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f)- r s: . 



from Massachusetts: 

Henry Cabot Lodge 










Published September 1944 







1149678 SEP 2 1 1944 

A Word of Thanks 

I SHOUUD like to thank several persons who have aided me 
in writing this book. First a word of appreciation to Charles 
W. Morton, Jr., associate editor of the Atlantic Monthly, who 
was the first to share my belief that a biography of Henry 
Cabot Lodge was worth doing. Mr. Ellery Sedgwick also 
deserves a special word, as does Claude Moore Fuess of 
Phillips Academy, Andover, Massachusetts, who gave me 
much valuable advice and assistance. Others who were ex 
tremely generous of their time were Mr. J. Frank Mahaney of 
the Lynn Item and Mr. Alfred Clark of the New 'York Times. 
The Messrs. Frank Buxton, Edward J. Dunn, and Laurence 
Winship allowed me to prowl unmolested through the files 
of the Boston Herald, the Boston Post., and the Boston Globe, 
respectively; and Thomas Bracken, head librarian of the 
New York Times, and his entire staff, particularly on the 
night side, were more helpful than they know. Others who in 
one way or another aided me in gathering material, or in 
preparing the manuscript, were Senator Robert A. Taft, 
former Senator George Moses, Oswald Garrison Villard, 
Clarence S. Brigham of the American Antiquarian Society, 
Robert Whitney of Washington, Henry H. Crapo of New 
Bedford, Miss Sally McCaslin, Mrs. Mary W. Morris, June 
Kavanagh Maher, and several nameless public servants in 
the Boston and New York Public Libraries. And to Stanley 
Salmen, for his patience and his skill, a heartfelt word of 
appreciation. My wife and daughter, too, deserve more than 
this inadequate bow. 



I am indebted to Charles Scribner's Sons for permission 
to quote from Selections -from the Correspondence of Theo 
dore Roosevelt and Henry Cabot Lodge, from Lodge's Early 
Memories and The Senate and the League of Nations; to 
Houghton Mifflin Company for permission to quote from 
The Letters of Henry Adams, edited by Worthington 
Chauncey Ford, from The Education of Henry Adams, 
from The Life of George Cabot Lodge, by Henry Adams, 
from Portrait of an Independent, by M. A. DeW. Howe, 
and from Beueridge and the Progressive Era, by Claude 
G. Bowers; and to Harper & Brothers for permission to 
quote from Henry White Thirty Years of American Diplo 
macy, by Allan Nevins. I also wish to thank the authors 
and publishers of all the books and articles listed in the 
bibliography, and particularly Derma F. Fleming, author of 
The United States and the League of Nations, 1918-1920. 

K. S. 


I The Seed of Essex 3 

II Boston Incarnate 13 

III The Literary Life 30 

IV "Young Lodge of Boston 45 
V The Dude of Nahant 55 

VI Victory and Defeat 64 

VII The Remarkable Way 75 

VIII Washington at Last 93 

IX On the Threshold 110 

X The Statesman 118 

XI Prophet and Imperialist 129 

XII The War Hawks 143 

XIII That Splendid Little War 164 

XIV The Wily One 184 
XV "Ever Yours" 198 

XVI The Dangerous Rock 214 

XVII Skin of His Teeth 234 

XVIII "Aspiration for Perfection" 255 

XIX Amblings to Disaster 274 

XX With Umbrageous Words 301 

XXI The Great Debate 331 

XXII This Is the End 352 

Bibliography 363 

Index 373 



The Seed of Essex 

MANY a Yankee ancestry stretched further back into the his 
tory of New England than did that of Henry Cabot Lodge. 
The first Cabot did not arrive on these shores until 1700, 
and the first Lodge did not set foot in Boston until nearly a 
century later. It was wealth and intellect rather than pri 
ority of residence that had placed the Cabots on that particu 
lar eminence where they could afford to snub the Lowells 
and speak only to God. That they stood there, cold and aloof 
and sufficient unto themselves, none could deny. It seemed 
they had stood there always, that they were older than 
Plymouth Rock. 

To a true Bostonian the peculiar superiority attached to 
the name of Cabot needed no explanation. Elsewhere, the 
mystery had to be dispelled. The first book which Henry 
Cabot Lodge wrote was undertaken for this purpose. With 
all America to choose from, the young man had selected his 
own great-grandfather as the subject of his youthful bid for 
fame. Indeed, of all his ancestors and they were many 
George Cabot was the only one to whom the budding Har 
vard historian could point with any degree of intellectual 
pride. This great gentleman had singlehandedly lifted the 
rich and ancient Cabot family above the commercial com 
monplace in which it had been comfortably settled before 
the American Revolution. 

No other Cabot, and certainly no Lodge, had done any 
thing to deserve the immortality of print. But anyone might 


was to determine the economic and political future of New 
England. In this they were greatly aided by their younger 
and somewhat wayward brother, George, who had been born 
in the Salem mansion on January 16, 1752. It was he who 
was to give the family lasting distinction. 

George Cabot was sent to Harvard College and was placed 
seventeenth in a class of forty-two boys, a standing which 
had nothing to do with his intellect but which signified 
where the father stood financially and socially among the 
North Shore and Boston families. Indeed, George Cabot was 
a singularly casual scholar. During his freshman year he 
joined in a brisk student rebellion against the bad butter 
served in commons, and two years later he suddenly left 
Cambridge barely in time to escape public reprimand for 
his "idle behavior" and "great neglect of his studies/' 

The restless youngster was at once sent to sea by his 
brothers under one of their strictest captains. The sea change 
did him good, so much so that on his eighteenth "birthday 
his brothers rewarded Tirm by giving him command of a 
small schooner, which he sailed from Beverly to Bilbao, 
Spain, with a load of codfish. Within a year he was placed 
in command of the larger schooner Premium, the newest ad 
dition to the growing Cabot fleet. He took her to the James 
River with a cargo of rum and cider, sold that and bought 
a cargo of wheat. 

In the meantime he had fallen in love with his double first 
cousin, Elizabeth Higginson, an energetic and strong-willed 
young lady. For a wedding present he was given a one- 
sixth interest in the Cabot Brothers* business and the control 
of several of the firm's best ships. Under his bride's guidance 
he soon became a hard-driving and domineering trader. 
When he was twenty-three years old, the Revolution against 
the British King broke. Instead of having a disastrous effect 
upon the brothers Cabot, the Revolution was a boon. Their 


forty-four busy privateers and letters-of-marque ships 
brought them a fortune which they safely stored in a private 
bank in Bilbao until peace was restored. 

It was of these three brothers that Judge Curwen, a Loy 
alist who had fled to London, wrote in 1779: "Those who five 
years ago were the meaner people are now, by a strange 
revolution, become almost the only men of power, riches, 
and influence. The Cabots of Beverly who . . . had but 
five years ago a very moderate share of property are now 
said to be by far the most wealthy in New England." 

As the wealth, power, and influence of these North Shore 
families increased it was only natural that they should take 
political means to guard them. They knew that they must 
take control of the new government lest those who had 
listened too attentively to Sam Adams and Tom Paine should 
attempt to carry into effect the principles for which they had 
fought the British. It was not love of politics that drew 
young George Cabot into the arena. It was the necessity of 
economic self-interest. 

The very year that Judge Curwen was commenting upon 
New England's nouveaux riches George Cabot traveled to 
Concord to argue against the proposal of the Boston mer 
chants to fix prices in order to thwart the depreciation of 
currency. Thereafter he was to be more and more involved 
in Massachusetts and federal politics. 

Among men of his class and standing one question was 
foremost at this time: the framing of a constitution for the 
Commonwealth. The document which was finally adopted 
was mainly the work of John Adams, that irascible little man 
who believed in a government of laws and not of men and 
who secretly longed for the establishment of an American 
monarchy. While it met with the approval of the North 
Shore merchants, who had formed a political group which 
became known as the Essex Junto, there were others who 


were afraid of it. The Baptists despised it because it set 
up Congregationalism as a state religion; the farmers were 
sure it gave the "marchantile towns" over-representation; 
the inland centers saw themselves doomed by the power 
given the seaports. Property qualifications for voters were 
doubled over the old Charter a gratuitous insult, so many 
said, to the unpropertied. Well, these matters could be 
thrashed out at meeting, where each town had the right to 
accept or reject each clause before sending its final ballots 
to be counted. 

And so they were thrashed out and the people thought 
they would get the kind of constitution they desired. But 
they failed to reckon with the Convention, of which George 
Cabot was a prominent member. He was one of the group 
entrusted with the counting of the ballots. The associates 
met behind locked doors. At the town meetings the people 
had understood that a two-thirds vote was required for the 
passage of each clause. Cabot and his colleagues decided 
otherwise: the vote should be applied to the paper as a 
whole. At least two of the articles, and perhaps more, failed 
to receive approval of the voters, yet the committee delib 
erately juggled the returns to make it appear that they had. 
And so the Convention ruled that the people had accepted 
as a whole a constitution they wanted only in part. George 
Cabot returned to his Beverly mansion convinced that he 
had done a good day's work. 

With the coming of peace the Essex Junto became in 
creasingly important. By virtue of his wealth and his political 
acumen George Cabot was recognized as one of its most 
potent leaders. In 1783 he served a term as State Senator 
under the constitution he had helped put over. As an ardent 
disciple of Alexander Hamilton he became known beyond 
the boundaries of the Commonwealth. At the Massachusetts 
ratifying convention, to which he was a delegate, he worked 


closely with tlie Federalists in bringing into existence the 
Federal Constitution which Fisher Ames, his close friend, 
always insisted was "dictated by commercial necessity more 
than any other cause." 

Long before he was forty years old George Cabot was 
considered a leading citizen. In 1789 George Washington 
was pleased to be his guest at Beverly. Two years later he 
was made a Senator from Massachusetts. He was, at this 
time, a dignified gentleman of commanding stature, gra 
cious manner, and an excellent conversationalist. He was an 
effective member of the Senate, then a small body which 
always met in closed session. No advocate of the rights of 
man, he introduced the Fugitive Slave Act which passed 
both houses of Congress in 1793. 

George Cabot's business ventures were extensive. Pri 
marily he was an importer and exporter and the owner of a 
large fleet of sailing vessels, but in the 1780's he became a 
foremost promoter of cotton manufacturing. He was an 
.investor in the Essex Bridge, one of the first American cor 
porations. With Joseph Lee, his brother-in-law, he formed a 
general business partnership in 1785 and was so successful 
that seven years later he was able to retire with what was 
known as a "reasonable and sufficient fortune." He was a 
director of the first bank in Massachusetts and president of 
the Boston branch of Mr. Hamilton's United States Bank. 

Most of the men of Essex came rushing to Boston after 
the Revolution, snapping up the abandoned mansions of the 
Tories who had fled the war and setting themselves up as 
the new aristocracy of the town. George Cabot, too, left 
Beverly. For a time he lived in splendor on a large estate 
in Brookline, which was recognized as the unofficial head 
quarters of New England Federalism. While living there he 
spent much of his time writing long letters of political ad 
vice. When his old friend Hamilton whose adviser he had 


been (as Daniel Webster said) on "everything that belonged 
to the commercial system of the United States" was killed, 
he dedicated his life to keeping the Federalist Party from 

Wearied of active politics George Cabot resigned from 
the Senate in 1796 and two years later refused to accept the 
Secretaryship of the Navy to which he had been appointed 
by President Adams. He was content to bask in his reputa 
tion as the Federalist Sage. He moved to Boston, where he 
was now a director of the Suffolk and the Boston Marine 
insurance companies. In his eyes Thomas Jefferson was an 
"anarchist/' When news reached him of Mr. Jefferson's pur 
chase of Louisiana he was convinced that the acquisition 
of the new territory meant the perpetual subjection of New 
England to the South and West. 

It was George Cabot's old friend, Timothy Pickering, who 
first suggested secession, Secretly he approached other mem 
bers of the Junto crusty Fisher Ames, Theophilus Parsons, 
the cold and calculating North Shore philosopher, and Mr. 
Higginson, the powerful shipmaster. They looked with sym 
pathy upon the idea. But they were afraid to carry it into 
action. George Cabot expressed their views when he said: 
"The thing proposed is obvious and natural; but it would 
now be thought too bold, and would be fatal to its advocates 
as public men; yet the time may soon come when it will be 
demanded of the North and East, and then it will unavoid 
ably take place/' 

Pickerings * plot" came to nothing and was forgotten, by 
those who were aware of it, until the War of 1812 deeply 
hurt the pocketbooks of the New England shippers. It was 
not far from the minds of a little group of "cautious and el 
derly men, who detested democracy, but disliked enthusiasm 
as much," who met at Hartford on December 15, 1814. At 
the head of this group, although "dragged in like a conscript 
to the duty of delegate," was George- Cabot, now sixty-two 

years old. They locked the doors behind them and to this 
day it is not known exactly what took place. Among the de 
mands approved by the delegates were one barring from 
federal office any but native-born Americans, another limit 
ing Presidential office to one term, and a third prohibiting 
successive Presidents from being chosen from the same 
state. That angry \\#>rds were spoken against the United 
States Government and that talk of secession was openly 
raised are undoubtedly true. 

The war ended before the demands of the Hartford Con 
vention could materialize into an active program. When old 
John Adams, grown stout and cranky, heard about the 
goings-on, he cackled: "George Cabot's close-buttoned am 
bition has broke out at last; he wants to be president of New 
England, sir! 9 

George Cabot himself was growing old, and sunk deep 
in pessimism. He said one day to his old friend Pickering, 
'Why can't you and I let the world ruin itself in its own 

The Federalist Party died with the end of the War of 1812 
and age and disillusionment soon broke up, as a political 
power, the little group of Massachusetts conservatives who 
had risen to eminence from that cold and narrow strip of 
the North Shore. But their philosophy and creed were never 
to die in Massachusetts. Their sons and grandsons were to 
see to that. 

George Cabot's son, Henry, was born in Beverly in 1783, 
while his father was serving in the Massachusetts Senate. 
He was sent to Harvard at the age of thirteen but, like his 
father, was forced for disciplinary reasons to withdraw be 
fore graduation. For the next few years he studied law in the 
office of one of his father's friends and in 1804 he started 
practice. It is doubtful if he cared much for his profession 
or if he was a great success at it, for he soon ^ave it up and 
through his father's influence entered the insurance business. 


His wife was Anna Blake, daughter of a family long con 
nected with the merchant aristocracy of Boston and a de 
scendant of the Admiral Blake who had once sunk a Span 
ish fleet at Santa Cruz. They took a house on fashionable 
High Street, but when George Cabot died they moved into 
the Summer Street mansion where the Sage had lived during 
the later years of his life. After his father's death Henry 
Cabot retired from business and lived the life of a Boston 

When Henry Cabot was eight years old, a young stranger 
named Giles Lodge arrived by accident in Boston. He was 
just twenty-one years old at the time, tall, blond, and of Hu 
guenot descent. He also was a member of the Ellerton family 
which had boasted residence in England since the days 
of William the Conqueror. His home was in Liverpool, 
where his two brothers conducted an importing business. As 
their agent he had been sent to Santo Domingo in 1791, 
arriving there in time to find himself in the midst of a bloody 
uprising and massacre of the native Negroes. He fled for his 
life on the first vessel he could board and eventually found 
himself disembarking at Boston. He liked the city and his 
brothers set him up there as their American agent. 

Hardly more than a year after his arrival Giles Lodge fell 
in love with a Boston girl named Mary Langdon and they 
were married. Mrs. Lodge's father was a cousin of President 
Samuel Langdon of Harvard, who is remembered for the 
prayer he uttered for the Continental soldiers on the eve of 
Bunker Hill. Her maternal grandfather, John Walley, had 
been a major general in an expedition against Canada, and 
later served as a member of the Governor's Council. Their 
only son, John Ellerton Lodge, was born in Boston on No 
vember 26, 1807. Twenty-five years later he married Henry 
Cabot s daughter, Anna Sophia, who, on May 12, 1850, bore 
him a son. They named him Henry Cabot Lodge. 



