his divison by the
perusal of Salinas, and that he has made ample amends for his mistake
by giving the thirty-one intervals with their ratios as here represented.
As to the division of Fabius Columna, it was probably borrowed from
this, but it was intothirty-nhie sounds and thirty-eight intervals, and
will be spoken of hereafter. Vide Mersenn. Harm. Univ. Des Genres de
la Musique, Prop. i. xi.
141000
lesser semitone
138240
diesis
135000
lesser semitone
129600
greater comma
128000
lesser semitone
122880
lesser comma
121500
greater comma
120000 [niraumf
semitonium submi-
116640
greater comma
115200
lesser semitone
110592
lesser comma
109350
greater comma
108000
lesser semitone
103C80
greater comma
102400
lesser comma
101250
greater comma
100000 [nimum
semitonium submi-
97200
greater comma
9C000
lesser semitone
92160
lesser comma
91125
greater comma
90000 [nimum
semitonium submi-
87480
greater comma
86400
lesser semitone
82944
greater comma
81920
lesser comma
81000
greater comma
80000 [nimum
semitonium submi-
77760
greater comma
70800
lesser semitone
73728
diesis
72000
t To understand the nature
of this interval, it is necessary
to know that of semitones there
are many kinds. Mersennus has
enumerated them in his Latin
work, liber V. De Dissonantiis,
prop, xiii., but more particularly
in his Harmonie Universelle,
Des Dissonances, prop. ii. pag.
1 16 : they appear to be the Semi-
tonium maximum ^^< Semito-
nium majus ^-^' Semitonium
medium i ^|, Seraitoruum Py-
thagoricum H^, Semitonium
minus ^^, Semitonium mini-
mum ^||, and lastly, the Semi-
tonium subminimum above
given, which in its lowest, or
radical numbers, will be found
to be in the ratio of 250 to 243,
for in 120000 the number 480 is
found 250 times, and in 1 1C640
it is found 243 times, in 100000
the number 400 is found 250
times, and in 97200 it is found
243 times : in 90000 the number
360 is found 250 times, and in
87480 it is found 243 times.
Lastly, in 80000 the number 320
is found 250 times, and in 77760
it is found 243 times. It is to
be noted that in the Harmonie
Universelle, livre troisieme, pag.
167, and in that curious diagram
preceding it. the number 87930
is mistaken for 87480. The
Semitonium subminimum is an
interval less than the chromatic
diesis by a comma. Mersen.
Harm., lib. V. prop. ix. Harm.
Univ. Des Dissonances, prop. II.
pag. 115.
among other things the doctrine of the modes, in the
discussing whereof he seems to agree with Glareanus
that they are in number twelve, and that they answer
to the seven species of diapason harmonically and
arithmetically divided ; but as the third species
proceeding from J] is incapable of an harmonical
division as wanting a true fifth, and the seventh
species proceeding from P is incapable of an arith-
metical division as having an excessive fourth, the
number of the modes, which would otherwise be
fourteen, is reduced to twelve, which is the very
position that Glareanus in his Dodecachordon en-
deavours to demonstrate.
In the tenth chapter is a diagram representing in
a collateral view the tetrachords of the ancients con-
joined with the hexachords of Guido Aretinus, and
showing how the latter spring out of the former. Dr.
Wallis has greatly improved upon this in the diagram
by him inserted in his Appendix to Ptolemy, and
which is given in a former part of this work, ex-
hibiting a comparative view of the ancient Greek
system with the scale of Guido.
In the twenty-second chapter he takes notice of the
ancient division of the genera into species, but it seems
that he did not approve of it, for in his own division
of the genera he has rejected it, thereby making that
species of each, whatever it be, which he has chosen
for an exemplar, a genus of itself.
In the twenty-third chapter he undertakes to show
the errors of Aristoxenus in a manner different from
Ptolemy and Boetius ; and in the five following chap-
ters censures him, and even Ptolemy himself, with a
degree of freedom which shews that though he enter-
tained a reverence for the ancients, he was no bigot
to their opinions, but assumed the liberty in many
instances of thinking and judging for himself.
In the twenty-ninth chapter of the same fourth
book he commends in general terms Jacobus Faber
Stapulensis, though he seems to suspect that he had
never read Ptolemy, nor any other of the Greek har-
monicians, and says he does nothing more than de-
monstrate the propositions of Boetius.
The subsequent chapter contains his opinion of
Franchinus and his writings, which he delivers in
the following words : —
' Franchinus Gaffurius was a famous professor of
' theoretical and practical music, and published several
' works and wrote many things in both parts worthy
' to be known. He boasts that by his care, and at his
' expence, the three books of Ptolemy's Harmonics,
' the three of Aristides Quintilianus, and the three of
' Manuel Briennius, were translated from the Greek
' into the Latin. It is true he read those books, as he
* shows in his works, especially in that which he wrote
* concerning instrumental harmony, where he recites
' almost all their positions, but so confusedly, that he
' seems rather to have read them than understood them.
' But these Latin translations are not extant as far as
' I know, perhaps through the avarice of Franchinus
' himself, who had them made only for his own use,
' and did not give them to be printed, imagining that
' a time never would come when the musicians would
Chap. LXXXVII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
417
* understand the Greek language, and be able to read
' those authors in the originals. This man had a very
* good genius, but wanted judgment, for he recited, or
* rather reckoned up, the positions of these authors,
' but never examined them in order to find out which
' was true, or came nearest to the truth, but left them all
' untouched ; and because Boetius was received by all,
' he dared not to contradict him ; and though he seems
' in some instances to agree with Ptolemy, yet dares
' he not to assert which of the two he thought the
•' best, but sometimes is drawn on this side, sometimes
' on that, so that nothing certain or fixed can be had
' from him : for sometimes, to favour Boetius and the
* Pythagoreans, he says in that book of music which
' he wrote in the Italian language, that he wondered
* at the inadvertency, as he calls it, of Ptolemy, who
' says that the diapason with the diatessaron is a con-
' sonant when it does not answer either to a multiple
' or superparticular proportion ; and a little after, in
' the same book, he assumes the sesquiquarta and ses-
' quiquinta of Ptolemy, to constitute from them the
' greater and lesser third, contrary to Boetius and all
' the Pythagoreans.'
In the thirty -first chapter he delivers his sentiments
of Glareanus in these words : —
* Henricus Glareanus was a man excellently
' versed in all good arts, and has exhibited to the
' world several specimens of his learning, for he
'wrote a treatise on Geography, not less useful than
' concise and clear, which is read in many schools ; he
' also made notes on the Odes of Horace, replete with
' all kind of erudition ; and as to what concerns
' music, he taught it in three books, according to the
* rule of the ancient modes, as he himself thinks,
' which work he entitled Dodecachordon. In it he
* has gathered many examples both of the simple
' cantus and that of many forms, which at once give
' great pleasure and profit ; and though he never
' wrote any thing of speculative music, yet he con-
' fesses in many places that he had applied himself
' too much to it, and that he had employed a great
' deal of time in the study thereof, especially in the
'reading of Boetius, which he manifestly shows in
'a preface really long enough, published with that
* work, in which he mentions that he corrected five
* books of the music of Boetius, which he says abounded
'with many errors, and illustrated it. with several
* figures.'
In the thirty - second chapter he considers the
speculations of Ludovicus Follianus ; and as to his
division of the diapason, he says it is the same with
that of Ptolemy, called the syntonous, intense, or
stretched diatonic, which he says Did}'mus invented
many years ago, with this difference, that Didymus
gave to the sesquinonal tone the first place in the
tetrachord, whereas Ptolemy gives it to the sesqui-
octave tone. He nevertheless says of the intense
diatonic in general, that it is a division of all others
the most correct and grateful to the ear. He says
that many of the ratios investigated by Follianus had
before his time been discovered by Bartholomeus
Ramis, a Spaniard, who is blamed by Franchinus for
differing from Boetius. Salinas says that he himself,
long before the treatise of Follianus had been read to
him, had made many of the discoveries therein con-
tained, and that he had from time to time commu-
nicated them to Bartholomeus Escobedus, a man ex-
cellently versed in both parts of music, and his very
great friend, who told him there was a certain author
who had treated of all those things in the same
manner as he had thought on, and this author he
afterwards found to be Follianus. He blames
Follianus for using three semitones, which he calls
greater, lesser, and least, when no one else had
noticed more than two, and many but one ; the
greater of the three is in the ratio ^, the lesser \^,
and the least |^4, the two last he says are well con-
stituted, but the first he condemns as inconcinnous
and ungrateful to the ear.
He concludes his remarks on the writings of the
modern musicians with a character of Zarlino, of
whom he says that he was well skilled in both parts
of music, for that as to what regarded the practice,
he had been scholar to Adrian Willaert, the most
famous symphonist of his time, and succeeded him in
his school at Venice ; and on the theory of the
science he wrote much better than those that went
before him.
The remaining three books of Salinas's work are
on the subject of the Rythmus, and are a copious
dissertation on the various kinds of metre used by
the Greek, the Roman, and, in honour of his owu
country, the Spanish poets. In the course of his
enquiries touching their nature and use, he takes
frequent occasion to cite and commend St. Augustine,
who also wrote on the subject. The laws of metre
have an immediate reference to poetry ; but Salinas
in a variety of instances shews that they are applicable
to music, and that the several kinds of air that occur
in the composition of music and of dances, such as
the Pavan, the Passamezzo, and others, consist in a
regular commixture and interchange of long and
short quantities.
For a character of this valuable work let it suffice
to say, that a greater degree of credit is due to it
than to almost any other of the kind, the production
of modern times, and that for this reason : the author
was a practical musician, that is to say an organist,
as well as a theorist, and throughout his book he
manifests a disposition the farthest removed that can
possibly be imagined from that credulity which be-
trayed Glareanus and some others into error ; this
disposition led him to enquire into and examine very
minutely the doctrines of the Greek writers ; and the
boldness with which he reprehends them does almost
persuade us that when he differs from them the truth
is on his side. This seems to be certain, and it is
wonderful to consider it, that notwithstanding the
ancients were divided in their notions of the genera,
and that the enarmonic genus was by much the most
difficult to comprehend of them all, Salinas, a man
deprived of the faculty of seeing, at the distance of
more than two thousand years after it had grown
into disuse, investigated and accurately defined it.
2e
418
HISTORY OP THE SCIENCE
Book X.
BOOK X. CHAR LXXXVIII.
The musical characters hitherto spoken of, were
calculated not only for vocal performance, but were
applicable to every instrument in use after the time
of inventing them, excepting the lute, which, for
reasons best known to the performers on it, had a
series of characters appropriated to that and others
of the same class ; when or by whom these characters
were invented is not known. This kind of notation,
which is by certain letters of the Roman alphabet, is
called the Tablature, the first intimations of which
are to be met with in the Musurgia of Ottomarus
Luscinius. The Fronimo of Galilei is in the title-
page called a Dialogue ' sopra I'Arte del bene in-
'tavolare:' this kind of tablature differs from the
other, the author, according to the manner of the
Italians, as Mersennus says, making use of numbers
instead of letters, and of straight or hooked lines
instead of notes.*
Mersennus says that several skilful men had
laboured to improve the Tablature, but yet insinuates
that they affected to make a mystery of it, from
whence he infers that diversity of notation between
them. He adds that Adrian Le Roy is the only one
who has in truth given to the world the precepts of
the Tablature.f This man was a bookseller at Paris,
and wrote the book which Mersennus above alludes
to, with the title of ' Briefve et facile Instruction
' pour aprendre la Tablature k bien accorder, con-
' duire, et disposer la Main sur la Guiterne,' which,
together with another book of his of the same kind,
intitled ' Instruction de partir toute Musique des huit
' divers Tons en Tablature de Luth,' were published
about 1570, with a recommendatory preface by one
Jacques Gohory, a musician, and a friend of the
author.
This being the first book of the kind ever published,
it was esteemed a great curiosity, and as such was
immediately on its publication translated into sundry
languages ; that into the English has only the initials
F. K. for the name of the translator, and was printed
by John Kingston in 1574. The first of these books
exhibits the lute in this form : — J
and represents by the following figure the posture for
holding and playing on it : —
* De Instrutnentis Harmonicis, lib. I. prop, xviii. pag. 24.
t Ibid.
t The above fifiure represents the lute in its original form, but the
many improvements made in this instrument make it necessary to re-
mark that the lute, simply constructed as this is, is called the French
lute ; the first improvement of it was the Theorba or Cithara Bijuga, so
called as having two necks, the second or longest whereof sustains the
four last rows of chords, which give the deepest and gravest sounds ; its
use is to play thorough bass in the accompaniment of the voice. Bros-
sard intimates that it was invented in France by the Sieur Hotteman,
and thence introduced into Italy. But Kircher gives a different account
The lute which Le Roy treats of, is supposed to
consist of six strings, or rather eleven, for that the
five larger are doubled : and in the Tablature the
stave of five lines answers to the five upper strings
of the instrument, the lower or base string it seems
being sufficiently denoted by its proximity to the
fifth string, signified by the lowest line of the stave.
The frets come next to be explained : these are
small strings tied about the neck of the lute at proper
distances, eight in number, and figured by the letters
bcdefghi;§ the letter a is omitted in the above
series, forasmuch as whereever it is found the string
is to be struck open. The general idea of the tabla-
ture therefore is this, the lines of the stave give the
chords respectively, and the letters the points at which
tliey are to l;e stopped, and consequently the notes
of any given composition, the instrument being
previously tuned for the purpose, as the precepts of
the lute require.
As to the characters for time used in the tablature,
of the matter, saying that it received its name from a certain Neapolitan
who first doubled the neck of the Testudo or lute, and added several
chords to it. He says that the author of this improvement, with a kind
of pun, gave to this instrument the name of Tiorba, from its near resem-
blance to a utensil so called, in which the glovers of Italy were wont,
as in a mortar, to pound perfumes. Kircher adds, that liieronymus
Kapsperger. a noble German, was the first that brought the Theorbo into
repute, and that in his time it had the preference of all other instruments.
The strings of the Theorbo, properly so called, are single, nevertlieless
there are many who double the bass strings with an octave, and the small
ones with an unison, in which case it assumes a new appellation, and is
called the Arch-lute. Mersennus is extremely accurate in his description
of the lute and the Theorbo, but he has not noted the diversity between
the latter and the Arch-lute.
§ It seems that the use of the small letters of the alphabet in tablature
was at first peculiar to the French. The Italians and other nations in-
stead thereof making use of cyphers and other characters. Le Roy,
pag. fi4. But the French method, soon after the publication of Le Roy's
book, became general.
Chap. LXXXVIII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
419
they were of this form P" ^ ^ answering to the
minim, the crotchet, and the quaver, and pLiced over
the stave in the manner represented in the subsequent
example.
Tlie other tract, intitled * Instruction de partir
* toute Musique des huit divers Tons en Tablature
' de Luth,' directs the method of setting music al-
ready composed in proper notes in tablature for the
lute • and contains a great variety of examples chosen
out of the works of OHando de Lasso ;* the following,
which is the first strain only of a song of his, beginning
' Quand mon Mary vient de dehors,' in four parts with
the Tablature, may serve as a specimen of this kind
of notation : — f
fegEiE^2^gp3:-^l:':%l|
ESB3
=:t:
<2>-
ztzii
■i|--j:
,
^M
— •& — ♦—• ♦-
-t=::t=t::
-Tr:r?--r-
±i=|z:
ftS
M
^-
izri:
^M.
:FEr^"E^t
—k
^:es^s^
r f! r
c b c
a d d \
-$■
/ /
r
/ f f \ d a d c a
a a
F!
d d \ c d
f e
\i^M^m^^^^?^^
— 0-
"H
Kfet
w-
'i^^^^^^^^^^-
: tFiiz±=ti:H=±:=±±tzztzz:
■fe-
itzt
TJ-q
-*-?^
il^H
-IZI5— 1
m^
m^s-^^^^^
^
f* r T fs -i*
^Zt'.
S3=
^n
r r ^ r r
r
II
d d
f
f
a e
II
/ /
I / e
f
f I a
II
11
II
II-
II
11
The ninth and last chapter of this latter book of
Le Roy is on the subject of strings, concerning which
there is much curious matter in Mersennus, as also
a rule for trying them, and distinguishing between
a true and a false string: but because this rule is
♦ Gohory, in his preface to Le Rov'b book, sums up the character of
Orlando de Lasso in those words: -Here tlien will I end, after I have
* advertised yo>i that all the examples of this book be taken and chosen
'out of Orla'nd de Lassis. of whom I will further witness, that he is this
' day, without dan^'er of offence to any man, esteemed the most ex-
'cellent musitian of this time, as well in grave matters, as meane and
• more pleasaunt ; a thing given from above to fewe other, in which he
' hath attayned not only the perfection of nielodie, but also a certaine grace
'of sound beyond all other, such as Appelles did accompt of Venus por-
'trature; wherein he hath more than all other observed to fit the har-
' monie to the matter, expressing all partes of the passions thereof: being
' the first that hath eschewed bondes and common holdinges of the letter,
' by right placing of the sillahelles upon the notes, and observing the
'accent in French, and quantitie in Li^tine.
1 t It seems that the method of notation by the tablature was also
also to be found in Le Roy's book, and most probably
was by Mersennus taken from thence, the whole of
the chapter, which is very short, is here inserted.
' To put the laste hande to this worke, I will
' not omitte to give you to understande how to
adapted to the Viol de Gamba. In the second book of Songs or Ayres
with Tablature. by John Dowland, printed in ICOO, is a lesson in tabla-
ture for the lute and bass vinl, entitled Dowland's Adew for Master
Oliver Cromwell ; and in a book printed in 1603, entitled The Schoole of
Musicke, by Thomas Robinson, lutenist, is a song for the viol by tabla-
ture. Nay, it was also used for the treble violin, and that so late as 1C82 ;
and, which is very remarkable, there were then two ways of tuning it, at
the choice of the performer, by fifths and by eighths this appears in
a book entitled Apollo's Banquet, containing Instructions and Variety
cf new tunes, Ayres, and Jiggs, for the treble Violin, the third edition
published in that year by John Playford. Anthony Wond, who loved
and understood music, also played on the violin ; and, as he himself re-
lates, practised a still different method of tuning, viz., by fourths. Vide
Life of Antony a Wood, at tlie end of Hearne's Caii VindiciEE, and lately
reprinted by itself.
420
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book X.
knowe stringes, whereof the best come to us out of
Almaigne, on this side the town of Munic, and from
Aquila in Italie ; before we put them on the lute
it is nedefuU to prove them between the handes in
maner as is sette forthe in the figures hereafter
pictured, which shewe manifestlie on tlie finger and
to the eye the difference from the true with the
false ; that is to wete, the true is knowen by this,
that in strikyng hym betwene the fingers hee muste
shewe to divide hymselfe juste in twoo, and that
for so muche as shall reche from the bridge belowe
to the toppe of the necke, because it maketh no
matter for the rest of the stringes that goeth among
the pinnes ; notwithstandyng ye male not be satis-
fied in assaiyng the stringe holden only at that
length, but that you must also prove hym in stryk-
ing hym, treying holden at shorter lengthes to be
w'ell assured of his certaine goodness and perfection.
Also the false strynge is knowen by the shew of
many strynges, which it representeth when it is
striken between the fingers ; so muste you continewe
the same triall in stryking the stryng till you
perceive the tooken of the good to separate hym
Irom the badde, accordyng to the figures followyng.'
CosTANZo Porta, a Franciscan friar, and a native
of Cremona, is highly celebrated among the musicians
of the sixteenth century. In the earlier part of his
life he was Maestro di Capella in the cathedral church
of Osimo as it is called, from the Latin Auximnm,
a small city on the river Musone near Ancona, but
■was afterwards advanced to the same station in the
church of Loretto. He was the author of that most
ingenious composition published first by Artusi in
his treatise ' Delle Imperfettioni della moderna
* Musica,' and inserted in the earlier part of this
work, and which is so contrived, as that besides that
the parts are inverted, it may be sung as well back-
ward as forward. He is supposed to have died in
the year 1580, and has left behind him Motets for
five voices, printed at Venice in 154B, and other
works of the like kind, printed also there in 1566
and 1580. In an oration pronounced by Ansaldus
Cotta of Cremona in 1553, 'pro Instauratione Stu-
' diorum Cremonte,' is the following eulogium on
' him : Constantius Porta non tarn hujus urbis, quam
' Franciscanse familife decns eximium, cujus in musica
' facultatem praistantiam plerisque cum ItalijB urbibus
' Roma potissimum, omnium regina gentium est ad-
* mirata.' Vide Arisii Cremonam literatam, pag. 453.
And elsewhere in the same oration he is styled
' Musicorum omnium praeter invidiam facile pr?nceps.'
Vide Draudii Eibl. Class, pag. 1693.
Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina (a Portrait)
was, as his name imports, a native of the ancient
Praeneste, now corruptly called Palestrina, and still
more corruptly Palestina.* He flourished in the
middle of the sixteenth century ; and the year of his
birth is thus ascertained by Andrea Adami da Bolsena,
master of the pontifical chapel under Clement XI.
who professes to give the particulars of his life.
' The time of Palestrina's birth is not precisely to
' be ascertained, by reason that the records of the
' city of Palestrina, which may be supposed to con-
' tain tlie register of his birth, were destroyed at the
' sacking thereof by the duke d' Alva in 1557 ; but
* it appears by a book intitled Le grotte Vaticane,
' written by a person named Torrigio, that he was in
'the sixty-fifth year of his age when he died;' and
from other authentic evidences the same writer,
Adami, fixes the time of his death on the second
day of February 1594, from whence it may be com-
puted that he must have been born some time in tlie
year 1529.t
The author who has enabled us thus satisfactorily
to settle the period of Palestrina's life, has been less
fortunate in ascertaining the name of his master.
He says that he was a scholar of Gaudio Mell,
Fiammengo, i. e. a Fleming, or native of Flanders ;
this assertion is grounded on the testimony of Antimo
Liberati, a singer in the pontifical chapel, who has
given an account of Palestrina and his supposed
master in these words : —
' Among the many strangers who settled in Italy
' and Rome, the first who gave instructions for sing-
' ing and harmonic modulations was Gaudio Mell,
' Plandro, a man of great talents, and of a sweet
' flowing style, who instituted at Rome a noble and
' excellent school for music, where many pupils ren-
' dered themselves conspicuous in that science, but
' above all Gio. Pier Luigi Palestrina, who, as if
' distinguished by nature herself, surpassed all other
* The name Giaiietto Palestina occurs in many collections of madri-
gals and other compositions published about this time ; and in the Storia
della Musica of Padre Martini, pa^. I!i8, is the followinft note : ' Giovanni
' Pier Luigi da Palestrina detto anche Gianetto da Palestrina come dal
' lib. I. intitolato Li Amorosi Ardori di diversi eccell. Musici a 5. raecolti
' da Cesare Corradi.'
The truth of this assertion, notwithstanding the authority on which it
is grounded, is at least questionable. In a collection of madrigals, in-
titled Medodia 01yni|)ica, published by Pietrn Philippi in 1594, we meet
with the name Gio. Prenestini to the madri^'als, ' Mori quasi il mio Core,'
and ' Veramente m amore ; ' and also with the name Gianetto Palestina
to ' Non son le vostri niani,' and ' O bella Ninfa.' And in a collection of
motets intitled ' Florilcgium sacrarum cantionum quinque vocum pro
' diebus Douiinicis et Festis totius anni e celeberrimis iiostri temporis
' musicis,' printed by Petrus Phalesius of Antwerp in liill, the name Jo.
Aloysius Praenestinus occurs in seven places, and that of Gianetto de
Palestina in four.
The argument hence arising is, that if both those names were intendea
to denote the same person, the distinction between them would hardly
have been preserved in the instances above adduced in one and the same
publication.
+ Vide Osservazioni per ben regolare il Core della Cappella Pontificia.
fatte da Andrea Adami da Bolsena, pag. Ifif).
Chap. LXXXVIII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
421
rivals, and even his own masters. This great genius,
' guided by a peculiar faculty, the gift of God, adopted
' a style of harmony so elegant, so noble, so learned,
* so easy, and so pleasing both to the connoisseur and
' the ignorant, that in a mass composed on purpose,
' sung before pope Marcellus Cervinus and the sacred
' college of cardinals, he made that pontiff alter the
' intention he had of enforcing the bull of John
* XXII. which abolished entirely church-music under
* the penalty of excommunication. This ingenious
' man, by his astonishing skill and the divine melody
' of that mass, plainly convinced his holiness that
' those disagreeable jars between the music and the
' words so often heard in churches, were not owing
' to any defect in the art, but to the want of skill in
* the composers; and Paul IV. his successor, to whom
' he dedicated the mass entitled Missa Papae Marcelli,
' appointed him perpetual composer and director in
' the pontifical chapel,* a dignity which has been
' vacant ever since his death.f This mass is now
' and ever will be performed, as long as there is
' a world, in the sacred temples at Rome, and in all
* other places where they have been so fortunate as
* to procure the compositions of a genius whose
' works breathe divine harmony, and enable us to
* sing in a style so truly sublime the praises of our
' Maker.'ij:
Adami has adopted the facts contained in this
relation, and acquiesced in the assertion that Gaudio
Mell, a Fleming, was the master of a noble school at
Rome, where the principles and practice of music
were taught, and that Palestrina was his disciple.
It is to be feared that Liberati had no better
authority for the particulars of his relation than bare
report, for evidence is wanting that such a person as
Gaudio Mell, a Fleming and musician, ever existed :
his name does not occur in the list of Flemish
musicians given by Guicciardini in his History of
the Low Coiintries, nor in any of those colleotions of
vocal music published by Pietro Phalesio, Hubert
Waelrant, Andrew Pevernage, Pietro Philippi, Mel-
chior Borchgrevinck, and others, between the years
1593 and 1620, nor in Printz's History of Music,
nor in that of Bontempi, nor in the Musical Lexi-
con of John Godfrey Walther, which contains an
accurate account of musicians from the time of Pytha-
goras down to the year 1732.
It may indeed be suspected that Liberati by Gaudio
Mell might understand Goudimel, but his Christian
name was Claude, for which reason he is by Monsieur
Varillas confounded with Claude Le Jeune. Neither
• Paul IV. succeeded to the pontificate in 1560, and at that time
Girolamo Maccabei was Maestro della Cappella Pontificia; and in 1567
he was succeeded by Egidio Valenti; these were both ecclesiastics, and
not musicians, and the latter is styled ' Maestro del Collegio de Cantoria
' della Cappella Pontificia,' from whence it may be conjectured that this
was an office that referred to the government of the college, and not to
the performance of service in the chapel ; so that by this appointment
Palestrina seems to have been virtually Maestro di Cappella, as well of
the pope's chapel as of the church of St. Peter, but that lie did not choose
to assume the title, it having been already appropriated to 'an ofEcer of a
different kind.
t This is a mistake of Antimo Liberati, and is noted by Adami, for
Felice Anerio succeeded Palestrina in the office of Compositore da
Cappella Pontificia immediately on his decease, as appears by a memo-
randum in a book of Ippolito Gamboce, Puntatore, i. e. register of the
colleg ■, or as some say, an officer whose duty it is to appoint the functions
for ea^h day's service in the chapel. See the account of Felice Anerio
hereafter given.
t Lettera scritta dal Sig. Antimo Liberati in risposta ad una del Sig.
Ovidio Persapegi, 1688, pag. 22.
was Goudimel a Fleming, but a native of Franche
Comte, as Bayle infers from certain verses which fix
the place of his birth upon the Doux, a river that
runs by Bezanpon ; and Franche Comte is not in
Flanders, but in Burgundy. §
But besides that the master of Palestrina is said
to have been a Fleming, there are other reasons for
supposing that Goudimel was not the person. Gou-
dimel was a protestant, and, as Thuanus relates, set
the Psalms of David translated into metre by Clement
Marot and Theodore Beza, to various and most pleas-
ing tunes, which in his time were sung both publicly
and privately by the protestants. He was massacred
at Lyons, and not at Paris, as some assert, in 1572,
and has a place and an eulogium in the protestant
martyrology. II
After stating the above facts it must appear need-
less to insist on the improbability that Palestrina,
whom we must suppose to have been born of parents
of the Romish communion, should have ever been
the disciple of a protestant, an intimate of Calvin,
and a composer of the music to a translation of the
Psalms into vernacular metre ; and who, so far was
he from having instituted a music-school at Rome,
as is elsewhere asserted, does not appear by any of
the accounts extant of him to have past the limits of
his own country.
For these reasons it may be presumed that Liberati
is mistaken in the name of Palestrina's master, who
though in truth a Fleming, and of the name of Mell,
seems to have been a different person from him
whom he has dignified with that character. In
a word, the current tradition is, and Dr. Pepusch
himself acquiesced in it, that Palestrina was a disciple
of Rinaldo del Mell [Renatus de Mell] a well-known
composer in the sixteenth century, who is described
by Printz and Walther as being a native of Flanders,
and to have flourished about the year 1538, at which
time Palestrina was nine years old, a proper age for
instruction.
At the age of thirty-three, and in the year 1562,
Palestrina was made Maestro di Cappella di S. Maria
Maggiore, and in 1571 he was appointed to the same
honourable office in the church of St. Peter at Rome,
in the room of Giovanni Animuccia, which he held
for the remainder of his life, honoured with the
favour and protection of the succeeding popes, par-
ticularly Sixtus V.
Antimo Liberata relates that Palestrina, in con-
junction with a very intimate friend and fellow-
student [condiscepolo] of his, Gio. Maria Nanino by
name, established a school at Rome, in which, not-
withstanding his close attachment to his studies and
the duties of his employment, the former often
appeared assisting the students in their exercises,
and deciding the differences which sometimes arose
between the professors that frequented it.
In the course of his studies Palestrina discovered
the error of the German and other musicians, who
had in a great measure corrupted the practice of
music by the introduction of intricate proportions,
and set about framing a style for the church, grave,
decent, and plain, and which, as it admitted of none
§ Vide Bayle in art. Goudimei..
II Ibid.
422
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book X.
of those unnatural commixtures of dissimilar times,
which were become the disgrace of music, left ample
scope for invention. Influenced by that love of
simplicity which is discoverable in all his works, he,
in conjunction with Francesco Soriano, reduced the
measures in the Cantus Eeclesiasticus to three, namely
the' Long, the Breve, and the Seniibreve.*
Of many works which Palestrina composed, one
• Vide II Canto Ecclesiastico da D. Marzio Erculeo. In Modano,
IG8G, pag. 3.
of the most capital is his Masses, published at Rome
in 1572, in large folio, with this title, ' Joannis Petri
' Loysii Praeuestini in Basilica S. Petri de urbe ca-
' pellse magistri missarum, liber primus,' under which
is a curious print from wood or metal after the
design of some great painter, as must be inferred
from the excellence of the drawing, representing the
author making an offering of his book to the pope in
the manner here exhibited : —
Chap. LXXXVIH.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
423
On the back of the title-page is a short com-
mendatory epistle to Julius III. the then pope. Of
these masses, which are five in number, and it is to
be doubted whether Palestrina ever published any
more in this form, four are for four voices, and one
for five. Many parts of each are composed in canon,
and bespeak the learning and ingenuity of tiieir
author. The masses are printed in parts, on a coarse
but very legible type, with Gothic initial letters
curiously designed and executed.*
There are also extant of his composition Motets
and Hymns for 4, 5, and 6 voices, printed in large
folio, and published in 1589 ; some of these motets
were also printed in a collection intitled ' Florilegium
' sacrarum cantionum quinque vocum pro diebus
* dominicis et festis totius anni, e celeberrimis nostri
' teraporis musicis.' This collection was given to the
world in 1609 by Petrus Phalesius, a printer of
Antwerp, who was a man of learning, and, as it
should seem, a lover of music, for he published many
other collections of music, and before his house had
the sign of king David playing on the harp. It is
in the motets of Palestrina that we discover that
grandeur and dignity of style, that artful modulation
and sweet interchange of new and original harmonies,
for which he is so justly celebrated ; with respect to
these excellencies let the following composition speak
for him : —
f
:^=i
--=1=1
^=»=F=P=
P
fon - tes a - qua
rp?=:^z=ai
ziyzzrmz
sEm:m
1^=^
:r=|c^i
rum,
rjntrr
— ti
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* The art of printing music in letter-press or on metal tj-pes, was at
this time arrived at great perfection, it was invented by one Ottavio de
Feiracci of Fossombrone in Italy, who in the year 1515 and 1516
ff=^z:b — -
de - rat, . .
published the masses of lodocus Pratensis. Osserv. da Andrea Adami,
pag. 160. And in France it was improved by Pierre Ballard, as appears
by the works of Claude le Jeune, published by him.
4:24
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AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
425
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426
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE.
Book X.
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GlO. PlERLUIGI DA PaLESTRINA.
Dr. Aldrich adapted English words, that is to say
part of the sixty-third psahn, ' 0 God, thou art my
God,' to the music of this motet, and it is frequently
sung in our cathedrals as an anthem, as is also
another of Palestrina, beginning * Doctor Bonus,' to
the words ' We have heard with our ears, 0 Lord,'
these are remarkable instances of that faculty which
Dr. Aldrich possessed of naturalizing as it were the
compositions of the old Italian masters, and ac-
commodating them to an English ear, by words per-
haps as well suited to the music as those to which
they were originally framed.
Bleau, in his Admiranda Italia, part TI. pag. 312,
relates that at the erection of the famous antique
obelisk near the Vatican in 1586, Palestrina on
the twenty-seventh day of September in that year,
with eighteen choral singers, assisted in celebrating
that stupendous work, which at this day does honour
to the pontificate of Sixtus V.