Boston Incarnate 

IN THE first springtime of the nineteenth, century's decline, 
Grandfather Henry Cabot's smooth granite house sat in cool 
and isolated splendor behind the thick foliage of what is 
now Boston's dilapidated Winthrop Square. On the Sunday 
morning of Henry Cabot Lodge's birth the pear trees, whose 
fruit next autumn would bring accustomed prizes at the 
Horticultural Society, were dropping their petals over the 
marble nymph in the garden at the rear. Close by on Sum 
mer Street the horse-chestnut trees were already preparing 
for their summer duty of shutting out the gaze of the curious 
from the homes of solid Boston gentlemen who lived in this 
center of respectability. Peace and quiet dignity lay over 
the snug eighteenth-century remnant of the busy port. 

To most of Boston's 133,000 inhabitants the event that had 
just occurred upstairs in Mr. Cabot's house meant nothing. 
But in that little island between Washington Street and 
Commercial Wharf, and along the harbor side of Beacon 
Hill, the news created a ripple of pleasant excitement. As 
John Ellerton Lodge could proudly announce, when in the 
morning he walked briskly off to his countinghouse in the 
granite block on the Wharf, he now had a son as well as a 
seven-year-old daughter. To the child's grandfather, still 
tall and erect, it meant the arrival of another Cabot, a de 
scendant in the third generation of Senator George Cabot of 
Beverly, BrooHine, and Boston, under whose magnificent 
shadow the family still dwelt. His friends and neighbors 


those families whose wealth and genealogical prestige gave 
meaning and personality to the old city would understand 
his glow of pride. 

The infant Henry Cabot Lodge was one of their breed. 
With a gesture of welcome they signified their approval al 
most at once by dropping his first name and calling him 
Cabot thenceforward to the end of his life. That he was to 
be their century's personification of his great-grandfather 
these Bostonians could not know. He was a Cabot born in 
Boston and that was enough. Many years later Henry Adams, 
whose understanding of stratospheric Boston society was 
profound, with that lightly cynical touch of which he was 
the master, called Henry Cabot Lodge "Boston incarnate 
the child of his local parentage." 

Henry Cabot Lodge was brn in the heart of a little world 
bounded by a city. In such isolation he was to grow to ma 
turity and long after he had known New York and Washing 
ton, London, Berlin, Paris and Rome, he was still to bear the 
marks of its insularity. "Oh, you bigoted New Englander!" 
Theodore Roosevelt used to chide his "dear old boy" when 
they were playing at statesmen together under President 
Harrison's mildly disapproving eye. In deportment, manner, 
accent, and thought he never escaped the influence not of 
the accident but of the fact of his birthplace. And that was 
Boston: not the teeming city of docks and slums but the 
clean, calm, cultured little world within the city, a world 
aloof, untouched, and inhabited by an impeccable elite over 
whom the Cabots reigned supreme. 

The Cabots did not boast of their leadership. They as 
sumed that it was understood and accepted by all. "My 
boy," Henry Cabot used to say to his grandson, "we do not 
talk of family in this country. It is enough for you to know 
that your grandfather is an honest man." Thus, with sin 
gular aptness, was blended the old Puritanism with an in- 


effable Yankee distaste for England and its ways which had 
lasted in Boston since 1776. And yet, paradoxically, Boston 
was English in so many ways: in its silent acceptance of an 
aristocracy, in its literary tastes, in its architecture, in its 
speech. It might call itself the Athens of America but it 
thought of itself as another London, its houses almost as 
old, its streets as crooked, and the blood of its best fami 
lies as free from alien strains as that of those who attended 
Queen Victoria's court. 

Boston was still a potent city. Its society had not grown 
soft. The age of trusteeship had not fully arrived with its 
attendant weakening of the will to achieve. State Street 
meant as much as Wall Street, and probably more, in the 
great financial centers of the world. The true Bostonian was 
an active and expansive man, mb matter how cold and nar 
row he might seem while seated at his desk. His lines of 
communication did not stop at Worcester, but at Canton. 
His canvas whitened the rich harbors of the world; his voice 
gave orders in the Deep South and the Far West; it was his 
steel against which the hammers of the expanding nation 
rang. It was his money, everywhere, that got things done. 
And if his home was filled with books and paintings, the 
sound of music and good talk, were not these the things 
worth striving for? 

Henry Cabot Lodge's father was as busy a man as could 
be found in any Boston warehouse or along any Boston 
wharf. His family and friends often worried because he 
drove himself so much. If Bostonians ever allowed them 
selves to talk about such things they would say he was a 
rich man. But since they were rich, it was not considered in 
good taste to mention the matter except, of course, in some 
cozy moment at the Temple Club or over the teacups in a 
Summer Street parlor. His friends, and they were many, lived 
like himself, sumptuously in old mansions; they were ad- 


mired for their philanthropy, their patronage of the arts, 
and sometimes for their eccentricities. They traveled, col 
lected obfets dart and good books. Many of them were 
scholars. Almost all of them had gone to Harvard and would 
send their sons there. The pattern of their life was formed. 

There was still an oligarchy, and a caste. It consisted of 
fifteen, perhaps twenty, families, many of whom, like the 
Cabots, stemmed from the Essex seed, and for all their pa 
trician benevolence they ruled with a hand of iron. Nearly 
one quarter of aH the nation's cotton spindlage was owned 
by them and they controlled at least half of the huge iijsur- 
ance capital of Massachusetts and 40 per cent of Boston's 
extensive banking resources. Their money was secure. It 
had been since the establishment of the Boston Manufactur 
ing Company in 1813, since the founding of the Massachu 
setts Hospital Life Insurance Company five years later. 

Known as the Boston Associates, these gentlemen con 
trolled the very flow of the Merrimacfc and the Connecticut 
Rivers. Mill owners paid the rates they set. Manufacturers 
paid them for the use of the machines on which they held 
patents. The canals and the new railroads were under their 
ownership or control throughout the entire state. Their tex 
tile domain extended from Maine and New Hampshire to 
Rhode Island. They were the builders of cities, some of 
which, like Lowell and Lawrence, bore their names. They 
controlled the press and pulpit and politics of Massachusetts. 
It was they who had sent die great Daniel Webster to the 
Senate: Webster, the corporation lawyer who had assumed 
Hamilton's toga when he said, "The great object of govern 
ment is protection of property at home, respect and renown 
abroad,** Above all men of their time he was their hero, 
sound on the tariff and the interests of Massachusetts, for 
the preservation of which he "preached union and surren 
dered the fugitive slave/* 


John Ellerton Lodge was a sMpowner and trader, with 
his vessels on constant trek to the Orient; by instinct and 
through marriage he was a member of this close society. 
His father, Giles Lodge, had been an early investor in the 
cotton factories of New England and John had spent his 
early youth as a cotton factor in New Orleans. At the head 
of the household, however, was Henry Cabot, who divided 
his time between the Temple Club on West Street, his own 
library, and the theater, for all of which he had an equal 
passion. He had known Danl Webster for many years, 
admiring him as a politician, but preferring him as a fishing 
companion. It was only when the great Daniel made his 
Seventh of March speech upholding the Compromise of 
1850 that old Henry Cabot, in both sorrow and anger, turned 
his back on his friend. There having been no more Feder 
alists when he came of age in 1804, or none to speak of, he 
had grown up as a Whig; then he had become a Free Soiler; 
in a few years he would join the new Republican Party and 
vote for Fremont. Now in his old age he was an object of 
awe and respect: as a child had he not hidden under a 
sideboard and seen and heard George Washington when 
the President had visited his father? 

Even more Bostonian, in thought and deed, was Henry 
Cabot's sister, Elizabeth Cabot Kirkland. She was opinion 
ated and, some said, sharp-tongued, but after all, as a Cabot 
and the widow of John Thornton Kirkland, Harvard's indif 
ferent and liberal President, had she not a right to her own 
mind? A widely traveled lady, she liked to bask in her repu 
tation as the first American woman to ascend the Great 
Pyramid. When her grandnephew was born, she ordered 
him brought to her rooms on Summer Street every day. And 
every day, for the last two years of her life, she doted over 
the blond little boy, perhaps feeling that through her pres 
ence he would grow up to be a true Cabot, a true Bostonian. 


Against this background and among these people Cabot 
Lodge the child grew up. His earliest years were spent in 
his grandfather's large house. The great lawyer Rufus 
Choate, hurrying his "ignominious, but convenient" way 
through the alley beside the Cabot stable, could see him 
playing in the garden under the watchful eye of the Cabot 
footman. When the heat of summer steamed the Boston 
streets he and his sister, Elizabeth Cabot Lodge, would be 
hurried off to their grandfather s "villa" at Nahant, that 
almost-island off Lynn which always reminded Henry Adams 
of a ship just stranded on the rocky coast of Cape Aon, 
Thus, winter and summer, the child was kept from contact 
with the world. 

In Boston there were the sons of Bostonians to play with; 
in Nahant there were the same. Not until he was past his 
twentieth year was Cabot Lodge to be aware of any life 
except that which he and the other sons of the Boston oli 
garchy lived. His father may have read in the newspapers 
that half of Boston's ten thousand children in the primary 
schools were of foreign parentage, and mostly Irish, but 
Cabot Lodge was to know of this part of the other Boston 
only because the "muckers," as he called them, pelted him 
with snowballs when he went coasting on the Common. Of 
that city of "indescribably loathesome slums," which Dr. 
Josiah Curtis exposed in 1849, he was to know nothing. 
Winthrop Place and Half Moon Place were as far apart 
as two worlds. 

When he was five years old he was placed in the genteel 
hands of Mrs. Parkman, a brilliant friend of his mother who, 
Boston-like, had started a small and select school for her 
own children and .those of her friends. As a descendant of 
John Eliot, the Apostle to the Indians, who had founded 
the Roxbury Latin School in 1645, her motto was, "Use your 
mind. I don't care what you answer if only you use your 


mind." The boy learned easily to read in English and French 
and formed a dislike for mathematics which lasted all his 
life. Mrs. Parkman's was a school of great refinement where, 
as Cabot Lodge said in his old age, "the boys were picked/* 
He was always to remember the soft rich voice of Fanny 
Kemble, the actress-idol of all the Boston ladies, who came 
there one afternoon to read poems to the little boys. 

The year 1857 saw a financial panic sweep the country. 
Many friends of John Ellerton Lodge were affected, although 
he managed to ride the storm without appreciable loss. 
Among those who foundered was Samuel Eliot, who had 
entered business late in life after a distinguished career 
which had led him to Washington as a Whig member of 
Congress. He was forced to sell his fine home at 31 Beacon 
Street, not far from the red-brick Bulfinch State House and 
next door to the magnificent mansion and famous gardens 
once occupied by John Hancock, the first Governor of Massa 
chusetts, who was known to many of his contemporaries as 
that "empty barrel!" but who, as Cabot Lodge was once to 
write, stood out "with a fine show of lace and velvet and 
dramatic gout, a real aristocrat, shining and resplendent" 
against the drabness of the town. 

Because "trade*' was already encroaching upon the region 
where the Cabots had lived so long, and because the city 
was about to cut the newly ordered Devonshire Street across 
the site of Henry Cabot's home and garden in Winthrop 
Place, Mr. Lodge decided to move. For $50,000 he bought 
Mr. Eliot's home, which he completely remodeled and into 
which, in due time, he moved his family. Beacon Hill was 
also a part of that little world within the city beyond whose 
mythical boundary no Cabot ever stepped. 

By now the boy had outgrown Mrs. Parkman's parlor 
school and education was to be continued in the basement 
of the Park Street Church where Mr. Thomas Russell Sulli- 


van ministered to the intellectual needs of the "young 
Heathens and little Gallics" of the neighborhood. Young 
Cabot Lodge's healthy and well-fed companions were, for 
the most part, neighbors or kinsmen: Sturgis Bigelow, Henry 
Parkman, Henry Lee, Sam Cabot, George Lyman, Russell 
Gray youngsters who were headed for Harvard and local 
fame as doctors, inventors, politicians, and judges. In this 
company Cabot Lodge worked hard and kept near the head 
of his classes. 

In all respects his was a happy childhood. Although his 
father had been past thirty when he married and past forty 
when his only son was born, young Cabot Lodge found him 
an understanding companion. They spent all the time that 
could be spared from school or countinghouse together, 
driving to tie elder Lodge's shipyard in Medford, or down 
to Nahant to tend the gardens in tie spring. Long afternoons 
were passed at Commercial Wharf, where Mr. Lodge's ships 
Argonaut, Don Quixote, Sancho Panza, Kremlin, Storm 
King, Cossack, Magnet, and Sarah H. Snow tied up on 
their visits to the home port. The spicy-salty air, the sweet 
molasses kegs, the captains and the sailors, the postage 
stamps to be collected from returning friends, all added to 
the joy of boyhood and gave Cabot Lodge memories that 
were to remain as fresh as the east wind always. 

So it was to be, also, with Nahant the sea, the rocks, 
the breaking surf, and the boundless expanse of ocean. There 
were boats to row and sail; there was swimming with his 
friends; later there was a Morgan horse named TPip" to ride. 
His was a quiet, orderly, healthy youth. Mr. Lodge was a 
man of considerable taste whose father, although absorbed 
in business, had owned to a passion for the "poet's poet," 
Spenser. His own interests ran more to Shakespeare and 
Pope, both of whom he would endlessly recite on his jour 
neys with the boy to Medford and Nahant. His home was 


filled with books. No wonder that by the time he was ten, 
Cabot Lodge had read all the Waverley Novels and was on 
his way to a similar record in the works of Charles Dickens, 
Jacob Abbott, and Maria Edgeworth. 

Mr. Lodge loved the companionship of intellectuals. 
Charles Simmer, the abolitionist, often dined with him 
when in the city. John Lothrop Motley, historian of the 
Dutch Republic, was so close a friend that he was "Uncle 
John" and Mrs. Motley was "Aunt Mary" to the boy. Mr. 
Agassiz was always on hand at Nahant to identify any 
strange fish Cabot might catch. That kindly, black-haired 
necromancer, Benjamin Peirce, was never so absorbed in 
mathematical abstractions that he did not have time to in 
vent a new game for Cabot or Elizabeth to play. Tall and 
startling Rufus Choate, the lawyer, was their neighbor and 
frequent guest. 

After four years of Mr. Sullivan's instruction, Cabot and 
most of his classmates were transplanted to the care of Mr. 
Dixwell, the stern and puritanic proprietor of a private Latin 
school where the classes were small and the boys once again 
were "picked." Mr. DixwelTs mission was to prepare his 
young charges for the four years of Harvard to which they 
inevitably were to be subjected. For this purpose his years 
as a master of the Boston Latin School, which had been 
doing just this since 1635, had given him excellent training. 
Under his watchful eye, Cabot Lodge studied Greek and 
Latin, French and German, English, mathematics, and his 
tory. He did his work satisfactorily, but without distinction. 

Shortly after the opening of the school term in September 
1862, tragedy entered the Lodge home. Early one evening, 
while Cabot was having his supper, his father came in for 
his customary chat with the boy. Although he was tired and 
drawn he joked for a while and then went up to his room 
to rest before dinner. There was a sudden crash and when 


the servants reached him they found he had fallen on the 
floor, dead from a heart attack. The twelve-year-old boy was 
overwhelmed with shock and grief, and he was soon sent to 
a friend's house to spend the trying days before the funeral. 
The service was held at the Brattle Street Church and was 
widely attended, for Mr. Lodge's acquaintances in the city 
were many. Years later Cabot Lodge's most vivid memory 
of the sad occasion was the large number of poor people to 
whom his father had been charitable who crowded into the 
rear of the church. 

Although he was to be deeply aware of a void in his life 
for a long time after his father's death, the healthiness 
of his mind and body and the serenity of his surround 
ings quickly dissipated any morbid feelings he may have 

As might have been expected in a household in which 
Charles Simmer was a frequent guest, the Lodges were 
strong Unionists. Abraham Lincoln was their hero from the 
beginning. The Civil War was a holy cause. Immediately 
after President Lincoln's call for volunteers in the early 
spring of 1861, Mr. Lodge had wanted to raise a cavalry 
outfit for the Union Army, but an injury received in a 
riding accident disqualified him for service. Unable to serve 
actively he had to content himself with helping to enlist 
other volunteers and with raising money for the Sanitary 
Commission. His patriotism was intense and he followed 
carefully the despatches in the newspapers. 

Although Cabot's immediate family was personally un 
touched by the conflict, the young men whom Cabot had 
seen at his sister's parties went off to fight. Huntington 
Wolcott, older brother of Cabot's friend Roger Wolcott, 
came home fever-ridden and died at the age of seventeen. 
Cabot attended his funeral. He heard young Captain Oliver 
Wendell Holmes tell of his experiences. The casualty lists 


in the newspapers listed among the dead and wounded 
many young men whose families were intimate friends of . 
his own. At school the progress of the war was freely dis 
cussed and before Lee's surrender the young boys were 
being given military drill. 

Cabot saw young Robert Gould Shaw lead his Negro 
regiment off to war. All the passions and prejudices of die 
North swept around him and formed in his mind impres 
sions and opinions that were not wiped out in a lifetime. 
He was never to forget how as a boy he hated the Indiana 
conspirators and the draft rioters of New York; nor was he 
ever able to forgive those Northern Copperheads who were 
openly or secretly "assailing the government, seeking to 
cripple it and proclaiming their sympathy with its enemies." 
They were, he wrote in 1913, "utterly disloyal and deserve 
to be spoken of in history in proper terms as among the 
worst foes of the country." 

At this time also, his inborn Yankee disinclination towards 
Great Britain received a lasting impetus. When he read in 
the English newspapers and in BlackwoocTs Magazine 
British criticism of the Northern cause he trembled with 
"impotent rage." In his mind, then and thereafter, the issue 
was simple. "The war was fought to save the Union," he 
wrote in his old age, when recalling his youth, "but it was 
slavery which had put the Union in peril/' One morning he 
was aroused very early by a servant and told of the assassi 
nation of Abraham Lincoln. The crime which ended the 
great President's life raised him in Cabot Lodge's eyes "to 
the proportions of a demi-god." 

Thus to the distant sound of fife and drum Cabot Lodge 
grew up. He learned then, he said, and never forgot, the 
lesson that there can be but two sides to any question: 
right and wrong. In this instance, the North was right and 
the South was wrong. Nothing could alter that. Fully as 


much as his own economic predilections, the Civil War, as 
seen through the eyes of a Boston childhood, determined 
the future course of his intellectual Me. 

The summer after Cabot's sixteenth birthday was marked 
by a journey abroad, the first Mrs. Lodge had taken since, 
as a girl, she and her father had posted in a carriage to all 
the fashionable places on the Continent. Although Cabot 
had spent some weeks with his mother at the St. Nicholas 
Hotel in New York three years before, and during the fol 
lowing summer had visited Niagara Falls, this was his first 
extended trip away from Boston. Besides Mrs. Lodge and 
Cabot there were Elizabeth and her husband and Constant 
Davis, who went along as a companion and tutor for Cabot. 

The trip led the group first to England and then to Paris, 
Rome, Naples, Venice, and Vienna. Of vastly more impor 
tance in Cabot's life than the countries visited, the cathedrals 
examined, or the sites seen, was the presence of the frail 
young tutor, already ill of tuberculosis beyond the hope of 
recovery. Constant Davis was several years older than Cabot, 
having been graduated from Harvard in 1864. His father 
was Rear Admiral Charles Henry Davis of the United States 
Navy and his mother was Mrs. Lodge's second cousin as 
well as her lifelong and most intimate friend. He was one 
of those happy scholars who made Virgil and Homer inter 
esting, who could extract the oratorical essence from Cicero 
and make the poets in Felton's Greek Reader glow far 
beyond their grammatical construction. The beauties and 
humors of Shakespeare came alive on his tongue. He was 
an ideal companion for a young man soon to enter Harvard. 
Without pedantry he made the European tour an important 
chapter in the education of Cabot Lodge. 

The Lodges left America in June 1866 and did not return 
until the following spring. On the first day of July, Cabot 
began his examinations for entrance to Harvard. For three 


days he was subjected to oral inquisition. When lie returned 
to the "villa" he found his family gathered on the veranda. 
With downcast eyes he approached them, muttering some 
thing about having received "four conditions." There was a 
deep silence, for that meant a summer of study if he were 
to pass them off in the fall. Then Colonel O. W. Holmes, 
Jr., who was a guest, gave the boy a sharp look and 
exclaimed, "The young villain! He is without conditions." 
He was. As a reward he was allowed to spend the summer 
fishing and hunting with his cousin in Canada and the 

When Cabot Lodge entered Harvard College in the au 
tumn of 1867, Dr. Thomas Hill was in the last year of his 
presidency. The courses were generally stiff, inelastic and 
unimaginative. It was not until the beginning of his junior 
year that young Dr. Charles William Eliot was to take 
charge, shake up the ancient institution, introduce the sys 
tem of "electives" and make Harvard into a modern college. 
But even in Cabot's freshman year the old educational habits 
were changing and reform was in the air. He entered with 
one of the largest classes in the history of the college, a 
class which was to send forth 158 graduates in 1871, 

Cabot Lodge, freshman, was a tall, slender youngster 
with blond curly hair, who dressed well and fashionably. 
Among his classmates he was noted for his rather caustic 
wit. He traveled, of course, in the most select company and 
experienced no difficulty in being elected to Hasty Pudding 
and Porcellian, As a student he was without distinction. 
He was no athlete, although he liked rowing on the Charles 
River and sparring in the gymnasium. In a more democratic 
institution he would have been considered a dude and a 
snob. In Harvard he was just another rich young man from 
Boston with no aim in life beyond receiving a gentleman's 
U C* and having a good time. In later years he was to say 

that he had detested school but that he enjoyed college, 
where he spent "four very happy years." 

Cabot Lodge's father had been of that group of Boston 
gentlemen who in 1854 had founded and subsidized the 
Boston theater which for many years was managed by 
Junius Brutus Booth. Henry Cabot had taken his grandson 
to the Howard Athenaeum to see Julius Caesar. Later the 
boy became a devotee of William Warren's stock company 
at the Boston Museum. On his first visit to New York he 
and his closest friend, Sturgis Bigelow, had spent most of 
their time going to the theater. In Europe he had heard all 
the good operas of the day. Now, at Harvard, he took part 
in the college theatricals put on by Hasty Pudding and he 
attended every new play in Boston. Whenever the Boston 
Opera needed a "supe ?> to carry a spear, Cabot would be 
on hand. 

Between classes and the theater and the mild social aflfairs 
of Cambridge, Beacon Hill, and Brookline, the time passed 
quickly. At least until his senior year he drifted through his 
courses, a rather snobbish young man when he heard 
Charles Dickens lecture he was "haunted by a suspicion" 
that the English author whose books he had devoured "was 
not quite a gentleman" faintly amused by the literary dis 
sertations of Professor James Russell Lowell, but otherwise 
intellectually unmoved. Then he fell under the spell of a 
strange and cynical young man, twelve years his senior, 
who the year before had decided to talk to boys at Cam 
bridge instead of dancing with girls in Washington, and 
had come on, at President Eliot's suggestion, to teach medi 
eval history, a subject about which he knew nothing. 

The friendship with Henry Adams, established in the 
autumn of 1870 when Cabot Lodge stumbled into his class 
room, was felicitous. It marked a turning point in the aim- 
less life of the wealthy young Boston gentleman. The teacher 


and pupil had much, in common. Like Cabot Lodge, Henry 
Adams had wandered through life until this period without 
any clear idea of the direction he was taking. A descendant 
of the second and sixth Presidents of the United States, 
wealthy enough so that he did not have to earn his own 
living, he had served as secretary to his father, Charles 
Francis Adams, when that gentleman was Ambassador to 
the Court of St. James's. Somewhat vaguely he dreamed of 
becoming a great man, worthy of his overwhelming ances 
try. At thirty-one, however, he had done nothing notable 
and his family urged him to accept President Eliot's invita 
tion to become an Assistant Professor of History in the 
department headed by his future brother-in-law, Ephraim 
W. Gurney. Having no valid excuse not to do so, Adams 
had come to Cambridge where he lived with his younger 
and brilliant brother, the shy and introspective Brooks 
Adams, in the home of his aunt, Mrs. Edward Everett. 

His informality as a teacher he used no textbooks and 
was quite willing to confess his ignorance publicly and 
his obviously brilliant mind made him liked by the few 
pupils who attended his classes. With the exception of Con 
stant Davis, he was the first mature person among Cabot 
Lodge's acquaintances with a capacity for imparting knowl 
edge joyfully, and so, almost at once, he occupied an im 
portant part in Cabot's life. Henry Adams was to stay at 
Harvard for seven years. During all that time Cabot was 
his particular protege. Adams planned his life for him and 
for many years led him along the path of his choosing. 
When, in later years, Cabot branched out on his own road, 
away from the goal indicated by Henry Adams, the two 
men remained the closest of friends. 

Adams, however, did not introduce Cabot to Nannie 
Davis. Cabot probably could^not remember the time when 
he had not known this attractive sister of Constant whose 


full name was Anna Cabot Mills Davis. They had played 
games together as children at Nahant, they attended the 
same parties in Boston when they were growing up. There 
was nothing but approval expressed when they became en 
gaged in Cabot's junior year. 

Cabot considered Rear Admiral Davis to be one of the 
most wonderful men he had ever known. His grandfather., 
Daniel Davis of Barnstable, had been Solicitor General of 
Massachusetts at the beginning of the nineteenth century 
and had married Lois Freeman, daughter of the Unitarian 
pastor of Boston's King's Chapel. They were the parents of 
thirteen children. The oldest, Louisa, had married William 
Minot, who was, in Henry Adams's phrase, "of a family 
more thoroughly Boston, if possible, than all the rest." The 
youngest child of this union was born in Boston in 1807 and 
in 1823 left Harvard College to become midshipman on the 
frigate United States tinder Commodore Isaac Hull. Although 
during the Civil War he had been engaged in several of the 
more decisive naval battles, particularly as Admiral du Font's 
fleet captain at Port Royal and as commander of the Upper 
Mississippi gunboat flotilla, it was as a seagoing scholar 
that he was best known. He had made the first thorough 
study of the dangerous waters around Nantucket Island 
and he had helped establish the American Ephemeris and 
Nautical Almanac. 

The mother of Cabot's fiancee was the daughter of United 
States Senator Elijah Hunt Mills of Northampton, Massa 
chusetts. Her sister had married Benjamin Peirce, Harvard's 
famous professor of mathematics, and whenever the admiral 
was not at sea, he made Cambridge his home. It was there 
that Nannie had grown up. She had played on the Harvard 
grounds as a girl and from infancy was closely associated 
with Harvard scholars and professors. As might be expected, 
she was a precocious young lady, an omnivorous reader, 


who could quote classics at will. But she was also lively and 
fond of fun, with sparkling violet eyes and blonde hair 
setting off her small and excellent figure. 

As June 1871 approached, Cabot was more taken up with 
plans for his approaching marriage than he was with plans 
for Commencement. No scholastic honors were coming his 
way. In spite of Henry Adams, he was able only to stand 
near the middle of his class. 



The Literary Life 

ON JUNE 24 Cabot Lodge filed past President Eliot and 
received his degree of Bachelor of Arts. The following day 
he and Nannie were married in Christ Church, the eight 
eenth-century Protestant Episcopal edifice which faces Har 
vard Yard and Cambridge Common. After a honeymoon of 
nearly a month, Cabot Lodge and his bride and his bride's 
sister, Evelyn, sailed for Europe. They were to be gone for 
a year. 

Cabot Lodge was neither imaginative nor adventurous. 
His year abroad was spent following much-trodden paths 
among familiar places. The trio might have stepped from 
the pages of a novel by Henry James as they sedately moved 
about in polite English circles, to which they had entree 
through his mother's friends, with whom they stopped. 
Because Cabot wished that his ladies might see what he 
had seen before, he took them over almost the same route 
which he had traveled as a schoolboy with his mother. They 
visited Munich, the Passion Play at Oberammergau (which 
was then becoming fashionable), and Switzerland. In Sep 
tember they reached Paris, where the remnants of the barri 
cades against the Paris Commune still lingered. In that 
grim city, where the "Bois de Boulogne was a treeless plain 
and the palace of Saint Cloud had perished," Cabot saw a 
Communard dragged screaming to jail; from his friends he 
heard grisly tales of violence of that fateful year. His sym 
pathies were not with the Commune; indeed, he disapproved 


of all French politics, mainly because of the French attitude 
toward the United States during the Civil War. It was not 
until many years later that he was to understand and con 
fess that the "miserable imperial government and not the 
French people" was to blame for the turmoil and desolation 
which he witnessed in the late summer of 1871. 

From Paris the little group went to Germany, where they 
were happy visitors in Dresden and Berlin, solid cities with 
out mobs. After a stay in Vienna, they moved on to Italy 
and southward to Rome. In that city, so beloved in the nine 
teenth century by the Boston intellectuals, they spent the 
winter, but as April approached they hurried again to Paris. 
There, on April 6, their first child was born, a daughter 
whom they named Constance. 

The aimless European jaunt, however, was not yet com 
pleted. They had no compelling reason to return to Boston. 
School was over. No business beckoned them. But, although 
he had yet had no occasion to use it, Cabot Lodge owned 
a mind which had been faintly stirred by Henry Adams and 
even by James Russell Lowell, and all his twenty-two years 
he had been surrounded by doers and thinkers. It was in 
evitable that he should not be content with idleness. 

On his travels he discovered an interest in art and archi 
tecture. Although he read avidly and without direction, he 
studied every book on these subjects he could find, A born 
sightseer, he missed no picture gallery or cathedral on his 
way from London to Rome. Indeed, he was considered quite 
a bore on this account by the young Bostonians whom he 
met while they too were fashionably taking in the sights of 
the Old World. 

Nannie, of course, could not accompany Cabot on his in 
tellectual forays because of the birth of Constance. By a 
stroke of good fortune, however, he was to run across his 
classmate, Michael Henry Simpson, when they got to Rome. 


This young Boston gentleman, the son of a rich manufac 
turer, had gained quite a reputation at Harvard as a student 
Cabot and he had become most friendly in Henry Adams's 
history class. Of strict Congregational antecedents, Simpson 
had revolted against the stern Calvinist creed and, after a 
bitter struggle with his soul, had become an agnostic. Al 
though he was outwardly full of fun, he saw "neither intelli 
gence nor pleasure in an idle, self-indulgent life." He had 
dreamed of devoting his career to 'literature and public 
service," but after another struggle with his Yankee soul, he 
had decided to enter at once into business and to aid in 
carrying on "the important industry which was part of his 
inheritance." As a businessman he intended to continue his 
reading and studying so that he might be well equipped to 
"take part in politics and make himself effectively useful." 
The friends talked away many a serious hour in Rome, 
their topics ranging from the all-important one of Self and 
the Future to the almost as delightful busts of Caesar in the 
Capitoline Museum. Wandering over the Campagna and 
among the ruins of Ostia and Hadrian's Villa, these two 
young Boston gentlemen read Suetonius together and had 
an altogether enjoyable time. When they were not gazing 
rapturously at ruins, Simpson would expatiate upon the 
Republican party, in which he was a staunch believer and 
upon which he dreamed of exercising his influence and 
power in the years to come. His talk and his clearly defined 
ambitions made a deep impression upon Lodge. He, too, 
began to think, to try to reach some conclusion, and to find 
some way to make use of the opportunities he possessed. 
A life of "unoccupied leisure" no longer attracted him. In 
this dissatisfied mood Cabot said good-bye to his friend. 
Shortly after, he received the distressing news of Simpson's 
sudden death from malignant typhoid in Florence. He 
turned for solace and counsel to Henry Adams. 