Kircher, in the Musurgia. torn. I. lib. VII. cap. v.
has given a Crucifixus of Palestrina, which he says is
deservedly the admiration of all musicians, as being
the work of a most exquisite genius. Many of the
masses of Palestrina are strict canon, a species of
composition which he thoroughly understood, but
his motets are in general fugues, in which it is hard
to say whether the grandeur and sublimity of the
point, or the close contexture of the harmony is most
to be admired. As to the points or subjects of his
fugues, though consisting in general of but few bars,
nay, sometimes of no greater a number of notes than
are usually contained in a bar, they were assumed as
themes or subjects for other compositions, and this
not by young students, but by masters of the first
eminence. Numberless are the instances to be met
with of compositions of this kind, but some of the
most remarkable are contained in a work of Abbate
Domenico dal Pane, a sopranist of the pontificial
chapel, published in 1687, intitled ' Messe a quattro,
' cinque, sei, et otto voci, estratte da esquisiti motetti
'del Palestrina,' these, are seven masses, of which
seven motets of Palestrina, namely. Doctor bonus,
Chap. LXXXVIII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
427
Domine qiiando veneris, Stella quam viderant Magi,
O Beatum vinim, Jubilate Deo, Canite tuba in Sion,
Fratres ego enim accepi, are severally the theme.
The superior excellence of these compositions, it
seems, excited in the contemporary musicians both
admiration and envy. Johannes Hieronymus Kaps-
berger, a German, made an attempt on the reputation
of Palestrina, which succeeded as it deserved. Kaps-
berger, who is represented by Doni as a man of great
assurance and volubility of tongue, by the assistance
of a friend procured admission to a certain bishop, to
■whom he insinuated that the compositions of Pales-
trina usually sung in the episcopal palace were rude
and inelegant in respect to the melody and harmony,
and that the repetition of the same words, but more
es]iecially of the same point or musical subject, in
short, that which constitutes a fugue in one and the
same cantus. detracted from the merit of the com-
position. The bishop, who seems to have been a
weak man, listened with attention to a proposal of
Kapsberger, which meant nothing less than the
banishing from his chapel the music of Palestrina,
and admitting that of his opponent in his stead ;
Kapsberger succeeded, and his music was given to the
singers of the bishop's chapel ; they at first refused,
but were at length compelled to sing it, but they did
it in such a manner as soon induced him to desist
from his attempt, and wisely decline a competition in
which he had not the least chance of success. Kaps-
berger was a voluminous composer ; he excelled all
of his time in playing on the Theorbo, an instrument
which he had greatly improved and brought into
repute, and is represented by Kircher as a person of
great abilities ; the character he gives of him is, that
he was an excellent performer on most instruments,
a man noble by birth, and of great reputation for
prudence and learning ; in this he differs widely
from Doni, but it seems that Kircher had received
great assistance from Kapsberger while he was writing
the Musurgia.
Palestrina seems to have devoted his whole attention
to the duties of his station, for the improvement of
the church style was the great object of his studies ;
nevertheless he composed a few madrigals, which
have been preserved and are published.
In the year 1594 he published ' Madrigali Spirit-
* uali a cinque voci,' dedicated to a patroness of his,
the grand duchess of Tuscany ; the style of these
compositions is remarkably chaste and pathetic, the
words are Italian, and purport to be hymns and
penitential songs to the number of thirty.* The
following is the ninth of them : —
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* The dedication of the hook is thus dated : ' Di Roma il prinio giorno
de! anno 1594; ' from whence it may be collected that this was his last
work, and that it was published just a month before his decease, for be
died on the second day of February in that year.
428
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book X.
V
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I
Chap. LXXXIX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
429
t=
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va te - CO nel Ciel sempi'im - mor
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How long Palestrina enjoyed the honoiirable em-
ployment of Maestro di Capella in the church of St.
Peter at Rome is above ascertained, by the year of his
appointment and that of his death. His historian has
in the way of his function mentioned some particulars
relative to that event ; he says that his funeral was
attended not only by all the musicians of Rome, but
by a multitude of the people, and was celebrated by
three choirs, who sang a ' Libera me, Domine,' in five
parts, of his own composition ; that his body was in-
terred in the church of St. Peter, before the altar of
St. Simon and St. Jude, a privilege due to the merit
of so great a man, inclosed in a sheet of lead, with this
inscription, ' Petrus Aloysius Prsenestinus Miisicse
* Princeps.' It is said that an original picture of him
is yet extant in the archives of the pope's chapel, and
it is probable that the portrait which Adami has given
of him is taken from it. By this, which conveys the
idea of a man remarkably mean in his appearance, it
seems that his bodily endowments bore no proportion
to those of his mind.
To enumerate the testimonies of authors in favour
of Palestrina would be an endless task. John Baptist
Doni before-mentioned, a profoundly learned musician,
and whose partiality for the music of the ancients would
hardly suffer him to admire that of the moderns, seems
without hesitation to acquiesce in the general opinion
that he was the greatest man in his time. Agostina
Pisa, in a treatise intitled ' Battuta della Musica di-
GlO. PlERLUIQI DA PalESTRINA.
chiarata,' printed at Rome in 1611, pag. 87, calls him
the honour of music, and prince of musicians. He
elsewhere styles him ■ Gian Pietro Aloisio Palestina
* luce et splendore della musica.' Giovanni Maria
Bononcini also calls him * Principe de musica,' as does
Angelo Berardi, a very sensible and intelligent writer;
this latter also styles him the father of music, and as
such he is in general considered by all that take oc-
casion to speak of him.
The following catalogue is exhibited for the use of
such as may be desirous of collecting the works of this
great man : ' Dodici libri di messe a 4, 5, 6, 8 voci,
'stamp, in Roma, ed. in Venet. 1554, 1567, 1570,
' 1572, 1582, 1585, 1590, 1591, 1594, 1699, 1600,
' IGOl. Due libri d' Offertorii a 5, Ven. 1594. Due
' libri di Motetti a 4, Ven. 1571, 1606. Qnattro libri
' di Motetti a 5, 6, 7, 8 voci, Ven. 1575. 1580, 1584,
* 1586. Magnificat 8 tonum, Romge. 1591. Hymni
' totius anni 4 voc. Rom£B et Ven. 1589. Due libri di
' madrig, a 4 voci, Ven. 1586, 1605. Due libri di
' madrig. a 5 voci, Ven. 1594. Litanie a 4, Ven. 1600.
CHAP. LXXXIX.
Giovanni Maria Nanino, (a Portrait,) a con-
disciple or fellow-student of Palestrina, having been
brought up under the same master, namely, Rinaldo
del Mell, was a native of Vallerano, and in 1577 was
appointed a singer in the pontifical chapel, where are
430
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book X.
preserved many excellent compositions of his. He
became afterwards Maestro di Cappella di S. Maria
Maggiore, and was probably the immediate successor
of Palestrina in that office. Some very fine madrigals
composed by him are to be found in the collections
published by Andrew Pevernage, Pietro Phalesio,
Hubert Waelrant, Pietro Philippi, and others, with
the titles of Harmonia Celeste, Musica Divina, Sym-
phonia Angelica, and Melodia Olympica. Padre
Martini, in the catalogue of authors at the end of his
Storia della Musica, tom. I., takes notice of two manu-
scripts of his that are extant, the one entitled ' Cen-
' tocinquantasette Contrapunte e Canoni a 2, 3, 4, 5,
* 6, 7, 8, 11 voci sopra del Canto ferrao intitolato la
' Base di Costanzo Festa ;' the other, * Trattato di
' Contrapunto con la Regola per far Contrapunto a
' mente di Gio. Maria, e Bernardino Nanino suo
' nipote.' Sebastian Raval, a Spaniard, and a cele-
brated contrapuntist, was foiled by liim in a compe-
tition between them which was tlie abler composer.
It has already been mentioned that Nanino, in
conjunction with his friend Palestrina, established at
Rome a school for the study of music. Antirao
Liberata, who relates this fact, intimates that this
seminary was frequented by many eminent professors
of the science, who resorted thither for improvement;
and that Palestrina, besides taking his part in the in-
struction of the youth, was a moderator in the dis-
putes that sometimes arose among them. The same
author adds, that among the many excellent musi-
cians that were there educated, Bernardino Nanino, a
younger brother of him of whom we are now speak-
ing, was distinguished as a wonderful genius, and as
having improved music by the introduction of a new
and original style ; there is nevertheless nothing ex-
tant of his composition but a work printed at Rome
in 1620, entitled ' Salmi h 4 voci per le Domeniche,
' Solennita della Madonna et Apostoli con doi Mag>-
' nificat, uno a 4 e 1' altro a 8 voci.' Antonio Cifra
was also a disciple in this school.
Felice Anerio, (a Portrait,) a disciple of the
elder Nanino, was the immediate successor of Pales^
trina in the station of composer to the pontifical
chapel.* He had the character of an excellent con-
trapuntist ; many of his compositions are preserved
in the library of the chapel, and there is extant a
valuable collection of madrigals by him, printed at
Antwerp in 1610.
RuGGiERO GiovANELLi (a Portraif,) was master
of the chapels of St. Lewis and St. Apollinare, and
the immediate successor of Palestrina in the church
of St. Peter at Rome ;t and also a singer in the
* The following account of his appointment, and the ceremonies at-
tending it, is cited by Adami from the book of Ippolito Gamboci, the
piintatore heretofore mentioned, with a remark that Antimo Liberata
had little reason to say that Palestrina was the last composer to the
chapel, seeing that Anerio succeeded him in that honourable employment.
' La mattina della Dnmenica delle palme venne in cappella il Sig. Luca
'Cavalcanti maestro di camera dell' illustriss. e reverendiss. Sig. Card,
' Aldrobandini, Nipote di N. S. papa Clemente VIH. e disse al collegio
' da parte del suddetto Sig. Cardlnale, che sua santit^ aveva graziato
' Messer Felice Anerio del posto vacato per la morte di Pierluigi da
' Palestrina, e che lo aveva accettato per compositore della cappella, eche
'giagodeva la provisione, e pero sua Signoria illustrissima pregava il
'collegio, che lo volesse accettare in detto posto, e che si conteutassero
' tulti di far una fede di questa ammissione ; come fil fatto.'
+ By this it shoiild seem that the places which Palestrina held were at
his decease divided ; for Felice Anerio is expressly said to have succeeded
him as Compositore della Cappella, and here it is said that Giovanelli
pontifical chapel : a collection of madrigals by him,
printed at Venice, is extant ; he composed also many
masses, amongst which is one for eiglit voices, called
' Vestiva i colli,' taken from a madrigal with those
initial words of Gianetto Palestrina, which is much
celebrated.
In the year 1581 a book appeared in the world
with this silly title, ' II tesoro illuminato, di tutti i
* tuoni di Canto figurato, con alcuni bellissimi secret!
* non da altri piii scritti : nuovamente composto dal
* R. P. frate illuminato Aijguino Bresciano, dell' or-
* dine serafico d' osservanza.' Notwithstanding the
very emphatical title of this book, it contains very
little worthy the attention of a curious reader. The
author is lavish in the praises of Marchettus of Padua,
and Spataro, and of his irrefragable master Peter
Aron, whose name he never mentions without that
extravagant epithet.
About this time lived PrETOO Pontto of Parma ;
he composed and published, about the year 1580,
three books of masses. He was the author, also, of
a book with the following title, ' Ragionamento di
' Musica del Rev. M. Don Pietro Pontio Parmegiano,
' ove si tratta de' pasaggi della consonantie e disso-
' nantie, buoni e non buoni ; e del modo di far Mot-
' tetti, Messe, Salmi, e altre compositioni ; d'alcuni
'avertimenti per il contrapuntista e compositore e
' altre cose pertinenti alia musica,' printed at Parma
1588, in quarto, a very entertaining dialogue, and re-
plete with musical erudition.
Horatio Vecchi of Modena was greatly celebrated
for his vocal compositions at this time : our country-
man Peacham was, as he himself relates, his disciple. :{:
was appointed the successor to Palestrina in the church of St. Peter, of
which Palestrina was Maestro di Cappella.
I This writer has, in his usual quaint manner, given a short character
of Vecchi and his works, which, as he was a man of veracity and judg.
ment, may be depended on. ' I bring you now mine owne master Horatio
' Vecchi of Modena, beside goodness of aire, most pleasing of all other
'for his conceipt and variety, wherewith all his works are singularly
' beautified, as well his madrigals of five and six parts, as those his can-
' zonets printed at Norimberge, wherein for tryall sing his " Vivo in
" fuoco amoroso Lucretia mia," where upon "lo catenato moro," with
' excellent judgment hee driveth a crotchet thorow many minims, causing
' it to resemble a chaine with the linkes ; againe in " S' io potesi raccor'
" i mei sospiri," the breaking of the word Sospiri with crotchet and crot-
' chet rest in sighes ; and that "fa mi un canzone," &c. to make one
' sleep at noone with sundry other of like conceipt and pleasant invention.'
Conipleat Gentleman, 102.
The Conipleat Gentleman was written by Henry Peacham, an author
of some tiote in the reign of James I. It treats, of nobility in general.
'Of the dignity and necessity of learning in princes and nobilitie. The
' dutie of parents in the education of their children. Of a gentleman's
'carriage in the universitie. Of stile in speaking and writing of history.
'Of cosmography. Of memorable observations in the survey of the
' earth. Of geometry. Of poetry. Of musicke. Of statues, and
'nipdalls, and antiquities. Of drawing and painting, with the lives of
'painters. Of sundry blazonnes both ancient and modern. Of armory,
'or blazing amies, with the antiquity of heralds. Of exercise of body.
'Of reputation and carriage. Of travaile. Of warre,' and of many other
particulars, to which is added the Gentleman's Exercise, or an exquisite
Practice for drawing all Manner of Beasts, making Colours, &r, quarto,
1634. This book abounds with a great number of curious particulars,
and w^s in high estimation with the gentry even of the last age. Sir
Charles Sedley, who had been guilty of a great offence against good
manners, was indicted for it, and upon his trial being asked by the chief
justice. Sir Robert Hyde, whether he had ever read the book called the
Conipleat Gentleman, Sir Charles answered, that saving his lordship he
had read more books than himself. Athen. Oxon. Col. 1)00.
Peacham seems to have been a travelling tutor, and was patronized by
the Howard family. He was well acquainted with Douland the lutenist ;
and, while abroad, was a scholar of Horatio Vecchi, as himself testi-
fies in the above note, and probably the bearer of that letter from Luca
Marenzio to Douland, mentioned in a subsequent account of that master,
and inserted in the account hereafter given of Douland. Besides the
Compleat Gentleman, Peacham published a Collection of Emblems,
entitled Minerva Britanna, or a Garden of Heroical Devises, with moral
reflections in verse, and a diverting little book entitled the Worth of
a Penny. In his advanced age he was reduced to poverty, and subsisted
by writing those little penny books which are the common amusement of
cluldren.
Chap. LXXXIX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
431
He composed Masses, Cantiones Sacrae, and one book
of Madrigals, which are very fine ; but he delighted
chiefly in Canzonets, of which he composed no fewer
than seven sets.* Milton, who loved and understood
music very well, seems to have entertained a fondness
for the compositions of Horatio Vecchi ; for in his
Life, written by his nephew Phillips, and prefixed to
the English translation of his State Letters, it is said
that when he was abroad upon his travels, he collected
a chest or two of choice music-books of the best mas-
ters flourishing at that time in Italy, namely, Luca
Marenzio, Monteverde, Horatio Vecchi, Cifra, the
prince of Venosa, and others.
EucHARius Hoffman, con-rector of the public
school at Stralsund, was the author of two tracts on
music, the one entitled * Musicae practicae prjecepta,'
the other * Doctrina de tonis seu modis musicis,' both
of which were very elegantly printed at Hamburg in
1584, and again in 1588. The first of these is
of the same kind with those many books written
about this time for the instruction of children in the
elements of music, of which an account has herein-
before been given ; like the rest of them it is written
in dialogue. The author has defined the terms
prolation, time, and mode, as they refer to mensural
music, in a way that may be useful to those who
would understand the Introduction to Practical Music
of our countryman Morley ; for of prolation he says
it is a rule by which is estimated the value of semir
breves ; time he says considers the value of breves ;
and mode, that of the long and the large. In his
doctrine of the tones he seems to follow Glareanus.
ToMAsso LoDovico DA Victoria, a Spaniard, Maestro
di Cappella of St. Apollinare, and afterwards a singer
in the pontifical chapel, was an excellent composer.
He published a set of Masses in 1583, dedicated to
Philip II. king of Spain, and many other ecclesi-
astical works, one of the best whereof is that called
La Messa de' Morti. Peacham says that he resided
in the court of the duke of Bavaria about the year
1594 ; and that of his Latin songs the Seven Peni-
tential Psalms are the best : he commends also certain
compositions of his to French words, in which is
a song beginning ' Susanna un jour.' He styles him
a very rare and excellent author, adding that his
vein is grave and sweet. Compleat Gentleman, 101,
edit. 1G61.
Luca Marenzio, a most admirable composer of
motetts and madrigals, flourished about this time ;
he was a native of Coccalia in the diocese of Brescia.
Being born of poor parents, he was maintained and
instructed in the rudiments of literature by Andrea
Masetto, the arch-priest of the place ; but having
a very fine voice, and discovering a strong propensity
to music, he was placed under the tuition of Giovanni
Contini, and became a most excellent composer, par-
ticularly of madrigals. He was first IVIaestro di
* The word Canzonet is derived from Canzone, which signifies in
general a song, but more particularly a song in parts, with fuguing
passages therein. The Canzonet is a composition of tlie kind, but
shorter and less artificial in its contexture. Andrea Adami a.scribes the
invention of this species of musical composition to Alessandro Romano,
surnamed Alessandro dalla Viola, from his exquisite hand on that in-
strument, and a singer in the pontifical chapel in the year 1560. Osserv.
per ben. reg. il Coro de i Cant, della Cap. Pont. pag. 174.
Cappella to Cardinal Luigi d' Este, and after that for
many years organist of the pope's chapel. He wa3
beloved by the whole court of Rome, and particularly
favoured by Cardinal Cinthio Aldrobandini, nephew
of Clement VIII. This circumstance, which is
related by Adami, does not agree with the account of
our countryman Peacham, who says that after he had
been some time at Rome he entertained a criminal
passion for a lady, a relation of the Pope, whose fine
voice and exquisite hand on the lute had captivated
him ; that he thereupon retired to Poland, where he
was graciously received, and served many years, and
that during his stay there the queen conceived a desire
to see the lady who had been the occasion of his
retreat, which being communicated to Marenzio, he
went to Rome, with a resolution to covey her from
thence into Poland, but arriving there, he found
the resentment of the Pope so strong against him,
that it broke his heart. Adami mentions his re-
treat to Poland, but omits the other circumstances ;
and fixes the time of his death to the twenty^second
day of August, 1599. Walther adds, that before
his departure for Poland he received the honour
of knighthood, but says not at whose hands ; and
tliat on his arrival there he had an appointment
of a thousand scudi per annum ; and, without taking
notice of his amour, ascribes his quitting that country
to his constitution, which was too tender to resist
the cold. The following verses to his memory were
written by Bernardino Stessonio, a Jesuit : —
Vocum opifex, numeris mulcere Marentius aures
Callidus, et blandas tendere fila Chelys,
Frigore lethaeo victus jacet. Ite siipremam
In seriem meesti funeris exequiae ;
Et charis et biandi sensus aurita voluptas.
Et chorus, et fractae turba canora lyrae :
DenscB humeris, udee lachrymis, urgete sepulchrum,
Quis scit, an hinc referat vox rediviva sonum?
Sin tacet, ille choros alios instaurat in astris,
Vos decet amisso conticuisse Deo.
Sebastian Raval, a Spaniard, and who published
his first book of madrigals for five voices, in the
dedication thereof styles him a divine composer.
Peacham, who probably was acquainted with him,
says he was a little black man. He corresponded
with our countryman Douland the lutenist, as appears
by a very polite letter of his writing, extant in the
preface to Douland's First Booke of Songes or Ayres
of four Partes, with Tableture for the Lute, and in-
serted in a subsequent part of this work.
The madrigals of Marenzio are celebrated for fine
air and invention. Peacham says that the first,
second, and third parts of his Thyrsis, ' Veggo dolce
' mio ben,* ' Chi fa hoggi il mio Sole,' and ' Cantava,'
are songs the Muses themselves might not have been
ashamed to have composed, f This that follows ia
also ranked among the best of his compositions : —
t Th ese are all adapted to English words, the first, ' Tirsi morir volea,'
to a translation of the Italian ; the second, ' Veggo dolce mio ben," to the
words, ' Farewell cruel and unkind ; ' the third to ' What doth my pretty
' darling ? ' and the last to ' Sweet singing Amaryllis,' and are to be found
in the Musica Transalpina, of which it is to be noted there are two parts,
and in a collection of Italian madrigals with English words, published by
Thomas AVatson in 15S9, as is also another mentioned by Peacham,
' I must depart all hapless,' translated from ' lo partiro.'
482
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book X.
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Chap. LXXXIX.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
433
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434
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
B.
aoK
Andreas Haseijus, chanter in the college of
Ratisbon, published at Norimberg, in 1589, '.Hexa-
chordum, seu questiones mnsicai practicjB.' This
book is very methodically written, but contains little
more than is to be found in others of the like kind,
except some short examples of fugue from Orlando
Lasso, Jusquin De Prez, and other authors, which in
their way have great merit.
Caspar Krumbhorn was a native of Lignitz in
Silesia, and was born on the twenty-eighth day of
October, 1542. In the third year of his age he lost
his sight by the small-pox, and became totally blind.
His father dying soon after, his mother married one
named Stimmler, which gave occasion to his being
called Blind Stimmler. Krumbhorn had a brother
named Bartholomew, who was considerably older
than himself, and was pastor of Waldau ; and he
discovering in his younger brother, as he grew up,
a strong propensity to music, placed him under the
care of Knobeln, a famous musician and composer at
Goldberg, of whom he learned to play first on the
flute, next on the violin, and, last of all, on the
harpsichord, on each of which instruments he became
so excellent a performer, that he excited the ad-
miration of all that heard him. The fame of these
his excellencies, as also of his skill in composition,
had reached the ears of Augustus, elector of Saxony ;
who invited him to Dresden, and having heard him
perform, and also heard some of his compositions of
many parts performed by himself and others ; and
being struck vfith so extraordinary a phenomenon as
a young man deprived of the faculty of seeing, an
excellent performer on various instruments, and
deeply skilled in the art of practical composition, he
endeavoured, by the offer of great rewards, to retain
hin} in his service ; but, preferring his own country
to all others, Krumbhorn returned to Lignitz in the
twenty-third year of his age, and was appointed
organist of the church of St. Peter and Paul there,
which station he occupied fifty -six years, during
which space he had many times the direction of the
musical college. He died on the eleventh day of
June 1621, and was buried in the church of which
he was organist, where on his tomb was engraven
the following epitaph : —
Vis scire viator
Casparum Krumbhornium
Lign. Reip. civem honoratum,
qui
cum tertio aetatis anno variolar.
ex malignitate visu
privatus,
Musices dehinc scientia et praxi
adrairanda
praeclaram sibi nominis
Existimationem domi forisque
comparasset,
Conjugii optabilis felicitate,
Bonorum etiam Magnatum,
Dei imprimis gratia evectus
Singulari sortem moderatione
Ad ann. usque LXXIIX toleravit
Organic, munus apud Eccles. P. P.
Annos LVI. non sine industrise
testimonio gessisset.
Pie demum beateque A. C. 1621.
11 Jun. in Dom. obdormivit.
Anna et Regina Filise, earumque
Mariti superstites
Parentem Socerumque B. M.
hoc sub lap. quern
Vivens sibi ipsimet destinaverat
honorifice condiderunt.
Nosti, quod voluit quicunque es,
NOSCE TE IPSUM.
It is said that Krumbhorn was the author of many
musical compositions, but it does not appear that any
of them were ever printed
Walther, in his Lexicon, has an article for Torias
Krumbhorn, organist at the court of George Rudolph,
duke of Lignitz, and a great traveller, who died in
the year 1617, aged thirty-one years. As Caspar
and Tobias Krumbhorn were contemporaries, and of
the same city, it is not improbable that they were
relations at least, if not brothers ; although nothing
of the kind is mentioned in the accounts given by
Walther of either of them.
C,HAP. XO.
Balthazarini, surnamed Beaujoyeux, a celebrated
Italian musician, lived under the reign of Henry
III. of France. The Marshal de Brissac, Go-
vernor in Piedmont, sent this musician to the hing
with the hand of Violins, of which he was chief
The Queen gave him the place of her valet-de-
chamhre, and Henry granted him the same post
in his household. Balthazarini pleased the court
as well by his skill in playing on the violin, as by
his inventions of dances, music shows, and repre-
sentations. It was he -mho composed in 1581 the
ballet for the nuptials of the Duhe de Joyeuse with
Madlle. de Vaudermont, sister to the Queen, and the
same was represented with extraordinary pomp ; it
has been printed under the title of the Queen's comic
ballet made for the nuptials aforesaid.
Claude le Jeune, (a Portrait,) a native of
Valenciennes, was a celebrated musician, and com-
poser of the chamber to Henry IV. of France. He
was the author of a work intitled Dodecachorde,
being an exercise or praxis on the twelve modes
of Glareanus ; Mons. Bayle cites a passage from
the Sieur D'Embry's Commentary on the French
translation of the life of Apollonius Tyanajus, re-
lating to this work, to this effect : ' I have some-
' times heard the Sieur Claxidin the younger say,
' who, without disrespect to any one, far exceeded
' all the musicians of the preceding ages, that an
' air, which he had composed with its parts, was
' sung at the solemnity of the late duke of Joyeuse's
' marriage in the time of Henry III. king of France
' and Poland, of happy memory, whom God absolve ;
' which as it was sung, made a gentleman take his
' sword in hand, and swear aloud that it was im-
' possible for him to forbear fighting with somebody.
' Whereupon they began to sing another air of the
' Subphrygian mode, which made him as peaceable as
' before ; which I have had since confirmed by some
' that were present — such power and force have the
Chap. XC.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
435
* modulation, motion, and management of the voice
* when joined together, upon the minds of men. To
* conclude this long annotation, if one would have an
* excellent experiment of these twelve modes, let him
' sing or hear sung, the Dodecachorde of Claudin the
* younger, of whom I have spoken above, and I assure
* myself he will find in it all those figures and va-
' riations managed with so much art, harmony, and
' skill, as to confess that nothing can be added to this
' master-piece but the praises that all the lovers of this
' science ought to bestow upon this rare and excellent
' man, who was capable of carrying music to the
* utmost degree of its perfection, if death had not
* frustrated the execution of his noble and profound
* designs upon this subject.'*
Claude le Jeune was also the author of a work en-
titled Meslanges, consisting of vocal compositions for
4, 5, 6, 8, and 10 voices, to Latin, Italian, and French
words, many of them in canon, printed in 1607. A
second part of this work was published in 1613, by
Louis Mardo, a relation of the author, and dedicated
to Mons. de la Planch, an advocate in the parliament
of Paris. But the most celebrated of his compositions
are his Psalms, which, being a Hugonot, he composed
to the words of the Version of Theodore Beza and
Clement Marot, and of these an account will here-
after be given.
Heiicolk Bottrigaro, (a Portrait,) a native of
Bologna, published, in 1593, ' II Patrizio, overo de'
' tetracordi armonici di Aristosseno, parere et vera
dimostratione.' The occasion of writing this book
was as follows : one Francesco Patricio, a man of
great learning, •}" had written a book intitled ' Delia
' poetica, deca istoriale, deca disputata,' wherein,
discoxirsing on music, and of the Genera in par-
ticular, he gives the preference to that division of
the tetrachords which Euclid had adopted. Bot-
trigaro, who appears to have been an Aristoxenean,
enters into an examination of this work ; and not
without some severe reflections on his adversary,
contends for that division of the tetrachord in each
of the genera which distinguishes the system of Aris-
toxenus from that of Euclid. This book, some few
years after its publication, Patricio being then dead,
was very severely criticised by Giovanni Maria Artusi,
of whom mention has already been made in the course
of this work, who, with a becoming zeal for the repu-
tation of Patricio, undertook to vindicate him, as well
against Bottrigaro, as another writer named Annibale
Meloni, a musician of Bologna, the author of a book
intitled, ' II Desiderio, overo de' concert! di varii
' strumenti musicali, Dialogo di Alemanni Benelli.' \
But the most celebrated of Bottrigaro's works is that
intitled, * II Melone, discorso armonico del M. 111.
* Bayle art. Goudimel, in not.
t Patricio was of Ossero in Dalmatia. In his youth he travelled much
in Asia ; then settled in the island of Cyprus, where he purchased a large
estate, but lost every thing when the Venetians lost that kingdom, so
that he was obliged to go to Italy, and there live on his wit. He read
Platonic philosophy in the university of Ferrara, and at last died at
Rome, much esteemed and cares.sed by all lovers of literature, thoughlhe
had advanced some opinions in the mathematical science, and about
Italian language, that were then, and still are, thought absurd. He was
an Academician of the Crusca, and one of the great defenders of Ariosto
against those that preferred Tasso to him. Baretti's Italian Library, 32S.
X A fictitious name made up by the transposition of the letters of the
author's true name, as related at large in a subsequent part of this
■work.
' Sig. Cavaliere Hercole Bottrigaro, ed. il Melone se-
' condo, considerazioni musicali del medesimo sopra
' un discorso di M. Gandolfo Sigonio intorno a' ma-
' drigali et a' libri dell' antica musica ridutta alia
' moderna prattica di D. Nicola Vicentino e nel
' fine esso Discorso del Sigonio.' Ferrara, 1602.
In this book, which is professedly an examen of
that of Vicentino, the author relates at large the
controversy between him and Vicentio Lusitano.
He charges them both with vanity and inconsistency,
but seems to decide in favour of the former. The
remark he makes on the conduct of Bartolomeo
Esgobedo and Ghislino D' Ancherts, is very judicious ;
for the sentence given by them, and published with
so much solemnity, assigns as the motive for con-
demning Vicentino, that he had not, either by words
or in writing, given the reasons of his opinion. Bot-
trigaro's observation is this, seeing then that Vicen-
tino had not declared the foundation of his opinion,
it was their duty as judges to have proceeded to an
enquiry whether it had any foundation or not, and,
agreeably to the result of this enquiry, to have given
sentence for or against him ; and for not pursuing
this method he sticks not to accuse them of partiality,
or rather ignorance of their duty, as the arbitrators
between two contending parties.
Bottrigaro appears to have been a man of rank ;
the letters to him, many of which he has thought it
necessary to print, bespeak as much. Walther styles
him a count ; and his II Melone, written in answer
to a letter of Annibale Meloni, is thus dated, ' Delia
' niia a me diletteuole villa nel commune di S. Alberto.'
Notwithstanding this circumstance, and that he was
not a musician by profession, he appears to have been
very well skilled in the science. It seems that he
entertained strong prejudices in favour of the ancient
music, and that he attempted, as Vicentino and others
had done, to introduce the chromatic genus into prac-
tice, but with no better success than had attended the
endeavours of others. He corrected Gogavinus's Latin
version of Ptolemy in numberless instances, and that
to so good a purpose, that Dr. Wallis has in general
conformed to it in that translation of the same author,
which he gave to the world many years after. He
also translated into Italian, Boetius De Musica, and
as much of Plutarch and Macrobius as relates to mu-
sic; besides this, he made annotations on Aristoxenus,
Franchinus, Spataro, Vicentino, Zarlino, and Galilei,
and, in short, on almost every musical treatise that he
could lay his hands on, as appears by the copies which
were once his own, and are now reposited in many
libraries in Italy.
It is to be lamented that the writings of Bottrigaro
are, for the most part, of the controversial kind, and
that the subjects of dispute between him and his ad-
versaries tend so very little to the improvement of
music. If we look into them we shall find him taking
part with Meloni against Patricio, and contending for
a practice which the ancients themselves had exploded ;
and in the dispute with Gandolfo Sigonio he does but
revive the controversy which had been so warmly
agitated between Vicentino and Vincentio Lusitano :
and though he seems to censure that determination of
the judges Bartolomeo Esgobedo and Ghisilino Dan-
436
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book X,
cherts, by which the former was condemned, he leaves
the question just as he found it.
Of Bottrigaro's works it is said that tliey contain
greater proofs of his learning and skill in music than
of his abilities as a writer, his style being remarkably
inelegant ; nevertheless he affected the character of a
poet, ami there is extant a collection of Poems by him,
in octavo, printed in 1551. Walther represents him
as an able mathematician, and a collector of rarities,
and says that he was possessed of a cabinet, which the
emperor Ferdinand II. had a great desire to purchase.
He died in 160'.>.
We meet with the name of Ludovicus Brooman,
an excellent musician, who flourished towards the
end of the sixteenth century, and died at Brussels in
15*J7. Gerard Vossins has given him a place in
his Catalogue, and he is elsewhere styled Musices
Princeps. The misfortune of his lieing blind from his
nativity might jjossibly contribute to exalt his cha-
racter ; for there are no compositions of his extant, at
least in print. Some remarkable instances of blind
persons who have been excellent in music, might lead
to an opinion that the privation of that sense was
favourable to the study of it : in the case of Salinas it
seems to have been no impediment to the deepest
research into the principle of the science. Caspar
Krumbhorn of Lignitz, and Martini Pesenti of Venice,
are instances to the same purpose ; the former of these
being an excellent organist and a composer of church -
music, and the latter a composer of vocal and instru-
mental music of almost all kinds ; and both these
persons were blind, the one from his infancy, and the
other from his nativity; and it is well known that the
famous Sebastian Bach and Handel, perhaps the two
best organists in the world, retained the power both
of study and practice many years after they were
severally deprived of the sense of seeing.