Cynical and indolent though the Professor of Medieval 
History at Harvard might be, he delighted in advising his 
younger friends nor did he ever lack the proper answer to 
their pleas. Cabot Lodge wrote him from Europe wonder 
ing if there were any sense in his going on with his studies, 
perhaps with the idea of someday becoming a writer. Henry 
Adams was flattered. On June 2, 1872, he sent off to Europe 
this pragmatic answer: 

. . . There is only one way to look at life and that is the prac 
tical way. Keep clear of mere sentiment whenever you have to 
decide a practical question. Sentiment is very attractive and I like 
it as well as most people, but nothing in the way of action is worth 
much which is not practically sound. 

The question is whether the historico-literary line is practically 
worth following; not whether it will amuse or improve you. Can 
you make it pay, either in money, reputation, or any other solid 

Now if you will think for a moment of the most respectable and 
respected products of our town of Boston, I think you will see at 
once that this profession does pay. No one has done,better and 
won more in any business or pursuit than has been acquired by 
men like Prescott, Motley, Frank Parkman, Bancroft, and so on in 
historical writing; none of them men of extraordinary gifts, or 
who would have been likely to do very much in the world if they 
had chosen differently. What they did can be done by others. 

Further there is a great opening here at this time. Boston is 
running dry of literary authorities. Anyone who has the ability 
can enthrone himself here as a species of literary lion with ease, 
for there is no rival to contest tie throne. With it comes social 
dignity, European reputation and a foreign mission to close. 

To do it requires patient study, long labor and perseverance 
that knows no limit. The Germans have these qualities beyond all 
other races. Learn to appreciate and to use the German historical 
method and your style can be elaborated at leisure. I should think 
you could do this here. . . , 


The letter encouraged Lodge but it was still with "no 
definite plan, no taste, no aptitude, no mastering passion" 
that he returned with his family kte in August and settled 
down in his mother's house at 31 Beacon Street. The winter 
that followed was dispiriting, for Cabot had chosen, as his 
first step toward the goal set by Henry Adams, the serious 
study of the early law of the Germanic tribes. He spent 
hours at the library, or in his own Beacon Street study, 
poring over dull books in German, seemingly going nowhere 
and achieving nothing. It was a lonely existence. Except for 
his immediate family he saw few people. But, as Adams had 
suggested, the long labor and perseverance was excellent 
training, for although he felt that he was working without 
object or purpose, he at least was learning to work. And this 
in itself was a new and exhilarating experience. 

The late autumn of 1872, when he was hardly started on 
his researches, was enlivened by the great fire which swept 
away much of the old city in which he was born. During 
the aftermath of the holocaust he discovered that from 
which he had always been carefully sheltered: the "other 
city" of slums and poverty. When he helped distribute 
clothes and food to the homeless victims he was so moved 
by their wretchedness that for the next two years he will 
ingly acted as an occasional district visitor for the Provident 
Association, one of the several charities in which his father 
had been interested. His social conscience was awakened 
by the flames. 

When President Eliot had invited Henry Adams to teach 
at Harvard one of the inducements was that he should help 
Professor Lowell edit the North American Review. Now 
Lowell had resigned and gone abroad, leaving the maga 
zine wholly in the hands of young Adams. After a European 
jaunt Adams settled down, in the summer of 1873, to the 
serious drudgery of his duties. The magazine had a maxi- 


mum of literary reputation but a minimum of circulation 
not more than 400 copies an issue. Besides, it was running 
a deficit. Had not Adams considered it a "sacred relic" 
members of his family had contributed to its pages almost 
since the first issue in 1815 he might not have taken the 
trouble with it that he did. He found the work a dismal 
chore at times and needed someone to help him with 
the dull routine. 

When Adams accepted Lodge's invitation to luncheon at 
Nahant he found the younger man all that their contact at 
Harvard had led him to expect. Their talk ranged over a 
variety of subjects Harvard, young Simpson, Europe and 
they had a delightful time. In the afternoon, as they were 
walking down the road to the "wagon" that would take 
Adams over the causeway to the railroad at Lynn, Adams 
turned to his host and invited him to become Assistant 
Editor of the Review. 

Cabot Lodge was pleased and flattered at the offer and, 
although he had no clear idea of what his editorial duties 
would be, he accepted at once. In his own mind he had 
pretty well determined to follow Adams's advice to strive 
for politico-literary glory. This was the ideal way to begin. 
Helping to edit a quarterly magazine, of course, did not take 
up all his time, so without really intending ever to practise 
law he entered the Harvard Law School, to be graduated, 
again without distinction, in the spring of 1874. Had it not 
been for Adams he might perhaps have set himself up as a 
lawyer and spent a dull, if distinguished, lifetime in the 
Massachusetts courts. Indeed, for a few months before he 
was admitted to the bar in April 1875 he clerked in the law 
office of Ropes & Gray, but quite obviously his mind was not 
upon his work. 

The fastidious Adams was no easy taskmaster. He ex 
pected much of his pupil. He prided himself on being a 


perfectionist and took an almost sadistic delight in making 
Cabot do over and over again the work set before him. 
Even the brief book notices which he allowed Cabot to con 
tribute to the "sacred relic' 7 had to be rewritten many times 
before they gained the Master's approval. His first published 
writing a one-page review of Baxman's History of the 
Popes was written eight times before Adams would send 
it to the printer. Acidulous were the notes of advice Adams 
sent to his protege, but all were aimed at forcing him to 
give his writing more variety and greater freedom, and to 
overcome his tendency to use superfluous words. 

Under Adams's editorship the Review flourished. Dur 
ing the three years that he and Cabot labored over its 
pages its circulation grew to 1200 copies. As might be 
expected, their regime emphasized articles on history and 
politics. Dr. Lowell, who had imparted a literary flavor 
without much bite, remarked that Adams was making the 
old teakettle think it was a steam engine. Hardly an issue 
appeared without one of Henry's political essays; and his 
brother Charles Francis Adams, whose exposures of railroad 
corruption had previously appeared, continued his discus 
sions of the contemporary scene. Charles F. Wingate wrote 
about Tammany Hall in scathing terms, Chauncey Wright 
discussed evolution, Simon Newcomb wrote about science, 
and such critics as William Dean Howells, Henry James, 
and H. H. Boyesen enlivened the pages. 

Young Cabot might well have longed, and worked hard, 
to see his name and writing among those of such eminent 
contemporaries, and at last, after weeks of hard work, he 
finished an article that Adams thought was good enough 
to sign and print. This was a review of John T. Morse's Life 
of Alexander Hamilton. 1 - During the composition of the re- 

*In 1882 Morse, as editor of the American Statesman Series, was 
to bring out Lodge's own biography of Hamilton. 


view Adams had continually to warn Lodge to make his 
essay 'less objectionably patronizing to Morse" and to chide 
the young writer, who avowedly had made Dean Swift 
his prose master, for his youthful tendency to "sweeping and 
extreme statements." Such praise as he gave was grudging. 
Adams was obviously fond of his protege, and even proud 
of him, but he found it difficult to tell him so. For this 
reason it was the greatest achievement of Cabot's life when 
the exacting master finally accepted Lodge's essay. "I wish 
I could again feel anything of the glow of pride which 
filled my being when the number containing it appeared," 
Lodge wrote in 1913. 

To Henry Adams the task of getting out the Review was 
"hopeless drudgery/' and he kept telling Cabot that he 
could see no future in it. "My terror is lest it should die on 
my hands or go to some Jew," he wrote. Another terror was 
James R. Osgood, the publisher. Mr. Osgood believed in 
giving the editor a free hand, but when Adams criticized 
Bayard Taylor's translation of Faust, which Mr. Osgood had 
published, the publisher was more than a little annoyed. It 
was over politics, however, that they came to grips. For the 
issue of October 1876, Adams and his brother Charles wrote 
an article entitled "The Independents in the Political Can 
vas," in which, characteristically, they urged the support of 
Tilden the Democrat over the Republican Elaine. The pub 
lisher did not see the article until the entire issue of the 
magazine had been printed. Unable then to rip it out he 
attached a disclaimer of responsibility for such a heretical 
view and announced that the editors had resigned. They 
had, Adams and Lodge together. Both editorially and politi 
cally, in 1876, they were independent young men. 

Since the autumn of 1874 Cabot had been engaged on a 
serious and scholarly project the study of the ancient 
Anglo-Saxon land laws. The forbidding subject was Adams's 


idea. He had several other graduate students at work, fol 
lowing the German system of research which he introduced 
to Harvard. Working with him were two other history stu 
dents, Ernest Young and J. Laurence Laughlin, the latter of 
whom was to attain some distinction as a political economist. 
They all received their doctoral degrees at Commencement 
in 1876; Lodge's was the second ever awarded in History 
by the ancient college. Shortly before Lodge received this 
well-earned academic honor the master wrote him: 

Nothing since I came to Cambridge has given me so much and 
so unalloyed satisfaction as the completion of our baking this 
batch of doctors of philosophy. I am pleased with my scholars 
and I am proud of them. They have shown qualities which I 
believe to be of the first order. 

Some months later Adams published the theses of Lodge, 
Young, and Laughlin in a scholarly-appearing tome, to 
which he supplied a foreword. Replete with footnotes and 
references, Essays in Anglo-Saxon Law, while repellent from 
a literary point of view, was so widely praised and used by 
legal scholars that it had to be reprinted in 1905. Adams 
showed his appreciation to Lodge in tangible form in the 
autumn of 1876 by arranging for the young lawyer-historian 
to be appointed to an instructorship in the History Depart 
ment at Harvard. 

Although it was Henry Adams's whimsy to insist through 
the years that his life was all a failure, his successful record 
as a teacher at Harvard disproves his facetious theory. He 
did as much for the high reputation of the college's History 
Department as any who ever had anything to do with it. 
Endowed with a sense of humor and of the fitness of things, 
Adams delighted in making Bostonians who were bred-in- 
the-bone Federalists support the Jeffersonian position in 
classroom discussions while he maneuvered those of the 


Democratic tradition to defend what S. E. Morison has 
called "the most abhorred tenets of blue-light Federalism." 
It was his way of making education crackle. 

On March 2, 1877, he carried his theory a step further. 
He wrote President Eliot, suggesting the establishment of a 
"rival course" to his, hoping in this way to "stimulate both 
instructors and students, and to counter-act, within its range, 
the inert atmosphere which now pervades the college." His 
choice for a rival was Henry Cabot Lodge, and with good 
reason, for, as he told Dr. Eliot, Lodge's views, "being fed 
eralist and conservative have as good a right to expression 
in the college as mine, which tend to democracy and radi 
calism." Dr. Eliot put the matter up to the Corporation, 
which quickly approved Adams's scheme for "increasing the 
interest in American history/' although Lodge's salary was 
so low that Dr. Eliot, rather embarrassedly, later referred 
to his "almost gratuitous" services. 

For the next two years Cabot taught history, inculcating 
his young students with sound Federalist ideology. Undoubt 
edly his indoctrination took, although in one instance it was 
successful in reverse. Edward Channing, who attended his 
course and later taught history at Harvard for many years, 
found that young Lodge and Hildreth's History., the stand 
ard textbook of the day, combined by reaction to make him 
a Jeffersonian. Although Lodge taught a general course, his 
specialty was the period of English colonization in America, 
a period when the Cabots were establishing themselves 
along the Essex shore and laying the foundations of the 
fortune that led them inevitably into the Federalist camp. 

A young Bostonian, setting out consciously to become a 
great historian, could hardly have chosen a better time. 
There was, as Adams had shrewdly said, a place for him. 
Prescott, the great historian of Mexico and Peru, had been 
dead since Cabot was eight years old. Motley, who had wept 


when Cabot's father died, would himself die that year. 
Bancroft, at seventy-seven, was still tending his roses and ex 
ploring the history of the Constitution, but although he was 
to live to be ninety-one, he could afford to welcome a young 
competitor. Of all the great New Englanders, Parkman alone 
was comparatively young, just fifty-four, but even so his 
greatest work was done, the Oregon Trail had been covered. 
Cabot had known them all, had grown up under their 
benevolence. At twenty-seven he could not realize that New 
England's Indian summer had set in and that he, as much 
as anyone, would be the symbol of all that this autumnal 
season meant. 

It was nothing against one of so insular a background 
that he should not step beyond his own family for the sub 
ject of his first book. All his life he had heard of George 
Cabot, but year by year he had seen the memory of that 
great man sink deeper and deeper into oblivion. With gusto 
the youthfully bearded scholar set about the exciting task 
of collecting his grandfather's letters and writing the story 
of his life. 

Being a Cabot, he found the sources quickly opened to 
him, of course. He had just been elected a member of that 
select and sanctified institution, the Massachusetts Histori 
cal Society, where, a precocious child, he had been allowed 
to be seen and even sometimes heard by his elders. In 
addition to his distinguished colleagues he had the help 
and advice of Colonel Henry Lee, a kinsman, whose grand 
father had once been George Cabot's business partner; the 
crusty gentleman, in the 1870's, was as "violent a Federalist" 
as though he had lived through the administrations of Wash 
ington, Adams, and Jefferson; he knew the family history in 
all its genealogical ramifications and was delighted to help 
the young man. Through family connections he gathered 
scores of George Cabot's revealing letters and in the archives ' 


of the Society he unearthed the forgotten papers of Timo 
thy Pickering. Thus Cabot was able to work with new 
material and he could honestly feel that he was on the way 
to becoming the very Boston lion Adams had so glowingly 

Of the fifty and more books he was to publish within the 
next forty-odd years only one or two stand on a par with 
the Life and Letters of George Cabot. Its originality and 
objectivity virtues seldom associated with Henry Cabot 
Lodge are still recognized by scholars. It was definitely 
his, and not Colonel Henry Lee's, book; and if it was pre 
eminently sympathetic to its subject, Cabot suppressed 
nothing and mitigated nothing. Even such documents as 
placed his ancestor in an unfavorable light, particularly 
those that proved, so soon after the Civil War, that George 
Cabot had taken no strong stand against New England's 
proposed secession from the new Union, were offered with 
out undue apology. 

All during this period of his life Cabot had been taking 
an increasingly active interest in politics and had openly 
associated himself with a group of young reformers who 
were stirred by the maladministration of President Grant 
and affronted by the ambitions of James G. Elaine. Cabot 
had served, as we shall later see, openly with the so-called 
Liberal Republicans and Reformers, and if he was known 
at all to the general public it was through this connection. 
Writing at this time for the New York Tribune was an acid- 
tongued lady who used the pen name of Gail Hamilton, but 
who in reality was Abigail Dodge, cousin of candidate 
Elaine's wife. When Cabofs book appeared she attacked it, 
in a series of four scathing articles, in the Tribune. In his 
introduction Cabot had explained that he had written the 
book primarily to rescue his ancestor from oblivion, and 
Gail Hamilton, with a stroke of journalistic brilliance, headed 


her first article "Henry Cabot Lodge's Hand-to-Hand Fight 
with Oblivion." She pictured the young historian as a "very 
self-satisfied young man," a not too dishonest characteriza 
tion, and then set out to destroy him. Cabot was quite 

One day, however, Colonel T. W. Higginson stopped him 
on the street and congratulated him on attracting so much 

"I wish she would assail one of my books that way," the 
Atlantic's popular essayist sighed, "for I have observed that 
the practical value of a critical notice is in proportion to its 
length and not in what is said." 