Valerio Bona of Milan, [Uiblished in 151(5, ' Re-
' gole del contraponto, et compositione brevemente
' raccolte da diuersi Auttori. Operetta molto facile
' et utile per i scolari princijiianti.' The author takes
occasion to celebrate as men of consunnnate skill in
music, Cyprian de Rore, Adrian Willaert, Orlando
de Lasso, Christopher Morales, and Palestrina. The
character of his book is, that it is remarkable for tlie
goodness of its style and language. The author was
an ecclesiastic, and a practical composer, as appears
by a catalogue of his works in the Musical Lexicon
of Walther ; they consist of Motets, Masses, the
Lamentations of Jeremiah, Madrigals, Canzonets, and
other vocal compositions.
LoDovico Zacconi, an Augustine monk of Pesaro,
and musician to the Duke of Bavaria, was the author
of a valuable work in folio, printed at Venice in 1596,
with the following title, ' Prattica di musica utile et
' necessaria si al compositore per comporre i canti suoi
' regolatamente, si anco al cantorc per assicurarsi in
* tutti le cose cantabili.'
This book of Zacconi is justly esteemed. one of the
most valuable treatises on the subject of practical
music extant. Morley appears to have been greatly
indel)ted to the author of it, whom he calls Fryer
Lowyes Zaccone, and cites frequently in his Intro-
duction to Practical Music.
In the course of his work Zacconi seems to have
declined all enquiry into the music of the ancient
Greeks, and to have been very little solicitous about
the investigation of ratios ; his work seems to be
calculated for the improvement of practical music,
and therefore contains nothing relating to the theory
of the science.
Zarlino's works seem to be intended for the use
of philosophers, but this of Zacconi abounds with
precepts applicable to practice, and suited to the
capacities of singers and men of ordinary endow-
ments. Among a great number of directions for the
decent and orderly performance of choral service, he
recommends a careful attention to the utterance of
the vowels ; which passage it seems INIorley had an
eye to when he complained, as he does in his Intro-
duction, pag. 179, in these words : ' The matter is
' now come to that state, that though a song be never
' so well made, and never so aptly applied to the
' words, yet shall you hardly find singers to express
' it as it ought to be ; for most of our churchmen, so
' they can cry louder in the quier than their fellowes,
' care for no more, whereas by the contrarie they
' ouglit to studie how to vowell and sing cleane,
' ex]n-essing their words with devotion and i)assion,
' whereby to draw the hearer, as it were in chaines of
' gold by the eares, to the consideration of holy things.'
In the sixty-seventh chapter of the first book
Zacconi enumerates the necessary qualifications of
a chapel-master.
In the thirty-eighth chapter of the second book
he speaks of the mass of Jusquin De Prez, ' Le
'Homme arme,' mentioned by Glareanus, Salinas,
Doni, and other writers, as one of the most excellent
compositions of the time. This he does to introduce
a mass of Palestrina with the same title, which he
gives at length, with his own remarks thereon.
The third book is on the snl)ject of proportion,
which he has explained and illustrated by a variety
of examples from the best authors.
At the end of the fourth and last book he enu-
merates the several musical instruments in use in h'*'-
time, with the compass of notes proper to each; in
his declaration whereof it is remarkable that he
makes bb the limit of the superacutes, and the
higliost note in the scale for the violin, a particular
from whence it is to be inferred that the practice of
shifting the hand was unknown to him.
In the year 1622 Zacconi published a second part
of his Prattica Musica, which Morley never saw, for
he died in 1604. The author at this time was
musician to Charles archduke of Austria, and also to
William duke of Bavaria, his former patron. In
this work he treats of the elements of music, and the
principles of composition.
Speaking of the invention of the syllables by
Guido Aretinus, he says that some of his time had
objected that it was imperfect, inasmuch as it gave
no syllable to tlie last note of the sejitenary, and
thereby incumbered the system with what are called
the mutations. And he mentions a musician, Don
Anselmo Fiammengo, who had formerly lieen in the
service of the duke of B :varia, and, as Orlando de
1 asso once told the author, made use of the syllable
Chap. XC.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
43<
HO in succession after that of la for the purpose of
getting rid of the mutations.*
Zacconi mentions also another musician, Don
Adriano Bianchieri, of Bologna, who for b fa made
use of the syllable ba, and for b mi the syllable bi,
a distinction, that, as above is related, has been
adopted by the Spaniards.
The rules for the composition of coiuiterpoint, of
fugue, and canon, in all their various forms laid down
by Zacconi, are drawn from the writings of Zarlino,
Artusi, and other the most celebrated Italian writers.
In the course of the work he takes occasion to men-
tion a conversation on music held in the presence of
Zarlino in the year 1584, in which a character was
given of the several musicians of that and the pre-
ceding age, and the respective attributes of each
pointed out and assented to by the persons then
present. To Costanzo Porta was ascribed great
art, and a regular contexture in his compositions ;
to Alessandro Striggio, a vague but artificial modula-
tion; and to Messer Adriano, by whom it is supposed
was meant Adrian Willaert, great art, with a judi-
cious disposition of parts : Morales, he says, was
allowed to have art, counterpoint, and good modula-
tion ; Orlando de Lasso, modulation, art, and good
invention ; and Palestrina, every excellence neces-
sary to form a great musician.
In the thirty-second chapter of the second book
he takes occasion to observe on the impiety of
introducing madrigals and secular songs among the
divine offices, the singing whereof is prohibited by
the church as a mortal sin ; from hence he takes
occasion to applaud Palestrina for his conduct in this
respect, who, he says, enriched the church with his
own sweet compositions, in a style suited to public
worship, calculated to promote the honour of God,
and to excite devotion in the minds of the auditors.
Carlo Gesualdo, prince of Venosa, flourished
about the latter end of the sixteenth century. Venosa
was the Vemisium of the Romans, and is now a prin-
cipality of tlie kingdom of Naples, situate in tliat
part of it called the Basilicate ; it is famous for being
the ])lace where Horace was born; and little less so
in the judgment of musicians on account of the
person now about to be spoken of. He was, as
Scipioue Cerreto relates, the nephew of Cardinal
* Tills objection has often been made to Guido's in-vention : Ericius
Pute:iiius added, as a seventh, the syllable bi. Kepler speaks of a certain
German who articulated the septenary by seven syllables, but reprehends
him for it in terms that serve at least to show that the method of sol-
misation by the hexachords is to be preferred to that of the tetrachords,
which prevailed some years in this country, and was practised by Dr.
Wallis. The passat<e from Kepler is to this effect : ' But as there are
' three places of the semitone in the tetrachord, therefore that these
'syllaliles might not be too general, hut rather that the semitone might
'always be denoted by mi, fa, or fa mi, there was a necessity for the
' addition of two other syllables, that in these ut, re, mi, fa, the semi-
' tone might be in tlie highest place, but that in these re, mi, fa, sol,
' the semitone might be in the middle place; and, lastly, that in these,
'MI, PA, SOL, LA, the semitone might be in the lowest place; and this
' is a reason why the inventors of the scale made use of six syllables and
' not eight ; therefore let the German see what advantage he has gained
'by the increase, when he made use of seven, instead of six syllables,
' BO, CE, Di, GA. Lo, MA, Ni ; for if he thought it was necessary to make
' use of as many notes save one, as there are chords in an octave, in order
* to represent the identity of the octave by the fust syllable bo. I pray
' you what deficiency was tlure in tiie letters a, b, c, d, e, f, g, which were
long before made use of for that purpose?' Joann. Keplcrus Harm.
Mundi, lib. IIL cap x.
Notwithstanding this argument of Kepler, it is well known that the
French to the six syllables of Guido add a seventh, namely, si, of the
introduction whereof by Le Maire an account is given in pag. IGO of this
work.
Alfonso Gesualdo, archbishop of Naples, and received
his instructions in music from Pomponio Nenna,
a celebrated composer of madrigals. Blancanus, in
his Chronologia Matheraaticorum. speaks thus of
him : ' The most noltle Carolus ( jlesualdus, prince
' of Venusium, was the prince of musicians of (jur
' age ; for he having recalled the Ilythmi into
' music, introduced such a style of modulation, that
* other nmsicians yielded the preference to him ; and
' all singers and players on stringed instruments, laying
' aside that of others, everywhere eagerly embraced his
' music' Mersennus, Kircher, Doni, Berardi, and in-
deed the writers in all countries, give him the character
of the most learned, ingenious, and artificial comjioser
of madrigals, for it was that species of music alone
which he studied, that ever appeared in the world.
Blancanus also relates that he died in the year 1614.
Alessandro Tassoni, who celebrates him in the
highest terms of commendation, adds to his character
this remarkable particular, viz., that he imitated and
improved that melancholy and plaintive kind of air
which distinguishes the Scots melodies, and which
was invented about the year 1420, by James the
First, king of Sct^tland, and t(j this he ascribes the
sweetness of his admirable compositions.
There are extant no fewer than six books of
madrigals for live, six, and more voices, of this
excellent author ; the first five were published in
parts in 1585 by Simone Molinaro, a musician, and
chapel-master of Genoa. The same person in the
year 1(313 published them, together with a sixth
bof)k in score, with this title, ' Partitura delli sei
' libri de' madrigali a cinque voci, dell' illustrissimo
' et excellentiss. Prencipe di Venosa D. Carlo
' Gesualdo. Fatica di Simone Molinaro, Maestro di
' Capella nel Duomo di Genoua. In Genoua, appresso
' Giuseppe Pavoni.' Folio.
It is very probable that the last of these pub-
lications was made under the direction of the author
himself, and that it was intended for the use of
students ; the madrigals contained in it are upwards
of one hundred in number : the sixth book was again
published in parts at Venice in IGlfi. In a MS. in
the music-school of Oxford, mention is made of two
other collections of madrigals of the prince of Venosa,
as namely, one by Scipio Stella in 1603, and another
by Hector Gesualdo in 1604 ; but that by Molinaro
above-mentioned, as it is in score, seems to be the
most valuable collection of his works extant, and
probably may include the whole of his compositions.
Doni speaking of the fourth madrigal in the sixth
book, ' Resta di darma noia,' calls it 'quell' artifi-
ciosissimo Madrigali del principe ;'| and indeed it
well deserves that epithet ; for being calculated to
express sorrow, it abounds with chromatic, and even
enarmonic intervals, indeed not easy to sing, but
admirably adapted to the sentiments.
Kircher, iu the Musurgia, tome I. pag. 599, men-
tions the following madrigal, being the first of the
first book of Molinaro's edition, as a fine example of
the amorous style.
t De' Pensieri diversi di Alessandro Tassoni, libro X cap. xxiii.
X Gio. Batt. Doni, iielle sue Compendio del Trattato de* Generi e do'
Modi della Musica. In Roma, 163.^, quarto, pag 16.
438
^=^=^^^^.
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book X.
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<2 ^, . , 1 ^-j-; 1-
non senteil
^^g3=E^
^^^
Tv:=l=
^=
^t=£
-0> f3> •
zdz
CO -
re hor mirendeteil co - re pervoi conuien ch'impari come un' al -ma ra-pi - ta
H N- — r-r— 1 \- \z r H - j iO— !"-
^-
g^t3^j£l^^E==^j4J^^^^^^^-f^gfe^
hor mi rendete il co - re pervoi conuien ch'impari
E^E^;
|tt_pZJ^Et:pz=J-
S
g
-e" o
•^
hor mi ren-de - - teil co - - re pervoi conuien ch'impari comeun' al- ma ra-pi _
^^
^
3.
i^E^
^S
=i"-
g
is
sente il duol di mor - te, non sente il duol di mor - te
come un' al - ma ra-pi - ta,
come un'-al -ma ra -
duol di mor - te
come un' al -ma ra - pi
3^^=Si=^
ta,
comeun' al - ma ra-pi - ta
m^^
^^
br(v
^-
^i
^^^^^^^
zjaz
^—d J tt
comeun' al- ma ra-pi - ta non senteil duol di mor
te.
comeun' al- ma ra-pi
i£
:E^^
3n=
¥^^ U
V^^i^f-^.
-x=
gE^EE
■^-
ta
come un' al - ma ra-pi - ta
non sente il duol di mor - - te.
"^^
^is^
ff=l=
-V^
:it
?:
znz
=1-
ta, come un' al - ma ra -pi - ta
non sente il duol di mor - - te, come un' al - ma ra -pi - ta
Chap. XC.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
439
pi
ta
nonsenteil duol di mor - te
e pur SI
==-4-^
m
i^
:^=^
zxi
-fH L-^C-
nonsenteil duol di mor-te
m
Eas
e pur 81 mo - re, epur si
^
s^
::jcii
^
zitzM
JXZ
nou sente il duol di mor
te
fc^S
^
e pur 81 mo - re, e pure pur
Ei
Hr
i:
5tz=
^
=3=
3t
3^^
3^
izi
~ry
al-mara-pi - ta nonsenteil duol di mor - te, di mor-te
e pur
81 mo - re,
S
^^
5v=):
41
5^^^
S
^^ig
iznft:
non sente il duol di mor
te
e pur 61
mo
re, e pur si
■^^
E^
fEE
mo
re
conuien ch'im-pa-ri
non sente il duol di
3^
S^E
ZfZZZfiZ
mor
i^
=^:
S=E
=^=^-
It
1^=:^
=^E
It
mo
re per voi conuien ch'im-pa- ri
non sente il duol di mor - te
5n=5^
^
jp=^-
-«s»— F
^
?3r:
:t:
SI mo
re per voi conuien ch'im-pa- ri
%
I— =1-
\f-** c
^
-^-
^
It
3E
^^=EE^
^=F^^^^>=:i
s
come un'
lEJZ
F^
pur SI mo
^
^
mot
re per voi conuien ch'im-pa - ri come iin'alma ra pi - ta, come un'alma ra-pi
ga!^^
-F-
P
mo - - re per voi conuien ch'im-pa-ri come un* - al-ma rapi - ta, come un'al-ma ra-pi -
^^^^
:?2=
^
te non sente il duol di
mor
^
T=-
Upl
te,
idz:
non sente il
7=^
Wi
come un' al - ma ra - pi
ta
non sente il duol di mor
t
63
iElJ
¥=^-
I?2I
±1
^
^
al - ma ra - pi
ta.
come un' al - ma ra - pi
±
^^m
^
^-
ta non sente il
::=;=Si
^1
duol di
=?2
ta non sente il duol di mor - te.
non sente il duol di mor
i=i^g
=^
- ta
non
sente" il duol di mor
te
^
5SEe£
^=JPO
:«ni
:^Ei^g^
duol di mor
te
t^S
ipi
^^
Ijcii
e pur SI
mo
re.
TEC
:^2ti
te
e pur 81
mo
re,
e pur SI
mo
m
^
33;
IZ2I
[^eeN^^
g
mor
te
e pur 81 mo
re,
lEi^l^E=|i
i" yr-
:t=
if2=E«ai
iii=£t=
l8^
^^^^
Et^
E^3
pur 81 mo
"l6» „ -^
re.
^rat
te di mor
tee
pur 81
mo -
re.
e pur 81 mo
re.
^
-\
pur
irtz
Bi mo
m
-^ rt-
re,
lo T*i
itn
pur si
'::^^z
mo
re.
1
440
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book X.
^^
i^
^
-wri
per- clie sempreio vi ba -
ci.
^-
^^
^^-
m
per - che sempre io vi ba
<
Oh
Quanto h§, di dolce
per-che sempre io vi
^
m
-jotz
Quanto ha di dolce a - mo
re
eg ^
5
^l
i:
:g^E
Quanto ha di dolce a - mo
re
per - che
i
~m
piSf=E=^
P
I
per - che sempre io vi ba
ci
i*^
—r-m — e* m — «* «
o dol - cis - si - me ro - se,
ZiX=fll
:pr
N— N-
5
tp:
g* rt
- Gl
sempre lo
vi ba
ci 0 dol - cis - si - me ro
se
m voi
tut
c
is
to ri-po - se,
ba
tZzzPz
ci sempre iovi ba
31
W-
W--W
dol - cis- si -me ro
-N —
se
m vol
tut
3e
^
^m
to ri-po - se,
eE
S
per
che sempre io vi ba-ci o dol -cis - si-me ro - se in voi
tut
to ri-po
- se,
^^=
-^
t
sempre iovi ba
^
W:^^^
ei
dol - cis - si - me ro - se,
Eg
^^m=&.
quanto ha di dolce a
:E:
mo
re
b=b:=
i?J^^
:p:
it-
per - die
— • — 1«—
to?^^E£
quanto
h3, di dolce a - mo
re
i^pH-
r^;
It
g^gg.^
per
che sem -
quanto
h^ di dolce a - mo - re
per- che sempreio vi ba - ci per-che
%
feii^a^*
=1=
zictz
isifj?^^
per-che sempre io vi ba
ci.
^
^
sempre io vi ba - ci,
3E
&-
^
perche sempre io vi ba - ci, per-che sempre io vi
t^g
i
w
,=^^==
: o J2n
z9=A^l^7Ji=
--^■
r=fe?z
H-^i
sempre io vi ba
=giE
Cl
dol - cis
^^E=^=
si-me ro - se
-t:==E=
m VOI
m
i^i^ig
- pre io
vl ba
Cl
dol - cis
si-me ro - se
m
^?
=pz;
^S^^
;-^^
?2:
y» — r»'
^=ii3£igH^^Ss=3ii^
H
sempre io vi ba
Cl
=!:
o dol - cis
-jO —
SI me
ro - se
in vol
i^^iti^^^^g^iiiig^jgi
tut - to li - po - se, in
:pd-q=::i:
^^
sempreio vi ba - ci
-tj>-
zi^Hz
dol - cis - si-me ro - se in voi
^-^
:fc^
?5.
in voi tut-to li-po
se.
--=t
*^
ba
Cl
dol - cis
si-uie ro - se
m vol
tut
n 1-
to ri - po - sc,
Chap. XCI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
441
m J '
r=i=i±
'^^E=!^
-fr:
-4S-
tut - to ri - po
se,
ct2=;
m=^:^=l^-=^z
deh, deh s'io po - tes - si
^ze^^^E^^
|6» — ^P
■te=?
jtn
=p-pi
.?3=PP-«=ff-:
vol
tut
i^
to ri - po
iip=
ai vostri dolci ba -
^■-
se, deh, deh s'io po - tessi ai vostri dolci ba - ci, ai vostri dolci ba
:^^^
;E
zzii
giigg3E{
vol
in
^^-
^
e:
^ — — — ^ — ^ ^ _j^ ,fc
voi tut - to ri-po - se, deh, deli s'io potessi a! vostri dolci ba - ci, ai vostri dolci ba -
-_ — o «-:= 1— I 1 m — t^:: »^'^^^^»— ■-# — _— ■ r-^ m — ■— r-«— ^
m
in voi
tut
'^^^mm^^^^^m
to ri-po - se, deh, deh s'io po - tessi ai vostri dolci ba - ci, ai vo stri dolci ba
^^^^
3ES
^^
deh, deh s'io po - tessi ai vostri dolci ba - ci, li vostri dolci ba -
^m
^
^=^1
^
^
=rt;
--3^=^
I
m
ci la mia vi - ta fl - ni
re
che dol - ce mo - ri -
re.
- ci la mia vi - ta fi
ICC
'f2-
11
-^3^.
nz
re
E^E
=»n=
=t
3J:
^
che dol - ce mo - ri - re.
m
Cl
la mia vi - ta fi - ni
re
che dol
ce mo • n
-^^
?eS^.
Egi^
:=l-
xt:
^i^
:3=
ct:
iidi
1=3^313^^
ci
la mia vi - ta fi - ni
Tfr
re la mia vi - ta fi
ni - re
che dol
ce mo - ri
-x:
?^
fX-~
E^=SI
Cl
la 111
la VI -
ta fi
ni
re
o che
\Sl
=m
g^gg^^
^=i=l^
-<^ ■/•)-
rE^
F^ftfz:
EE^
o che dol
?;
E3^]
ce mo - ri - re, o che dol - ce mori - re, o che dol - ce mo
ggEEg
n
^
:^^
t:
g^^
r=^
E^i
::^z=
=J=p
rt
jazzrxt-
t=.t:.
=P=I=-
-I 1-=
re
0 che dol - ce mo-ri
re.
0 che dol
*££
t:
ce mo - n - re.
o che dol-ce mo-ri
re.
EttE
gapgagfjg^
re,
che dol - ce
mo-n
re,
j^:^E^Ep^^J^iEgEE^^E=g^^^:
o die dol-ce mo-ri
^Ez-fe^E
^E^^
;r2i
^lot
^^
re, o che dol - ce . mo-ri - re, o che dol - ce mo- ri
re,
0 che dol-ce mo- ri
IDC
=t:
i
E^i^^S^il
*B
dol - ce mo-ri - re,
And page 601 of the same tome of the Musurgia,
he recommends the nineteenth madrigal of the third
book, ' Dolcissimo sospiri,' as an example of sorrow.
Again, the same author, page GOW of the same
tome of the Musurgia, recommends the twenty-second
madrigal of the sixth book, ' Gia piansi nel dolore,'
as an example of joy and exultation.
The distinguishing excellences of the compositions
of this admirable author are. fine contrivance, original
harmony, and the sweetest modulation conceivable ;
and these he possessed in so eminent a degree, that
one of the finest musicians that these later times
-lOk-
o che dol - ce mo - ri - Ve.
Carlo Gesualdo, Premcipe Di Venosa.
have known, Mr. Gerainiani, has been often heard
to declare that he laid the foundation of his studies
in the works of the Prencipe di Venosa.
CHAP. XCI.
The prince of Venosa is not the only person of
rank who has distinguished himself by his skill in
music. Kircher mentions an earl of Somerset as
tlie inventor of a certain kind of Chelys or viol of
eight cliords, which contained all the secrets of music,
in an eminent degree, and ravished every hearer
442
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book X.
with admiration. Musurg. torn. I. pag. 486 * And
Walther says of Maurice, landgrave of Hesse Cassel,
that he was an excellent composer of music. Peacham
speaks to the same purpose, and gives the following
account of him: —
' Above others who carryeth away the palme for
' excellency, not onely in musicke, but in whatsoever
' is to be wished in a brave prince, is the yet living
' Maurice, Landgrave of Hessen, of whose owne
' composition I have scene eight or ten severall setts
' of motets and solerane musicke, set purposely for his
' owne chappell,f where, for the great honour of
' some festivall, and many times for his recreation
' onely, he is his owne organist. Besides he readily
' speaketh ten or twelve severall languages ; he is so
' universall a scholler, that comming, as he doth often,
' to his university of Marpui'ge, what questions soever
' he meeteth with set up, as the manner is in the
' Germane and our universities, hee will ex tempore
' dispute an houre or two (even in bootes and spurres)
' upon them with their best professors. I passe over
' his rare skill in chirurgery, he being generally
' accounted the best bone-setter in the country. Who
' have scene his estate, his hospitality, his rich fur-
' nished armory, his brave stable of great horses, his
' curtesie to all strangers, being men of quality and
' good parts, let them speake the rest.' J But to be
more particular as to his skill in music. Valentine
Guckius began a work entitled ' Opera metrici sacri
' sanctorum, Dominicalium et feriarum,' but never
finished it ; this work was completed and published
by Maurice, landgrave of Hesse, above-mentioned.
Giovanni Croce, of Venice, flourished at this time.
He was chapel-master of St. Mark's, and very pro-
* We know of no earl of Somerset to whom the invention of any such
musical instrument may be ascribed. Edward Somerset, marquis of
Worcester, the friend and favourite of king Charles I. was remarkable for
his inventive faculty, which he endeavoured to manifest in a little book
entitled ' A century of the names and scantlings of such inventions as at
' present I can call to mind to have tried and perfected [my former notes
' being lost] ;' first printed in 1663, and since among the Harleian tracts.
Mr. Walpole has given an accoimt of the contents of this book, not more
humorous than just, in the following words ; ' It is a very small piece,
'containing a dedication to Charles the Second, another to both houses
■ of parliament, in which he affirms having, in the presence of Charles
' the First, performed many of the feats mentioned in his book ; a table
' of contents, and the work itself, which is but a table of contents neither,
' being a list of an hundred projects, most of them impossibilities, but all
' of which he affirms having discovered the art of performing : some of
' the easiest seem to be, how to write with a single line ; with a point ;
' how to use all the senses indifferently for each other, as, to talk by
' colours, and to read by the taste ; to make an unsinkable ship : how to
' do and to prevent the same thing ; how to sail against wind and tide ; how
' to form an universal character ; how to converse by jangling bells out
' of tune ; how to take towns or prevent their being taken ; how to write
*in the dark ; how to cheat with dice ; and, in short, how to fly. Of all
' these wonderful inventions the last but one seems the only one of which
' his lordship has left the secret.' Catalogue of Royal and Noble Authors
vol. I. pag. 242.
+ These had been procured by Douland when he was abroad, and were
shewn by him to Peacham at sundry times. Peacham's Emblems,
pag. 101, in not.
t Compl. Gent. edit. 1634, pag. 99. It seems that formerly the cha-
racter of this prince was well known, and his reputation very high in
England, for till within these few years his head was the sign of a
reputable public-house on the north side of the high eastern road leading
to Mile-end from London ; it represented a general in armour, and was
underwrote Grave, i. e. Landgrave, Maurice ; and upon repainting the
sign, by corruption, Morris.
From this circumstance it should seem that he was a favourite with
the English, who, though they might be strangers to his endowments,
might esteem him for his firm attachment to the protestant religion, for
the preservation whereof he formed a league in 1603, which produced a
union of the protestant powers; but being overpowered by count Tilly
in 1626, he was compelled to surrender his estates to his son William,
and spend his days in retirement. He died in 1632, and is not less cele-
brated for his learning and piety, than for his many and various ac-
complishments. Heyl. Cosm. 41U.
bably the immediate successor of Zarlino. Zacconi,
in his ' Prattica di musica,' published in 1596, styles
him vice-master of the chapel of St. Mark ; from
whence it is pretty certain that he must at first have
been the substitute of Zarlino in that office. Morley
commends him highly ; and Peacham says that for
a full, lofty, and sprightly vein, he was second to
none , he adds, that while he lived he was one of the
most free and brave companions in the world.
Nevertheless his compositions are all of a devout and
serious kind, and of these, his Penitential Psalms,
which have been printed with English words, are
the best.
Sethus Calvisius, the son of a poor peasant named
Jacob Kalwitz, of Gorschleb near Sachsenburg in
Thuringia, was born on the twenty -first day of
February, in the year 1556. He received the ru-
diments of learning in the public school of Francken-
hausen, but, after three years stay, was removed to
Magdeburg, from whence he was sent to the university
of Leipsic, having no other means of support there
than the contributions of some persons whom he had
made his friends. His pursuits in learning were
various, for he is not more celebrated as a musician
than a chronologer ; but it is in the first capacity
that he is here spoken of ; and indeed he was deemed
so able a proficient in music, that very early in his
life he hatl the direction of the choir in the university
church, and soon after became preceptor in music in
the Schul - Pforte, or principal school in Upper-
Saxony ; ten years after which, he became chanter
in the church of St. Thomas in the city of Leipsic,
and fellow of the college there, in which stations he
died on the twenty-third day of November, in the
year 1617, or, as some write, 1615. The greatness
of his reputation procured him many invitations to
settle in foreign universities, but he declined them
all. His musical writings are, ' Melopeiam, sen
' melodise condendae rationem, quam vulgo musicam
' poeticam vocant,' printed at Erfurth in 1595, as
Lipenius places it, or, according to others, in 1602.
In 1611 he published his Opuscula Musica, and in
the year after, his Compendium Musicum, a book for
the instruction of beginners ; but a metliod of sol-
misation by the seven syllables, bo, ce, di, ga, lo, ma,
Ni, having then lately been introduced, which he
seemed greatly to approve, he republished it in the
same year, with the title of ' Musicse artis pr^ecepta
nova et facillima, &c.' He also published ' Exer-
' citationes musicas,' in number three. In 1615 he
composed the hundred and fiftieth Psalm in twelve
parts, for three choirs, on the nuptials of Caspar
Anckelman, a merchant of Hamburg, and caused it
to be printed in folio at Leipsic.
Of the Exercitationes, the first is on the modes of
the ancients, and contains a catalogue of compositions
by the old German, Flemish, and Italian masters in
those several modes.
The second of the Exercitationes is entitled ' De
* Initio et Progressu musices, et aliis (juibusdam ad
' cam rem spectantibus.' This appears to be the
substance of lectures read by the author in the public
school at Leipsic, and is a very learned, ingenious.
Chap. XCI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
443
and entertaining composition. In it he takes notice
of that invention of an anonymous Dutch musician
for avoiding the mutations, by giving to the septenary
the syllables bo, ce, di, ga, lo, ma, ni, which, as has
been mentioned in a preceding note, Kepler has
taken notice of and reprehended. The two first
parts of the Exercitationes were printed at Leipsic
in 1600.
Calvisius in this discourse inclines to the opinion
that polyphonous music was unknown to the ancient
Greeks ; and for fixing the era of its invention,
observes that Bede makes use of the terms Concentus,
Discantus, Organis, from which it is to be inferred
that he was not able to carry it higher than the
beginning of the eighth century, about which time
Bede wrote.
The last of the Exercitationes, printed at Leipsic
in 1611, contains a refutation of certain opinions of
Hippolytus Hubmeier, poet-laureate to the emperor,
and a public teacher at Gottingen, who it seems had
written on music.
Our countryman Butler cites Calvisius in almost
every page of his Principles of Music ; and in one
place in particular uses these words : ' Sethus Cal-
' visius, that singular musician, to whom the students
' of this abstruse and mysterious faculty are more be-
' holden than to all that have ever written thereon.' His
chronological writings are greatly esteemed ; in them
he had the good fortune to please Joseph Scaliger,
who has given him great commendations : he wrote
against the Gregorian calendar a work entitled
' Elenchus Calendarii Gregoriani, et duplex Calen-
* darii melioris formula,' published at Frankfort in
1612, and lastly, Chronologia, printed at the same
place in 1629.
Giovanni Maria Artusi, an ecclesiastic of Bologna,
of whom mention has already been made in the
course of this work, was the author of an excellent
treatise entitled ' L'Arte del Contraponto Ridotta in
' Tavole,' published in 1586, of which an account has
herein-before been given, and also of a discourse
which he entitles ' L' Artusi, overo delle Imperfettioni
' della moderna Musica, Ragionamenti dui,' printed
at Venice in the year 1600.
The latter of these two treatises is a dialogue,
which the author introduces with the following
relation : —
' Upon the arrival of Margaret queen of Austria
' at Ferrara, in 1598, with a noble train, to celebrate
' a double marriage between herself and Philip III.
♦ of Spain, and between the archduke Albert and the
t infanta Isabella the king's sister ; soon after the
« nuptials they visited the monastery of St. Vito,
• where, for the entertainment of their royal guests,
« the nuns performed a concert, in which were heard
. cornets, trumpets, violins, bastard viols, double
> harps, lutes, flutes, harpsichords, and voices at the
< same time, with such sweetness of harmony, that
' the place seemed to be the mount of Parnassus, or
* Paradise itself.'
On this occasion two of the auditors, who happened
to meet there, and were greatly pleased with the
performance, enter into a conversation on the sul)ject
of music in general. It is needless to follow the in-
terlocutors through the whole of the dialogue, but it
may be taken for granted that, notwithstanding the
form it bears, it contains the sentiments of Artusi
himself, who, after delivering some very obvious
rules for the ordering of a musical performance,
whether vocal or instrumental, such as the choice of
place, of instruments, of voices, and lastly, of the
compositions themselves, declares himself to the fol-
lowing purpose : and speaking first of the Cornet, he
says that the tone of that instrument depends greatly
upon the manner of tonguing it, concerning which
practice he delivers many precepts, which at this
time it would be of very little use to enumerate.
The cornet is an instrument now but little known,
it having above a century ago given place to the
hautboy ; Artusi seems to have held it in high
estimation ; his sentiments of it will be best delivered
in his own words, which are these : —
' To give the best tone, the performer on the cornet
' should endeavour to imitate the human voice ; for
' no other instrument is so difficult to attain to ex-
' cellence on as this ; the trumpet is sounded by the
* breath alone ; the lute by the motion of the hands ;
' the harpsichord and the harp may be attained by
' long practice ; but the cornet requires the know-
' ledge of the diiTerent methods of tonguing, and the
' changes to be made therein according to the quality
' of the several notes ; a proper opening of the lips
' joined to a ready finger attained by long habit ; all
' these excellencies were possessed by Girolamo da
' Udine of Venice, and other eminent performers on
' that instrument who flourished formerly in Italy.'
In his observations on other instruments he speaks
to this purpose : the different construction of instru-
ments will occasion a diversity in their sounds ; first,
in respect of the matter of which they are formed ;
secondly, of the chords of some, and the pipes of
others ; and, thirdly, to speak of stringed instruments
only, by reason of the manner in which the chords
are struck. Under these several heads he makes the
following remarks, viz., that the lute being a larger
instrument than the guitar, the sound thereof is
more diffused ; as a proof whereof he says, that a
string of the one being put on the other, will produce
a change of tone derived from the effect of the
different instrument ; and that for the same reason,
a gut string being put upon a harpsichord, the sound
thereof is lost, or scarce heard. Farther, that a silver
string will produce a sound more or less sweet, ac-
cording to the quality and degree of the alloy with
which the metal is attempered ; and that if a string
of Spanish gold, the alloy of which is harder than
that of the Venetian, be put on a guitar, it will
render a sweet, but a string of pure gold or silver an
unpleasing sound. As to pipes, he says there can be
no doubt but that leaden ones have a sweeter tone
than those of tin or any harder metal. And as to the
percussion of chords, he says that if a chord of metal
or gut be struck with the finger, it must produce a
sweeter sound than if struck by any thing else.
These observations demonstrate the imperfections of
instruments, though in general they are but little
attended to.
Farther, the different tuning or temperature of
444
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book X.
instruments is such, tluit oftentimes one interval is
sounded for another ; and frequently in the diatonic
genus one performer will observe the syntonous
division of Ptolemy, another that of Aristoxenus :
and this also, says this author, is an evidence of the
imperfection insisted on.
lie cites from Ptolemy a passage, wherein it is
asserted that in wind-instruments no certainty of
sound can be depended on ; and another from
Aristoxenus to tlie same purpose, but more general,
as applying to all instruments whatsoever.
From hence he takes occasion to consider the in-
struments of the moderns, and the temperaments of
each species or class ; the first he makes to consist of
such as are tempered with the tones equal and the
semitones unequal, as the organ, harpsichord, spinnet,
monochord, and double harp. The instruments of
the second class, under which he ranks such as are
altered or attempered occasionally, are the human
voice, trombone, trumpet, rebec, cornet, flute, and
dulzain.* In the third class, consisting of instruments
in which both the tones and semitones are equally
divided, are placed the lute, viol, bastard viol, guitar,
and lyre.
From this arrangement of instruments, and a com-
parative view of the temperaments proper to each,
Artusi draws a conclusion, which, if not too refined,
appears to be very judicious, namely, that in music
in consonance the instruments of the first and third
class ought never to be conjoined.
In the course of the dialogue Artusi puts into the
mouth of one of the interlocutors this question, ' Had
' the ancients music in consonance, or not ? ' To this
the answer is, ' I deny that the ancients had the
' knowledge of all those consonances that we make
' use of, as clearly may be read in Aristoxenus, lib. I.
' in Ptolemy, lib. I. cap. x. and in Euclid, who says,
" Sunt consona diatessaron, diapente, diapason et
" similia ; dissona autem sunt ea qnss minora, quam
" diatessaron, ut diesis, semitonium, tonus, sesqui-
" tonus, et ditonus." From these authorities it must
' be believed that the ancients had not the imperfect
' consonances, the thirds, and sixths ; or if they had
' any knowledge of them, they never used them, but
' reputed them discords.'
And touching the comparative excellence of the
ancient and modern music, Artusi delivers his senti-
ments to this purpose : — •
' The music of the ancients being more simple,
' caused a greater impression on the mind than can
' be effected by that of the moderns ; which consisting
' in a variety of parts, whereof some are grave and
' others acute ; some proceeding by a slow, others by
* The Dulzain, otherwise called tlie Dulcino, is a wind-instrument,
used as a tenor to the hautboy. Brossard calls it the Quart FaROtto ;
and adds, that it is a small bassoon. That it is a liind of liautboy ap-
pears from a passage in Don Quixote. In the adventure of the puppet-
show, the boy, who is the interpreter, desires the spectators to attend to
the sound of the bells which rang in the steeples in the mosques of
Sansuenna to spread tlie alann of Melisendra's flight. Peter, the master
of the show, is all the while behind ringing the bells, upon which Don
Quixote calls out. ' Master Peter, you are very much mistaken in this
' business of the bells ; for you are to know that among the Moors there
'are no bells, and that instead of them they make use of kettle-drums,
' and a kind of Dulzayns, like our Chirimias.' Chirimia in the Si)anish
dictionaries is interpreted by the Latin Tihicen, inis ; and Chirimias is
by Jarvis properly enough translated Wails, that is to say hautboys;
though, by a mistake arising from his want of skill in music, he has
rendered the word DulzAynas, Dulcimers.
' a quick motion, divides the attention, and keeps the
' mind in suspense : so that although it may be said
' tliat the music of the moderns consists in a richer
' and fuller harmony than that of the ancients, it is
' inferior to it in respect of the melody, and its power
' over the human mind.'
In the course of this dialogue, Artusi takes occasion
to celebrate Cypriano De Rore, whom he styles a
skilful composer, and the first that accommodated
judiciously words to music, a practice which before his
time was but very little understood by musicians.
Towards the end of the first of the Ragionamenti is
a madrigal for two voices of Adriano Willaert, copied
as Artusi testifies, from tlie writing of the author
himself, and closing with the interval of a seventh,
though to appearance the cadence is in the diapason.
To this madrigal is subjoined a letter jirinted from
the original manuscript of Giovanni Spataro of
Bologna, dated 9th September, 1524, purporting to
be a criticism on it, wherein the author, after many
honourable expressions in commendation of Messer
Adriano and his works, censures him for having, by
an unwarrantable kind of sophistry, made the madrigal
in question, by the use of the flat signature, to appear
different from what it really is.
Spataro's letter is replete with musical erudition.
Artusi says that it came from a good school, and that
the author was a most acute musician. It is followed
by reflections of Artusi on what he calls Musica finta,
in Latin Musica ficta, or feigned juusic, that is to
say, that kind of music in wliich a change of the in-
tervals is effected in various instances, by the use or
application of the flat siunature : Artusi seems to lie
no friend to this jiractice, and censures the multipli-
cation of the transposed keys beyond certain limits.
He then proceeds to relate the dispute between
Nicola Vicentino and Vincentio Lusitano in 1551.
The latter maintaining that the then modern scale
was purely diatonic, and the other asserting that the
same consisted of a mixture of the chromatic and
enarmonic genera ; Artusi seems not to have attended
to the concessions made by Vincentio Lusitano,
which are so much the more M'orthy of note, as they
were made after a determination in his favour, and
nevertheless adopts his first opinion, and accordingly
approves of the sentence against Vicentino by the
judges in the controversy, Bartolomeo Esgobedo, and
Ghisilino D'Ancherts.
CHAP. XCII.
In the second of the Ragionamenti are contained
the censures of Artusi on a madrigal in five parts
by an anonymous author, which, though it had been
much applauded by the vulgar, is l)y him shown to
be very faulty.
Speaking of the ancient modes, and of the desig-
nation of each of them by Euclid and Ptolemy, he re-
marks that these two writers differ in the order of the
modes, though they agree both in the number and con-
struction of them ; for that in those of Ptolemy the
tones and semitones in the ascending, succeed in the
same order as those of Euclid do in the descending
series.
Chap. XCIL AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC. 445
Notwithstanding the several essays towards a tem- most strongly marked ; yet to this very same Bot-
perature which are to be met with in the writings of trigaro, the adversary of Patricio, and the aggressor
Artusi, it is clear that he was not of the Aristoxenean in the dispute, does Artnsi dedicate his book, and
sect of musicians ; for of Aristoxenus himself he says that in terms so equivocal, tliat it is not easy' to
that he is ' una discordante discordia,' and that among discover that he means at once to flatter and revile
his followers there is infinite confusion. him. In order to do this consistently, he very art-
He says that all the moderns are at variance with fully affects to consider Bottrigaro's book II Patricio
respect to the number, the order, and situation of the as the work of an anonymous writer, calling him
modes; and that neither Odo, Guido Aretinus, nor 'I'Auttor del parere ;' and sticks not to say that in
Jacobus Faber iStapulensis, seem to have understood calunniiating Patricio he does but bark at tlie moon,
the meaning of Boetius, which he ascribes to the many Artusi's book, besides that it is a defence of Fran-
errors in the manuscript copies. cesco Patricio, contains also an enquiry into the prin-
Artusi seems to agree with Glareanus in making ciples of some modern innovators in music : of these,
the modes to be twelve in number, but he differs from one named Ottavio Ottusi, conceiving that the censures
him in liis designation of them. By what artifice the of Artusi were meant to reach himself, wrote a letter
modes are made to exceed the species of diapason, has ^ Artusi, wherein he advances the following absurd
already been mentioned; and, as to the difference positions, viz., that the discord of tlie seventh is sweeter
between the modes of Glareanus and Artusi, the to the ear than the octave ; that the seventh may move
subject is so iminteresting, that it merits very little up to the i)ctave, and the fourth into the fifth ; the
attention at this day. third into the fourth, and the fifth into either of the
Towards the close of this treatise, Artusi observes sixths. This letter produced a controversy, which
that every cantilena is mixed and composed of two clearly appears to have terminated in favour of Artusi.
modes, that is to say, the authentic and the plagal Xo this second part of the treatise ' Delle Imper-
respectively in each of the several species of diapason ; < fettioni della moderna musica,' are added ' Consi-
and that a cantilena, by being made to sing both back- < deration! musicali ;' these contain the author's senti-
ward and forward, may consist of four modes ; and ments of Patricio and his work, as also the objections
of this he gives an example in that enigmatical of his opponent. They are delivered with a becoming
madrigal composed by Costanzo Porta, inserted in ^eal for the honour of his memory, and in terms,
book V. chap. XLIV. of this work, saying that it is a which though they indicate a respect for the rank and
fine and new invention. station in life of Signer Cavaliere Hercole Battrigaro,
In the year 1603, Artusi published a second part of sufficiently shew how far he ventured to differ from
this work, the occasion whereof is related in the pre- ]^\^ i^ opinion.
face, and is as follows : ' One Francesco Patricio, in -^qy did Artusi rest the dispute here : Annibale
' the year 1586, had written a treatise intitled " Delia Meloni, it seems, was his friend ; Meloni had shewn
" poetica deca historiale, deca disputata," wherein jjim ^jg book II Desiderio, but Artusi excused him-
• discoursing of music and poetry, he takes occasion gelf from perusing it, as not being willing to forward
' to speak of the genera of the ancients, but in a way ^ publication that in the least reflected on the doctrines
' that in the opinion of some was liable to exception.' delivered by Patricio : he nevertheless entertained a
This book was severely censured by Hercole Bot- \i[g\^ opinion of its author, as appears by what he says
trigaro in a discourse entitled ' II Patricio, overo de of" him in the preface to the second part of his book
■ tetracordi armonici di Aristosseno, parere e vera Ddle Imperfettioni ; and after its publication in 1594,
' demostratione dell' Illustre Signor Cavaliere Her- gome remaining copies coming to his hands, he re-
' cole Bottrigaro.' In Bologna, 1593, in qiiarto ; piiblished it in IGOl, with a preface, in which he
and Patricio's book coming also to the hands of intimates an opinion then generally prevalent that
Annibale Meloni, a musician of Bologna,* he too Battrigaro was tlie author of the book ; and upon
published remarks on it entitled ' II Desiderio di this he takes occasion to reproach him for arrogating
' Alemanno Benelli,' a name formed by the trans- to himself the merit of so excellent a work, and for
position of the letters of the name Annibale Meloni ; ^ot openly and publicly disclaiming all pretence to
in it are some reflections, rather on the doctrines than the honour of writing it.
the character of Francesco Patricio, wherefore he being The moderation of Artusi in his treatment of liis
dead, Artusi undertook to vindicate him from the ca- adversary is very remarkable, for he blames him only
lumnies of the one and the insinuations of the other of for suffering an opinion to prevail that he was the
these his adversaries. author of II Desiderio ; but he might have carried
The conduct of Artusi in the management of this the charge against him much farther ; for Bottrigaro
controversy is somewhat singular ; for although the having got possession of the manuscript at a time
second part of the treatise Delle Imperfettioni,^ and when Annibale Meloni consulted him about it, he
more especially the Considerationi Musicali, printed caused a copy to be made of it, and had the eftrontery
at the end of it, are a defence of Patricio, and an to publish it as his own ; there is now extant an im-
examen of Bottrigaro's book, II Patricio, in which pression of it with this title ' II Desiderio ; overo de'
many errors contained in it are pointed out, and < concerti di vari stromenti musicali, dialogo di musica
* Annibale Meloni was a man of considerable leariiins. Artusi, in the ' ^\[ Ercolc Bottrigari.' lu Bologna per il Bellagand)a,
preface to his second part of tlie treatise Delle ImpcrlVtiioni, mentions a ^ ^, ^ . . i
certain demonstration of some of the problems of Aristotle, and other lO.'U, tu quaiiu. |
wnrks of his wriiine. For his profession we are to seek, thout;h Bottrigaro ,, ,• i. i- i „i i7or
Ttvles hini ' MoUo liarM. Anoibale Meloue Uecano de Musica urdinarii t N. Haym. Notizia de' hbn ran nella lingua Italtana. Lond. 1726,
Ulustribs. Signoria di Bolot,'"a.' «<;tavo, pag. 2bi).
446
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book X.
In the year 1G04, Artusi published at Bologna
a small tract in quarto, entitled ' Impresa del molto
' R. M. Gioseffo Zarliuo da Chioggia.' It seems that
Zarlino, some time before his decease, agreeably to
the practice of many learned men in all faculties,
had chosen for himself a device or impress adapted
to his profession, and alluding to that method of
reasoning which he had pursued in the course of his
studies for demonstrating the harmonical ratios. This
impress, which probably he might make the subject of
an intaglio, or otherwise assume, was a cube, on which
were drawn a variety of lines intersecting each other,
and forming angles in harmonical ratios, with this
motto above, 'OYAEN XOPrs 'EMOX that is to say,
' Nothing without me,' and underneath this, 'AEI' 'O
'AYTO'S ' Always the same.'
The diagrams inscribed on the three apparent sides
of the above figure are such as Zarlino, in the course of
his writings, had invented for the purpose of demon-
strating the ratios of the consonances. Artusi's book
is a commentary on the impress at large, with a formal
declaration of the doctrines referred to by it; but from
what has been said of the Helicon of Ptolemy, and the
subsequent improvement of it, mentioned in the ac-
count herein-before given of Zarlino and his writings,
the general import of these diagrams may be easily
perceived.
The foregoing account of Bottrigaro and Artusi,
and the controversy between them respecting Fran-
cesco Patricio, renders it necessary to speak of the
treatise intitled II Desiderio.
As to the book intitled II Dwiderio, it is a curious
and entertaining dialogue on the concerts which at
the time of writing it were the entertainment of
persons of the first rank in the principal cities of
Italy, particularly Venice and Ferrara. The inter-
locutors in it are Gratioso Desiderio, who, although
the title of the book is taken from his name, seems
to be a fictitious person, and the author himself under
the name of Alemanno Benelli. In the course of the
conversation, the principles of harmony, as delivered
by the Greek and Italian writers, are investigated
with great learning and ingenuity, with a view to
ectablish a preference of the modern to the ancient
music. In support of his argument, the author
recurs to that which is ostensibly the subject of his
book, and speaks fii'st of the concerts at Venice ;
next of those of the Academici Filarmonici at
Verona ; * and, lastly, of those performed in the
ducal palace at Ferrara, of which he gives a par-
ticular description ; for after taking notice of the
grandeur and elegance of the apartments, and par-
ticularly of that splendid room in which the concert
was accustomed to be given, he relates that the duke
had in his service a great number of singers with
fine voices, and excellent performers on various in-
struments, as well foreigners as Italians ; and that
the instruments made use of in concert were the
cornet, trumpet, dulzain, flutes of various kinds, the
viol, rebec, lute, cittern, harp, and harpsichord, and
these to a considerable number.
After this general account of the instruments, the
author mentions certain others which himself saw at
the palace of the duke, and were there preserved,
some for their antiquity, and others in respect of the
singularity of their construction ; among these he
takes notice of a curious organ, formed to the re-
semblance of a screw, with pipes of box-wood all of
one piece, like a flute ; and a harpsichord invented
by Don Nicola Vicentino surnamed Arcimusico,
comprehending in the division of it the three har-
monic genera. He adds that the multitude of chords
in this astonishing instrument rendered it very
difficult to tune, and more so to play ; and that for
this latter reason the most skilful performers would
seldom care to meddle with it : nevertheless, he
adds, that Luzzasco, the chief organist of his high-
ness, who it is supposed must have understood and
been familiar with the instrument, was able to play
on it with wonderful skill. He says that this in-
strument by way of pre-eminence was called the
Archicembalo ; and that after the model of it two
organs were built, the one at Rome, by the order of
the Cardinal of Ferrara, and the other at Milan,
under the direction of the inventor Don Nicola, in
or about the year 1575, who died of the plague soon
after it was finished.
The author relates that the duke of Ferrara had
many Italian and foreign musicians retained in his
service ; and a very large collection of musical com-
positions, in print and in manuscript, and a great
number of servants, whose employment it was to
keep the books and instruments in order, and to tune
the latter. The principal director of the musical
* The Accademia degli Filarmonici was instituted first at Vicenza.
The time when cannot be precisely ascertained ; but appears by an in-
strument of a public notary, yet extant, that so early as the year 1565 the
Accademia degli Incatenati was incorporated with it, after which the
members, upon their joint application to the magistracy of Verona, ob-
tained a grant of a piece of ground, whereon a sumptuous edifice was
erected ; to this the nobility and gentrj- of the city were used to resort
once a week, and entertain themselves with music: about the year 1732
a theatre was added to the great hall for the performance of operas.
Walth. Lex. pag. 4.
The academy above-mentioned is supposed to be the most ancient of
the kind of any in Italy, but since the institution of it others have been
established, which, as they will be occasionally spoken of hereafter, it may
not be improper to give an account of here. And 'first it is to be noted
that in the year 1G22 a society was established at Bologna by Girolamo
Giacobbi, called the Accademia de' Filomusi ; the symbol of this fraternity
was a little hill with reeds or canes growing on it, the motto ' Vocis dul-
' cedine captant.' In 1633 another was instituted in the same city by
Domenico Uurnetti and Francesco Bertacchi, called the Accademia de'
Musici Filacliisi, having for its symbol a pair of kettle-drums, and for a
motto ' Orbem demulcet attactu." One of the two is yet subsisting, bat
it is uncertain which. Ibid.
Chap. XCITI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
W,
performances was [Ippolito] Fiorino, maestro di
cappella to his highness the duke.
Whenever a concert was to be performed at the
duke's palace, circular letters were issued, requiring
the attendance of the several performers, who were
only such as had been previously approved of by
the duke and Luzzasco ; and after repeated rehearsals,
was exhibited that musical entertainment, which, for
order, exactness, and harmony, could not be equalled
by any of the like kind in the world.
Meloni says that of the vocal music usually per-
formed in this and other concerts in Italy, the can-
zones of the Flemish and French composers were
some of the best. He speaks of a custom in Bologna,
though it is common in most cities of Italy, Spain,
and Portugal, viz., that of serenading or entertaining
ladies and great personages with ambulatory con-
certs under their windows, and in the night ; and,
lastly, he celebrates for their skill in music, and ex-
quisite performance on sundry instruments, the
ladies of the duchess of Ferrara, and the nuns of St.
Vito,* whom he resembles to the Graces.
CHAP. XCIII.
SciPiONB Cerreto, (a Portrait,) a Neapolitan,
was the author of a treatise entitled ' Delia prattica
' musica vocal e, et strumentale,' quarto, 1601. This,
though it appears to be an elaborate work, and pro-
mises great instruction to such as delight in music,
contains little more respecting the science than is to
be found in Boetius, Franchinus, Zarlino, Zaccone,
and other of the Italian writers. It appears by this
author that in his time instrumental music was
arrived at great perfection in Italy, and more par-
ticularly at Naples, for he gives a copious list of
composers and excellent performers on the lute, the
organ, the viol, the guitar, the trumpet, and the harp,
who flourished in his time, and were either natives of,
or resident in that city.
In the eighth chapter of his fourth book the author
intimates that he himself was a performer on the lute ;
8. Cord. Ce )5(-
c
7. Cord. De )«-
b
- «(-
9
6. Cord. Ge
5. Cord. Ce
4. Cord. Fe-
3. Cord. Ae
2. Cord. De-
1. Cord. Ge
c
-« 1-
/
1
b
b
-2 ^-
b
-2-
-2-
-2-
-2—
/
-3—
-3—
-3-
-M 3-
b
-« 3-
ff
3—
c
3—
/
e
f
and, besides giving directions for the holding and
touching it, he explains with great perspicuity the
tablature of the Italians adapted to the lute of eight
chords ; and first, he gives the characters for time,
which are no other than those described by Adrian
le Roy, and which have already been exhibited. And
after that the tuning as here represented : —
iH^_ , r^=^ r 1,^ ■ a
-m
^t=^
tt:
fe^
X--
ii
Then follows the succession of tones and semitones
on each of the chords in this order : —
J3
OS
TJ^t-
Sfl^^E^
:fc
W±
^-^
"W=
i^^^'-M±
ST'
t^
^^-
I
■P-5-
££
!??-ffi— ^
t^
^±
^=Z^SI±±
te
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Hi
■o
o
■C.
^
=i^
s
t^-
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:faE
'tSE
M
^
ia
IS
i3 .r-|g-
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^
teE
-pSr
"^ol^
t^
W^
o.
:[::
V ^^r-^
t^
fe^
:fc
^3^&-
And after these, the tablature by figures according
to the Italian manner, as here represented : —
-4—
-4-
-4-
a
-«-
e
-S-
/
V
Cap. IX. of the same book treats of an instrument
resembling a lute of seven chords, called by the
* These nuns are celebrated for their skill in music by Artusi, in the
beginning of his discourse, ' Delle Imperfettioni della moderna musica.'
—4—
— 4
/
-5—
-5—
-5—
-« 6—
/
-§ 6-
9
6—
/
-5—
5—
-5—
-5
c
/
-S 6-
b
-« 6-
9
-« 6-
-7—
-7—
-7—
-7—
-7—
-7—
-7—
-7-
-S-
-8—
-8—
^ 8-
b
-« 8-
9
■« 8—
/
b
-8—
-8—
-8—
author Bordelletto alia Taliana ; and cap. X. of
another of the same kind, called the Lira in Gamba,
having eleven chords, with their several tunings, and
of the tablature proper to each, in figures.
448
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book X.
Cap. XI. treats of the Viola da Gamba, an instru-
ment, as the author remarks, proper to accompany
the voice in singing. It appears that the ancient
method of notation for this instrument among the
Italians was by figures. This kind of notation was
practised both by the Italians and Spaniards, and
differs from the French tablature, which is by the
letters of the alphabet ; who was the inventor of it
we are yet to learn ; Vincentio Galilei explained and
improved it ; but, notwithstanding this, it has long
since given way to the French, perhaps as being
more legible and less intricate.
This book of Cerreto abounds with curious ])ar-
ticulars relating to music, but it has been remarked
that the language and style of it are very indifferent.
Besides the several persons herein-before particu-
larly enumerated, there flourished in this century
many very eminent masters, of whom little more is
known than their general characters, arising either
from their compositions, or their skill and exquisite
performance on the organ : among the former these
are highly celebrated, Giovanni Cavaccio of Bergamo,
maestro di cappella di S. Maria Maggiore ; Jacques
Arcadelt, a Frenchman, a disciple of Josquin, and
maestro di cappella to the Cardinal of Lorrain ;
Johannes Knefel, a German, maestro di cappella to
the elector Palatine ; Ludovicus Senfelius, born at
Zurich, maestro di cappella to the elector of Bavaria ;
Antonio Scandelli, maestro di cappella at Dresden ;
Gio. Maria Rossi, of Brescia ; Nicolaus Rostius, a
native of Weimar, and master of music in the court
of the elector Palatine; Gio. Battista Pinelli, a Genoese
by birth, and mastro di cappella at Dresden. As are
also these : —
Agresta, Agostino. Ingegneri, Marc. Ant.
Angelini, Orazio. lijiura, Dominico.
Animuccia, Paolo. Leoni, Leon.
Baccusi, Hippolito. Lucatello, Gio. Batt.
■ Bassani, Orazio. Macque, Giov. de,
Bellasio, Paolo. Mancini, Curtio.
Belli, Giulio. Manenti, Giov. Pietro.
Bellhaver, Vincenzo. Marsolo, Pietro Maria.
Bertani, Lelio. Masorelli, Paolo.
Blotagrio, Guglielmo. Massanio, Tiburtio.
Bhisius, Amnion. Molinaro, Simone.
Bonhomius, Petrus. Moscaglia, Giov. Batt.
Casati, Girolamo. Mosto, Gio. Batt.
Colombi, Gio. Bernardi. Nasco, Giov.
Comis, Michele. Nenna, Pomponio.
Conversi, Girolamo. Nodari, Gio. Paolo.
Corregio, Claudio. Nucetus, Flaminius.
Donati, Baldassare. Palma, Gio. Vincenzo.
Duetto, Antonio. Pace, Antonio.
Eremita, Giulio. Pesenti, Benedetto.
Faignient, Noe. Pevernagius, Andreas.
Farino, Francesco. Pizzoni, Giov.
Fattorini, Gabriello. Ponte, Giaches de.
Felis, Stefano. Pordenone, Marc. Ant.
Ferretti, Giovanni. Pra3torius, Hieronynius.
Fonteijo, Gio. Quartiero, Pietro Paolo.
Gabrieli, Andrea. Quagliata, Paolo.
Gastoldi, Giacomo. Heggio, Spirito.
llandl, Jacobus. Rossi, Salomon.
Rubiconi, Chrysostom. Turnhout, Giov.
lluffo, Vincenzo. Utendahl, Alessandro.
Sabiiio, Hippolito. Valcarapi, Curtio.
Santini, Marsilio. Verdonck, Cornelius.
Scaletta, Orazio. Vespa, Geronimo.
Scarabeus, Damianus. Violante, Giov. Franc.
Spongia, Francesco. Waelrant, Huljert.
Spontone, Alessandro. Zoilo, Annibale.
Stabile, Annibale.
Of organists, the following were some of the nn)st
eminent: GioseffoGuammi, of Lucca; OttavioBariola,
organist of Milan ; and Annibale Patavina, of Venice ;
Johannes Leo Hasler, of Nuremberg ; Jacobus Paix,
a native of Augsburg, and oi\ganist of Lawingen.
Of these it is to be observed that they were for the
most part natives of Italy, Germany, and Flanders ;
fur it is strange to say, that, excepting England, those
were almost the only countries in Europe in which
music may be said to have made any considerable
progress. Doni observes that Spain had in the course
of a century produced only two men of eminence in
music, namely, Christopher Morales and Franciscus
Salinas ; and among the French scarce any musicians
of note are mentioned besides Jusquin de Prez, Jean
Mouton, Crequilon, and Claude le Jeune.* In Eng-
land, Tye, Tallis, Bird, Bull, and Dowland, were
highly esteemed ; and it is confidently asserted that
in the general opinion they were equal to the best
musicians of any country ; and the same is said of
Peter Phillips, an Englishman, organist to the arch-
duke and duchess of Austria, Albert and Isabella,
governors of the Netherlands, residing at Brussels ;
but of these, and other of our countrymen, mention
will be made hereafter.
It has been already remarked, that during the last
half of the sixteenth century, the madrigal was the
species of vocal composition most practised and en-
couraged ; and as singing was the usual entertain-
ment of the well-bred of both sexes, and had not
then given place to cards and games of chance ; the
demand for variety was so great as to excite an
emulation in all that were qualified for it, to excel
in this kind of composition ; and innumerable were
the collections of madrigals which about this time
were given to the world by their respective authors.
They were generally published in an oblong quarto
size, with both the notes and words printed in a
good character on letter -press types, and without
bars ; from such books as these it was held a disgrace
for any person of rank or education not to be able
to sing.f
* Jusquin dc Prez is justly reckoned among the earliest of tlie French
composers, but the science of counterpoint had been cultivated to some
degree before his time ; one Guillaume Guerson of Longueville, a town
in Upper Normandy, was the author of a treatise printed at Paris by
Michael Thouloze, with this title, ' Utillissinie musicales regule cunctis
' sumopere necessarie plani catus siplisis tOtrapuncti reru factaru toTioru
'et artis accentuandi tam exfiplariter quam practice.' [The Colophon
after the word factaru adds ' seu organorum.'] The book bears no date,
but from the style and character of it, it is conjectured to be nearly as
ancient as the time of Franchinus.
t Castiglione requires of his courtier that he be able to sing his part at
sight. Bandello, in one of his novels, speaking of an accomplisbed young
man, says, ' Era il detto Giouine molto costumatn e vertuoso. ed oltra le
' buone lettere, si dilettaua mirahilmente de la musica, cantaua bene la
'sua parte e soura d' ogni struniento.' Novelle del Bandello, part II.
Nov. XXV., and in Morley's Introduction, the reason given by I'liilomathes
for applying to a master for instruction in music is as follows: Being at
'a banket of master Sophobulus, suiiper being ended and musicke
Chap. XCIV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
449
In consequence of this disposition in the public,
such a profusion of vocal harmony was poured forth,
as served rather to distract than oblige the votaries
of the science ; and it became necessary to direct
their choice by a judicious selection of such com-
positions as were most worthy of their regard : to
this end, one Melchior Borchgrevinck, organist to the
king of Denmark, published at Copenhagen, in the
year IGOG, a collection of madrigals for five voices,
entitled ' Giardino novo bellissimo de varii fiori
' musicali scieltissimi,' in two parts, the latter whereof
is dedicated to our king James I ; and about the same
time, four persons, namely, Pietro Phalesio, a book-
seller of Antwerp, and Andrea Pevernage, Hubert
Waelrant, and Pietro Philippi above-named, three
excellent musicians, in a kind of emulation severally
published a collection of madrigals with the following
titles, Musica Divina, Harmonia Celeste, Symphonia
Angelica, ]\Ielodia Olympica, with this uniform de-
claration of their contents in these words. ' Nella
' quale si contengono i piu eccellenti madrigali che
' hoggidi si cantino.' They were printed for Phalesio,
and sold at his shop, the sign of king David, in
Antwerp.
These compositions were to words of Petrarch,
Guarini, Tasso, IMarino, Fulvio Testi, and other
Italian poets ; and in the memory of such as under-
stood and admired music, a favourite madrigal held
the place of a popular song ; among other evidences
to this purpose, a little poem of Sir Philip Sidney,
printed with the sonnets at the end of his Arcadia,
beginning ' Sleep baby mine,' may be reckoned as
one, as it is directed to be sung to the tune of
* Basciami vita mia,' a fine madrigal of Noe Faignient,
printed in the Musica Divina..
CHAP. XCIV.
Op English musicians, the first of note after the
reformation of religion, and indeed of music itself,
which had been greatly corrupted by the use of in-
tricate measures, was John Marbeck, of Windsor,
a man to whom church -music has greater obligations
than the world is sensible of ; for notwithstanding
the vulgar opinion that Tallis composed it, it is
certain that the cathedral musical service of the
church of England was originally framed by Mar-
beck, and that the musical notes to the Preces,
Suffrages, and Responses, as they are at this day
sung in choral service, w^ere of his composition.
The history of this man has entitled him to a place
in the Martyrology of the zealous and laborious John
Fox, and is as follows : —
About the year 1544:, a number of persons at
Windsor, who favoured the Reformation, had formed
themselves into a society ; among them was Anthony
Person, a priest, Robert Testwood, a singing-man in
the choir of Windsor, a man in great estimation for
his skill in music, and whose name occurs in Morley's
Catalogue of eminent English musicians at the end
bookes, according to the custorae, being brought to the table, the
'mistresse of the house presented mee with a part, earnestlie requesting
' mee to sing. But when, after manie excuses, I protested unfainedly
' that I could not, everie one began to wonder. Yea, some whispered to
' others, demanding how I was brought up. So that for shame of mine
' ignorance, I go now to seek out mine olde frinde Master Gnorimus, to
■ make myself his scholler.'
of his Introduction ; the above-named John IMavbeck,
who by a mistake of bishop Burnet is also called a
singing-man, but in truth was organist of the chapel
of St. George at Windsor,* and one Henry Filmer,
a tradesman of the same town. Upon intimation
given that these persons held frequent meetings,
Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, procured a com-
mission from the king to search suspected houses
in the town for heretical books ; f upon which the
four persons above-named were apprehended, and
their books seized, among which Avere found some
papers of notes on the Bible, and a Concordance in
English, in the hand-writing of IMarbeck. Upon his
examination before the commissioners of tlie six
articles touching these papers, he said, as to the
notes, that he read much in order to understand the
Scriptures ; and that whenever he met with any ex-
position thereof he extracted it, and noted the name
of the author ; ± and as to the Concordance, that
being a poor inan, he could not afford to buy a copy
of the English Bible, which had then lately been
published with notes by Thomas Matthews ; and
therefore had set himself to Avrite one out, and was
entering into the book of Joshua, when a friend of his,
one Turner,§ knowing his industry, suggested to him
the writing of a Concordance in English, but he told
him he knew not what that meant, upon which his
friend explained the word to him, and furnished him
with a Latin Concordance and an English Bible ;
and having in his youth learned a little Latin, he, by
the helj) of these, and comparing the English with
the Latin, was enabled to draw out a Concordance,
which he had brought as far as the letter L. This
seemed to the commissioners who examined him a
thing so strange, that they could not believe it. To
convince them, j\Iarbeck desired they would draw
out any words under the letter M, and give him the
Latin Concordance and English Bible, and in a day's
time he had filled three sheets of paper with a con-
tinuation of his work, as far as the words given
would enable him to do. || The ingenuity and in-
dustry of Marbeck were much applauded, even by
his enemies ; and it was said by Dr. Oking, one of
the commissioners who examined him, that he had
been better employed than his accusers. However,
neither his ingenuity nor industry could prevent his
being brought to a trial for heresy, at the same time
with the three other persons his friends and as-
sociates : Person and Filmer were indicted for
irreverent expressions concerning the mass ; the
charge against Marbeck was copying with his own
hand an epistle of Calvin against it, which it seems
was a crime within the statute of the well-known six
articles, and they were all four found guilty and con-
demned to be burnt, which sentence was executed on
all except Marbeck, the next day after the trial.^
Testwood had discovered an intemperate zeal in
dissuading people from pilgrimages, and had stricken
off" with a key, the nose of an alabaster image of the
* Wood so describes him, vide Fasti, Oxon. anno 1550; and he is so
styled at the end of a composition of his hereinafter inserted, taken from
a MS. in the hand-writing of John Baldwine, a musician of Windsor
which was completed in the year 1591. Nevertheless, Bishop Burnet
calls him a singing-man. Hist. Reform, vol. I. pag. 325.
t Acts and Monuments, edit. 1041, vol. II. pag. 546.