The Colonel was right. The Life and Letters of George 
Cabot soon sold out and went into a second edition. 

The five years that had passed since Cabot had returned 
from Europe had seen the addition of two sons to the family. 
The first had been born on October 10, 1873, and named 
George Cabot Lodge; the second son was born on August 
10, 1878, and named John Ellerton Lodge. 

During this period Cabot was torn between two ambi 
tions: one was literary, the other was political. In the end 
the latter was to win, but before he immersed himself in 
politics he had two adventures which enhanced his growing 
reputation as a scholar. Shortly after his resignation from 
the Harvard faculty he was invited to deliver a series of lec 
tures at Boston's famous Lowell Institute. He rewrote his 
Harvard lectures for this purpose. Published as they were in 
the Evening Transcript, they attracted attention beyond Bos 
ton and George William Curtis, that pale young reformer 
whom Lodge already knew through their association with 
the Mugwumps, induced Harper and Brothers to publish 
them, tcflater years Cabot Lodge was to regard the Short 
History of the English Colonies in America as "long and 
cumbrous" (a worthy criticism) but for several years they 


were a standard text in many colleges. When, a few years 
after their publication, Thomas Woodrow Wilson applied 
for admission for graduate work at Johns Hopkins University 
he cited his study of Dr. Lodge's book as one of the reasons 
why he felt competent to pass an examination in colonial 
history. Much to Cabot's surprise, however, the book was 
far from the popular success his biography of George Cabot 
had been. No Gail Hamilton reviewed it. 

Since he had again gone to original sources, then not 
as deeply plowed as they are now, the history had its many 
good points. It is, however, mainly interesting today because 
it is the last of his books which reveal any fundamental his 
torical originality or any pretense to it Both this and his 
first book were written under the influence of Henry Adams 
at a time when Adams was still intending to make Cabot 
Lodge a professor at Harvard College. 

The second adventure was less successful than the first. 
This, too, was in 1879, when Cabot's mind and time both 
were pretty much taken up with political ambitions. John 
Torrey Morse, Jr., had come across the moribund periodical 
the International Review, which was for sale. He called in 
Cabot and the young men, filled with enthusiasm, deter 
mined to make it into an influential organ of opinion. This 
they never did, although they tried hard. One of the first 
articles accepted was entitled "Cabinet Government of the 
United States" in which the author, a senior at Princeton, 
argued for open debate and against the undemocratic cus 
tom of deciding issues behind the closed doors of committee 
rooms. This essay was to form the basis of Woodrow Wilson's 
first book, Congressional Government. A second article from 
the same author was brusquely marked "R.R.R." (received, 
read, and rejected) by Editor Lodge. 

Although the International Review was a failure, Cabot, 
at this time, found other outlets for his literary enthusiasms. 


Through William Dean Howells, who had become editor 
of the Atlantic Monthly a few years before, and Thomas 
Bailey Aldrich, the jaunty little poet and editor who gath 
ered about him all the writers of New England's twilight, 
he had access to the Contributors' Club and even the main 
pages of the Atlantic Monthly. As Claude M. Fuess once 
told the Massachusetts Historical Society, the young man 
had a "wit and urbanity and an air of omniscience which 
qualified him in an unusual degree for essay writing. He 
said clever things in a gentlemanly fashion, and carried with 
him the faint aroma of Harvard College so dear in those 
days to residents of Beacon Hill." Evanescent projects of a 
literary nature flitted through his mind: he edited a volume 
of ballads and lyrics for boys and girls between the ages of 
twelve and eighteen, he collected fairy tales for children of 
a younger age. His writing, and his occasional lectures, were 
bringing him, by the time he was thirty years old, an average 
income of $3000 a year. Not that he needed the money; he 
had inherited all that he could ever use, but it proved, to 
his Yankee conscience, that he could earn his living if it 
were necessary and that his life was no longer empty and 
purposeless. And yet, surrounded by his books and pallid 
busts in his Beacon Street study, and his roses (like Ban 
croft and Adams, he loved the "flower of the historians'*) 
in his sea-girt garden in Nahant, he was a restless and not 
quite happy man. 



Young Lodge of Boston 

IN LATER years Henry Adams was to heap scorn on Cabot 
Lodge for having become a politician, but it was Adams as 
much as any man who bore the responsibility for it. In the 
1870's and 1880's this descendant of politicians was deep 
in the intrigues of the Reformers. Although professing no 
personal ambition for public office, he dearly loved to 
dabble in politics behind the scene. 

Henry Adams knew a man he could use when he saw 
one and he had spotted Cabot Lodge when he was very 
young. For nearly a decade, beginning in 1874, they played 
at politics together. In the course of their playing Lodge 
met another man who was to have a profound influence at 
this important period of his career. In background, educa 
tion, temperament indeed, in almost every way imaginable 
he was as different from Adams as any man could be. 
While Adams shrank from the limelight, this tall, thin, red- 
whiskered man with bushy hair and steel-rimmed glasses 
was a familiar figure to all the readers of newspapers. He 
was nearly twenty-two years older than Cabot. Since his 
arrival in America in 1852, his career had been notable as 
a soldier in the Civil War, as a politician devoted to reform, 
as a fighter for lost causes, as the American Ambassador to 
Spain. His name was Carl Schurz. 

Cabot Lodge probably first met Carl Schurz at his 
mother's home on April 29, 1874, where the liberal leader 
was the guest of honor at a small dinner following his 


memorable eulogy to the famous Civil War Senator from 
Massachusetts, Charles Sunrner. It was fitting that the elder 
Mrs. Lodge should be Schurz's hostess for the great aboli 
tionist had been a welcome visitor at the Lodge home at 
all times. At the dinner table, besides Mr. and Mrs. Schurz 
and their daughter, were Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, 
Ralph Waldo Emerson, and Oliver Wendell Holmes. It was, 
indeed, a truly Boston dinner party. Dr. Holmes, in his in 
imitable way, described a "dynamometer," or gadget de 
signed to measure memory, a subject which, the mild Emer 
son said in a low voice, was "very disagreeable to me." 
Cabot, who had been enthralled that afternoon as Schurz 
had delivered one of the best addresses of his career, sat 
next to Mr. Longfellow. Mr. Longfellow was cold. He had 
not liked the eulogy and had told Cabot so in no uncertain 
terms, his Viking-blue eyes flashing, his white beard atremble. 
A year later, when Schurz's term as Senator had ended, 
Cabot went to Washington, at Adams's bidding, to attend a 
dinner given by Schurz's political friends. Soon thereafter 
Schurz was to take the young Bostonian under his wing and 
there he was to remain, docilely enough, until the great 
storm of 1884. 

Cabot Lodge was not, of course, the only young Bos 
tonian who felt the wind of political reform in the 1870*s. 
In that circle of wealthy and ambitious young business, lit 
erary, and professional men where he, the cub lion, walked 
so airily, there were many who looked with disgust upon 
the degradation of the Republican Party. Moorfield Storey, 
who was five years Cabot's senior and who had been Sum- 
ner's secretary in Washington during President Johnson's 
impeachment, was one. Now returned to Boston, where he 
was a rising young lawyer, he was to be in the forefront of 
all movements towards political reform. Another was Brooks 
Adams, Henry's jealous, lonely, and erratic brother. A third 


was Charles Cabot Jackson, a kinsman of Lodge, and an en 
ergetic young broker of large acquaintance. A fourth was 
William E. Perkins, whose extracurricular interest was mu 
nicipal politics. He went to the Common Council of Boston 
in 1871 for three years. All were old Bostonians, members 
of families prominent in the city for generations. There were 
others, of course, but these were the nucleus of a small group 
who gathered around Henry Cabot Lodge. 

There were ample reasons why these gentlemen, all older 
than Cabot, should be attracted to him. For one thing he 
had a handsome house, a fine library, and the best-stocked 
wine cellar in town. His dinners were delightful both for 
the food and for the conversation that was passed around 
the mahogany board. Mrs. Lodge, too, was popular. Not 
only was she noted for her beauty, but she was amiable, at 
tractive, possessed of charming manners and great social 
tact. So, when Lodge suggested to his friends that they 
"form an organization, non-partisan in character, for the 
purification of politics, and officered by men of such posi 
tion that they would exercise great influence on public opin 
ion," the group was quite willing to comply. Being men 
proud of Massachusetts, they called their proposed reform 
organization the Commonwealth Club. Many a delightful 
dinner at Lodge's house preceded the actual drawing-up of 
the charter. Although the rest of the city was completely 
unaware of its existence, its members were fully convinced 
that sooner or later it would exercise upon the electorate 
an influence as powerful as that of the Essex Junto Just a 
century before. 

In the early days of its existence the Commonwealth Club 
did little except sip Lodge's bewitching old Madeira, ex 
change pleasantries, and laugh at its leader's flashes of sharp 
Harvardian wit. They did a lot of deep thinking, and lis 
tened to Brooks Adams's mordant animadversions upon the 


American scene as he pointed out to these young romanti 
cists the follies of the time in which they lived. It was not 
until 1876 that they were impelled to action. In the mean 
time, however, Cabot Lodge was being drawn closer and 
closer into the political web. At this period Henry Adams 
was not quite the dulcet creature he was to become. He had 
married in June 1872, and was woefully busy with his teach 
ing, his editing, and his politics. He wanted no political 
post for himself, but he had visions of dictating policies 
through the press. In December 1874 he told Cabot, pri 
vately and confidentially, that he and some others were 
negotiating for the purchase of the Boston Daily Advertiser 
at an estimated cost of $90,000, and asked his protege to 
buy at least one of the eighteen available shares at $5000. 
The deal, however, fell through. 

The following spring Carl Schurz, having shed his Sena 
torial toga, went abroad hopeful that by the time next year's 
national campaigns started Charles Francis Adams, Sr., 
would accept the Republican Presidential nomination. 
Henry's father was, in the opinion of the traveler, the only 
Republican available who possessed "absolute independence 
of party dictation and entire absence of ulterior ambition/' 
The elder Adams, then sixty-eight years old, may have been 
all that Schurz called him, but he still felt that the Presi 
dency was within his reach. 

With all this in the air which he breathed daily, Cabot 
Lodge willingly lent himself to Henry Adams's schemes. 
To be on the inside of national affairs even so slightly was 
pleasing to his youthful ego and a contrast to the dull routine 
of his historical studies. Besides, there was ever present in 
his mind the example of his own great-grandfather, with 
whose half-forgotten Federalist engineerings he was at this 
time deeply engaged. Throughout the summer he watched 
the national political scene closely. The greatest interest was 


centered in the gubernatorial campaign being waged in 
Ohio, where the Democrat, William Allen, was giving 
Rutherford B. Hayes many unhappy moments. Indeed, it 
looked as if Allen might win, and with this in mind Lodge 
was among those who sent pleading letters to the sojourning 
ex-Senator Schurz, urging him to rush back to the defense of 
Hayes. Reluctantly Schurz acquiesced. He stumped the state 
of Ohio for Hayes, whom he admired because of his inter 
est in civil service reform. Thanks in great measure to 
Schurz's efforts Hayes won a decisive victory. 

The Republicans were to meet in convention in June 1876, 
at Exposition Hall in Cincinnati. The Independents expected 
to be more influential by holding a separate meeting and 
Lodge wrote Schurz offering his services: "I feel guilty of 
great lack of modesty in making the request I am about to 
make, which is: are you willing I should come to your con 
vention?'* From that time on he was busy. He arranged for 
an article for the North American Review on the "Whiskey 
Ring" which Secretary Bristow had exposed, after it had 
defrauded the Treasury of $4,000,000 in two years, as being 
operated by a personal friend of President Grant with the 
assistance of the President's private secretary, By mid- 
February Adams was saying, "You are now plunged up to 
the ears in Washington intrigue," and was urging him to 
work hard for Bristow, whose chances of receiving the nom 
ination, he felt gloomily, were one hi one thousand. 

Lodge spent much of the early winter of 1876 in Wash 
ington, writing almost daily letters to Adams on the state of 
political affairs. Adams, in turn, kept sending him advice. 
When Lodge wrote that he was certain Bristow would line 
Tip with the reformers Adams said: "You think he is ready 
to join us. If so ... he should issue an indictment against 
the party that will show the people what we mean. If he is 
under the delusion that all this horrible corruption can be 



dealt with by any moderate language or with any blunt 
weapons, tie is useless as a leader. We must have a man who 
cares nothing for party or he will betray us/' 

Back in Boston the "carefully selected and organized re 
formers/' as Moorfield Storey called the members of the 
Commonwealth Club, were unanimously for Bristow. They 
met one evening at Lodge's home to lay their plans for his 
support when a strict constructionist among them arose, with 
a pained expression on his face, and called their attention 
to a provision in their constitution which forbade any parti 
san activities. "This came as a thunderbolt/' according to 
Storey, who was present, "but proved harmless. The Com 
monwealth Club at once adjourned and the assembled 
members on the spot organized the Bristow Club, which 
fought through the campaign. The Commonwealth Club 
never met again to my recollection/' 

Adams believed that the independents should not meet 
until after the Republicans but he eventually bowed to 
Schurz's determination to hold a convention in the early 
spring. Invitations therefore were sent out in late March, 
after Brooks Adams and Lodge had gone on to see Schurz 
and arrange the details. The notices were signed by William 
Cullen Bryant, the aged poet and editor of the New York 
Evening Post, President Theodore Dwight Woolsey of Yale 
College, Alexander E. Bullock, the reporter who had cov 
ered the Lincoln-Douglas campaign and who, a few years 
later, was to be Schurz's partner in ownership of the Post, 
and Schurz himself. Replies were to be sent to H. Cabot 
Lodge, 31 Beacon Street, Boston. Lodge saw that the invi 
tations were sent out, the programs printed, and the other 
routine work done. From day to day he kept Schurz in 
formed of acceptances and refusals. He acted as press agent 
for both the Boston and the New York newspapers. 

On May 15, 1876, the reformers, nearly two hundred 


strong and coming from seventeen states, met at the Fifth 
Avenue Hotel in New York. It was a distinguished gathering 
of some of the most brilliant minds in America who had 
emerged from their college studies, editorial sanctums, par 
sonages, and law offices, hopeful of effecting lasting reforms 
in the conduct of national affairs. President Woolsey pre 
sided and "young Lodge, of Boston'' as the New York 
Times referred to him acted as secretary and read the roll 

It was immediately apparent that the reformers had no 
program. Sentiment was strong against James Gillespie 
Elaine, who had already been accused, through the agency 
of the notorious "Mulligan letters," of taking money from 
the Union Pacific and other land-grant companies while 
Speaker of the House in 1871. It was obvious, too, that none 
present could stomach the other leading contenders for the 
Republican nomination, neither Roscoe Conkling, the vain, 
sensitive, and ruthless Senator with t&e "turkey-cock strut,'* 
from New York, nor the able and often idealistic Senator 
from Indiana, Oliver Morton. They were unwilling to come 
out in open support of Bristow. When the name of Charles 
Francis Adams, Sr., was presented, it was received with a 
chill and was immediately withdrawn. At last the dele 
gates declared unanimously that they would support no 
candidate "in whom the impulses of the party manager have 
shown themselves predominant over those of the reformer." 
They let it go at that, appointed Carl Schurz chairman of 
the permanent emergency committee, and disbanded. 

It remained for a cynical Tammany chieftain to say what 
the meeting had accomplished: "Oh, they have re-enacted 
the moral law and the Ten Commandments for a platform," 
he told a reporter, "and have demanded an angel of light 
for President." 

When the Republican National Convention convened, it 


appeared for a while as if a deadlock might occur. Then a 
compromise candidate in the person of Governor Hayes of 
Ohio, the same man whom Schurz had hurried back from 
Europe to help elect, was placed before the convention. On 
the seventh ballot Bristow, who had polled only 113 votes 
on the first ballot, withdrew and Kentucky's 34 votes went 
to Hayes. Rather than see Elaine triumphant, Conkling and 
Morton followed suit and Rutherford Birchard Hayes of 
Ohio became the Republican standard bearer of 1876. 

In the opinion of Carl Schurz the choice was acceptable. 
He went to Hayes and queried him on civil service reform 
and sound money, and when the Governor agreed to favor 
these planks, he promised him his support. Henry Adams, 
however, was shocked. Cabot Lodge was inclined to go along 
with Schurz and Hayes. Late that month Schurz came again 
to Boston, this time to receive an honorary degree of Doctor 
of Laws from Harvard College. Once more he was the guest 
of the Lodges. On that afternoon the Democrats nominated 
Samuel J. Tilden, corporation lawyer and former Governor 
of New York, who was known among the Republicans as 
"Slippery Sam/' 

Adams was closer to Lodge than Schurz was. And Adams 
swung to Tilden. <C I can no more resist the pleasure of voting 
for Tilden than I could turn my back on a friend,'* he told 
Lodge late in June. The two men discussed the matter fully 
during the summer, sending notes back and forth to each 
other, Lodge from Nahant, Adams from Beverly Farms. To 
Adams's way of thinking, Tilden was the superior man pri 
marily because he would "give the Democratic party some 
principles and some brains, and so force the Republicans to 
a higher level. ... I think we had better go on talking 
Tilden," he urged, "I am unwilling to check latent virtue." 

Against the onslaught of Adams and others among the 
young reformers Cabot wavered. In August he was writing 


Schurz that he reserved the right "in voting for Hayes to give 
the fullest support to Tilden if he prove himself a real per 
former, which he never will." In September, with the elec 
tion drawing nearer, Adams began to suspect that their 
friend Schurz had sold out to Hayes in expectation of polit 
ical reward. "I am not angry with him," he wrote Lodge, 
"but of course his leadership is at an end! Well! We know 
what he was! The leader who treats his followers in that way 
is a mere will-o'-the-wisp! I hope that he will get his cabi 
net office, and I hope that he will forget we ever worked to 
make him our leader, independent of party." 

Like many another member of the Independent Party 
"that rope of sand," as Adams called it Lodge voted for 
Tilden in the November election. Shortly thereafter he wrote 
to Schurz: "I finally abandoned Mr. Hayes and voted for 
Mr. Tilden and I believe him to have been fairly elected. 
But I care very little for either candidate and a great deal 
for my country and its institutions." 

It is, indeed, one of the ironies of history (as C. M. Fuess 
once pointed out) that, in 1876, Carl Schurz was an orthodox 
Republican and Henry Cabot Lodge cast his ballot for a 
Democrat. It was the last time the latter ever did so. 

After the Hayes-Tilden contest Cabot was in a state of in 
tellectual confusion. He knew that he wanted to get into 
the swing of things but he was not quite certain how to go 
about it, or with which party to take his chances. On July 15, 
1878, he wrote to his old friend Roger Wolcott, whom he 
had known at Mr. DixwelTs Latin School and who was a 
year ahead of him at Harvard. Mr. Wolcott was later to be 
come a Republican Governor of Massachusetts but at this 
time was one of the more active "young reformers" and a 
founder of the Young Men's Republican Club. The letter, 
although tinted with youthful cynicism, well expressed 
Cabot's own mental attitude of the period. 


"Though my principles are not acceptable to the young 
reformers/' Lodge wrote, evidently referring to his support 
of Tilden while most of them had advocated the election of 
Hayes, "I am not surprised to find they are liberal in regard 
to subscribers and I enclose you a small sum for the prop 
agation of good doctrine. Broadsides are all very well, but 
as long as you tie yourself to the apron-string of one party 
you will never effect anything at such a juncture as the pres 
ent. If you are not prepared to run an independent candi 
date or support a Democrat when the Republicans put up 
a bad man you will never in my opinion reach any practical 
result. You proclaim your intention of sticking to the party 
at all events and as long as you do that the party managers, 
and they are quite right, laugh at you and use you and do 
not care a rap about what you say or desire. I have no faith 
in reform within the church. It is true that to get anything 
done in politics you must work through the mediums of the 
great parties but you must be prepared to use one against the 
other and then you may do something and make them bid 
up instead of down. No other way can the young reformers 
be aught but a laughing stock/' * 

This letter, as it turned out, was a sort of prophecy in re 
verse. Roger Wolcott took Lodge's advice in 1884 and bolted 
the Republicans to support Grover Cleveland while Cabot 
Lodge (who should have been haunted by the existence of 
this document) nailed himself so fast to the Republican 
Party that nothing, not even his own conscience, could ever 
again rip them apart. 

1 Charles G. Washhurn Collection, American Antiquarian Society, 
Worcester, Mass. 


The Dude of Nahant 

DimiNG the electoral fight Lodge was constantly in corre 
spondence with Carl Schurz, but with consummate tact he 
managed to evade any serious political argument with his 
old friend. About a month before Hayes went to the White 
House Cabot and Henry Adams called upon Schurz in 
Washington. The older man, whom they found "as cordial 
and pleasant as ever/' held no animosity toward the two 
defectors; indeed he had no reason to be otherwise than 
genial for, just as Adams had gloomily predicted, he was 
shortly to become Secretary of the newly created Depart 
ment of the Interior in President Hayes's cabinet. Cabot 
could hardly have expected any reward for his pre-conven- 
tion labors and probably did not ask directly for any. Sev 
eral of his friends felt that the new Secretary of the Interior 
could well make use of him as an assistant. They failed, how 
ever, to press his case and he was passed over. Schurz, vis 
iting Boston with President Hayes in June, spent a night at 
the Lodge home in Nahant. He may not have been aware of 
Lodge's "availability"; at least he did not offer him a post. 
Perhaps he suspected that Lodge's reforming zeal was but 
a passing phase in the young man's development, or he may 
have reasoned that he was not yet seasoned enough to make 
'lumber and Indians . . . his sole mental food," as they 
were soon to become in his own case. A month later Samuel 
Bowles of the Springfield 'Republican chided Schurz for not 
having given Lodge the job. "Nobody could have been bet- 


ter for you/' lie wrote. "With such a man at your right hand 
you would simply have doubled yourself. . . /* 

Although he was shut off from the Washington scene 
Cabot by no means abandoned his interest in the political 
field. In 1877 Governor Rice appointed him to a three-year 
term on the State Board of Library Trustees and there he 
was to meet a man whose pragmatic influence upon his life 
was to be far greater than that of Henry Adams and Carl 
Schurz combined. The post itself was of minor consequence. 
The fact that he came to know Joseph Thomas Wilson in 
timately was all-important. 

Mr. Wilson was a political power in what was then the 
Tenth Massachusetts District. In later years he was to be 
known as the "King of Nahant" he was chairman of the 
Board of Selectmen for twenty-eight years and moderator 
of the Nahant Town Meeting for thirty-four. He had left a 
Maine farm and Maine fishing boats to become a North 
Shore cabinetmaker, and he was now one of the solid citi 
zens of Essex, well-to-do if not wealthy, and a pillar of Re 
publican respectability. The year before Cabot came to 
know him well he had risen to the judgeship of the Nahant 
Municipal Court. 

With Schurz lost in his Indian reserves and Adams gone 
from Harvard, Cabot turned to Judge Wilson. He now de 
cided to become the aggressor and earn his own political 
preferment the hard way. "When I came to the conclusion 
I would like to hold office," he later* admitted, "I did not 
wait to be requested by friends, but I went out and told 
the men who had much to do with elections that I would 
like to run. 7 * In the Lynn district as good a man to see as 
any was shrewd Judge Wilson. Lodge saw him. 

The advice of the boss was that the young man should 
start pretty near to the bottom of the ladder and work his 
way up. So that he might have all his time to further his 


ambition Lodge resigned his Harvard instructorsliip at the 
end of the college year of 1879. Settling down in his Nahant 
mansion he told his neighbors that he would like to be of 
fered the Republican nomination for state Representative. 
During the summer he worked on his editorial duties for the 
International Review and let himself be seen as much as 
possible in the district. 

On the Fourth of July he traveled to Boston at the invi 
tation of Mayor Frederick O. Prince to deliver the annual 
oration before the city fathers gathered in the Boston The 
ater. Since this was to be his first important public discourse, 
he had given it much thought and care. It was designed as a 
scholarly resume of the history and achievements of the 
nation. After reviewing the struggles of the colonists, the 
framing of a constitution "adapted to the needs of the 
times/' and the horrors of the Civil War, the young historian 
launched into an effective attack upon the dangers of pa 
ternalism and into a defense of individualism. Legislation, he 
said, can only assist human effort by giving security to all 
the citizens equally and by affording the best opportunities 
for great achievement. 

"It ought to be our first care that the laboring classes shall 
have no just cause of complaint, but shall have reason to be 
lieve that peace and order can alone afford them the oppor 
tunity of permanently bettering their fortunes. . , . We 
must discourage strenuously the notion that legislation is 
all powerful. . . . We must recognize the limits of legisla 
tion and encourage individual independence." 

In the ensuing years, when he had become one of the 
most vigorous supporters of a high tariff and of every form 
of Republican paternalism and centralization, this maiden 
speech was to be dragged out of its files by his opponents 
to show that, before he became a leader of the Republican 
Party, he had been an honest and liberal man. 


Still there was no public clamor for liis services and 
the first mention of his name was not made until October 29 
when the Lynn Item casually remarked that "there is con 
siderable talk in the Tenth Republican district of nominating 
George H. Chase, George C. Neal and Henry Cabot Lodge 
of Nahant." 

The next day the Republicans of the Tenth District held 
their convention in Liberty Hall in Lynn. Twenty-four dele 
gates, including Judge Wilson, who was also a member of 
the committee to count ballots, were in attendance. Two of 
the three candidates were quickly selected, and then a 
fight developed over who should be the third and final 
choice, with Judge Wilson holding out for Lodge. When the 
ballots were counted Henry Cabot Lodge received sixteen 

It was with some misgivings that the notification commit 
tee traveled to the Beacon Street home to inform him of the 
nomination. Although claiming residence at Nahant, he evi 
dently had closed his house there for the season. This, how 
ever, did not bother the politicians as much as certain aspects 
of Lodge's character. They knew that as soon as he started 
campaigning the Democrats would attack him with all sorts 
of sarcastic personal abuse. They did. He was quickly labeled 
"the dude of Nahant," a "lah-de-dah" boy, "the silver-spoon 
young man," and "the gentleman rider of Nahant." The ap 
pellations, of course, fitted him. In Boston and Cambridge he 
was respected as a brilliant and rising young historian; in 
Lynn, a manufacturing city, all that was known about him 
was that he spent long summers at his Nahant estate, where 
he entertained rich friends and indulged in the aristocratic 
sport of horseback riding, (He was an excellent and even 
daring horseman in spite of his slight frame and appearance 
of scholarly frailness. ) 

"Lah-de~dah" Lodge took his nomination seriously. Al- 


though he failed to attend the huge and enthusiastic Repub 
lican rally in Lynn's Music Hall where it was decided to 
make "greenbackisnT versus specie payment the major is 
sue, he started his canvass the next day. From then until 
election day he worked unceasingly, speaking at every 
chance in all the public halls in the district. He won the 
reputation of being a dangerous opponent in debate. Far 
from being ashamed of his long Essex County ancestry or of 
his academic achievements he boasted of both. It was, how 
ever, neither of these advantages nor his ability as a cam 
paigner that brought him victory. It was on the issue of Pro 
hibition that the fight was actually waged. 

Since 1855 the 'liquor question" had been one of the fore 
most in Massachusetts. In 1874 a Democrat had been elected 
governor mainly on his promise to repeal the License Act 
which had restricted the sale of intoxicants to state agents, 
and to return control to the cities and towns. He had suc 
ceeded in doing this, but in 1878 the Prohibition members 
of the legislature had foisted the "Civil Damages Law" upon 
the people of the state. This stated that "every husband, 
wife, child, parent, guardian, employer, or other person who 
shall be injured in person or property, or means of support, 
by any intoxicated person" had the right to sue for damages 
not only the person who provided the means of intoxication 
but also the lessee or owner of the premises wherein it was 

At least two of Lodge's opponents had voted for the Civil 
Damages Law, and one of them was also the nominee of 
the Prohibitory Party. Both had such strong personal fol- 
lowings that die 150 liquor dealers of Lynn were alarmed 
by the prospect of the possible election of a prohibitionist. 
They held an emergency meeting and in the early morning 
hours decided to throw their weight to Lodge. When the 
polls opened the next morning, with a Republican sun 


brightly shining, the 150 liquor dealers and their friends 
were on hand to see that their candidate received the proper 

More than 10,000 voters in the Tenth District went to the 
polls on November 4, 1879, but Lodge, who received 1652 
votes, was the only Republican elected in the district. The 
other two victors were both workers in the Lynn shoe shops. 

A week later, at a victory meeting in Saugus, Representa 
tive-elect Lodge made a pleasant little speech to the two 
hundred Republicans present. The Lynn Item, which had 
previously ascribed his victory to the all-out fight by the 
liquor interests, reported him as speaking "exultantly" of 
the "gallant fight'* made by the Republicans. After thank 
ing his friends for the confidence they had shown in him, 
he promised to do "his full duty as a Republican." 

The Massachusetts General Court met at the State House 
on January 7, 1880, and the blond, blue-eyed freshman, with 
his neat and scholarly beard adorning his chubby face, was 
hopefully on hand. His first official task was to serve on the 
committee which drew the seats for the session. The first 
petition which he offered was on behalf of the Massachu 
setts Historical Society which sought "additional legislation 
for the better protection of ancient burying grounds." Shortly 
thereafter he was helping the trustees of the Boston Athe 
naeum, that select and bust-filled reading room where the 
Boston Brahmins had long dozed over their books and con 
templated their ancestors who lay buried in the Old Granary 
beneath its windows, to obtain "authority to hold additional 
real and personal estate." 

Between January 7 and April 24, when the House pro 
rogued, the young innocent had ample opportunity to study 
practical politics at first hand. He was a member of two com 
mittees: a joint committee "on public service," which seems 
to have accomplished little if anything, and the workaday 


Committee on Bills in Third Reading. As chairman of the 
latter he was a busy man. This was made up entirely of 
freshmen like himself. With them he was to have intimate 
contact with men of a type he had never before known. 
Jim Doherty, born forty-five years before in Donegal, Ire 
land, and now a Boston saloonkeeper; Silas Thayer, who 
kept a hotel and livery stable in Ashland; Bill Brown, a har 
ness maker from Worcester County; Lorrin P. Keyes, a Berk 
shire farmer; Hugh Maxwell, a farmer from Heath, a small 
town up in Franklin County, and Seth Shepherd, the lead 
ing undertaker of the town of Mansfield. In the aggregate 
the legislature was a far cry from Harvard Yard. 