: Ibid. 550. § Ibid. || Ibid. H Ibid. 553.
2g
450
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book X.
Virgin Mary, which stood behind the high altar of
St. George's chapeL* It is also related of him, that
in the course of divine service one of the same chapel,
named Robert Phillips, f singing, as his duty re-
quired, on one side of the choir, these woi-ds, ' O
' redemptrix et salvatrix,' was answered by Testwood
singing on the other side, * Non redemptrix nee
' salvatrix.' J
For these offences, the four Windsor men, as they
are called, were severally indicted, and by the verdict
of a partial jury, composed of farmers under the
college of Windsor, grounded on the testimony of
witnesses, three of whom were aiterwards convicted
of perjuiy, in their evidence at the trial, they were
all found guilty of heresy, and condemned to be
burnt, which sentence was executed at Windsor on
Person, Testwood, and Filmer the next day.§
It seems that the king, notwithstanding the severity
of his temper, pitied the sufferings of these men, for
at a time when he was hunting in Guildford park,
seeing the sheriff and Sir Humfrey Foster, one of the
commissioners that sat at the trial, together, he asked
them how his laws were executed at Windsor, and
upon their answering that they never sat on matter
that went so much against their consciences as the
trial of Person and his fellows, the king, turning his
horse's head to depart, said 'Alas, poor innocents!'
But iMarbeck being a man of a meek and harmless
temper, and highly esteemed for his skill in music,
was remitted to Gardiner, who was both his patron ||
and persecutor, in order either to his purgation, or
a discovery of others who might have contracted the
taint of heresy ; but under the greatest of all tempt-
ations he behaved with the utmost integrity and up-
rightness, and, refusing to make any discoveries to
the hurt of others, he, through the intercession of Sir
Humfrey Foster, obtained the king's pardon.
Having thus escaped martyrdom, he applied himself
to the study of his profession, and, not having been
required to make any public recantation, he indulged
his own opinions in secret, without doing violence to
his conscience, or giving offence to others, till the
death of Henry VIII. which happened about two
years after, when he found himself at liberty to make
a public profession of his faith, as an evidence whereof
he completed his Concordance, and published it in
* Acts and Monuments, edit. 1641, vol. II. pag. 543.
t Of this man, Fox says that he was so notable a singing-man, wherein
he gloried, that wheresoever he came the longest song with most counter-
verses in it should be set up at his coming. His name, spelt Phelipp,
occurs as a gentleman of the chapel in the lists of the chapel establish-
ment both of Edward VI. and queen Mary.
t Acts and Monuments, vol. II. pag. 544. § Ibid. 543.
H It appears by sundry expressions of Gardiner to Marbeck, that he
had an affection for him, possibly grounded on his great skill in his pro-
fession. Fox relates that at the third examination of Marbeck at VViii-
chester-house, in Southwark, upon his appearance in the hall he found
the bishop with a roll in his hand, and going toward the window, he
called to him, and said, 'Marbeck, wilt thou cast away thyself ?' upon
his answering No, 'Yes,' replied the bishop, 'thou goest about it, for
'thou wilt utter nothing. AVhat a devil made thee to meddle with the
'Scriptures ? Thy vocation was another way, wherein thou hast a goodly
'gift, if thou ididdest esteeme it.' 'Yes,' answered Marbeck, 'I do
' esteeme it, and have done my part therein according to that little know-
Medge that God hath given me.' ' And why the devil,' said the bishop,
' didst thou not liold thee there V And when Marbeck confessed that he
had compiled the Concordance, and that without any help save of God,
the bishop said, ' I do not discommend thy diligence, but what shouldest
'thou meddle with that thing which pertaineth not to thee?' Acts and
Monuments, edit. 1641, vol. If. pag. 548. These expressions, harsh as
they were, seem to indicate a concern in Gardiner that Marbeck had
brought himself into trouble.
1550 : he wrote also the following other books, 'The
' Lives of holy Saincts, Prophets, Patriai'chs, and
' others,' quarto, 1574. ' A Book of Notes and
' Common Places with their Expositions, collected
' and gathered together out of the workes of divers
'singular writers,' quarto, 15S1. 'The ripping up
' of the Pope's Fardel,' 15cSl. ' A Dialogue between
' Youth and Age ; ' and other books.^
The history of Marbeck's troubles is given at large
by Fox, who notwithstanding he was acquainted with
him, and had the relation of his sufferings from his
own mouth, in the first edition of his Acts and
Monuments, published in 1562, instead of a con-
fessor, has made him a martyr, by asserting that he
actually suffered in the flames at Windsor with
Person and the other two ; which mistake, though
he corrected it in the subsequent edition of his work,**
exposed him to very severe censures from Cope,
Parsons, and other Romish writers.ff
The musical service thus framed by Marbeck, and,
for aught that appears, without the least assistance
from any of his profession, was published with this
title, ' The Boke of Common Praier, noted.' The
Colophon, ' Imprinted by Richard Grafton, printer
' to the kinges majestie, 1550, cum privilegio ad
' imprimendum solum,' with the name John Mer-
becke in the preceding page, to intimate that he was
the author or composer of the musical notes, which
are so very little different from those in use at this
day, that this book may truly be considered as the
foundation of the solemn musical service of the
church of England.
A particular account of this curious work will be
given hereafter, in the interim it is necessary to say
that it was formed on the model of the Romish ritual ;
as first, there was a general recitatory intonation for
the Loi'd's Prayer, the Apostles' Creed, and such
other parts of the service as were most proper to
be read, in a certain key or pitch : to the introitus,
supplications, suffrages, responses, prefaces, postcom-
munions, and other versicles, melodies were adapted
of a grave and decent form, and nearly as much re-
strained as those of St. Ambrose or Gregory ; and
these had a harmonical relation to the rest of the
service, the dominant in each being in unison with
the note of the key in ^^hich the whole was to be
sung.
The abilities of Marbeck as a musician may be
judged of by the following hymn of his composition.
IT Vide Fasti, Oxon. anno 1550.
** Vol. II. printed in 1576, in which he says of Marbeck, 'he is yet not
' dead, but liveth, God be praised, and yet to this present singeth' merrily,
'and pla5'eth on the organs.'
tt To say the truth. Fox's zeal for the Protestant cause has very much
hurt the credit of his liistory ; as a jiroof of his lightness of belief, take
the following story, which lord chief justice Coke once told of him. Fox
in his Martyrology had related of one Greenwood, of Suffolk, that he had
been guilty of perjury, in testifying before the bishop of Norwich against
a martyr during the persecution in the reign of queen Mary; and that
afterwards he went home to his house, and there by the judgment of God
his bowels rotted out of his belly, as an exemplary punishment for his
perjury. A priest, who had newly been made parson of the parish where
Greenwood lived, and was but little acquainted with his parishioners,
preaching against the sin of perjury, cited this story from Fox, mention-
ing Greenwood by name, who was then in the church listening attentively
to the sermon : the man, extremely scandalized by so foul an aspersion,
brought his action against the parson, which was tried at the assizes be-
fore Anderson, who ruled that the action lay not, inasmuch as the words
were not spoken with a malicious intent, but merely to exemplify the
divine vengeance for so heinous a sin. Rolle's Abridgm. 87. PI. 5.
Chap. XCIV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
451
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HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book X.
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CHAP. XCV.
Christopher Tye, born at Westminster, and
brought np in tlie royal chapel, was musical pre-
ceptor to prince Edward, and probably to the other
children of Henry VIII. In the year 1545 he was
admitted to the degree of doctor in music at Cam-
bridge ; and in 1548 was incorporated a member of
the university of Oxford ; in the reign of queen
Elizabeth he was organist of the royal chapel, and a
man of some literature. In music he was excellent ;
and notwithstanding that Wood, speaking of his
compositions, says they are antiquated, and not at
all valued, there are very few compositions for the
church of equal merit with his anthems.
In an old comedy or scenical history, whichever it
is proper to call it, with the following whimsical
title, ' When you see me you know me,' by Samuel
Rowley, printed in 1613, wherein are represented in
the manner of a drama, some of the remarkable events
during the reign of Henry VIII., is a conversation
between prince Edward and Dr. Tye on the subject
of music, which for its curiosity is here inserted : —
' Prince. Doctor Tye,
' Our musick's lecturer ? Pray draw near : indeed I
' Take much delight in ye.
' Tye. In musicke may your grace ever delight,
' Though not in me. Musicke is fit for kings,
' And not for those know not the chime of strings.
' Prince. Truely I love it, yet there are a sort
' Seeming more pure than wise, that will upbraid it,
' Calling it idle, vaine, and frivolous.
our Sa - - - - vi - - our.
John Marbeck, Organist of Winusore.
' Tye. Your grace hath said, indeed they do upbraid
' That tearme it so, and those that doe are such
' As in themselves no happy concords hold,
' All musicke jarres with them, but sounds of good ;
' But would your grace awhile be patient,
' In musicke's praise, thus will I better it :
Musicke is heavenly, for in heaven is musicke.
For there the seraphins do sing continually ;
And when the best was born that ever was man,
A quire of angels sang for joy of it ;
What of celestial was reveald to man
' Was much of musicke : 'tis said the beasts did worship
' And sang before the deitie supernall ;
' The kingly prophet sang before the arke,
' And with his musicke charm'd the heart of Saul :
' And if the poet fail us not, my lord,
' The dulcet tongue of musicke made the stones
' To move, irrationall beasts and birds to dance.
' And last the trumpets' musicke shall awake the dead,
'And clothe their naked bones in coates of flesh,
' T' appeare in that high house of parliament,
' When those that gnash their teeth at musicke's sound,
' Shall make that place where musicke nere was found.
' Prince. Thou givest it perfect life, skilful doctor ;
' I thanke thee for the honour'd praise thou givest it,
' I pray thee let's heare it too.
' Tye. 'Tis ready for your grace. Give breath to
' Your loud-tun'd instruments.
' Loud musiche,
' Prince. 'Tis well : methinkes in this sound I prova
' A compleat age,
' As musicke, so is man govern'd by stops
' And by dividing notes, sometimes aloft,
' Sometimes below, and when he hath attaiud
Chap,
XCV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
453
' His liigh and lofty pitch, breathed his sharpest and most
' Shrillest ayre ; yet at length 'tis gone,
' And fals downe flat to his conclusion. \_Soft music,']
' Another sweetnesse and harmonious sound,
A milder straine, another kind agreement ;
Yet 'mongst these many strings, be one imtun'd,
' Or jarreth low or higher than his course,
' Nor keeping steddie meane amongst the rest,
' Corrupts them all, so doth bad man the best.
' Tije. Ynough, let voices now delight his princely eare.
* A song.
' Prince. ' Doctor I thank j'ou, and commend your
' I oft have heard my father merrily speake [cunning,
' In j'our high ])raise ; and thus his highnesse saith,
' England one God, one truth, one doctor hath
' For musickes art, and that is Doctor Tye,*
' Admired for skill in musick's harmony.
' Tije. Your grace doth honour me with kind acceptance,
' Yet one thing more I do beseech your excellence,
' To daine to patronize this homely worke,
' Which I unto yoiu- grace have dedicate.
' Prince. What is the title ?
' Tije. The Actes of ihe holy Apostles turn'd into verse,
' Which I have set in several parts to sing :
' Worthy acts and worthily in you remembred.
' Prince. I'll peruse them, and satisfy j'our paines.
' And have them sung within my father's chapel. f
* At the time when Farinelli was in England, viz., about the year 1735,
an exclamation of the like kind, and applied to that celebrated singer,
gave great offence ; he was singing in the opera, and as soon as he had
finished a favourite song, a lady from the boxes cried out aloud, 'One
' God, one Farinelli.' Mr. Hogarth has recorded this egregious in-
stance of musical enthusiasm, in his Rake's Progress, plate II. by re-
presenting Farinelli as seated on a pedestal, before which is an altar, at
which a number of ladies are kneeling and offering to him, each a flaming
heart ; from the mouth of the foremost of these enraptured devotees
issues a label with the words ' One G — d, one FarineDi.'
+ In another part of this old comedy Cranmer and T3'e appear, and are
met by one young Browne (supposed to he the son of Sir Anthonij Browne,
master of the horse to Henry I'lII. and one of his executors) with the
prince's cloak and hat ; Cranmer enquires of him what has become of the
prince, and is told that he is at tennis with the marquis of Dorset.
Upon which follows this dialogue : —
Cranmer. Goe beare this youngster to the chappell straight,
And bid the maister of the children whippe him well,
The prince will not learne. Sir, and you shall smart for it.
Browne. O good my lord, I'll make him ply his booke to-morrow.
Cranmer. That shall not serve your turne. Away I say. \_Exit.'\
So Sir, this policie was well devised ; since he was whipt thus
For the prince's faults
His grace hath got more knowledge in a moneth,
Than he attained in a year before ;
For still the fearful boy, to save his breech,
Doth hourely haunt him whereso'ere he goes.
Tije. 'Tis true my lord, and now the prince perceives it.
As loath to see him punisht for his faults,
Plies it of purpose to redeeme the boy.
Upon whi."h passage it is observable that there appears by an extract
from the Liber Xiger, inserted in a preceding chapter, to have been in
the royal household two distinct masters, the one called Master of Song,
whose duty it was to teach the children of the chapel singing; the other
a Master of the Grammar-school, who taught them also, and probably
other children in the palace, the rudiments of the Latin tongue; and as
Browne does not appear to be a child of the chapel, it seems as if
Cranmer meant to send him for correction, not to the master of the
children properly so called, i. e. the master of song, but to the master of
the grammar-school.
It will doubtless seem very strange, seeing he had not been guilty of
any fault, that Browne should be whipt at all, but Cranmer's order may
be accounted for. The practice of whipping the royal children by proxy
had probably its rise in the education of prince Edward, and may be
traced down to the time when Charles the First was prince. Besides
Brownehere mentioned, it appears that the prince had another proxy for
correction, namely, Barnaby Fitzpatrick. a very ingenious and accom-
plished youth, who became the founder of a noble family of that name
in Ireland. He is frequently mentioned in the journal of king Edward
VI. by the name of Mr. Barnaby ; and in Fuller's Worthies, Middlesex,
pag. 179, are several letters from the king to him when upon his travels,
containing directions for his conduct, and many expressions of affection
and concern for his welfare. Burnet, in his account of Mr. Murray of
the bed-chamber. Hist, of his own Times, vol. I. pag. 244, says he was
whipping-boy to king Charles I. In the Spectator, No. 313, is a story
somewhat to this pupose of Mr. Wake, father to the archbishop of that
name. A schoolfellow of his, whom he loved, had committed a fault,
The Acts of the Apostles, meutioned in the fore-
going dialogue, were never completed, but the first
fourteen chapters thereof were iu 1553 printed by
^YyIlyam Seres, with the following quaint title : —
' The Actes of the Apostles, translated into Eng-
' lyshe metre, and dedicated to the kynges moste
' excellent maiestye by Christofer Tye, Doctor in
' musyke, and one of the gentylmen of bys graces
' moste honourable Chappell, wyth notes to eche
' Chapter, to synge and also to play upon the Lute,
' very necessarye for studentes after theyr studye, to
' fyle theyr wyttes, and alsoe for all Christians that
' cannot synge to reade the good and Godlye storyes
' of the lives of Christ hys Apostles.'
The dedication is ' To the vertuous and godlye
' learned piynce Edwarde the VI.' and is in stanzas
of alternate metre, of which the following may serve
as a specimen : —
^ ^ iji ^ ^ ^ ^
' Your grace may note fro tyme to tyme
* That fome doth undertake
' Upon the Pfalnies to write in ryme,
' The verfe pleafaunt to make.
' And fome doth take in hande to wryte
' Out of the booke of Kynges, J
' Becaufe they fe your grace delyte
' In fuche like godlye thynges.
' And laft of all, I youre poore man
' Whofe doinges are full bafe,
' Yet glad to do the belt I can,
' To geue unto your grace,
which Wake took upon himself, and was whipped for at Westminster
school. Mr. Wake was a cavalier, and had borne arms under Penruddock
and Grove in the West, and being taken prisoner, was indicted for high-
treason against the commonwealth, at Exeter, and after a short trial
convicted. It happened that the judge of assize who presided in court
was the very person for whom Mr. Wake had been whipt when a school-
boy, and recollecting his name and face, he asked him some questions,
the answers to which convinced him that he was about to pass sentence
on one to whom he was indebted for a very singular instance of friend-
ship, the reflection on which inspired him with such a sense of gratitude,
that he rode immediately to London, and by his interest with the Pro-
tector procured his pardon. It is to Dr. Grey's edition of Hudibras, vol. I.
pag. 392, in not. that we are indebted for the name of the gentleman ;
and as Penruddock in the course of the trial takes occasion to mention
that he sees judge Nicholas upon the bench, there is very little doubt
but that he was the judge to whom the story refers. See the State Trials,
vol. II. pag. 2G0.
t Thomas Sternhold was the first that attempted a version of the
Psalms in English. He did to the number of about forty of them : the
rest in the printed collection used in churches were afterwards translated
by John Hopkins, William Whittingham, Thomas Norton, and others.
Sternhold's version was first published in the year 1549.
In the same year was published a version of the Penitential Psalms by
Sir Thomas Wyat, and in the year after ' Certayne Psalmes chosen out
' of the Psalter of David, and drawen furth into English meter by
' William Hunnis, servant to the ryght honorable Sir William Harberde,
'knight.' This William Hunnis was a gentleman of the chapel, temp.
Edward VI. and upon the death of Richard Edwards, in 1566, was ap-
pointed master of the children. He died June 6, 1597, and was succeeded
by Nathaniel, afterwards Dr. Giles. Cheque-book of the royal chapel.
Farther mention of him will be made hereafter.
In the year last above-mentioned, viz., 1550, were also published
' Certayn chapters taken out of the proverbcs of Solomon, with other
' chapters of the holy scripture, and certayne Psalmes of David, translated
' into English metre by John Hall. Whych Proverbes of late were set
' forth, imprinted, and untruely entitled to be the doynges of Mayster
' Thomas Sternhold, late grome of the kynge's maiestes robes, as by thys
'copye it may be perceaved, MDL.' The chapters above-mentioned are
the sixth of the book of Wisdom called Sapientia ; the ninth of Ecclesi-
asticus, and the third of the second epistle of St. Paul to the Thessalo-
nians : the Psalms are Psalm xxi. xxiii. liii. Ixiv. cxi. cxii. cxiii. and
cxliv.
The whole Psalter was translated into English metre by Dr. Matthew
Parker, afterw.irds archbishop of Canterbury, and printed by John Day
about the year 1 500. The book is very little known, and is supposed to
have been printed only for presents. An account of it wDl be given
hereafter.
The passage to which this note refers has a plain allusion to these
parts of scripture thus rendered into metre, and to a version of part of
the book of Kings, which has escaped a diligent enquiry. In prosecution
of this design of turning select portions of scripture for the purpose of
singing them in churches, Dr. Tye versified some chapters of the Acts of
the Apostles, and set them to musical notes as above is related.
4.5i
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book X.
' Haue thought it good nowe to recyte
' The ftories of the a£les
' Euen of the twelve, as Luke dotli \vr3-:e,
' Of all their worthy fadles.
' Unto the text I do not ad,
' Nor nothynge take awaye ;
' And though my ftyle be grolTe and baa.
' The truth perceyue you maye.
' And yf your grace fhall in good parte
' My fymple worke fo take,
' My wyttes to this I will conuart
' All vayne thynges to forfake.
' My callynge is another waye,
' Your grace fhall herein fynde,
' By notes fet forthe to fynge or playe,
' To recreate the mynde.
' And though they be not curious,
' But for the letter mete,
' Ye fhall them fynde harmonious,
' And eke plealaunt and fwete.
' That fuch good thinges your grace might moue
' Your lute when ye afTaye,
* Inftede of fonges of wanton loue
' Thefe flories then to playe.*
' So fhall your grace pleafe God the Lorde,
' In walkynge in his waye,
' His lawes and flatutes to recorde
' In your heart nyght and daye.
' And eke your realme fhall florifh ftyll,
' No good thynge fhall decaye :
' Your f'ubjedles fhall with right good wyll
' Thefe wordes recorde and faye,
"Thy lyfe, O kynge, to us doth fhyne
" As Gods boke doth thee reache:
* Thou dofl; us fede with fuch doftrine
" As Chrifte's elcdt dyd preache.
* H= * * * * *
Here follow the two initial stanzas of the foiu'-
teenth chapter of the version of the Acts of the
x\postles, with the music by Dr. Tye. In the
original the author has given the music in separate
parts, but here it is in score.
o
n
O
o
H
2-!
n
I
o
^Ei=
zrz;
-I —
it=
'^-
-X---
r?zi
S=g=^
IT
chaun - ced in
CO
ni
um,
m
i:
I?Z_
as
=1=
^If^
IT
chaunced in
CO
Dl
um,
as the}'
oft
izi;
ICH
=.^:
IT
chaun-ced in
Co
E^^:3:
ni - imi.
i^
d:
as they oft
m^-^
-t» r> —
d=
Id*;
zeti
::X
zdz
E^=
:=!=:p=ai
IT
chaiuiccd in
I - CO
- m
— «-»-
um,
m
d:
as they oft tymes dyd
tymes dyd
use,
To - ge - ther they in - to dyd cum the Si - na - goge of Jues, where
1^^
-jfE
=t=^
-Ps:
=F
^^ii
zrii
:^==F
?^E
tymes dyd use.
To - ge - ther thej' in - to dyd
m
■«» -V—
=r^
cum the Si
na - goge of
-— ^-
-^-
-nz
use,
To
ge - tliertliey in - to dyd cum
the Si - na - goge
of
Jues,
m.
Jues, where they dyd preache and one
Ij-e seke God's grace then to atcheve, Thattheysospake
-F=
E^EEEE
=B^rjgE^|>^F^^
4:
they dyd preaclie .
and one
lye seke God's grace then to atcheve. That they so spake to
*£
— f^ —
Jues,
z^—h^=az
123(1
i^=S^=
-T>-
=i= =
where they dj-d preache and one - lye seke God's grace then to at - cheve.
That
m
-fi-
-^
z^==:i
zdz
^i.
J^=3E
^z
=4;
d:rr=-«^
^=F
where they dyd preache and one - lye seke God's grace then to at - cheve,
* This stanza, were other evidence wanting, would be a proof that the king played on the lute.
That they so
Chap. XCV.
AND PEACTICE OF MUSIC.
455
t'
S=iE
zd:
-laz
m
EFJ
— e»-
'<i "-
=1=
^E
:d^
:^
to
Jue and Greke, that manye dyd be - leve, that manye
dvd
be
lev(
r:4:
-r-
ijn_
zjiz
loi
'-^^
m
-■^■=V=:\
===!:
^— — fi^-
:S«=i-^
Jue and Greke, Tliat manye dyd be - leve, that manye dyd .
be - leve, be
leve.
*il
r*
S^=
:?2::
— J=z
they so spake to Jue and Greke,
That manj-e
dyd be - leve, be - leve.
id:
^i
— =-^ — -I — I-
m-.
:l=
:az
-^^=ff
spake to Jue and
Greke,
That many
dvd
he
leve,
be
leve.
The Acts of the Apostles set to music by Dr. Tye,
\Yere sung in the chapel of Edward VI. and prol»ably
in other places where choral service was performed ;
but the success of them not answering the expectation
of their author, he applied himself to another kind of
study, the composing of music to words selected
from the Psalms of David, in foui', five, and more
parts ; to which species of harmony, for want of
a better, the name of Anthem, a corruption of Anti-
phon, was given.
In Dr. Boyce's collection of cathedral music, lately
published, vol. II. is an anthem of this great musician,
' I will exalt thee,' a most perfect model for com-
position in the church style, whether we regard the
melody or the harmony, the expression or the con-
trivance, or, in a word, the general effect of the
whole.
In the Ashmolean MS. fol. 189, is the following
note in the hand-writing of Anthony Wood : ' Dr.
' Tye was a peevish and humoursome man, especially
' in his latter days, and sometimes playing on the
' organ in the chapel of Qu. Eliz. which contained
' much music, but little delight to the ear, she would
' send the verger to tell him that he played out of
' tune, whereupon he sent word that her ears were
' out of tune.' The same author adds that Dr. Tye
restored church-music after it had been almost ruined
by the dissolution of abbies. Ibid.*
Thomas Tallis, one of the greatest musicians that
this country ever bred, flourished about the middle
of the sixteenth century. He is said to have been
organist of the royal chapel to king Henry VIII.
king Edward VI. queen Mary, and queen Elizabeth ;
but the inscription on his grave-stone warrants no
such assertion ; and it is certain that in the reigns of
Edward VI. and queen IMary he was simply a
gentleman of the chapel, and served for seven pence
halfpenny per diem : under Elizabeth he and Bird
were gentlemen of the chapel and organists.
The studies of Tallis seem to have been wholly
devoted to the service of the church, for his name is
not to be found to any musical compositions of songs,
ballads, madrigals, or any of those lighter kinds of
music framed with a view to private recreation. Of
* This manuscript, containing brief notes and memoirs of famous
musicians, is in the hanil-writinii of Antony Wood. In the Catalogue of
tlie Manuscripts in the Ashmolean Museum, published by Mr. Huddes-
ford in 17()1, it is thus numbered and described: ' S,')(iS. lOij. Some
' materials toward a history of the lives and compositions of all English
'musicians; drawn up according to alphabetical order in 210 pages
' by A. W.'
Doctor CnBisTOPnEr. TrE.
the many disciples who had profited by his in-
struction, Bird seems to have jiossessed the greatest
share of his affection, one proof whereof was a joint
publication by them both of one of the noblest
collections of hymns and other compositions for the
service of the church that ever appeared in any age
or country.
The v.^ork above alluded to was printed by
Vautroliier in 1575, with the title of ' Cantiones
' quas ab argumento sacrse vocantiir quinque et sex
' partium, Autoribus Thoma Tallisio et Guilielmo
' Eirdo, Anglis, serenissimaj reginaj majestati a
' priuato sacello generosis et organistis.'
This work was published under the protection of
a patent of queen Elizabeth, the first of the kind that
had ever been granted ; and as the privileges con-
tained in it are verj- singidar, and serve to show
what a share of royal favour they possessed, the
substance thereof, as printed at the end of the book,
is here inserted : —
' The extract and effect of the queues maiesties
letters patents to .Thomas Tallis and William Birde,
for the printing of musicke.
' Elizabeth by the grace of God queue of Eng-
lande, Eraunce, and Irelande, defender of the faith,
&c. To all printers, bokesellers, and other officers,
ministers, and subjects greting. Know ye, that we
for the especiall affection and good wil that we have
and beare to the science of musicke, and for the ad-
vauncement thereof, by our letters patents dated the
xxii. of January in the xvii. yere of our raio'ne,
have graunted full priviledge and licence unto our
welbeloved servants Thomas Tallis and William
Birde Gent, of our chappell, and to the overlyver
of them, and to the assignes of them, and of the
surviver of them, for xxi. yeares next ensuing, to
imprint any and so many as they will of set songe
or songes in partes, either English, Latine, French,
Italian, or other tongues that may serve for musicke
either in churche or chamber, or otherwise to be
either plaid or soonge. And that they may rule and
cause to be ruled by impression any paper to serve
for printing or pricking of any songe or songes,
and may sell and utter any printed bokes or papers
of any songe or songes, or any bookes or quieres of
such ruled paper, imprinted, Also we straightly by
the same forbid all printers, bookesellers, subjects
and strangers, other then as is aforesaid, to do any
the premisses, or to bring or cause to be brouglit
456
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book. X.
' out of any forren realmes into any our dominions,
' any songe or songes made and printed in any forren
' countrie, to sell or put to sale, uppon paine of our
' higli displeasure, And the offender in any of the
•' premisses for every time to forfet to us our heires
* and successors fortie shillings, and to the said Thomas
' Tallis and William Birde, or to their assignes, and to
* the assignes of the survivor of the, all and every the
' said bokes, papers, songe or songes, We have also
' by the same willed and commaunded our printers,
' maistei's and wardens of tlie misterie of stacioners,
' to assist the said Thomas Tallis and William Birde
' and their assignes for the dewe execution of the
' premisses.' *
Ames, in his Typographical Antiquities, pag. 353,
takes notice that the dedication of this book to queen
Elizabeth is very remarkable ; he does not say for
Avhat, but it is obvious that he means for its com-
position and style, which is most pure and elegant
Latin. The epistle dedicatory it is more than pro-
bable vas written by Richard IMulcaster, the master of
Merchant Taylor's school, an excellent grammarian,
and a man of the first degree of eminence in his pro-
fession. There are prefixed to the book some Latin
commendatory verses, with his name to them, in
which is the following compliment to queen Elizabeth
upon lier skill in nuisic : —
'Regia majestas, jetatis gloria nostrse ;
' Hanc in deliciis semper habere solet,
' Nee conteuta graves aliorum audire labores
'Ipsa etiam egregie voce manuque canit.'f
In this work is contained that admirable com-
position of Tallis, ' 0 sacrum convivium,' better
known t(j the world, indeed, by the initial words ' I
* call and cry,' which, with the whole of that anthem,
were adapted to the notes of ' 0 sacrum convivium'
by Dean Aldrich. Charles Butler, of Oxford, a man
of great learning, and known to the world by his
attempts to reform the English orthography, com-
mends ' Absterge Domine,' the second of the Cantiones
SacrjB of Tallis, in the highest terms, and makes use
of the authority of it for several purposes.
It is commonly said that Tallis was organist to
Henry VIII. and the three succeeding princes his
descendants ; but it may well be doubted whether
any establishment of the kind was known till the
beginning of the reign of queen Elizabeth, when
Tallis and Bird were severally appointed organists of
the royal chapel. And here it may be necessary to
mention, as has been hinted before, that the ancient
foundations of conventual, cathedral, and collegiate
churches in this kingdom, although less ancient than
the introduction of organs into the church service,
* The power of the crown to grant such privileges as are contained in
this and other patents of the like kind, is expressly denied by Sir Joseph
Yates, in his argument in the great case of literary property, Millar v.
Taylor, where speaking of the patent of Tallis and IJird, and also of that
granted to Worley, he says they are arbitrary, gross, and absurd. Question
concerning literary property, published by Sir James Burrow, 4to. 1773,
pag. 85. And it appears that Morley was (jafstioncd by the House of
Cummons three years after the (/ranting it. Ames's Typogr. Antiq. 509.
t Thus translated in the Biogr. Brit., Art. John Bull, page 1007, in
note : —
' The Queen, the glory of our age and isle,
' With royal favor bids tliis science smile;
' Nnr hears she only others' lat>or'd lays,
'But, artist-like herself both sings and plays.'
take not the least notice of such an officer as the
organist, but are endowments uniformly in favour of
canons, the greater and the less, lay vicars or clerks,
and choristers. Nay farther, no provision for an
organist appears either in the list of the choral
establishment of Edward VI. or in that of queen
Mary, though in both, trumpeters and players on the
sackbut occur. Hence it may fairly be presumed,
and Dr. Benjamin Rogers was of that opinion, that
anciently the duty of the organist, as well in cathedral
and collegiate churches and chapels, as in abbies,
monasteries, and other religious houses, was per-
formed by some one or other of the vicars choral, or
other members of the choir ; | an evident proof of
the flourishing state of music among us in those
early times. In this view, and this only, can Tallis
be considered as organist to Henry VIII. Edward VI.
and queen IMary.
Notwithstanding that he was a diligent collector
of musical antiquities, and a careful peruser of the
works of other men, the compositions of Tallis,
learned and elegant as they are, are so truly original,
that he may justly be said to be the father of the
cathedral style ; and though a like appellation is
given by the Italians to Palestrina, it is much to
be questioned, considering the time when Tallis
flourished, whether he could derive the least ad-
vantage from the improvements of that great man.