On January 30, Representative Lodge set out to repay his 
outstanding political debt by introducing a bill to repeal 
the Civil Damages Law. The members from upstate, where 
sentiment for Prohibition was strongest, managed to block 
the bill almost at the outset by forcing the House Committee 
on Liquor Laws to report it "inexpedient to legislate." But, 
since it was a joint bill, the Senate was soon able to send it 
back to the House for further consideration. On every mo 
tion to delay action, and there were several, and whenever 
a weakening amendment was offered, the Representative 
from Nahant voted on the side of repeal. After several crip 
pling amendments had been tacked on, Representative 
McGeough of Boston twice tried desperately to jam through 
an out-and-out repeal. Each time Lodge supported him. 
McGeough's second attempt lost by a vote of 129 to 88, but 
finally, after a hectic fight on the floor, in which Lodge evi 
dently took no vocal part, the measure, although somewhat 
damaged, was sent to the Senate. In the end the prohibition 
ists managed to stave off repeal, but the act was so severely 
mutilated that it was not many years before it was defeated 
entirely and removed from the statute books. Lodge had 
the satisfaction of knowing that he voted consistently 


throughout on the one issue which was responsible for his 

On the whole, throughout his first year of public service, 
Representative Lodge appears to have followed neither a re 
actionary nor a radical course. He voted against a bill osten 
sibly designed to protect the people of the Commonwealth 
against tramps and vagabonds but which was essentially an 
anti-labor bill. He was opposed to a bill described as being 
"for the better protection of insurance policy holders/' as 
might be expected of one whose wealth in good measure 
was derived from owning stock in the oldest insurance com 
panies in the sfate. He voted for the incorporation of the 
American Bell Telephone Company and introduced a bill 
increasing the salaries of Superior Court judges. A bill to 
restore the franchise to war veterans who had become pau 
pers bore his support, as did another designed to bring about 
several much-needed reforms in the election law. In later 
years his enemies within the Republican Party were wont to 
chide him for his reckless "independence" while a member 
of the General Court. The record does not bear them out. 

In one instance he set a precedent which he followed with 
stubborn consistency to the end of his life. He put his mind 
stiffly against woman suffrage in 1879 and never let it relax. 
In a way this was surprising for its foremost advocate in 
Massachusetts was his old friend, Colonel Higginson, the 
Atlantic essayist, and the only other "scholar in politics" in 
the General Court. 1 A great ^nany people thought that the 
saber-scarred veteran of the Civil War, whose "Army Life 
in a Black Regiment" was one of the great documents of 
that grim struggle, was a "socialist" because of his determined 
advocacy of feminism. This, of course, was but one of his 

1 Colonel Higginson, author of a dozen books, listed his occupation 
in the House Journal as "author and journalist"; Henry Cabot Lodge, 
who had written only one book at this time, listed his as "Literature." 


many interests: he also was a pacifist and lie believed in free 
ing the Russian serfs. His friends admired him for his "moral 
sweep/' His father had planted the elms in Harvard Yard, 
but that was long before the Colonel had become the town's 
leading dilettante and the founder, with Julia Ward Howe, 
of Newport's Town and Country Club. Neither he nor his 
advanced ideas were quite proper for an ambitious young 
politician to become associated with. When he tried to amend 
the Constitution to give women the right to vote and hold 
office young Lodge voted a decisive "NO!" 

The General Court ended its labors on April 24 but Cabot 
Lodge did not hasten to his roses and his study at Nahant. 
There were more important things to do. 



Victory and Defeat 

TOWARDS the end of 1879 Representative-elect Lodge re 
ceived a letter from Ms old friend Carl Schurz, who was 
never so busy with lumber and Indians that he forgot to 
watch his political fences. The Secretary of the Interior was 
well aware of the purpose of Ulysses S. Grant, now on the 
last stages of his memorable round-the-world tour, to seek 
a third term as President of the United States, but Schurz 
had no intention of letting this happen if in any way he 
could prevent it. And so he urged his former henchman, if 
he too were determined not to support Grant, to start at 
once spealdng out ''boldly and loudly." Lodge agreed. Al 
ways ready to call a conference at the slightest hint of a 
crisis, Schurz, after consultation with his friends, now ar 
ranged an informal meeting for May at St. Louis. There 
plans were laid for a larger caucus to be held after the Re 
publican Convention should that body kowtow to the 
schemes of the stalwarts the adherents of ConHing and 
the satellites of Elaine and Grant thus become the party's 

Young Lodge returned from the refreshing meeting with 
his mind made up to attend the Chicago convention as a 
delegate from the Lynn-Nahant district of Massachusetts. 
As a member of the Republican State Committee he had a 
right to expect some support of his ambition but when he 
made known his wishes he was greeted with jeers and laugh 
ter. Everyone in Lynn knew that the party leaders had de- 


cided upon sending Amos F. Breed and to challenge that 
gentleman was unthinkable, especially when the challenger 
was a brash young man just turned thirty years old whose 
ultimate loyalty to Republican ideals had not yet been 
proved. Mr. Breed was a power, as a banker and as presi 
dent of the Lynn Street Railway Company, and there were 
few daring enough to oppose him. But Cabot Lodge dared, 
and after a stormy session of the leaders, during which he 
had the support of Judge Wilson, he was elected delegate. 
Although this victory caused much consternation among the 
older Republicans it was hailed among the more progressive 
members of the party as a definite sign of Henry Cabot 
Lodge's growing prestige. As a reward he was chosen sec 
retary of the Massachusetts delegation. 

Had it not been widely known that Lodge was an anti- 
Grant Republican it is doubtful if he could have become 
a delegate. Throughout Massachusetts there was a wide and 
growing opposition to Grant's bid for a third term. In later 
years Lodge credited his success at the district conven 
tion to this feeling. 

When they were gathered in the draf ty Exposition Hall, a 
temporary affair of rough pine wood "tawdrily decorated 
with plaster busts and huge daubs of dead leaders of the 
Federated Whig and Republican Parties," as Lodge de 
scribed it in a report prepared for Mr. Godkin of the Nation* 
or in the Massachusetts headquarters at the Leland Hotel, 
Lodge had an excellent chance to observe the machinery of 
a great political party at work. He took full advantage of his 

The convention was little more than a bitter struggle for 
power between factions within the Republican Party. Even 

1 He was assigned to write an account of the convention but missed 
the deadline when it ran several days longer than had been expected. 
A copy of the report with later notes by H. C. Lodge is owned by 
C. M. Fuess. 


to as innocent an observer as Cabot Lodge it seemed certain 
from the outset that there could be no reconciliation, no 
chance of union, between the Elaine and Grant camps, and 
that the balance of power was held by the unpledged and 
independent delegates: Wisconsin, with its twenty-two 
votes; Indiana with its thirty; and Massachusetts with its 
twenty-six. These were able at any moment to swing the 
nomination to either of the leading contenders, but unfor 
tunately their strength, although their hearts were pure, was 
not sufficient to assure the defeat of both. And yet that is 
exactly what they did. 

There were, of course, other hopefuls on hand. Massachu 
setts was backing the colorless but eminently honest Ver- 
monter, Senator George F. Edmunds, who obviously hadn't 
a chance. James A. Garfield was there to offer the name of 
Senator John Sherman, brother of William "Tecumseh" Sher 
man, whose march through Georgia still brought cheers 
from all true Republican throats. 

Cabot Lodge could hardly have had a better lesson in 
practical politics than he was now to witness. He described 
the scene, with eight to ten thousand sweating and noisy 
people milling about in the hall, as like the French Revolu 
tion "except there was nothing bloodthirsty about it," and 
he compared it to a hurricane. 

Had Lodge got his account to the Nation in time for pub 
lication it would have been recognized as an outstanding 
piece of minor political reporting. Some of the sketches are 
keenly drawn: " 'Long* John Wentworth lumbered out, hid 
eous in face and repulsive in his old age . . . Logan favored 
the convention with bursts of roaring eloquence delivered in 
a stentorian and limitless voice and with a fine contempt for 
grammar," and after his defeat he "looked and acted as a 
half-savage man." Nor was his report without a touch of 
sharp wit: 


There was a general feeling that it would not be proper to 
cany the balloting into Sunday morning. Some one near the D- 
Hnois section said the Massachusetts men would object. "Yes," 
said Logan, "they're all a set of damned infidels in Massachusetts 
but they wouldn't think it proper to vote on Sunday." 

Grant, it turned out, had more votes and Elaine fewer 
than most observers, including young Lodge of Boston, had 

On Tuesday morning the Massachusetts delegates, who 
hitherto had not been united but who had been' mostly for 
Edmunds, turned solidly for Sherman. In quick order Wis 
consin and Indiana 

desperately left their candidate and united upon Garfield, who 
rose and protested and was ruled out of order. The break had 
come. On the next ballot amid intense excitement the anti-Grant 
men united for the final struggle and nominated the Ohio Sena 
tor. During this last ballot General Garfield sat immovable with 
a pained expression on his face. The situation was perhaps un 

There can be few experiences more exciting than to sit in a 
Convention and see oneself nominated by a great and powerful 
party for one of the highest offices in the world. General Garfield 
bore the strain well. His whole appearance during the convention 
had been admirable in speech and action. All he said and did 
was broad, temperate and wise. That he is a strong candidate 
can hardly be questioned. He springs from the people and has a 
fine military record. He is an educated man and a scholar. There 
are two serious blemishes connected with the evil days of Grant's 
administration but he has done everything since that time to 
efface them. He is a man who has steadily grown and is still 
growing. He is a young man, comparatively, who holds broad, 
liberal and often independent views. He showed much courage in 
his position on the currency question in opposition to the popular 
sentiment in his own state and can stand fairly on a civil service 
platform. He is, moreover, the leader of his party in the popular 


branch and certainly the parliamentary leader of a party is en 
titled to attend at its head. 

Cabot Lodge had less praise for Garfield's running mate, 
Chester A. Arthur, late of the New York Customhouse, who 
was nominated as a sop to the stalwarts. "That such a nom 
ination on general principles is thoroughly bad and a direct 
insult to the present administration cannot be questioned," 
he lamented, "but that it is a strong one politically seems 
equally certain. No one will abandon Garfield on account of 
Arthur and in New York the defeated machine will instead 
of sulking be brought to full play under the direction of the 
shrewdest political manager in the country." Of this shrewd 
est political leader, Conkling, the secretary of the Massa 
chusetts delegation had this to say: 

He disgusted every reasonable man by his arrogant and offen 
sive manner and by his sharp and often mean sneers at his op 
ponents, but every one confessed his force and strength as a 
leader. After Cameron and Logan had gone down to hopeless 
defeat he held his men together without a break or waver any 
where. His followers . . . never flinched or faltered . . . and on 
the last ballot Grant received two more votes than on the first. 
It was a splendid exhibition of political organization. It enabled 
Conkling to gain the Vice-Presidency from his victorious but dis 
organized opponents and put his mark indelibly upon the ticket. 
There is a certain devilish ingenuity about the nomination of 
Arthur. The liberal elements which fought so hard against Grant 
and won such a victory are bound in honor to support Garfield, 
but they are all denied the privilege of scratching Arthur, thanks 
to the Electoral System. 

On one other score the convention was a success in the 
eyes of Lodge and that was the forcing of a civil service 
plank into the platform. Introduced into the committee by 
a colleague of Lodge's from Massachusetts, it had there re 
ceived but four votes out of forty-seven, and so it was re- 


introduced from the floor as an amendment. "This produced 
a good deal of consternation among the delegates/' Lodge 
reported, and a Mr. Flannigan of Texas "said that civil 
service reform was ridiculous and asked the delegates what 
they came to Chicago for if not for the offices." "What are 
we here for?" went all over the country, and became a po 
litical catchword in every campaign for years to come. After 
some debate the amendment was passed without dissent. 

Four days after the convention came to a close. Lodge re 
ported to the Republicans of his district Cheered by the 
music of the National Band of Lynn and a fine display of 
fireworks, the Republicans marched to the old Methodist 
Church. The young orator was at his best that night. 

"We have a candidate who will unite every Republican, 
stalwart or liberal. The convention was the most notable one 
since the Democratic Convention in 1860. Faction and feud' 
ran high in both. Out of the Charleston convention came dis 
union and strife, but out of the Chicago convention came 
strength and life." 

He then told the cheering crowd that Garfield stood to 
the Republican Party as Gladstone stood to the Liberals 
in England, "as the representative of all that is best in the 
party which is the party of freedom, of human rights, of 
reform and progress. It is needless to disguise the fact that 
if the Democrats select wisely we will have a hard contest. 
We must put up our best men in every district [he himself 
was about to seek re-election to the House] who wilT stand 
by the President and harmonize the party." Next he eulo 
gized Elaine and Sherman and ended, amid cheers, by say 
ing that if their example were emulated then "we can in 
November work the word 'Glory' in the gay and dancing 
threads of the banner on which we have inscribed the name 
of James A. Garfield for President of the United States!" His 
failure to mention Arthur was undoubtedly deliberate. 


Although he later admitted he knew very little o the Con 
gressional district in which he lived. Lodge, stimulated by 
his experiences at Chicago, let the word get around that he 
would like to go to Congress. This caused one newspaper to 
say that he had "all the disadvantages of character, educa 
tion, independence, personal and political, wealth and social 
position/' Wiser counsel among his friends prevailed and, al 
though petulant, he withdrew his name from consideration. 

la the Lyirn-Nahant district, however, it was pretty well 
understood that he could have the nomination for re-election 
to the House in Boston if he wanted it. At one meeting 
where he was the principal speaker he received praise from 
an unexpected but welcome quarter when his colleague 
from Lynn, the candidate of the Workingmen's Party, said: 
"There was never a better representation of the genius of 
American institutions than is here represented in the per 
son of Mr. Lodge, whose culture you all know, and myself, 
a poor worldngman from the same district. When I took my 
seat in the House I had prejudices which my experiences dis 
pelled. I found that the gentleman from Nahant was as hum 
ble a man as the poor shoemaker from Lynn/* 

At the district convention he was nominated by the unani 
mous vote of the twenty delegates present. The Lynn Item 
praised him as a "gentleman of education and literary accom 
plishments'* and urged his re-election on the ground that 
politics would be improved by the attention of such a man. 
On November 2 he was re-elected, receiving 2095 votes. 
Throughout the state the Republicans were victorious. The 
next day there was a great parade, with firing of cannons, 
display of fireworks, and a banquet at Market Hall to cele 
brate what the Item called "the most successful campaign 
that Lynn has ever known.** 

There was less excitement in this second term than there 
had been the previous year. Colonel Higginson again 


brought up the distressing subject of woman suffrage and 
Representative Lodge again voted against all his measures, 
although he did graciously consent to introduce a bill which 
would allow married women to do business on their own 
account. Probably the most important matter considered was 
a bill which would have abolished the poll tax, payment of 
which was then a qualification to vote in Massachusetts. His 
old friend, Jim McGeough of Boston, fought hard and Cabot 
went down the line with him. They lost the battle, however, 
and the poll tax remained. 

The winter of 1881 saw Cabot and John T. Morse, Jr., 
come reluctantly to the conclusion that they were not mak 
ing a success of the International Review. Discouraging as 
this was it did not fill the young politico-historian with de 
spair. Seated in an alcove at a round table covered with a 
checked red-and-white cloth., placed so he could look up 
at a statue of the Lydian Sybil carved by his friend Story, 
Lodge could work in utter peace on his new book the life 
of George Cabot's great friend and his own political idol and 
historical mentor Alexander Hamilton. Morse was to pub 
lish it the next year in his American Statesman Series and 
add to Lodge's reputation as the scholar in politics. 

Even before the legislative session ended on Friday, May 
13, Cabot Lodge opened his Nahant house. A new local cam 
paign was in the near offing and it would do him no harm to 
be seen often in his district. Each day, when the legislature 
was meeting, he could be observed driving in his phaeton 
across the causeway to and from the Boston and Maine sta 
tion in Lynn, Usually his nephew was waiting for him in the 
conspicuous vehicle when he arrived in Lynn in the late after 
noon. Unfortunately for his political ambitions enough peo 
ple did not see his brave display and on this account disaster 
faced him in the autumn of 1881. 