It may therefore be conjectured that he laid the
foundation of his studies in the works of the old
cathedralists of this kingdom, and probably in those
of the German musicians, who in his time had the
pre-eminence of the Italians ; and that he had an
emulation to excel even these, may be presumed
from the following particular. Johannes Okenheim,
a native of the Low Countries, and a disciple of
lodocus Pratensis, had made a composition for no
fewer than thirty -six voices, which Glareanus says
was greatly admired. Tallis composed a motet in
forty parts, the history of which stupendous com-
position, as far as it can now be traced, is as fol-
lows : —
It was originally composed, in the reign of queen
Elizabeth, to the following words, ' Spem in alium
' nunquam habui praster in te Deus Israel, qui iras-
' ceris, et propitius eris, et omnia peccata hominum,
' in tribulatione dimittis, Domine Deus, creator coeli
' et terra?, respice humilitatem nostram.' In the
' reign of the first or second Charles some person
' put to it certain English words, which are neither
* verse nor prose, nor even common sense ; and it
' was probably sung on some public occasion ; but
' the composition with the Latin woi'ds coming to
' the hands of Mr. Hawlcins, formerly organist of the
' cathedral church of Ely, he presented it to Edward
earl of Oxford. Diligent search has been made for
it among the Harleian manuscripts in the British
X In the statutes of St. Taul's cathedral, tit. de Gartionibus [;'. c.
of the grooms, from Garcio, a poor servile lad, or boy-servant. CowEt.J
it is said that the duty of these servants is, ' exculpent ecclesiam, com-
' panas pulsant exsufflent crgana, et omne aliud humile oflicium ex-
' erceant in ecclesia ad iniperium vergiferorum ; ' but though provision
is thus made for blowing the organ, tlie statutes are silent as to who is to
play it. For some years past there has been an organist of St. Paul's,
with a salary, which, upon the appointment of Dr. Greene, was augmented
with the revenue of a lay vicar's place.
Chap. XCV.
AND PEACTICE OP MUSIC.
457
Museum, but witliout effect. As to tlie music, it is
adapted to voices of five different kinds, that is,
tenor, counter-tenor, altus, or mean, and treble, eight
of each ; and though every musician knows that, in
strictness of speech, in a musical composition there
can in reality be but four parts, for where there ai'e
more, some must rest while others sing ; yet this of
Tallis is so contrived, that the melody of the four
jDarts is so broken and divided as to produce the
effect of as many parts as there are voices required
to sing it.
It is somewhat difficult to account for the publi-
cation of the Cantiones Sacr£)e in the original Latin
words at a time when it is well known that our
liturgy was completely settled, and the whole of the
church service was by law required to be performed
in the English tongue. It is true that the first act
of uniformity of Edward VI. allowed great latitude
in singing, and left it in a great measure in the dis-
cretion of the clergy either to adopt the metrical
psalmody of the Calvinists, or to persevere in the use
of the solemn choral service ; and accordingly we see
them both practised at this day ; but that the singing
of anthems and hymns in the Latin tongue was per-
mitted under the sanction of this licence, there is no
authority for saying ; and indeed, the original com-
position of music to the Latin service by Tallis and
Bird, is not to be accounted for but upon a suppo-
sition, which there is nothing to contradict, that they
were of the Romish persuasion, and that the Can-
tiones Sacrje were composed for the use of queen
Mary's chapel : with respect to Tallis, it may be
observed that his name occurs in a list of her
establishment yet extant ; and as to Bird, that besides
his share in the above work, there are several masses
of his composition in print, which favour the opinion
that he was once of the same communion.
But notwithstanding his supposed attachment to the
Eomish religion, it seems that Tallis accommodated
himself and his studies to those alterations in the
form of public worship which succeeded the accession
of Queen Elizabeth. With this view he set to music
those several parts of the English liturgy, which at
that time were deemed the most proper to be sung,
naiuely, the two morning services, the one compre-
hending the Venite exultemus, TeDeum, and Benedic-
tus ; and the other, which is part of the Communion
office, consisting of the Kyrie Eleisotf, Nicene Creed,
and Sanctus ; as also the evening service, containing
the Magnificat and Nunc dimittis ; all these are com-
prehended in that which is called Tallis's first service,
as being the first of two composed by him.* He
also set musical Notes to the Preces and Responses,
and composed that litany, which, for its excellence,
is sung on solemn occasions, in all places where the
choral service is performed.
As to the Preces of Tallis in his first service, they
are no other than those of Marbeck in his book of
* It may be remarked that neither the psalms, Jubilate Deo in the
morning, nor Cantate Domino and Deus misereatur in the evening
]ir.ayer, occur in the service of Tallis ; the reason is, that in the first
settlement of the choral service they were not included, the most ancient
.lubilate being that of Dr. Giles, and the most ancient Deus misereatur
that of Jlr. Strogers, both printed in Barnard's Collection, hereafter
mentioned. When the Cantate Domine was first taken it appears not.
Common Prayer noted : the responses are somewhat
different, that is to say, in the tenor part, which is
supposed to contain the melody ; but Tallis has
improved them by the addition of three parts, and
thereby formed a judicious contrast between the sup-
plications of the priest and the suffrages of the people,
as represented by the choir.
The services of Tallis contain also chants for the
Venite exultemus and the Creed of St. Athanasius ;
these are tunes that divide each verse of the psalm or
hymn according to the pointing, to the end that the
whole may be sung alternately by the choir, as
distinguished by the two sides of the dean and the
chanter. Two of these chants are published in Dr.
Boyce's cathedral music, vol. I.*
* This method of singing, though it corresponds with that aniiphoiial
singing which was introduced into the church about the year 350, by
Flavianus and Diodorus, the one bishop of Antioch, the other of Tarsus,
and is in truth that part of choral service which is best warranted by the
practice of the primitive Christians, and the judgment of the fathers. Is
that which the Puritans mean when they inveigh against the practice of
' tossing the Psalms about like tennis-balls ; ' their sentiments are con-
tained in that '. irulent libel, the first of those two Admonitions to the
Parliament, the one written by Field, minister of Aldermary, London,
the other by Thomas Cartwright, printed in the year 1572, wherein is the
following bitter invective against the form of divine worship as then
lately established : ' In all theyr order of service there is no edification
' according to the rule of the Apostle but confusion : they tosse the
' Psalmes in most places like tennice-balles. They pray that all men
'maybe saved, and that they may be delivered from thundering and
' tempest, when no danger is nigh. That they sing Benedictus, Nunc
' Dimittis, and Magnificat, we know not to what purpose, except some
' of them were ready to die, or except they would celebrate the memory
' of the Virgine and John Baptist, &c. Thus they prophane the holy
' scriptures. The people, some standing, some walking, some talking,
' some reading, some praying by themselves, attend not to the minister.
' He againe posteth it over as fast as he can galloppe ; for eytlier he hath
' two places to serve, or else there are some games to be playde in the
' afternoone, as lying for Ihe whetstone, heathenishe dauncing for the
' ring, a beare or a bull to be baited, or else jackanapes to ride on horse-
' backe, or an interlude to be plaide ; and if no place else can be gotten,
' this enterlude must be playde in the church, &'c. Now the people sit,
' and now they stand up. When the Old Testament is read, or the
' lessons, they make no reverence, but when Gospel commeth then they
' al stand up, for why, they thinke that to be of greatest authoritie, and
' are ignorant that the Scriptures came from one spirite. When Jesus is
'named, then of goeth the cap, and downe goeth the knees, wyth such •
' a scraping on the ground, that they cannot heare a good while after, so
'tliat the word is hindered; but when any other names of God are
' mentioned, they make no curtesie at all, as though the names of God
' were not equal, or as though all reverence ought to be given to the
' syllables. We speake not of ringing when mattens is done, and other
' abuses incident, bicause we shal be answered that by the boke they are
' not maintayned, only we desire to have a boke to reforme it. As for
' organes and curious singing, thoughe they be properto Popyshe dennes,
' I meane to cathedrall churches ; yet some others also must have them.
' The queenes chapell, and these churches (whych should be spectacles
' of Chrystian reformation) are rather patternes and presidentes to the
' people of all superstition.'
Hooker, Eccles. Pol. book V. sect. 33, has defended with great
learning and jugment the practice of chanting or singing the Psalms by
course, or side after side, against an objection of Cartwright, in another
part of his works, to wit, that 'it is the more to be suspected, as the
• Devil hath gone about to get it authority ; ' nevertheless, so lately as
the time of king William, endeavours were used to get it banished from
the church, /cir !H 1689, an ecclesiastical commission issued, and we are
told that in execution thereof it U'as proposed, among other reformations of
ihe church-service, to laij aside chanting in cathedrals. Vide, Calamy's
Abridgment of Baxter's History of his Life and Times, Vol. I. p. 440-453.
Hooker professes to wonder, as indeed any man would, how the
Devil can be benefited by our singing of Psalms ; and for singing the
Binedictus and other hymns he thus apologizes : ' Of reading or singing
' ^^agnificat, Benedictus, and Nunc Dimittis oftener than the rest of the
' Psalms, the causes are no whit less reasonable ; so that if the one may
' very well monthly, the other may as well even daily be iterated. They
' are songs which concern us so much more than the songs of David,
' as the Gospel toucheth us more than the law, the New Testament
'than the Old. And if the Psalms, for the excellency of their use,
'deserve to be oftner repeated tlian they are, but that the multitude of
' them permitteth not any oftner repetition, what disorder is it, if
'these few Evangelical hymns, which are in no respect less wortliy, and
' may be, by reason of their paucity, imprinted with much more ease in
' all men's memories, be for that cause every day rehearsed ? In our own
'behalf it is convenient and orderly enough, that both they and we
' make day by day prayers and supplications the very same ; Why not as
' fit and convenient to magnifie the name of God day by day with certain
' the very self-same Psalms of praise and thanksgiving : Either let
' them not allow the one, or else cease to reprove the other. For the
'ancient received use of intermingling hym.ns and psalms vnih divine
' readings, enough hath been written. And if any may fitly serve unto
458
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
EooK X.
The care of selecting from the Common Prayer
the offices most proper to be simg, was a matter of
some importance, especially as the Rubric contains
no directions about it ; for this reason it is supposed
that the musical part of queen Elizabeth's liturgy was
settled by Parker, archbishop of Canterbury, who,
besides that he was a great divine, an excellent
canon-lawyer and ritualist, and a general scholar,
was also a skilful musician."' Besides the offices
above-mentioned, constituting what are now termed
the Morning, Communion, and Evening Services in
four parts, with the preces, responses, and litany,
that is to say, the versicles and suffrages, Tallis
composed many anthems, as namely, ' O Lord, give
' thy holy spirit,' in four parts ; ' With all our hearts,'
' Blessed"^ be thy name,' ' ^Yipe away my sins,' and
others in five parts, which are printed in a collection
entitled ' The first Book of selected Church-music,
* collected out of divers approved authors by John
* Barnard, one of the minor canons of the cathedral
' church of St. Paul," 1641.
Tallis died the twenty-third day of November, 1585,
and was buried in the parish church of Greenwich in
Kent. Strype, in his Continuation of Stow's Survey,
published in 1720, says that in his circuit-walk round
London he found in the chancel of that church, upon
a stone before the rails, a brass plate thus inscriljed iu
old letters : —
Enterred here doth ly a worthy wyght,
Who for long tyme in mufick bore the bell :
His name to fhew, was Thomas Tallys hyght,
In honeft uertuous lyff he dyd excelU
He feru'd long tyme in chappel with grate prayfe,
Fower fouereygncs reygncs (a thing not often feene)
I mean kyng Henry and prynce Edward's dayes,
Quene Mary, and Elizabeth our quene.
He maryed was, though children he had none,
And lyu'd in loue ful thre and thirty yeres
Wyth loyal fpowfe, whos name yclept was Jone,
Who here entomb'd, him company now bears.
As he dyd lyue, fo alfo did he dy,
In myld and quyet fort, O happy man !
To God ful oft for mercy did he cry,
Wherefore he lyues, let deth do what he can.
The stone on which this inscription was engraven
was repaired by Dean Aldrich.f
The following motet of Tallis is the second in
order of the Cantiones Sacrre published by him and
Bird in 1575. The Miserere that here follows it, is
the last composition in the same collection : —
ge Do -
' that purpose, how sliould it better have been devised, than that a com-
' petent number of the old being first read, tliese of the new sliould
' succeed in the place where now they are set? In which place iiotwith-
' standing, there is joined with Benedictus, the hundred Psalm; with
' Magnificat, the ninety-eight ; the sixty-seventh with Nunc Dimittis ;
' and in every of them the choice left free for the minister to use in-
' differently, the one for the other. Seeing, therefore, they pretend no
' quarrel at other Psalms which are in like manner appointed also to be
' daily read. Why do these so much offend and displease their taste ?
' They are the first gratulations wherewith our Lord and Saviour was
'joyfully received at his entrance into the world, by such as in their
'hearts, arms, and very bowels, embraced him; being prophetical dis-
' coveries of Christ already present, whose future coming the other
' Psalm did but fore-signifie ; they are against the obstinate incredulity
'of the Jews, the most luculent testimonies that Christian religion hath :
' yea, the only sacred hymns they are that Christianity hath peculiar unto
' itself; the other being songs too of praise and thanksgiving, but songs
'wherewith as we serve God, so the Jew likewise.' Kecks. Polity, bk.V.
sect. 40.
* SIrype, in his life of this prelate, page 4, relates that in his youth he
had been taught to sing by one Love, a priest, and also by one JLanthorp,
clerk of St. Stephen's in Norwich ; and in his translation of the Psalms
of David, a book but little known, and which he composed during his
retreat from the persecution of queen Mary, are certain observations on
the ecclesiastical tones, which shew him to have been deeply skilled in
church-music.
t There was also in the old church of Greenwich an inscription on
brass in memory of Richard Bowyer, gentleman of the chapel and master
of the children under king Henry VIII. Edward VI. queen Mary, and
queen Elizabeth. He died 2G July, 1561, and was succeeded by Richard
Edwards, from Oxford.
There was also in the same church a stone, purporting that Ralph
Dallans, organ-maker, deceased while he was making the organ, which
was begun by him F'ebruary, lu72, and finished by James White, his
partner, who completed it, and erected the stone, 1673. But tlie old
church being pulled down soon after the year 1720, in order to the re-
building it, not the least trace of any of these memorials is now re-
maining.
(Jhap. XCV.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
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HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book X.
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Chap. XCVI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
4G5
The ]Miserere above exhibited is in its contexture
extremely curious and artificial, as will appear by the
following analysis of its parts : —
( DuK! Partes in una, Canon in
( unisono.
Canon in unisono.
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Arsin et Thesin.
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Voluntaria pars.
Canon in unisono.
Canon in unisono.
Superius primus -
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7 Bassus secundus
Richard Farrant, a fine old composer for the
church, was a gentleman of the chapel royal in 1564,
and after that master of the children of St. George's
chapel at Windsor, with an allowance of 81/. Cjs. 8d.
per annum for their diet and teaching. He was also
one of the clerks and one of the organists of the same
chapel. Upon occasion of these latter appointments
he resigned his place in the chapel royal, but in 1569
was called to it again, and held it till 1580, when
Anthony Todd was appointed in his room. His places
in the chapel at Windsor he enjoyed to the time of
his death, which is supposed to have been in 1585,
Nathaniel Giles, then a bachelor in music, being
sworn into both of them on the first day of October
in that year. His compositions are in a style re-
markably devout and solemn ; many of them are
printed in Barnard's Collection of Church-music
above-mentioned, and a few in Dr. Boyce's cathe-
dral music.
Robert Parsons, or, as his name is spelt by
Morley, Persons, was organist of Westminster abbey.
The following epitaph on him is in Camden's Remains.
Upon Master Parsons, Organist at Westminster.
Death passing by and hearing Parsons play,
Stood much amazed at his depth of skill.
And said 'This artist must with me away,'
For death bereaves us of the better still ;
But let the quire, while he keeps time, sing on,
For Parsons rests, his service being done.
He was sworn of queen Elizabeth's chapel on the
seventeenth day of October, 1563, and was drowned at
Newark -upon-Trent on the twenty -fifth of January,
1569. Many of his compositions are Qxtant in MS.
Butler, in his Principles of Music, page 91, speaks
in terms of high commendation of the " In Nomines"
of Parsons, and those also of Tye and Taverner.'*
* The term In Nomine is a very obscure designation of a musical
composition, for it may signify a fugue, in which the principal and the
reply differ in the order of solmisation ; such a fugue being called by
musicians a Fugue in Nomine, as not being a fugue in strictness. Again,
it may seem to mean some office in divine service, for in the Gradual of
the Romish church the Introitus, In festos sanctissimi nominisJesu, has
this beginning, 'In nomine Jesu omne genu flectatur:' and this latter
circumstance seems to be decisive of the question. But upon looking
into an In Nomine of Master Taverner, in that venerable old book
entitled ' Morning and Evening Praier and Communion set forth in
' fower partes, to be song in churches,' printed by John Day in 1565, it
clearly appears that the term refers to the nineteenth Psalm, as it stands
in the Vulgate, though it is the twentieth in our translation, and that by
reason of the following verse in it, ' Latabimur in salutari tuo : et in
' nomine Dei nostri magnificabimur.'
In the Life of Milton by his nephew Phillips, prefixed to the English
translation of his State Letters, it is said that John Milton the father,
who was so eminently skilled in music as to be ranked among the
masters of the science in his time, composed an In Nomine, for which
he received of a Polish prince a present of a gold chain and medal.
Parsons left behind Mm a son oiamed John, who
lecame master of the choristers in Westminster
Abbey. ■ In the year 1616, xipon the recommend-
ation of Dr. Iloxmtain, the Dean, he rvas elected
one of the parish clerks, aiid also organist of the
Parish church of St. Ifargarefs, Westminster.
See a subsequent part of this morh.
CHAP. XCVI.
In what manner the theory of music was anciently
taught in the universities of this kingdom, especially
that of Oxford, may in some measure be collected from
the accounts given by Wood of the studies and exer-
cises of candidates for degrees in that faculty. As to
the practice of it, it is evident that for many years it
was only to be acquired in monasteries, and in the
schools of cathedral and collegiate churches. The music
lecture in Oxford was not founded till the year 1626 ;
and before that time, although there were endowments
for the support of professors, and the reading of lec-
tures in divinity and other faculties, we meet with no
account of any thing of the kind respecting music.
It is probable that this consideration, and a view
to the benefit that might accrue to students in music,
in common with those intended for other professions,
from public lectures, were the motives of that princely-
spirited man. Sir Thomas Gresham, to the foundation
of that college in London known by his name, which
within these few years has ceased to exist ; and the
endowment for the maintenance of persons of suf-
ficient ability to read public lectures in the faculties
and sciences of divinity, astronomy, music, geometry,
law, physic, and rhetoric.
To this end he by his will, bearing date the fifth of
July, 1575, declares the uses of a conveyance made by
him dated the twentieth day of May preceding, to his
lady and certain other trustees therein named, that is
to say : ' As to a moiety of his buildings in London
' called the Roiall Exchange, after the determination
' of the particular estates in the whole by the said
' conveyance limitted, to the maior and cominalty and
' cittezens of London and their successors, willing and
' disposing that they shall every year give and dis-
•■ tribute to and for the sustentation, maynetenaunce,
■' and findinge foure persons, from tyme to tyme to be
' chosen, nominated, and appointed by the said maior
' and cominalty and cittezens, and their successors,
' mete to rede the lectures of divynitye, astronomy,
' musicke, and geometry, within his then dwelling-
' house in the parish of St. Hellynes in Bishopsgate-
' streete, and St, Peeters the Pore, in the cittye of
' London, the somme of two hundred pounds of law-
•' full money of England, that is to say, to every of
' the said readers for the tyme beinge, the somme of
' fifty pounds yerely, for their sallaries and stipendes
' mete for four sufficiently learned to reade the said
' lectures, the same to be paid at two usual tearmes
' in the yere yerely, that is to say, at the feastes of
' th' annunciation of St. Mary the virgin, and of St.
' Mighell th' archangell, by even portions to be paid.'
And as concernins: the other moietv which he had
by his said will disposed to the wardens and coini-
2 H
4G6
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book X.
nalty of the misteiy of the mercers of the cittye of
London, the testator wills and disposes it to them
and their successors that they shall ' yerely pay and
' distribute to and for the finding, sustentation, and
' mayntenaunce, of three persons mete to read the
' lectures of law, phisicke, and rethoricke, within his
' dwelling-house aforesaid, 150^., viz. 501. to each of
' the said three persons.'
These endowments, by the terms of the will, were
postponed during the life of lady Gresham. Sir
Thomas died on the twenty-first day of November,
1571), and his lady on the third of November, IB'JO ;
upon which the provisions for the lectures took effect.
In the beginning of the year succeeding the death of
lady Gresham, the maj^or, &c. of London, and the
Mercers' Company, wrote to the imiversities of Oxford
and Cambridge, requesting a nomination to them seve-
rally of persons properly qualified for professors, in
consequence of which nomination three were chosen
from each university ; the seventh, that is to say, the
music professor. Dr. John Bull, was appointed by the
special recommendation of queen Elizabeth.
Having elected the professors, the city and the
Mercers' Company next proceeded to settle the course
and subjects of the lectures ; and this was done by
certain ordinances and agreements, bearing date the
sixteenth day of January, 1597, between the mayor
and commonalty and citizens of London on the first
part, the wardens and commonalty of the mystery of
Mercers of the saiiie city of the second part, and the
lecturers elected and appointed and placed in Gresham
house on the third part.
It was for some time a matter of debate whether
the lectures should be read in English or in Latin, or
in both languages ;* the reasons for reading them, or
at least the divinity lecture, in English, are extant in
Strype's edition of Stowe's Survey, but at length it was
agreed that they should be read in both languages.
The ordinances above-mentioned may be seen at
large in Strype's edition of Stowe, vol. II. Append. II.
page 2, and also in the preface to Ward's Lives of
the Gresham Professors : what concerns the music
lecture is in these words : —
' The solemn musick lecture is to be read twice
* every week, in manner following, viz., the theorique
' part for half an hour, or thereabouts ; and the prac-
' tique by concent of voice or of instruments, for the
* rest of the hour ; whereof the first lecture to be in
' the Latin tongue, and the second in the English
' tongue. The days appointed for the solemn lectures
' of musick are Thursday and Saturday in the after-
* noons, between the hours of three and four ; and
* because at this time Mr. Doctor Bull is recom-
' mended to the place by the queen's most excellent
' majesty, being not able to speak Latin, his lectures
' are permitted to be altogether in English so long as
' he shall continue the place of the music lecturer
' there.'
The ordinances above-mentioned appoint the days
and hours for reading the several lectures ; but these
were not finally adjusted till the year 1631, when
* Book I. pag. 12S, edit. 1720. '■
the reading was confined to the law terms, and that
in the following order : —
IMonday, Divinity.
Tuesday, Civil Law,
Wednesday, Astronomy.
Thursday, Geometry.
Friday, Khetoric.
Saturday, | f^y^^^^■
And this is the order now observed.f
William Bird, supposed to be the son of Thomas
Bird, one of the gentlemen of the chapel in the reign
of Edward VI.^: was one of the children of the same ;
and, as it is asserted by Wood in the Ashmolean MS.
was bred up under Tallis. There are some par-
ticulars relating to this eminent person that embarrass
his history, and render it difficult to ascertain precisely
either the time of his birth, or his age when he died,
and consequently the period in which he flourished.
That he was very young in the reign of Edward VI.
may be concluded from the circumstance that ho
lived till the year 1623, at M'hich time, supposing
him to have been born in the first year of that
prince's reign, viz. anno 154:6, he must have been of
the age of seventy-seven. And yet there are many
of his compositions, particularly masses, extant, which
must be supposed to have been made while the
church service was in Latin, and bespeak him to
have arrived at great excellence in his faculty before
the final establishment of the liturgy under queen
Elizabeth. The most probable conjecture that can
be formed touching this particular seems to be, that
he was a child of the chapel under Edward VI. and
as his name does not occur in the chapel establish-
ment of queen Mary, that he Avas either not in her
service, or if he was, that he did not receive a
stipend as Tallis and others did whose names are
entered on the roll.
There can be very little doubt, considering the
time when they lived, and the compositions by them
published separately and in conjunction, but that
both Tallis and Bird were of the Romish com-
munion. It was not to be expected that in those
times the servants of the chapel should be either
divines or casuists, therefore it is not to be wondered
at if Tallis in particular accommodated himself to
those successive changes of the national religion
which were made before the reformation was com-
pleted ; or that he and Bird should afterwards fall in
t In the eighth year of the present king an act of parliament passed
for carrying into execution an agreement of the city and the mercer's
company with the commissioners of the excise revenue for the purchase
of Gresham-college, and the ground and buildings thereunto belonging,
and for vesting the same in the crown for the purpose of erecting and
building an excise-office there, and for enabling the lecturers of the said
college to marry, notwithstanding any restriction contained in the will
of Sir Thomas Gresham, knight, deceased.
The bill was strongly opposed in the house of commons by the pro-
fessors, with Dr. Pemberton, the physic professor, at their head ; but
a clause being inserted therein that gave him an additional sum of 501.
a year for his life, he was satisfied, as were the other professors with the
simi of 501. a year in lieu of their apartments in the college over and
above their stipends, and that provision in the act that left them at liberty
to marry. The city, and also the mercer's company were obliged to find
and provide a proper and sufficient place or places for the professors to
read in ; and accordingly the lectures are now read in a room over the
Royal Exchange.
X Besides being a gentleman of the chapel, it seems that he was clerk
of the cheque. He died in 15G1.
Chap. XCVI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
467
with that establishment which banished superstition
and error from the church, and become good and
sincere protestants.
Upon the accession of queen Elizabeth, and the
resolutions taken by her to reform the choral service,
Richard Bowyer, who had been master of the
children under king Henry VIII. Edward VI. and
queen Mary, was continued in that station ; Dr. Tye,
who seems to have been out of employ during the
reign of queen IMarj^ and William Blitheman, were
made organists, and Tallis continued a gentleman of
the chapel royal. As to Bird, there seems to have
been no provision made for him at court ; on the
contrar}. , he went to Lincoln, of which cathedral he
had been chosen organist in 1563 ; nor does it ap-
pear that he had any employment in the chapel till
the year 1569, when he was appointed a gentleman
thereof in the room of Robert Parsons, who about
a month before, by accident, was drowned at Newark-
upon-Trent.* Upon his being elected into the
chapel, Bird was permitted by the dean and chapter
to execute his office of organist of Lincoln by a
substitute named Butler, of whom there are no me-
morials remaining.
It appears that in 1575, Tallis and Bird were both
gentlemen, and also organists of the royal chapel ;
but the time of their appointment to this latter office
cannot now be ascertained.
Wood, in his account of IMorley, Fasti, anno 1588,
says of Bird that he was skilled in the mathematics ;
and it there and elsewhere appears that Morley, who
was his disciple, was taught by him as well mathe-
matics as music.
These are all the particulars of his life that can
now be recovered, excepting that ho died on the
fourth day of July in the year 1623, and that he had
a son named Thomas, educated in his own profession,
who in the year 1601 was the substitute of Dr. John
Bull, and while he was travelling abroad for the
recovery of his health, read the music lecture for him
at Gresham college.
The compositions of Bird are many and various ;
those of his younger years were mostly for the
service of the church, and favour strongly the sup-
position that he then adhered to the Romish commu-
nion ; for with what reason can it be imagined that
a protestant musician should, not to mention other
Latin offices, compose masses ? and of these there
are three at least of Bird's actually in print, one for
three, another for four, and another for five voices.
The .work herein before spoken of, entitled ' Can-
' tiones, quje ab argumento sacraj vocantur, quin-
* que et sex partium, Autoribus Thoma Tallisio et
' Guilielmo Birdo,' London 1575, oblong quarto, was
composed by Bird, in conjunction with Tallis, and
seems to be the eai'liest of his publications, though
he must at that time have been somewhat advanced in
years. He also composed a work of the same kind en-
titled ' Sacrarum Cantionum, quinque vocum,' printed
in 1589, among which is that noble composition
' Civitas sancti tui,' which for many years past has
* This disaster befel Parsons January 25, ISfiO, and Bird was svrom
in his room Februai-y 22, in the same year. Clifque Book.
been sung in the church as an anthem to the words
' Bow thine ear, O Lord.'
Besides these he was the author of a work entitled
' Gradualia, ac Cantiones sacrce, quinis, quaternis
' trinisque vocibus concinnatai. lib. primus. Authore
' Gulielmo Byrde, Organista regio Anglo.' Of this
there are two editions, the latter published in 1610.
In the dedication of this work to Henry Howard,
earl of Northampton, the author testifies his gratitude
to that nobleman for the part he had taken in pro-
curing for him and his fellows in the royal chapel an
increase of salary. His words are these : ' Te suasore
' ac rogatore, serenissimus rex (exemplo post regis
' Edouardi tertii retatem inaudito) me sociosq ; meos,
' qui ipsius majestati in musicis deservimus, novis
* auxit beneficiis, et stipendiorum incrementis.f
The contents of this first book of the Gradualia are
antiphons, hymns, and other offices, in the Latin
tongue for the festivals, that is to say. In festo Puri-
ficationis. In festo omnium sanctorum. In festo cor-
poris Chi-isti, In festo nativitatis beataj Mariaj Vir-
ginis, and others, probably composed during the
reign of queen Slary.
Another collection of the like sort, and by the
same author, was published by him in the same year
1610, with this title, ' Gradualia, seu cantionum
' sacrarum : quarum alise ad qimtuor, aliaj vero ad
' quinque et sex voces editae sunt.'
These, with the masses above-mentioned, after a
careful enquiry, seem to be the whole of the com-
positions for the church, published by Bird himself;
and, that he should think it proper to utter them in
the reign of James the First, and at a time when the
church had rejected these and numberless other
offices of the like kind, which formerly made a part
of divine service, can only be accounted for by that
disposition which then prevailed in the public to
receive and admire whatever had the sanction of his
name.
Although it appears by these his works that Bird
was in the strictest sense a church musician, he
occasionally gave to the world compositions of a
secular kind ; and he seems to be the first among
English musicians that ever made an essay in the
composition of that elegant species of vocal harmony
the madrigal. The La Verginella of Ariosto, which
he set in that form for five voices, being the most
ancient musical composition of the kind to be met
with in the works of English authors.
To speak of his compositions for private entertain-
ment, there are extant these that follow : —
' Songs of sundry natures, some of gravitie, and
' others of myrth, fit for all companies and voyces,
' printed in 1589.'
' Psalmes, sonets, and songs of sadness and pietie
' made into musicke of five parts, whereof eome of
+ This passage has an allusion to a grant of James I. anno 1604, after
a Ions ami chargeable suit, with the furtherance of the earl of North-
ampton, and other honourable persons, whereby the stipends of the
gentlemen of the chapel were increased from thirty to forty pounds per
annum, and the allowance for the twelve children from sixpence to ten-
pence per diem, with a proportionable increase of salary to the Serjeant,
the two yeomen, and the groom of the vestry. A memorial of this grant
is entered in the cheque-book of the chapel-royal, with an anathema
upon whosoever shall take out the leaf. A copy of the whole verbatim is
inserted in a subsecjuent page of this work.
468
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book X
* them going abroad among divors in untrue coppies,
' are here truly corrected ; and th' other being songs
' very rare and newly composed, are here published
' for the recreation of all such as delight in musicke,
' by William Byrd, one of the Gent, of the Queens
* Majesties royall chappell.'
The last of his works published by himself is
entitled ' Psalmes, Songs, and Sonets : some solemne,
' others joy full, framed to the life of the words, fit
' for voyces or viols of 3, 4, 5, and G parts.' Lond.
1611.
Besides these he was the author of many com-
positions published in collections made by other
persons, namely, that entitled ' Parthenia, or the
' maiden - head of the first musick that ever was
' printed for the virginalls, composed by three
* famous masters, William Byrd, Dr. John Bull, and
' Orlando Gibbons, gentlemen of her majesties chap-
pell,' in which are three lessons for that instrument
of his composition. In the printed collections of
services and anthems published at sundry times,
namely, those of Day and Barnard, are many com-
posed by him, and still many more which exist only
in the manuscript books of the king's chapel, the
cathedral, and collegiate churches of this kingdom.
That he was an admirable organist there cannot
be the least doubt : a very good judge of music, who
was well acquainted with him, says that ' with fingers
*and with pen he had not his peer ;'* and we need
but advert to his compositions to judge of his style
and manner of playing on that noble instrument. If
he had, as the passage above-cited seems to indicate,
a free and voluble hand, we may reasonably conclude
that the exercise of it was sufficiently restrained and
corrected by his judgment ; and that his voluntaries
were enriched with varied motion, lofty fugues, artful
Byncopations, original and unexpected cadences, and,
in short, all the ornaments of figurate descant, form-
ing a style solemn, majestic, and devout.
His music for the virginals, or, as we should now
say, his lessons for the harpsichord, are of a cast
proper for the instrument ; and as we cannot but
suppose that he was able to play them himself,
bespeak in him a command of hand beyond w'hat
will readily be conceived of by those who imagine,
as is the truth in many instances, that the powers of
execution, as well in instrumental as vocal music,
have been increasing for two centuries past even to
this day. In the collection entitled Parthenia above-
Hientioned, the lessons of Bird are none of the easiest ;
but in a manuscript collection, consisting solely of
his own compositions, and presented by him to a
scholar of his, the lady Nevil, are some as difficult to
execute as any of modern times. In this collection
is that composition taken notice of by Dr. Ward in
his Life of Dr. Bull, entitled ' Have with you to
' Walsingham.' f
* See the verses of John Baldwin in a subsequent page.
+ This lesson is mentioned by Dr. Ward, as being in a manuscript
volume in the library of Dr. Pepuscb, the contents whereof he has
given at large ; in that collection it stands tlie first, and is called only
Walsingham. The Doctor in a note styles it ' As I went to Walsingham,'
and says, without vouching any authority, that this tune was first com-
posed by Bird with twenty-two variations, and tliat afterwards thirty
others were added to it at ditferent times by Dr. Bull.
Dr. Ward in this note seems to confound the lesson with the tune ; for
But, notwithstanding the number and variety of
Bird's compositions, the most permanent memorials
of his excellencies are his motets and anthems, to
which may be added a fine service in the key of D
with the minor third, the first composition in Dr.
Boyce's Cathedral Music, vol. III. and that well-
known canon of his ' Non nobis Domine,' concerning
w^hich in this place it is necessary to be somewhat
particular.
There seems to be a dispute between us and the
Italians whether the canon ' Non nobis Domine'
be of the composition of our countryman Bird or of
Palestrina. That it has long been deposited in the
Vatican library, and there preserved with great
care, has been confidently asserted, and is generally
believed ; and that the opinion of the Italian mu-
sicians is that it was composed by Palestrina may be
collected from this, that it has lately been wrought
into a concerto in eight parts, and published at
Amsterdam in the name of Carlo Ricciotti, with a
note that the subject of the fugue of the concerto is
a canon of Palestrina ; and that sul)ject is evidently
the canon above-mentioned in all its three parts.
Now though it is admitted that the canon ' Non
'nobis Domine' does not occur among any of the
Avorks of Bird above enumerated, and that its first
publication was by John Hilton, at the end of his
collection of Catches, Rounds, and Canons, printed in
1652 ; yet there seems to be evidence more than
equipollent to what has yet been produced on the
other side of the question, that he and he only was
the author of it : in such a case as this, tradition
it is more than probable that it was composed upon the ground of a tune
to an old interlude or ballad in Pepy's collection mentioned by Dr. Percy
in his Reliques of ancient English Poetry, vol. II. pag. 91, and begin-
ning thus : —
' As I -went to Walsingham,
' To the shrine with speede,
' Met I with a jolly palmer
' In a pilgrime's weede.
" Now God you save yon jolly palmer !
" Welcome lady gay,
" Oft have I sued to thee for love,
" Oft have I said you nay."
To confirm this opinion of the Doctor's mistake, it may be observed
that many of Bird's lessons were composed on old grounds or popular
tunes : to give an instance of one in particular, in Lady Nevil's book
above-mentioned is a lesson of Bird, entitled Sellenger's, i. e. St. Leger's
Round ; this Sellenger's Round was an old country dance, and was not
quite out of knowledge at the beginning of the present century, there
being persons now living who remember it. Morley mentions it in his
Introduction, pag. 118, and Taylor the water-poet, in his tract en-
titled ' The world runs on wheels.' And it is printed in a collection of
country- dances published by John Playford in 1G79, the notes of it are as
follow : —
iPigi^iigi.^
i^iHi^^ii^i^ii
^
ISSg^g^^g^lfi^P
i^^
3Ep£fe|EfeFgigE3!EEEESEJEE
^^^H^^E^^i
&-^-f»-
Bird's lesson called Sellenger's Round above mentioned, is apparently
a set of variations on the country-dance of the same name; and it is
highly probable that the lesson ' As I went to Walsingham,' was also
a set of variations on the tune of some old ballad which had these for its
initial words.
Chap. XCVI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
469
must be deemed of some weight, it is hard to con-
ceive that a falsehood of this kind could ever gain
credit, and still harder that it should maintain its
ground for nearly two centuries. Dr. Pepusch in his
Treatise of Harmony has expressly ascribed it to
Bird, and if he and the rest of the world concurred
in believing it to be a composition of his, we at this
day, without any substantial evidence to the contrary,
can hardly be justified in doubting whether he or
another was the author of it.
From the nature of his works it is easy to discover
that Bird was a man of a grave and serious temper,
the far greater part of them being for the church ;
and as to the rest, they are in general as he terms
them, ' Psalmes and songs of sadnes and pietie.'
Nevertheless he could upon occasion exercise his
fancy on lighter subjects, but never in the composition
to Avords of an indecent or profane import. Twice
in his life it seems he made an essay of his talent for
light music in the composition of the madrigals, ' La
' Verginella e simile un rosa' and ' This sweet and
' merry month of May : ' * of the former of which
Peacham says it is not to be mended by the best
Italian of them all.
There is extant of Bird one, and one "^nly essay in
that kind of composition which tends to promote
mirth and good fellowship by drinking and singing,
namely, the Round or Catch. It is printed in
Hilton's collection ; the words are ' Come drink with
' me,' &c.
Morley relates that Bird and master Alfonso, [the
elder Ferabosco] in a virtuous contention, as he
terms it, in love betwixt themselves, made wpon the
plain-song of a IMiserere each to the number of forty
ways, and that they could have made infinite more
at their pleasure. From which it is to be inferred
that he was a man of an amiable disposition, and that
between him and his competitor [Ferabosco] there
was none of that envy which sometimes subsists
between the professors of the same art, and which, as
Morley insinuates, is chargeable on the times when
they both lived.
The testimonies to the merits of this most ex-
cellent musician are almost as numerous as the
authors, at least of this country, who have written
on the science or practice of music since his time.
In the cheque-book of the chapel-royal he is called
the father of music ; and in the commendatory verses
before the second part of the Gradualia, ' Britannico
' musics parenti.' Morley styles him ' his loving
' master never without reverence to be named of
' musicians ; ' and Peacham asserts, that even by the
judgment of France and Italy he was not excelled by
the musicians of either of those countries. Speaking
of his Cantiones sacra3 and Gradualia, he says, what
all must allow who shall peruse them, that they are
angelical and divine ; anel of the madrigal La Ver-
* Taken from the Orlando Furioso, canto primo. The first of these
madrigals is in fi%-e parts, and is printed at the end of the ' Psalmes,
Sonets, and songs of sadness and pietie;' a translation of the words
fitted to the same notes, may be seen in a collection entitled ' Musica
' Transalpine; ' the other madrigal is printed in a collection entitled
' The first sett of Italian madrigals Englished by Thomas Watson,' it is
set both in five and six parts. In the title-page of the latter boob the
two latter madrigals are said to be composed after ' the Italian vaine at
the request of the sayd Thomas Watson,'
ginella, and some other compositions in the same set,
that they cannot be mended by the best Italian of
them all.
Besides his salaries and other emoluments of his
profession, it is to be supposed that Bird derived
some advantages from the patent granted by queen
Elizabeth to Tallis and him, for the sole printing of
music and music-paper : Dr. Ward speaks of a book
which he had seen with the letters T. E. for Thomas
East, Est, or Este, for he spelt his name in all of these
three ways, who printed music imder that patent.
Tallis died in 1585, and the patent, by the terms
of it, survived to Bird, who no doubt for a valuable
consideration, permitted East to exercise the right of
printing under the protection of it : and he in the
title-page of most of his publications styles himself
the assignee of William Byrd. This patent granted
for twenty -one years expired in 1505; and afterwards
another, containing a power to seize music books and
music paper, was granted to Morley.
The music printed under this patent was in general
given to the world in a very elegant form, for the
initial letters of the several songs were finely orna-
mented with fanciful devices ; every page had an
ornamented border, and the notes, the heads whereof
were in the form of a lozenge, were well cut, and to
a remarkable degree legible.
Wood seems to have erred in ascribing to Bird an
admired composition in forty parts, which he says is
not extant. Compositions in forty parts are not very
common ; there is one of Tallis, of which an account
has been given in a preceding page, and is probably
the composition alluded to by Wood, who seems to
have been guiltj^ of a very excusable mistake of one
eminent musician for another.
In a manuscript collection of motetts, madrigals,
fantasias, and other musical compositions of sundry
authors, in the hand -writing of one John Baldwine,
a singing-man of Windsor, and a composer himself,
made in the year 1591, are many of the motetts of
Bird in score. The book is a singular curiosity, as
well on account of its contents, as of certain verses at
the end composed by Baldwine himself, in which the
authors whose works he had been at the pains of col-
lecting are severely characterised. The verses are
very homely, but the eulogium on Bird is so laboured
and bespeaks so loudly the estimation in which he
was held, as well abroad as at home, that the in-
sertion of the whole \a ill hardly be thought to need
an apology : —
Reede, here, behold and fee all that muficions bee :
What is inclofde herein, declare 1 will begine.
A ftore-houfTe ot'treafure this booke may be faiede
Of fon^es moft excelente and the befte that is made,
CoUedled and chofen out of the beft autours
Both ftranger and Englifh borne, whiche be the beft makers
And fkilfulft in muficke, the fcyence to fett foorthe
As herein you fhall finde if you will fpeake the truthe.
There is here no badd longe, but the beft can be hadd,
The cheefeft from all men : yea there is not one badd.
And fuch fweet muficke as dothe much delite yeelde
Bothe unto men at home and birds abroade in fielde.
The autors for to name I maye not here forgett.
But will them now downe put and all in order fett.
470
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE.
Book. X.
I will beglne with White, Shepper, Tye, and Tallis,
Parfons, Gyles, Mundie th'oulde one of the queenes pallis,
Mundie yonge, th'oulde man's fonne and like wyfe others moe ;
There names would be to longe, therefore I let them goe ;
Yet mufl: I fpeake of moe euen of ftraingers alio :
And firfte I muft bringe in Alfonlb Ferabofco,
A ftrainger borne he was in Italie as I here j
Italians faie of hime in fkill he had no peere.
Luca Merenfio with others manie moe,
As Philipp Demonte the cmperour's man alfo ;
And Orlando by name and eeke Crequillion,
Cipriano Rore : and alfo Andreon.
All famous in there arte, there is of that no doute :
There workes no lefTe declare in euerie place aboute,
Yet let not ftraingers bragg, nor they thefe foe commende ;
For they maye now geve place and fett themfelves behynd
An Englifhe man, by name, Willm Birde for his /kill
Which I fhould haue fctt firft, for foe it was my will ;
Whofe greate fkill and knowledge dothe excelle all at this tyme
And far to ftrange countries abroade his (kill dothe fhyne :
Famus men be abroade, and /kilful in the arte,
I do confeiTe the fame and will not from it ftarte 5
But in Ewropp is none like to our Englifhe man.
Which doth fo farre exceede, as trulie I it lean.
As ye cannot finde out his equale in all thinges
Throwghe out the worlde lb wide, and fo his fame now ringes.
With fingers and with penne he hathe not now his peere;
For in this world fo wide is none can him come neere.
The rareft man he is in muficks worthy arte
That now on earthe doth liue : I fpeake it from my harte
Or heere to fore hath been or after him fhall come :
None fuch I feare fhall rife that may be calde his ionne.
O famus man ! of fkill and judgemente greate profounde;
Lett heaucn and earth ringe out thy worthye praife to fbwnde ;
Ney lett thy fkill it felfe thy worthie fame recorde
To all pofteretie thy due defert afforde ;
And lett them all whicii hecre of thy greate fkill then faie
Fare well, fare well thou prince of muficke now and aye ;
Fare well I fay, fare well, fare well and here I end
Fare well melodious Birde, fare well fweet mufickes frende 1
All thefe things do I fpeake not for reward or bribe;
Nor yet to flatter him or fett him upp in pride,
Nor for aftcccion or ought might moue there towe.
But euen the truth reporte and that make known to yowe.
Lo heere I end farewell, committinge all to God,
Who kepe us in his grace and fhilde us from his rodd.
Finis — Jo Baldwine.
The two following motets, the one printed in the
second part of the Gradualia, and the other in the
Cantiones Sacra;, are evidences of the skill and
ahilitics of this admirable church musician.
Of the latter of these compositions it is to be
remarked that it is in eight parts, that is to say,
Superius primus et secnndus, Contratenor primus et
secundus, Tenor primus et secundus, and Bassus
primus et secundus ; and that in the printed book
each of these eight parts is in canon of two in one,
recte et retro. The whole is in the judgment of
some of the ablest musicians at this day living, a
most stupendous contrivance.
f
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Chap. XCVI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
471
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472
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Bock X.
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t
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^^^=3:
d^z
?2:
-J—
t:
:ziz
i^jii
rj:
e
rin=z
JUS,
prse - oc - cu - pe - mus
fa - ci-em e
^=
=!=
SiS
-•:??
s^e
pe
mus fa
ci em e - jus.
pra3 - oc - cu - pe - mus
fa
ci-em
m
tep
^^-
t?=t
fa - ci - em
i%-:=t
oc
m
:q-:j:
cu
pe
rdi
-«»-
?E
::^i
e[^
dtn;
JUS,
praj - oc - cu - pe - mus
fa
:n^i
ci - em e
|=Ei3^'ii^i=31
mus fa
ci-em e
jus,
pra3
oc
cu
i=^gi=f^i
pe - mus fa - ci-cm e
:=!— =
1^
t^
roi
pe
f:
It
=?:=?=
^=3ifi^^i=i^^
mus fa
ci-em
JUS
=l3ggiiga=^^gg^
- JUS
fa
iriii^ii^^^^^pj-
ci-em e
JUS
iTZti
JUS
:^rp
JUS,
fa
ZJl-
S^=t
^^J^^-^LH^
CI - em e
JUS
:rpi
EEE
P^E
I
eI
m
con - fes - si
-JEFj=r=-T^^-^=E
fa - ci - em e
fe-
xi-.
JUS,
fa
jus
con - fes - si - o
Chap. XCVI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
473
t
ICC
in
w
m
m
~r>-
:ri;
^=:
izizzz
1*^:
-CZI-
-KtZ
con - fes - si - o
ne,
in
con
-f3Z
±z
ill con - fes - si - o
ne,
in
^Tt-
i:
liiEES^
r?2z
-Fo^
EE&^
^^
-«»-
"^
-^
in con - fes - bi - o
ne.
in
con-fes - si
=E
fe^:
rt:
11
:di
^s=E5g^
il=
:i=±m-£=^.
^EEEE
^=
ne,
in con - fes - si - o
^1^*
-iiii:
ig
Si
:zi;
ne,
in
con -
:t=r
=^|^^^1
JUS
m
con - fes - si
ne,
^^^^^^
:=1=
fes - si - o
iie^eee^^e;
-I
ne,
di
-=1=
t:
^1^
EE^E
-I — «^-
^^
con-fes -si
ne,
Ju
bi - le - mus e
=F=
idr
FtJ:
^g^EEfE
izn
Elr=['zC=SEEE^^=F^r=^==P^fe
:*a:
- ne,
et
in Psal - mis Ju - bi - le - mus, Ju - bi - le - mus
^=^^>.
tP=
re
- nc,
in con - fes
SI
ne.
g=zFz=r=£=
:^^=3^
irt
i^
fes - si
ne,
i^--
Ju - bi - le - mus,
rzar
et
in Psal - mis Ju - bi - le - mus, Ju - bi - le - mus
t=
«:
;SS=--
^
Tjri
^^^^=^m^^smm^
et
in Psal - mis Ju - bi - le - mus, Ju - bi - le - mus e
i
'I^E~-
Zf2Z
X
E^
izai:
Ju - bi - le - mus
w^^
EEt=
Si
EE^E
ry? Cl^C-fey-
^1^
-*2-
rjcc
^^E?^"s^
HEg
et in Paal - mis Ju - bi - le - mus, Ju - bi-le-mus c
EEii
-Jct:
gg=^^=3^p^^^|g
m
^:
et ill Psal - mis Ju - bi - le - mus, Ju - bi - le - mus e
EI>^EE^^^-:^EEg^EZrZZZZ[^EEg^^^EE;^^E[=
HISTOEY OF THE SCIENCE
Book X-
^
tf
isn:
^t
~az
=t=i
^
et
in Psal - mis
Ju
hi - le
mils
rz2:
nnzzn
et
in Psal - mis,
^^az
m
ts
@fc
:=^=rtr;
— P!=rvj=i:: -^z: =zr j:
=t:
183;
la;
riici
et
in Psal - mis Ju - Li
le
mus
i, Ju - - bi - le-nms
^=x?--
EEE
znz
e -
^^^ F-F
EE
Ju - bi - le - mus
^z
^-g— 3z=i
:4=
^r:^
et
in Psal - mis.
et
in Psal - mis,
et
±z=^z
et
in Psal
-»-
zzzifz
ZCJtZ
Ju
bi
lo - mus
in
-I —
.ZZ'Z~
et
:p=:t
in
P=^
EEE£
IDC
Psal - mis
=:c
t=
PH
ZS2I
r^iiz
— T— »__5 1 — ^?i —
et
in
f^
-^— I"-
3E!z:
- — t_z±:— biz 7zJr — '^-zzti
ztz=D>:
et
in Psal - mis Ju - bi-lemus, Ju - bile-nuis
m
ii^ii^;
d=
=±
mpiiiei^i^i
Ju - bi-le-mus, Ju - bi le-mus e
m^l
rd:
"^^^^^
x^--
— i-^_jzz=zii
Psal - mis
~<ry
Ju - bi-le-mus e
et
111
Ju - bi-lc-mus e
e
IKPlI
i.
^=ii^
xiz^" — tzz
=-— jl
zot
zd:
^iE
Psal - mis
Ju - bi-lenms
i.
E?3
Ju - bi -lemus, Ju - bi -
zzzziaz
*==;.:
e^i
zzo?:
H
LiC>Z
z=-— czzt^zz^:
zri>z
Psal - mis
Ju - bi-le-mus
ct
Psal
mis
t
zzzzriz
i^l;
zaz
S3i
3=ii^
lEii «=: :=z>
^^=^frz
?^f
^^
et
=d:=zz
in Psal
mis
Ju - bi - le-mus e
et
113 ZZ
--3EEFfe^3^iEE
in
-9 — r
et in Psal-mis Ju - bi - le -
e^Se
'-\=^=^-
■igi^g^g
Ju - bi-le-mus e
ct in Psal - mis
ElBE^^:
■<2-
EEE
1X31
Ju - bi-le-mus
E^^EE^EiE^3=E
- le-mus e
ct
in
m
§--
i^ffi^^^E
*=E=
iraz
^:E
Ju - bi - Icnius, Ju - bi - le-mus c
et
in Psal
mis
Chap. XCVI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
475
f
=^:
t:
31^
W
zaz
:i2Z
-■!^
Ju - bi - le - mus,
Ju
bi - le - mus e
Al
le
lu - ia,
^
^^^^^^
t=
zctz
Psal
i
mis
Ju - bi-lc-mus, Ju
-o
iscc:
bi-le-mus e
ic
±
izzi
^1=^1
::ni
mus
i
1,
Ju
bi - le
mus e
Al
- 1,
Ju - bi - le - - mus
e
^zzi—
331
S3
ZJfZ
- le
-J— i"-
lu -
ip:
Al
^i
i:
;f=
:^=
EEz
Psal - mis
Ju
bi-le-
mus e
IZII
:^^.Ep
a:
le - lu
rstz
la.
irai
f^i
Al
le
lu - ia,
feE=
=3=
Ju -bi-le - mus e
di
gg^^^
EE3EE
Ju
bi-le-mus e
w
^-
IS
m
=t=
i^^^
Al-le-lu - ia, Al-le-lu - ia,
t-
-^
Fm^^^ O
Al-le-lu - ia, Al-le-lu -
Al
le - lu - ia.
i
=?z=
:nr
E&i^
:zz:
SH
:pr:
Al-le-lu - ia, Al-le-lu - ia.
:^:
33=
.»<->
— I
Al
le - lu - ia.
^i2=z3===3
Ti
Iz:^ F
EEBEEE^
Al-le-lu - ia, Al-le-lu - ia, Al - le-lu - ia.
;^=E=:t==
Al-le -lu - ia, Al-le
-i=-— 7-
P
Al -le-lu - ia, Al-le-lu - ia, Al-le-lu
la,
Al-le-lu - ia, Al-le-lu - ia, Al-le -
=P=^
zmz
-Q-
EEEEt:
Al
le
lu
la,
Al
m
-im
ZjOZ
ip— :,
_o_
Al
le
lu - ia,
Al - - le - lu - - ia,
f^
la.
Al - - le-lu
la.
i
feSEEgg:
?z:
t:
Al-le-lu - ia, Al-le-lu
la.
Al
i
3^^
?^
=t:
- — — b- r-;^
zuz
li
lu - la, Al-le - lu - ia.
Al
le-lu
Al
le-lu
- la,
'^^^
=t
^m.
3E^EiEE
le-lu -
**
K?
ni:
=^z:=arr^
ITE
:t=?:
It:
:E=
:z«;
lu
la.
Al - le -lu - ia.
Al
le-lu
ia, Al
le-lu - ia, Al -
m
le - lu - ia,
=a:
Al
m^
le
lu
la.
Al- le
Al
Ic - lu
ia,
Al
ZiJtZ
le
476
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book X.
fe^-=
?E
33;
/7\
t
Al
t:
=?fz.
?i
331
le - lu - ia,
Al -
^E
-T^
le
lu
32:
la,
men.
-^
^^
±
Ji^
FEE
ferrfz
Al
le
lu
la,
A
r^^
i=^
^
E=E
s
i
le-lu
Si
1
la,
men,
;e^^
rrzi
rzai
lu
la,
Al
le
lu
fc:
"«3~
ia,
:zi:
331
in!;
ZZ3:
::===]i
-«■ yJ
lu
la,
Al
le - lu
la,
^^^m
m
Z<OtL
ZVkl
ipc:
zipz
?^
men,
men.
eE
331
~r>-
i^
-Ut:
men,
men.
11
=:ir?zi
f^;
W^.
(=p-
Egi£=
t
men.
men, A
men.
^^
(y -i-m
-^■g
x=::==
^z
men.
men.
-a <3-
— C» —
men.
@^=3e
-g* Tjl-
5at
A
men.
^•^-*
K
32;
r-ic»r-
n
men,
men.
William Bird.
CANON RECTE ET KETRO.
=^
ZJCJtZ
E^g^
F==i;
33~
\-
*
-«S>
;PF
331
3i:
zjictzzfrz
DI - LI - GES
*
§^i^^
3z:
;t:
Do - mi - nuni De -
=t=t:
33;
um tu - um, ex to -to cor - de
tu - o,
-n—rxiz
^^EE^^
'Xzz
:r3=::rjai3zz
-Xz
:cz— ii2z::j3i
:t=i=;
'^
Jf
'f* f »
=!!=i±=r
DI - LI - GES Do - mi - num De-um tu - um, De - um tu
um.
ex
■zrzx- *3z
r,S=pcrp(n;
lEEEEE^btE
;==^=F=:
ziz
I=li=d=C
^-
zjcjt:
zxiz
— <5 &—<!»
-o> — o>-
Zinr=I2Z
zaz
DI - LI - GES Do - mi - num De-um
^:
d=i-pd:
-«s» t3>—ty «■
=d
:=!;
tu - imi, ex
33:
to - to cor
de tu
-o-
ni:
o, tu -
:?z=F
DI - LIGES Do-mi-num
De - um tu - um, tu - um,
ex to -to COP - de tu
^P=^^
E3":
DI - LIGES Do-
mi-num*
1^
33-
De-um tu
=:q=d=
ZE^-zt:
m
^=^
^=?=:
um, ex to - to
:i:
:zi:
^-
Z3C2Z
zziz
cor - de tu - o, tu - o,
ex
=i=:^
Xtz
DI
S^Ies
-OB-
LIGES Do-
=p;
^-
-z>-
mi-num
De-um tu
—z>—
um.
ex
3==1=
—T^T*-
ntz
to -to cor
de tu -
=Et=JZ
=J,=S:
:d;
DI - LI -GES
.z*~
ii]zr^f=s=
m^.
~«3~
DI
E^^fe-^E^E^^E
Do - mi-num De - um
^z
-«3
tu - um,
ex
^=^-J — 1-1-:
to - to cor-de
tu
LI - GES Do-mi
~«3 «3-
num De
um tu - um, tu
um,
ex to -to
Chap. XCVI.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
477
1
feiS3£
-fX fjL,
mi
-«^ «-
S^E
:t=z^
ZUkZ.
zi:n
d=^4
-ff G> O
:=!- =
33 rt-
ex to - to cor - de
et
in to
^-
ZU — <2-
33:
=p
T2-
ta a - ni - ma
tu
a,
a - ni - ma tu
r«n
•^•j-
-\^-
to - to cor -de tu - o, cor - de tu
o,
et
r=^--
T-±l
ICC
m to - ta
ex to - to cor
de tu
0,
et in to -
^
'jr=±
:f:==:
Iif3I
^^^
:?2=rx:
6«? — ff — ji
:zz2i
izi;
0, ex to - to cor - de tu - o,
et in to - ta a - ni - ma tu - a, tu -
m
--±
-\^-p^
--■^-^
£t=a=ra=ii-
Oi-^O-
321
±!XiZ
izii
■z=i^zii=;^=.-=^z
^^PE^E^
jaz
m .<3L
z<2 |fj ir.
. . to - to cor - de tu - o, ex to - to cor - de tu - o,
et in to
ta a - ni - ma tu - a, .
iti~
0, tu
0,
3=7F^T'=P=FF'=;^='yF=F
:zi
It;
t=tt=:p
zni |_xi!— a:
mi
zdi
J7 ^
ex to - to cor -de . . tu
0, et in to - ta a - ni - ma.
et
ex to - to cor - de tu
0,
Eg
y^ — yy ~\~r" — <"~
d^=p
et
in to - ta a - ni - ma tu
mi
"^ cor - de
Zf~P~
-*t * >-
:E^E==1-
i~m
tu
0,
et in to - ta a - ni - ma tu
lEi — r=
-rr-
izfcrr
—tiz=z^z
ziiz
& -^ix
-^-:i=fx--
n—t-
et in to - ta men - te tu - a, men - te tu
a,
t
m
-ff f
4=C:
=i==]=f
-tf — e»
izznczz
ifmzi:
in men - te tu
1^
~rf-
Z3±
^
a - ni - ma tu
a,
tu
m
fX=ZflZf^^Z
It===t
et in to - ta men - te tu
~E:^::=^^:rz^^~ ~~*^ — ~ — ^~~
a,
tu-
:t=
zjOz
ta a - ni - ma tu
et in men - te
m^
=Co— o — =«2I
=t==-t-
d=?zi
32=
tu
:z2i
a,
tu -
m
id=a2f
et in to - ta men - tc
zHzfiz
-Jrtz
i:d-
zX
brii
rt
d:
-«s»
tu
a,
in men-te tu
^^
^
a - ni-ma tu
a,
:t==:
-*> — o —
-tf «» 0> G>
et in to - ta men - to tu
-. 1 1 :
tu
3E3E
ZTjr
Uz
zSz=z±z
zrtz
nil
-«3>"
I±
in to - ta a - ni - ma
tu
a, et
to - ta men-te tu - a, men-te tu - a, tu
izrrt
_/>. ciL
=0=^
zTf—nz
--=t
'^ /; "-
3=
"TC?"
gTl «g-
et in to - ta men - tc tu
m
^=X-
lo! it'
=t
-c»-
"N et in to - ta men - tc tu
a,
Ei-=^
ZTtZ
"«C»~
in men-te tu
ZTCi^ZZZ^Z
et in to - ta men - te tu
47S
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book X.
m
-4=.
t
ICfZ.
=1-
2Zt
~- r^-
-«s> ri-
--■^rnpt-:
u' 1=:
zzi
;d::
;:d=^-t
- a, Di - li
^-^ TT-
ges
prox - i - mum tu - um, tu - um, Di - li - ges prox - i - mum
%
^
=!-
\{lzzxi.z
d j^^--znr]=c!:r:=:i=f:r?
It:
Di
ges prox - i - mum tu - uui, tu
um,
i?2_«_Li_i-e
-»^^?2
::p=t:
if=::
F-o^ ^J^
m.
si - cut te ip
sum.
*s
a, Di - li - ges prox-i - mum
tu
:n:ir»
:2i:
aa:
-*»=?2-
:!=;
uui, si - cut te ip - sum, te ip - sum,
Di
- a, Di - li - ges prox-i - mum
tu
um,
Di - li
^es
prox
mum tu
m^
n^
::di
cnz
za>z
ziiz
zxziz
::j— ziz
a, Di - li - ges prox-i - mum tu - um, si -cut te ip - - sum prox - i - mum tu - um, si
i
E^^ll
d=
=5!==!=
itiz
zdz
znz
zctz
ir?~
Di - li - ges prox - i - mum tu - um, si - cut te ip - sum, si-cut te ip -
m
•^zzzxxzz
Di
i;
=1=p3=h=
znz
:\'
-.Et — r^-
=fi
li - ges prox - i - mum tu - um,
Di
li - ges prox - i -
Miz
"<□»-
z^zzzzzzzzi—^zz
r=q=-Ji
^^=■^0-
a, Di
ges prox-i
— c* —
mum tu - um. si
:i=i-
m
-ri-
cut te
ip-sum,
t
-1 1 r- F-
-<s»-
?===^=
iC3a:
E3^^^=:^i
tu - um, si - cut te ip - sum,
Di - li - ges prox-i-mum tu - um, si -
t-
li tMi
V— I— r* — *r-
!z=^_^> F?^=g-J
PE^fii
=-^=P
^^-1— «» — £f — ^-
Di - li - ges prox - i - mum tu
um,
tu - um, si-cut te ip - sum, si - cut
1
kz=z.
g>- €r-
T-
^±^X±ZZZZZ=ZZZ
:ra=^g^=gi
rzj ijt. jrtzzvzza
:F==t
i23r
rm^n
li - ges prox- i - mum tu - um, si - cut te
fe
:?Z=?2-
-«» — ^ ^-
ip - sum,
Di - li-ges prox-i
^P^^^
um, si - cut te ip - sum.
si - cut tc ip-smn, si - cut te ip-siun,
%
* * T*~
zzizzzzidzz-zi^zazz: :
-<3i C^-
&^^H
znzzizziiz^ciz
r=-J:
zctiz
"C
cut te ip - sum, te ip-sum, Di - li
^—r'-f^-
:t=:
zm^u^^cztz
1 1
zfxz=nz
:t=F
zitz
ges prox - i-mum tu-um
-O f> — €9 ^^p 1 1"
si - cut te ip - sum, prox
:f=
:=^-=J:
E==3^
i^gigE^^^^E^^^iiEi
sum, prox- i - mum tu
um, si - cut te . ip-sum, Di -li- ges prox - i-mum tu - um, si - cut
m
^^:
ij=::
mum tu - um.
— ^5^--
prox
3=^=^
ri—rr
-ff iZZtX-
mum tu-um, si - cut te
rt=tt
ZUlZ.
m
ftZZflZ
•%
-& — ^-
^^t^^t
^=
-ff zzzn
— 1=
:4=^
ip-sum, Di - li - ges
--J — *' r ^-:r^^=i'
-fH 0-
^0 cqr — t c
prox - i - mum tu-um, si - cut te ip - sum, prox - i-mum tu - um, si - cut to ip-sum,
Chap. XCVIL
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
479
=^rj3:
t=
:«2rpt
1^^
■PCBI
ztrz-
it f* \rf fr rr
:fi=p>-
:t:
lEC
IT* JJlZ
n\
^s^a
cut te ip - sum,
Di
li - ges prox - i-mum tu - um, si -cut te ip-sum, ip
sum.
Di - li -ges prox-i-mura tu - um, prox-i-mumtu-um, si-cut te
ip- sum,
-h-
^=3=i^^
3=3;
Id:
^^SE^.
=i- ^1=1= =ii==]
H=:tF=l=
id^
i^=^^
te
=d=
ip - sum.
i - mum tu . um, si - cut te ip - sum
I f], C* ^-P— H-
— o
si - cut te ip
-if 1 — €>
iB
sum,
SI - cut te ip
sum.
:e2i
1*3;
iH
tZl'CtZ
lEztzc*—
zy—x>
^EgE
z^~^:SE^~i-^^
«c»~
-t»—Cf-\-f»-
JTi-g*
te ip-sum,
cut te ip
--Tri=^
sum, Di - li -ges prox - i- mum tu - um, si -cut te ip-sum.
^ 1 ^
Di
li - ges pi'ox-imum tu - um,
te ip - sum, te
ip - - sum.
William Bikd.
CHAP. XCVII.
Alfonso Ferabosco, as Dr. Wilson used to say,
was born of Italian parents, at Greenwich in Kent.
He never arrived to any academical honours in the
faculty of music, nor does it appear that he had even
any employment in the royal chapel, or about court ;*
nevertheless he is ranked among the first musicians
of Elizabeth's time. Morley says that in a virtuous
contention betwixt them, he and Bird made about
forty waies, as he terms it, upon the plain-song of" a
certain Miserere ; and Peacham speaks of another
between the same persons, to wit, who of the two
should best set the words of a certain ditty, ' The
Nightingale so pleasant and so gay,' in which
Ferabosco succeeded so well, that, in the judgment of
Peacham, this composition, as also another of his,
' I saw my lady weeping,' for five voices, cannot be
bettered for sweetness of air and depth of judgment.f
He had a son of the same Christian name, who for
that reason is often mistaken for his father ; he was
the author of a book with this simple title, ' Ayres
by Alfonso Ferabosco,' printed in folio, 1609,
with the following commendatory verses by Ben
Johnson : —
To my excellent friend Alfonso Ferrabosco.
To urge my lov'd Alfonso that bold fame
Of building townes and making wild beasts tame
"Which musique had ; or speak her known effects,
That she removeth cares, sadness ejects,
Declineth anger, persuades clemency.
Doth sweeten mirth and heighten pietie,
» In Rijmer's Feadera Vol. 16, pngcGW, is a grant, of an annvily of
£50 a 1/car to Alfonso Fi^rahosco, who is tints descrilted, "one of the ex-
traordinary grooms of our privy cliambcr." The grant is dated 22nd March ,
1C05, and is said to be made in regard of Ferabosco's attendance upon
prince Henry, and instructing him in the art of music. The annuity is to
te paid quarterly from the previous Christmas.
t Both iirinted in the Musica Transalpina, published bj N". Yonge
in 15SS.
And is't a body often ill inclin'd,
No less a soveraign cure then to the mind.
T' alledge that greatest men were not asham'd
Of old, even by her practice to be fam'd,
To say, indeed, she were the soul of heaven,
That the eight sphere, no less than planets seaven
]\Iov'd by her order, and the ninth more high,
Including all were thence call'd harmony ;
I yet had utter'd nothing on thy part,
When these were but the praises of the art,
But wlien I have saide the proofes of all these be
Shed in thy songs, 'tis true, but short of thee.
Besides tjie.se verses, tliere ai'e prefixed to the book
the following : —
Musick's maister and the offsjiring
Of rich musick's father.
Old Alfonso's image living,
These fair flowers you gather
Scatter through the British soile ;
Give thy fame free wing.
And gaine the merit of thy toyle.
We whose loves affect to praise thee,
Beyond thine own deserts can never raise thee.
By T. Campion, Doctor in Physicke.t
Besides the two above-mentioned, there was
another named John, of the family of Fei'abosco,
a musician also, as appears bj' an evening service of
his composing, in D, with the major third, well known
in Canterbury and other cathedrals ; as one of the
X Of tills Thomas Campion, Wood says, Fasti, vol. I. pag. 229, that he
\vas an admired poet and musician ; there is extant of his an Art of
Poesie in 12mo ; and it appears that he wrote the words of a masque
represented in the hanquetting-room at Whitehall on St. Stephen's nlRht,
1614, on occasion of the marriage of Carr earl of Somerset and the lady
Frances Howard, the divorced countess of Essex, the music to which
was composed by Nicolas Laniere, John Cooper, or Coperario, as ha
aftected to call himself, and others. One of that name, a Dr. Thomaa
Campion, supposed to be the same jjerson, was the author of a book
entitled ' A new way of making four parts in counterpoint,' and of
another entitled ' The art of setting or composing music in parts ;' printed
at the end of Playford's Introduction, the second edition, 1660, with
annotations by Christopher Simpson.
480
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book X.
same surname was formerly organist of Ely minster,
it is not improbable but that the above person was he.
A few years ago there was a Mostyn Ferabosco, a lieu-
tenant in the royal navy, from which circumstance it
is very probable that the family is yet in being.
"William Blitheman, a gentleman of queen Eliza-
beth's chapel, and one of the organists of the same, is
by Wood [Fasti, anno 15SG,] celebrated as the ex-
cellent master of the famous Dr. John Bull. He
died greatly lamented on Whitsunday, 1591, and
was buried in the parish church of St. Nicholas Cole-
Abbey, London. The following epitaph was en-
graven on a brass plate and fixed in the wall of the
church, but being destroyed in the fire of London,
it is now only to be found in Stow's Survey,*' and is
as follows : —
Here Blitheman lies, a worthy wight,
Who feared God aboue,
A friend to all, a foe to none,
Whom rich and poore did loue ;
Of princes chappell gentleman
Unto his dying day,
Whom all tooke great delight to heare
Him on the organs play ;
Whofe paffing fkill in mufickes art
A fcholar left behinde,
John Bull by name, his mafters ueine
Exprefling in each kinde ;
But nothing here continues long,
Nor refting place can haue,
His foule departed hence to heauen,
His body here in graue.
It seems that as a musician Blitheman's performance
on the organ was his greatest excellence. Wood,
who was likely to have known it, had he been a
composer for the church, gives not the least hint to
favour an opinion of the kind ; in short, he was a
singular instance of a limited talent in the science of
his profession.
John Bull (a Portrait,) was born in Somerset-
shire, about the year 1563, and, as it is said, was
of the Somerset family. He was educated under
Blitheman before-named. In 1586 he was admitted
at Oxford to the degree of bachelor of music, having
practised in that faculty fourteen years ; and in 1592
was created doctor in the university of Cambridge.
In 1591 he was appointed organist of the queen's
chapel in the room of his master, Blitheman.
Bull was the first Gresham professor of music, and
was appointed to that station upon, the special re-
commendation of queen Elizabeth. However skilful
he might be in his profession, it seems that he was
not able to read his lectures in Latin ; and therefore,
by a special provision in the ordinances respecting
the Gresham professors, made anno 1597, it is
declared, that because Dr. Bull is recommended to
the place of music professor by the queen's most
excellent majesty, being not able to speak Latin, his
lectures are permitted to be altogether English, so
long as he shall continue music professor there.f
* Stow, in the second, and probably in the first edition of his Survey,
mentions that Blitheman, an excellent organist of the queen's chapel,
lay buried there with an epitaph. In a subsequent edition, published in
1633, with additions, by A. M. [Anthony Munday] and others, the
epitaph as above is inserted.
t In this instance it seems that the queen's affection for Bull got the
better of her judgment, for not being able to speak Latin, it may be
presumed that he was unable to read it ; and if so, he must have been
ignorant of the verj- principles of the science, and consequently but very
indifferently qualified to lectiue on it even in English.
In the year 1 GOl , he went abroad for the recoverv
of his health, which at that time was declining ; and
during his absence was permitted to substitute as his
deputy a son of William Bird, named Thomas. He
travelled incognito into France and Germany ; and
Wood takes occasion to relate a story of him while
abroad, which the rea:der shall have in his own
words : — •
' Dr. Bull hearing of a famous musician belonging
' to a certain cathedral at St. Omer's, he applied
' himself as a novice, to him, to learn something of
' his faculty, and to see and admire his works. This
' musician, after some discourse had passed between
' them, conducted Bull to a vestry or music-school
'joining to the cathedral, and shewed to him a
' lesson or song of forty parts, and then made a
' vaunting challenge to any person in the world to
' add one more part to them, supposing it to be so
' complete and full that it was impossible for any
' mortal man to correct or add to it ; Bull thereupon
' desiring the use of pen, ink, and ruled paper, such
' as we call musical paper, prayed the musician to
' lock him up in the said school for two or three
' hours ; which being done, not without great disdain
' by the musician. Bull in that time or less, added
' forty more parts to the said lesson or song. The
' musician thereupon being called in, he viewed it,
' tried it, and retried it ; at length he burst out into
' a great ecstasy, and swore by the great God that he
' that added those forty parts must either be the
' Devil or Dr. Bull, &c.:j: Whereupon Bull making
' himself knowai, the musician fell down and adored
' him. Afterwards continuing there and in those
' parts for a time, he became so much admired, that
' he was courted to accept of any place or preferment
' suitable to his profession, either within the do-
' minions of the emperor, king of France, or Spain ;
' but the tidings of these transactions coming to the
' English court, queen Elizabeth commanded him
' home.' Fasti, anno 1586.
Dr. Ward, who has given the life of Dr. Bull in
his Lives of the Gresham professors, relates that
upon the decease of queen Elizabeth he became chief
organist to king James, § and had the honour of en-
tertaining his majesty and prince Henry at Merchant
Taylors' hall with his performance on the organ ; the
relation is curious, and is as follows : —
' July the 16, 1607, his majesty and prince Henry,
' with many of the nobility, and other honourable
' persons, dined at Merchant Taylors' hall, it being
' the election-day of their master and wardens ; when
' the company's roll being offered to his majesty, he
' said he was already free of another company, but
'that the prince should grace them with the ac-
' ceptance of his freedom, and that he would himself
' see when the garland was put on his head, which
' was done accordingly. During their stay they were
' entertained with a great variety of music, both
' voices and instruments, as likewise with several
t An 'exclamation perhaps suggested by the recollection of that of
Sir Thomas More, ' Aut tu es Erasmus, aut Diabolus.'
§ The fact is that he succeeded Tallis, and was sworn in his room, Jai-.
1585 [Chequebook]. He was also in the service of prince Henry; the
name John Bull, doctor of music, stands the first in the list of the
prince's musicians in ICll, with a salary of 40/. per annum. Append, tc
the Life of Henry Prince of Wales by Dr. Birch.
Chap. XCVIII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
481
' speeches. And while the king sat at dinner, Dr.
' Bull (who as Stow says). was free of that company,
' being in a cittizen's gowne, cappe, and hood, played
' most excellent melodic uppon a small payre of
' organs, placed there for that purpose onely.' The
author proceeds to relate that in 1613 Bull quitted
England, and went to reside in the Netherlands,*
where he was admitted into the service of the arch-
duke. Woodf says that he died at Hamburg, or
rather, as others who remembered the man have
said, at Lubec.
A picture of Dr. .Bull is yet remaining in the
music-school at Oxford. It is painted on a board,
and represents him in the habit of a bachelor of
music. On the left side of the head are the words
AN. AETATIS SVAE 26. 1589 ; and on the right
side an hour-glass, upon which is placed a human
skull, with a bone cross the mouth ; round the four sides
of the frame is written the following homely distich : —
' The bull by force in field doth raigne,
' But Bull by skill good will doth gayne.'
The only works of Bull in print are lessons in the
collection entitled ' Parthenia, or the maiden-head of
the first music that ever was printed for the virginals,'
of which mention has already been made. An
anthem of his, ' Deliver me, 0 God,' is to be found
in Barnard's Collection of Church-music.
Dr. Ward has given a long list of compositions of
Dr. Bull in manuscript in the collection of the late
Dr. Pepusch, by which it appears that he was equally
excellent in vocal and instrumental harmony. By
some of the lessons in the Parthenia it seems that he
was possessed of a power of execution on the harpsi-
chord far beyond what is generally conceived of the
masters of that time. As to his lessons, they were,
in the estimation of Dr. Pepusch, not only for the
harmony and contrivance, but for air and modulation,
80 excellent, that he scrupled not to prefer them to
those of Couperin, Scarlatti, and others of the modern
composers for the harpsichord.^
BOOK XI.
John Dowland, the famous lutenist, was born in
1562, and admitted to his bachelor's degree together
with Morley. [Wood Fasti anno 1588. §] The
* Dr. Ward suggests as the reason for Bull's retirement, that the
science began to sink in the reign of king James, which he infers from
that want of court patronage which it seems induced the musicians of
that day to dedicate their works to one another. There is some truth in
this observation, but see the next note. Morley complains of the lack of
MecEenates in his time, for notwithstanding the love which queen
Elizabeth bore to music, the professors of it began to be neglected even
in her reign. John Boswell, who in 1572 published a book entitled
' Workes of Armorie,' describing a coat-armour in which are organ-pipes,
uses this exclamation, ' What say I, music one of the seven liberal
' sciences ; it is almost banished the realme. If it were not the queenes
'majesty that did favour that excellente science, singing -men and
' choristers might go a-begging, together with their master the player on
' the organes.'
As to singing-men in general, not to speak of the gentlemen of the
royal chapel, who appear at all times to have been a set of decent orderly
men, and many of them exquisite artists in their profession, they seem to
have had but little claim to the protection of their betters. Dr. Knight,
in his Life of Dean Colet, pag. 87, represents the choirmen about the
time of the reformation as very disorderly fellows ; as an instance whereof
he relates that one at St. Paul's, and a priest too, in the time of divine
service, flung a bottle down upon the heads of the congregation. And
Cowley, in a poem of his entitled ' The Wish,' printed in his Sylva, has
these lines : —
' From singing-men's religion, who are
' Always at church, just like the crows, 'cause there
' 'They build themselves a nest ;
' From too much poetry, which shines .,
' With gold in nothing but its lines,
' Free, O ye pow'rs, ray breast.'
Osborne, somewhere in his works, represents them as leud and dis-
solute fellows in his time ; and Dr. Earle, who lived some years after
Osborne, and, being a dignitary of the church, must be supposed ac-
quainted with their manners, gives the following character of them,
perhaps not less just than it is humorous : —
' The common singing-men are a bad society, and yet a company of
• good fellows, that roar deep in the quire, deeper in the tavern. They
' are the eight parts of speech which go to the Syiitaxis of service, and
• are distinguished by their noises much like bells, for they make not a
' consort but a peal. Their pastime or recreation is prayers, their ex-
' ercise drinking, yet herein so religiously addicted, that they serve God
' oftest when they are drunk. Their humanity is a leg to the Residencer,
' their learning, a chapter, for they learn it commonly before they read
'it; yet the old Hebrew names are little beholden to them, for they
•miscall them worse than one another. Though they never expound
' the scripture they handle it much, and pollute the Gospel with two
• things, their conversation and their thumbs. Upon worky-days they
' behave themselves at prayers as at their pots, for they swallow them
' down in an instant. Their gowns are laced commonly with streamings
' of ale, the superfluities of a cup or throat above measure. Their skill
' in melody makes them the better companions abroad, and their anthems
' abler to sing catches. Long lived for the most part they are not,
' especially the base, they overflow their banks so oft to drown the
'organs. Briefly, if they esr»ape arresting, they die constantly in God's
'service; and to take their death with more patience, they have wine
CHAP. XCVIII.
same author says that he was the rarest musician
that his age did behold, which, though he was
' and cakes at their funeral ; and now they keep the church a great deal
' better, and help to fill it with their bones as before with their noise.'
* Microcosmography, or a piece of the world discovered in essays and
characters,' printed without a name in 1633, but in a subsequent edition
of 1732, ascribed to Dr. John Earle, successively bishop of Worcester
and Salisbury.
James I. though it does not appear that he understood or loved music,
yet was disposed to encourage it, for, after the example of Charles the
Ninth of France, who had founded a musical academy, he by his letters
patent incorporated the musicians of London, who are still a society and
corporation, and bear for their arms Azure, a swan Argent within a
tressure counterflure Or ; and in a chief Gules, a rose between two lions,
Or : and for their crest the sign called by astronomers the Orphean lyre.
See the dedication to the Principles of Harmony by Charles Butler.
By this act of regal authority the only one of the liberal sciences that
conferred the degree of Doctor, was itself degraded, and put upon a foot-
ing with the lowest of the mechanic arts ; and under the protection of
their charter the honourable fraternity of musicians of the city of London
derive the sole and exclusive privilege of fiddling and trumpeting to the
mayor and aldermen, and of scrambling for the fragments of a city feast.
t Bull had none of those reasons to complain of being slighted that
others of his profession had. He was in the service of the chapel, and
at the head of the prince's musicians ; in the year 1604 his salary for the
chapel duty had been augmented. The circumstance of his departure
from England may be collected from the following entry, now to be seen
in the cheque book, ' 1613, John Bull, doctor of music, went beyond the
' seas without license, and was admitted into the archduke's service, and
'entered into paie there about Mich, and Peter Hopkins a base fronj
' Paul's was sworn into his place the 27th of Dec. following: His wages
' from Mich, unto the daye of the swearing of the said Peter Hopkins
' was disposed of by the Deane of his majesty's chapel,' By this it
should seem that Bull was not only one of the organists, but a gentleman
of the chapel.
% This is a fact which several persons now living can attest, together
with the following curious particulars. The doctor had in his collection
a book of lessons very richly bound, which had once been queen
Elizabeth's ; in this were contained many lessons of Bull, so very
difficult, that hardly any master of the Doctor's time was able to play
them. It is well known that Dr. Pepusch married the famous opera
singer, Signora Margarita De L'Pine, who had a very fine hand on the
harpsichord : as soon as they were married, the Doctor inspired her with
the same sentiments of Bull as he himself had long entertained, and
prevailed on her to practise his lessons, in which she succeeded so well,
as to excite the curiosity of numbers to resort to his house at the comer
of Bartlett's Buildings in Fetter-Lane, to hear her. There are no re-
maining evidences of her unwearied application in order to attain that
degree of excellence which it is known she arrived at, but the book itself
yet in being, which in some parts of it is so discoloured by continual
use, as to distinguish with the utmost degree of certainty the very lessons
with which she was most delighted. One of them took up twenty
minutes to go through it.
§ Wood says he was one of the gentlemen of her majesty's chapel, but
the truth of this assertion is doubtful ; for he does not assume that title
in any of his publications : on the contrary, he complains in the preface
to his Pilf,'rime's Solace, that he never could attain to any though ever bo
mean a place.
2i
482
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE
Book XL
doubtless an eminent composer, is not so true as
that he was one of the most excellent lutenists of his
time. Mention is made of him in a sonnet ascribed
to Shakespeare, but how truly we cannot say. It is
entitled Friendly Concord, and is as follows : —
' If musicke and sweet poetry agree,
' As they must needs (the sister and the brother),
' Then must the love be great twixt thee and me,
' Because thou lov'st the one and I the other ;
' Dowland to thee is deer, whose heavenly touch
' Upon the lute doth ravish human sense ;
' Spenser to me whose deep conceit Is such,
' As passing all conceit, needs no defence ;
' Thou lov'st to hear the sweet melodious sound
' That Phcfibus' lute (the queen of musick) makes,
' And I in deep delight am chiefly drown 'd,
' When as himself to singing he betakes :
' One God is God of both, as poets faine ;
* One knight loves both, and both in thee remain.'*
Peacham, who was intimate with him, says that he
had slipped many opportunities of advancing himself,
in allusion to which his misfortune he gave him an
emblem with this anagram,
JOHANNES DOVLANDUS
Annos ludendo hausi.
The emblem is a nightingale singing in the winter
season on a leafless brier, with the following verses : —
* Heere Philomel in silence sits alone,
* In depth of winter, on the bared brier,
' Whereas the rose had once her beautie showen,
' Which lordes and ladies did so much desire :
' But fruitless now ; in winter's frost and snow
' It doth despis'd and unregarded grow.
' So since (old frend) thy yeares have made thee white,
' And thou for others hast consum'd thy spring,
' How few regard thee, whome thou didst delight,
' And farre and neere came once to heare thee sing !
' Ingratefull times, and worthless age of ours,
' That lets us pine when it hath cropt our flowers. 'f
That Dowland missed many opportunities of ad-
vancing his fortunes may perhaps be justly attributed
to a rambling disposition, which led him to travel
abroad and neglect his duty in the chapel ; for that
he lived much abroad appears from the prefaces to
his works, published by him at sundry times, and
these furnish the following particulars of his life.
In the year 1584 he travelled the chief parts of
France ; thence he bent his course towards Germany,
where he was kindly entertained by Henry Julio,
duke of Brunswick, and the learned Maurice, land-
grave of Hessen, the same of whom Peacham speaks,
and commends as being himself an excellent musician.
Here he became acquainted with Alessandro Orologio,
a musician of great eminence in the service of the
landgrave Maurice, and Gregorio Howet, lutenist to
the duke of Brunswick. Having spent some months
in Germany, he passed over the Alps into Italy, and
saw Venice, Padua, Genoa, Ferrara, Florence, and
divers other places. At Venice he became intimate
with Giovanni Croce, who, as he relates, was at that
time vice-master of the chapel of St. Mark. It does
• From the Passionate Pilgrime of Shakespeare, first printed in lfi09,
and Poems written by Wil. Shakespeare, Gent. 12mo. 1640.
t Garden of Heroical Devices by Henry Peacham, pag. 71.
not appear that he visited Rome, but he enjoyed the
proffered amity of Luca Marenzio, and received from
him sundry letters, one whereof was as follows : —
' Multo magnifico Signior mio osservandissimo.
' Per una lettera del Signior Maluezi ho inteso
' quanto con cortese affetto si mostri desideroso di
' essermi congiouto d' amicitia, deve infinitamente la
' ringratio di questo suo buon' animo, ofiferendo
' megli air incontro se in alcuna cosa la posso servire,
* poi che gli meriti delle sue infinite virtu, et qualita
' meritano che ogni uno et me I ammirino et osser-
' vino, et per fine di questo le bascio le mani. Di
' Roma a 13 di Luglio 1595. d. v. s. Affettionatissimo
' servitore, Luca Marenzio.'
All these particulars are contained in a work of
Dowland entitled ' The first booke of Songes or
'Ayres of foure Parts with Tablature for the Lute.'
In a second book of Songs or Aires by Dowland for
the lute or Orpherian, with the viol de gamba,
printed in 1600, he styles himself lutenist to the
king of Denmark ; to this book is prefixed a dedica-
tion to the celebrated Lucy countess of Bedford,
dated from Helsingnoure in Denmark the first of
June, 1600.
In 1603 he published a third book of ' Songes or
'Aires to sing to the lute, Orpharion, or VioUs.'
Some time after this, but in what year is not
mentioned, he pxiblished a work with this title
' Lachrimse, or seaven Teares figured in seaven pas-
' sionate Pavans, with divers other Pavans, Galiards,
' and Almands, set forth for the Lute, Viols, or
* Violons, in five parts.' | This book is dedicated to
Anne, the queen of king James the First, and sister
of Christian IV. king of Denmark. In the epistle
the author tells her that hastening his return to her
brother and his master, he was by contrary winds
and frost, forced back and compelled to winter in
England, during his stay wherein, he had presumed
to dedicate to her hands a work that was begun
where she was born, and ended where she reigned.
In 1609 Dowland published a translation of the
Micrologus of Andreas Ornithoparcus ; at this time
it seems that Dowland had quitted the service of the
king of Denmark, for he styles himself only lutenist,
lute-player, and bachelor of music in both universities.
In 1612 he published a book entitled ' A Pilgrime's
' Solace, wherein is contained musical harmony of 3,
' 4, and 5 parts to be sung and plaid with lute and
' viols.' In the title-page he styles himself lutenist
to the Lord Walden.§ In the preface to this book
X This it seems was a celebrated work : it is alluded to in a comedy of
Thomas Middleton, entitled ' No wit like a woman's,' in which a servant
tells bad news, and is thus answered : —
' Now thou plaiest Dowland's Lachrymae to thy master.'
§ Wood is preatly mistaken in the account which he gives of Dowland,
whom he supposes to have been taken into the service of the king of
Denmark in 1606, whereas it is plain that he was his lutenist in 1600,
and probably somewhat before ; again, there is not the least reason to
suppose, as Wood does, that he died in Denmark, for he was in England
in 1612, and lutenist to Lord Walden ; and it nowhere appears that after
this he went abroad. He might, as he says, have a son named Robert
trained up to the lute at the charge of Sir 'Thomas Monson, who it is
well known was a great patron of music ; but that the Pilgrim's Solace
was composed by him and not by his father, is not to be reconciled with
the title, the dedication, or the preface to the book, which afford the best
evidence of the fact that can be required. It may not be improper here
to mention that the king of Denmark had begged Dowland of James, aa
he did afterwards Thomas Cutting, another celebrated lutenist, of his
mistress the lady Arabella Stuart.
Chap. XCVIIL
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
483
he says that he had received a kingly entertainment
in a foreign climate, though he could not attain to
any, though never so mean, place at home. He says
that some part of his poor labours had been printed
in eight most famous cities beyond the seas, viz.,
Paris, Antwerpe, Collein, Nuremburg, Frankfort,
Liepsig, Amsterdam, and Hamburg, but that not-
withstanding he had found strange entertainment
since his return by the opposition of two sorts of
people, the first simply Cantors or vocal singers, the
second young men professors of the lute, against
whom he vindicates himself. He adds that he is
entered into the fiftieth year of his age, and because
he wants both means, leisure, and encouragement,
recommends to the more learned sort of musicians,
who labour under no such difficulties, the defence of
their lute-profession.
The preface of Dowland to this his translation of
Ornithoparcus is dated from his house in Fetter-lane,
10th of April, 1609. This is the last of his publi-
cations, for it appears that he died in 1615.
Peter Phillips, an Englishman by birth, better
known to the world by the Italian name Pietro
Philippi, was an exquisite composer of vocal music
both sacred and profane. He styles himself Canonicus
Sogniensis, i. e. a canon of Soigny, a city or town
in Hainault, and was besides organist to the arch-
duke and duchess of Austria, Albert and Isabella,
governors of the Low countries. Peacham calls him
our rare countryman, one of the greatest masters of
music in Europe, adding, that he hath sent us over
many excellent songs, as well motets as madrigals,
and that he affecteth altogether the Italian vein.
The works published by him, besides the collection
of madrigals entitled Melodia Olympica, heretofore
mentioned, are Madrigali a 8 voci, in 4to. an. 1599,
Cantiones sacr« 5 vocum, in 4to. an. 1612. Gem-
mulaj sacrse 2 et 3 vocum, in 4to. an. 1613. Litaniae
B. M. V. in Ecclesia Loretana cani solitae 4, 5,
9 vocum, in 4to. an. 1623. He is celebrated by
Draudius in his Bibliotheca Classica.
His employments and the nature of his com-
positions for the church bespeak him to have been
of the Romish communion. The Cantiones Sacrsa
are dedicated to the Virgin Mary in the following
terms : —
' Gloriosissimaj Virgini Marise, Dei nostri parenti
' dignissimse, cceli,terraeque reginae, angelorum, homi-
' num, et omnium creaturarum visibilium, et in vi-
' sibilium post Deum Dominse : in honorem ejus sa-
* crae aedis AspricoUis, ubi ad D. O. M. gloriam,
' Christiani populi consolationem, et salutem ; Catho-
' licse, Apostolicae, et Romanaj fidei confirmationem,
' et amplificationem ; cunctarum hajresnm, et ha3re-
' ticorum extirpationem, et confusionem, per poten-
' tissimam ejus interventionem, frequentissinia, di-
' vinissima, et exploratissima patrantur miracula, hoc
' sacrarum cantionum opusculum Petrus Philippi cum
' omni humilitate offert, dicat consecratque.'
The following madrigal, printed in the Melodia
Olympica, is of the composition of Peter Phillips : —
m
JIZ
-^-
321
i^
E6^=S
^cc;
vol vo - le
te ch'io muo
la.
E mi da - te, Do - lor si cru
d'e
S
FF^^
gFF
for
331
;t=
^JXZ
it:
-t^ K^ — ■ — a — m
=*Z-
VOI vo - le
te ch'io muo
la,
E mi da - te, Do - lor si crud'e
for
^
^^=^^^^^^^^-=^^^^1
I
£^
hd:
Hzg:
32;
vol vo - le
:^2^
te ch'io muo
la,
E mi da - te, Do - lor si cru - d'e for
^:^^
It
vol vo - le
te ch'io mao
la.
E mi da - te, Do - lor
61
cru
^m
^
4=
t::
t^-^^i
—ZflZ
i:
te, si cru - d'e for
fx-
3y
e,
ZiZMZ
Che mi con - du - ce a mor
te, che mi
i
^
- te,
si crud'e for
te.
Che . mi con - du - ce a mor - te, che mi
i=t
^sm^^
^e
^ss
^m
&
te, si cru - d'e for
d'e for
te,
te.
Che .
mi con - du - ce a mor - te,
^
Che mi
484
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE.
Book. XI.
^^
1^
^^
m
g
con - du - ce a mor - te,
che mi con - du - ce a . mor - te,
ie
^
l=S
t
fc=h
ZZI
isii
E^=
g
-?^-
^
±EE
:7ct:
con - du - ce a mor - te, che mi con - du - cc a mor-te, che mi con-du-ce a mor - te.
1
f=iSE
S
-«-
che . mi con - du - ce a mor
te, che mi con-du-ce a mor-te.
'■fi.
^^^^^.
^
r=^
^=
con - du - ce a mor - te, che mi . con-du-ce a mor
te.
^^
S^^S
^£
E^
ma
i^ig
per
ve - der ne
vol CO
BI
con
ten -
ta men - tr'io mo - r'il mo -
ijzr
^
-nz
^^
ZJDC
EgE
az:
g — g
^=F=
=p:
:{:
:t:
It
=1=::
ma
per ve - der ne
vol
CO - si con - ten -
ta
mentr'io mo-r'il mo
^-EE^-
TDCL
^
:?x:
Tn=
IjOC
~Tf ' r
it
ma
m
per
ve - der ne
vol CO
^^
81
cou
ten
ta mentr'io mo-r'il mo •
^
ma
per
ve - der ne voi co
81
con
ten
ta
gzTTrr^g
-fi-
g
iEi^ii
nr
i
vi - ta di-ven
ta
on -de ve - dend' ohi
mi !
ohi
ZjOZ
:p— J
rir vi - ta di - ven - ta, vi - ta di ven - ta
on - de
ve - dend' ohi
mi
ohi
m
*=i=gg
i^i^S=^
zui
g
=?2=
.^fl'
It
- rir vi-ta di - ven
=F=S
^
^
ta,
-/2_
vi - ta di ven
^
ta
on
de
ve - dend' ' ohi
^=-^^F^-
^
t;r
men - tr'io mo - r'il mo - rir
VI
ta di-yen - ta on
de
ve - dend' ohi - mi ! do -
lEi
^
ZfXl
^
3t
rat
=?2=
t=t
^
eS
^
iza>i
mi ! do - len - te
vo
ziz
zzz
*q«i
±=t;
iziz
is^
3=tto:
In ques - ta vi
i:
eE
ta po - i, mi
-<2_
^-
t:.
mi ! do
len
te voi, do - len - te
vo
i, In ques - ta vi
ta po - i.
m
fii
^
^
g
xc
=t:=
mi
rpc^pr:
33:
:*i-
i^c
=^
-0-
:t:=t:
mi ! . . . ohi - mi ! do
len - te
vo
ritzi
F^E
^^
E^
i, In ques - ta vi
-o » , — „ — p^
32-
ta po
mi
len - te vo
do - len - te
vo
i, In ques - ta vi
ta po
Chap. XCVIII.
AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
485
^^^^
^
-«»-
p=«=:rp!:
n *f
It
iE=i
vien tan - to
mar-ti - re,
mi vien tan-to
mar-ti
^.^^m^^W^^^^s^-
.0 •i_P^8 _
re, Ch'ogn' or giung'al
H<2
1^1^
vien tan-to . . mar-ti - re, tan-to . . mar-ti - re, tan-to . . mar-ti - re, Ch'ogn' or giung'al
^^^^^^^^'^^^^^^W-
=t=
i=
s
vien tan-to . . mar-ti - re, tan - to . . mai-ti - re, tan -to . . mar-ti - re, Ch'ogn' or giung' al
s
W=itz
^=>=P
E
IZt
19 0-
mi vien tan-to . . mar-ti
re,
Ch'ogn' or giung'al
i^
'^m
^
rg__L_<A
W
lat
l6»-
g • •■
# ^
mo-ri - re, gixmg' al mo - ri
ran »
re,
E CO - si
mil-le mil-le volt'il
f^^^^g^^
'-^-
12=
'^—r-^
JX-
i^-^
^
^^
. mo-ri - re, giung' al - mo
n
re,
E CO - si mil - le mil-le volt'il giorno, .
*
Eig^^S
32Z
nry
?2;:
5^
mo - rire, giung' al mo - ri
re,
zr:
<?-
E
^gl
mo-ri - re, giung' al
mo-
n
re.
E
CO
P
f:^
^m
TOr
-•— »-
^
-J <i:
» •_•
giomo,
E
CO
61
mil - le mil-le volt'il gior - no, E co
=■ — W
i
^g^^^
#— t-
i^iS
si mil-le
fX—
^T*r.
=»ni
eE^
*^
5^^
It
E CO
81
%
=P!;
i2=t
CO
^^
mil-le mill-le volt'il, gior - no.
mil - le mil-le mil-le gior - no, E
'^^^S
^
:pi;
^^
?i
^.
si mil - le mil-lo volt'il gior - no,
mil-le mil-le volt' il
giomo, mil-le
J r r I J — r
r=lT=^
f- — t^
i^
si mil - le, mil-le volt'il gior ^ - no, mil - le mil-le volt' - il gior - no.
i^
^^Fe
-rm-
3a:
X.
m
mil-le volt'il gior
It
il
t
It
no.
per
vol
mo
ro.
per vol
ly? tf-
iaz=r:rjc:
CO -si mil-le mil-le volt'-il gior
no.
per
vol
mo
ro.
331
I^
~* j> a:
K g
^jl-^Uf^'
3ar
^=E
-r»'
tll=t=tl
t — r
mil-le volt'il gior
^
g^=^=^i
no, per voi
mo
ro, per voi
mo
ro, per
^
33:
E CO
BI
mil - le mil - le volt' - il
gior
no.
per
vol
486
HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE AND PRACTICE OF MUSIC.
Book XI.
^^^^^^^^^m
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^
^f2-
?^^
fC
w
mo
jg f-
ro
e mo-ren - do,
mo-ren
do,
e mo - len - do
?-.
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^
-f — f^
m
rri:
g
per vol
mo
m
aac
ro
mo-ren - do.
e mo-ren - do, mo-rend' in vi
ta
E
g
Sl^
vol
m^
w=ft
mo
— *»-
ro, e
mo-ren - do,
mo-ren - do, e mo-ren - do
in
F=fc
mo
ro,
e mo-ren - do in vi-ta
:t
g^g^^FF^fe^^^^
in vi-ta tor - no,
in vi - ta tomo, in vi - ta tor
f/ dr.
-m—ff-
r=r=f^-
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^
?y »_L=m:
no.
1
^^
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t==t:
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e . . mo-rend' . in vi-ta tor - no, in vi
ta tor
e^^f=P=F
^
no.
i^1°t
^^
m
icmzrfu
laz
ZjCTL
■50-
:t:
rr-i — hr
vi-ta tor - no, in vi-ta torn' - in vi-ta torn* in vi
ta
tor
fi=^^^£j^
« *9--
<2— r— «»-
no.
^Eg
=t=
tor - no, in vi-ta tor - no,
in vi-ta tor
no, in vi - ta tor - - no.
PlETBO PhILIPPI .
'turn on
""^fore
WELLESLEY COLLEGE LIBRARY
3 5002 03073 6651
ML 159 .H393 1
Havkins, John, 1719-1789.
A general his-tory of t.he
science and prac-tice of
ML 159 .
H393
1
Hawkins,
John,
1719-
1789.
A genera
1 hist.ory of
the
science
and
pr
actlce of
M^-V-4^b€L 4<xkeu. (rem it-^e (■