Lodge easily won the nomination for State Senator from 


the First Essex District, which comprised the city of Lynn 
and the towns of Swampscott, Saugus, and Nahant. His 
Democratic-greenback opponent was John R. Baldwin, a 
lifelong resident of Lynn. Four years younger than Cabot, 
he had received a common-school education, and then had 
attended Harvard College in the class of 1877. He had never 
held public office, except on the school board of Lynn, where 
he was a practising lawyer, 

Cabot Lodge always insisted that he was defeated in 
1881 by what he called "slanders promulgated at the elev 
enth hour." Election day was November 8. On November 7 
the Lynn Item carried a full-column advertisement from 
Mr. Baldwin. It said: 

It was not intended by the founders of our State that these 
districts should in any way resemble the English rotten borough 
system, which enabled a man wherever he resided, by purchase 
to represent any district that he might desire. . . . Our- system 
was to remedy this very evil. Our representative was to be a citi 
zen, a portion of that very community he represented. He should 
not be a citizen for a single purpose, a citizen merely by a strict 
legal construction, but he should be a citizen in intent, in inter 
est, in aspirations, in affections and tastes. 

It was a telling blow. Even more cruel \Vas this: "Why 
should the citizens of Lynn and the first district lend their 
aid to, why should they be interested in, the personal aspi 
rations and ambitions of Mr. Lodge? His followers openly 
announce their modest intentions. The position of State 
Senator is to be but a mere stepping stone, a friendly boost 
by the grateful people of the district, so that next Fall by 
a little more aid he will be able to be a Congressman." The 
advertisement then went on to tell of his Boston home and 
say that "wherever he may choose to call his domicile for 
financial and taxable reasons, he belongs to Boston . . . the 


thousand and one slight affections of [his] life are all Bos- 
tonian and encompassed in the circle of Beacon Hill society." 
Adams called him "Boston incarnate" the Lynn Democrats 
called him "interloper" and "carpetbagger." Both were right. 

Mr. Baldwin having made these same charges in a speech 
in Saugus on the Friday before the election, the Republi 
cans were able, in the same issue, to print their side of the 
case. His youthful attainments were set forth, including the 
fact that he was a contributor to the Encyclopaedia Britan- 
nica. He was a "gentleman," above "personal controversy/* 
who always placed "the interest of country above party." 
Of course, he was rich but in brains as well as in money, 
and anyway his wealth was the result of the honest indus 
try and good New England economy" of his ancestors. With 
utter disregard of the genealogical facts the advertisement 
blandly asserted that "the Lodges have been an old Essex 
family for two hundred years and in this district. . . . How 
long has Mr. Baldwin's family been in the country?" the 
writer wanted to know. As to his living in the district: "His 
residence has been at Nahant since he was two weeks old 
and his mother's house in Boston is his headquarters when 
he has business to attend to. Is there anything very wrong 
with that?" Not much, except that the facts were slightly 

As the defender of Lodge, who signed himself "Fair Play,' 
admitted, the controversy was "silly," but it was effective. 
Baldwin, the native son, carried the district by a vote of 
2252 to 2080, and Lynn itself by the larger margin of 2117 
to 1790. In Swampscott, Saugus, and Nahant, where an 
cestry and literary ability might be expected to carry more 
weight than in the city of Lynn, Lodge's margin was better 
than half. 

Henry Adams, learning of the disaster, felt that perhaps 
now he might wean his protege back to literature. After all, 


literature was, as John Morse once coyly said, his lawfully 
wedded wife, and politics only his mistress. The woeful 
Adams warned Tirm of "the remarkable way in which poli 
tics deteriorate the moral tone of everyone who mixes in 
them/' But Cabofs mistress gave him something that he 
needed, something that literature, however much he loved 
her, could not supply. He was not to be successful at the 
polls again for six years, but politics was to be his passion to 
the end of his life. 



The Remarkable Way 

IN 1882 Lodge decided again to seek the Republican nomina 
tion for Congress. In his own behalf he had made what his 
friend Charles G. Washburn described as "a most vigorous 
and unprecedented canvass/' aided by his friends, but all 
their pleas were unavailing. The convention lasted two days 
and two nights, and 130 separate ballots were taken, but in 
the end he went down before Elisha S. Converse. It was, 
perhaps, just as well. Mr. Converse found he could not dam 
the Democratic tide that year and he, too, was frustrated in 
his ambitions to get to Washington by a one-legged Civil 
War veteran from the Lynn shoe shops. 

Henry Adkms was on hand to console Cabot. "You have 
lost nothing/' he wrote, "and saved your chances for 1884." 
This second defeat within the party was not fatal. A few 
months later Cabot was elected chairman of the Republican 
State Committee. The Boston Herald, in announcing that 
"young men are on the quarterdeck," declared that Cabot 
Lodge "has completely outgrown his political adolescence." 
He was to have a chance to prove his maturity very soon in 
a battle with a master politician. 

Out of the Civil War had emerged one of the strangest 
figures of American political history. From the mill town of 
Lowell, Massachusetts, 1 to the city of New Orleans, he had 

1 When Cabot was one year old a Lowell mill posted this notice: 
"Whoever, employed by this corporation, votes the Ben Butler Ten 
Hour ticket on Monday next will be discharged." Since that year, 
1851, Butler had been considered a dangerous radical and demagogue 
by an "right-thinking" people. 6 6 


fought the good fight, stopping long enough in New York 
on the way to suppress the draft riots. Like many another 
Civil War general with ambition and gumption, this mag 
nificent extrovert had found politics to his liking after the 
surrender of Lee ( and even while fighting the war, his ene 
mies said). In Washington, in the House of Representatives, 
he had won a reputation as one of the most dreadful spoils 
men of the dreadful decades. His enemies said he was unprin 
cipled. His temperament was fundamentally Jacksonian, but 
Jackson's integrity was lacking from his make-up if his crude- 
ness was not. He owned a yacht built with Navy Depart 
ment funds, and he was the father of the infamous "Grab 
Bill" of 1873 which he blandly repudiated in the very next 
session of Congress. He had been Republican and Green- 
backer; now he was a Democrat and Governor of Massa 

To oust General Ben Butler from the State House became 
Cabot Lodge's immediate concern. It was an assignment to 
his liking. Besides, he knew that, were he successful, he 
could demand recognition and reward from the organization 
to which he had already given so much of his time and 
money. The major problem facing the Republicans was to 
find a candidate widely known and respected, for Butler not 
only held the advantage of possessing the office, but over the 
years, mainly through patronage in the post offices and navy 
yards, he had built up a formidable organization. 

When the State Convention assembled, the choice was be 
tween George D. Robinson, a member of Congress from 
Chicopee, and Charles Francis Adams, Jr., Henry Adams's 
older brother. An informal poll showed that the delegates 
favored Robinson four to one over the gentleman from 
Quincy. Adams thereupon walked to the platform and moved 
that the convention draft and nominate Robinson by ac 


In his capacity as chairman of the State Committee, young 
Lodge sought out the gentleman from Chicopee, who, just 
by chance, was in a near-by hotel. Lodge escorted him to 
the platform amid enthusiasm and the gentleman from Chic 
opee then and there became the Republican candidate. Rob 
inson was an able man whose chief disadvantage was the 
fact that, coming from the western part of the state, he was 
not well known in the urban eastern sections where Ben But 
ler had his strongholds. 

Immediately after the convention Lodge, who had plenty 
of money to spend, began to gather together what one of 
them later described as "the greatest group of volunteer 
campaign workers ever known in the political history of the 
state/' According to another observer, "in some manner the 
partisans of reform, and Lodge, their leader, begot for them 
selves a certain ill-repute during their struggle with the 
dreadful spoilsman. In fact, rumors of Lodge's Jekyll-and- 
Hyde character, circulating even at this time, had it that 
Butler's own shady methods had been turned against him; 
a hired 'rowdy' element seemed to have become uppennost 
in the respectable faction itself." The rumors, indeed, be 
came so prevalent that Lodge had to deny them as "miser 
able calumnies" and once more he set forth the record of 
his ancestry, his past life, his position, his education, and 
his character, to show that such charges could not possibly 
be true. 

However he accomplished his triumph, two things are 
certain: the campaign, known as the "Waterloo of Butler- 
ism," succeeded in driving Butler from the presence of the 
Sacred Cod, and Henry Cabot Lodge's education in prac 
tical politics had been advanced another grade. It was not 
long after this campaign that Edward Henry Clement, editor 
of the Evening Transcript^ was to devote part of his weekly 
letter to the New York Tribune to young Lodge of Boston, 

77 ' 

saying, "The gentleman and scholar in politics is without the 
guilelessness and squeamishness of said gentleman and 

Important as it was, the crushing of Butler was only a 
prelude to the great campaign of 1884 the campaign 
which marked the turning point in the career of Henry 
Cabot Lodge and showed how easily and quickly one might 
go down that "remarkable way" which Henry Adams had 
warned him to avoid. 

In the spring of 1884 it was no longer fair to refer to 
Lodge as "young Lodge of Boston." Not only was he thirty- 
four years old (in May of that year) but, as they would say 
around Republican headquarters, he had already "been 
through the mill." He was seasoned and tough. He knew 
all the local leaders, those who controlled the silk-stocking 
districts and those who brought in the votes in the Irish 
slums. A friend of his described him at this period as "re- 
pellently cold, with no mellowness or warmth of speech/* 
Similar characterizations dogged him all his life, and not 
without reason. One day, after Theodore Roosevelt had be 
come President, the couple were walking in Rock Creek 
Park and Cabot expressed impatience with a magazine arti 
cle which called him "cold, reserved, a Boston Brahmin" 
He asked Theodore why he was always charged with being 
frigid and aristocratic. "I can tell you why," said Roosevelt, 
with a chuckle, "because you are." He was born superior, and 
he took pride in his superiority; although with his intimates, 
and with his family, he was genial, witty, generous, human. 
His Boston crustiness became as much his political trade 
mark as a dearth of socks was Congressman Jerry Simpson's, 
or black clothes and a string tie were the trademark of his fel 
low irreconcilable, Senator Borah. He fostered it, for he rev 
eled in his title "the scholar in politics," but it was not an act 
it was a fundamental part of his nature. It worked with the 


Boston Irish and it won the heart of that old renegade, 
Pitchfork Ben Tillman. Because his crustiness was not "put 
on/' after one recovered from the first chill one accepted it, 
and many who were the quickest to ridicule it were its 
secret admirers. 

As might have been expected, it was Carl Schyrz who 
sounded the battle cry of 1884. Early in May this Inde 
pendent, although without standing in orthodox Republican 
circles, warned that if James Gillespie Elaine were nomi 
nated, the Republican Party would be split in two. Blaine, 
and Elaine alone, was to be the party issue of 1884. His 
character and his record were to raise questions which, 
asked on every hand in 1884, are still unanswered. Perhaps 
they can only be approached now, as they were then, by 
an application of one's own standards, one's own interpre 
tation of morality and honesty, one's own conscience. Was 
he an innocent man or a culpable man? Did his "moral 
delinquency" overshadow his admitted ability? Certainly 
Elaine never disproved the charge that he had perverted 
the high office of Speaker of the House of Representatives 
for financial gain. Certainly he never mitigated his repre 
hensible conduct by an explanation satisfactory to the im 
partial reader of history. And yet he was an able man, if 
impetuous, and like Arthur he might also have proved, in 
the dignity of the White House, that he was capable of 
personal development and national leadership. But that is 
speculation. By the record, in spite of his magnetic person 
ality and his command of oratory, he earned the appellation 
of Charles Edward Russell: "No other man in our annals 
filled so large a space and left it so empty." 

Henry Cabot Lodge was as aware of Elaine's "decidedly 
mottled record" as was Theodore Roosevelt, who wrote to 
him from New York nearly a month before the convention, 
urging him to "avoid the Elaine devil." There is no question 


that, at least until the time he left Boston as a delegate to 
the Republican National Convention in Chicago, Cabot 
Lodge considered Elaine utterly unscrupulous and quite 
untrustworthy of political leadership. So did all those mem 
bers of the Brahmin caste whom he respected and admired 
and with whom he had worked for the advancement of 
political morality George Cabot Lee, Moorfield Storey, 
Charles William Eliot, Henry and Brooks Adams, Josiah 
Quincy, George William Curtis, Roger Wolcott, and many, 
many more. 

The independent Massachusetts Republicans, unwilling to 
support Arthur for a second term, were expected to concen 
trate their strength on Senator George Franklin Edmunds, 
the chilly Vermonter who had received their support four 
years before. When Cabot Lodge was elected delegate at 
large from Massachusetts in May it was generally conceded 
that he was an Edmunds man. He made a speech at that 
time supporting Edmunds and Robert T. Lincoln. In New 
York Theodore Roosevelt, who had just been elected a dele 
gate at the Utica convention, was swinging his friends to 
the Vermonter's support. The two men had been in corre 
spondence for some time. On May 5 Theodore invited 
Lodge to a meeting of independents at Delmonico's, then 
New York's most famous restaurant. Lodge went, had his 
dinner and much talk, and then he and Roosevelt moved 
on to Washington to look the situation over. They did not 
find much sentiment there for Edmunds in their talks with 
the "many interesting people, leaders in politics many 
Senators" whom they saw, and they were worried over the 
evidence of "plenty of support visible for Elaine and for 
Arthur." Lodge admitted he "made little effective headway" 
trumpeting for Edmunds, but the trip had one significant 
result: Lodge and Roosevelt became the closest of friends 
during it. Previously Roosevelt had addressed his let- 


ters "Dear Mr. Lodge"; after they had returned to their 
respective homes he was writing to "Dear Lodge"; by the 
time the campaign was over it was "Theodore" and "Cabot." 
And so it was to remain between them until Theodore's 

In later years Lodge insisted that both he and Roosevelt 
had agreed "as a matter of simple honesty and good faith" 
to enter the convention "expecting others to support our 
candidate if fairly nominated," and that they in turn would 
support the convention's choice whoever it might be. He 
claimed to have said to Godldn of the Nation: "Of course, if 
we go to the convention and Elaine is nominated, we shall 
have to support him." 2 

The Republican National Convention opened to noisy 
confusion and the usual prayer in Exposition Hall on Tues 
day, June 3. The delegates had been arriving since Sunday. 
By Monday afternoon they had sized up the situation. The 
strategy of the independents was to stop Elaine at all costs, 
hopeful of bringing about another deadlock which would 
only be broken by the nomination of Edmunds or some dark 
horse acceptable to them. Throughout Monday night the 
little group George William Curtis of New York, Senator 
Hoar, Governor Long, Roosevelt, and Lodge scurried 
about the Chicago hotels, working late and earnestly, con 
ferring with the leading Arthur men and canvassing the 
other delegations. The Elaine supporters, they had learned, 
were under orders to name Powell Clayton of Arkansas as 
temporary chairman. Clayton was a notorious carpetbagger 

3 Lodge's own version of his stand regarding Elaine, and his ver 
sion of Theodore Roosevelt's course at the same time, may be found in 
Selections from the Correspondence of Theodore Roosevelt and Henry 
Cabot Lodge, 1884-1918, VoL I, pp. 11-12. It is by no means a 
satisfactory explanation and the only witness called upon by name, 
E. L. Godkin, editor of the Nation, was dead at the time of pub 
lication, 1925. 


who made it a point never to contradict the assertion that 
he had lost a leg in the Civil War although it was well 
known to his intimates that it had been cut off in a quite 
non-military accident. If the independents could stop Clay 
ton's nomination they would be a long way towards upset 
ting Elaine's plans. When they retired in the early hours of 
Tuesday morning they were, for once, sanguine of success. 

Almost as soon as the convention was called to order 
Powell Clayton's name was offered. Immediately Lodge, 
whom the New York Sun described as "a pretty clever young 
fellow . . . the real head of the Massachusetts delegation," 
climbed upon a chair with as much dignity as he could 
muster under the circumstances, and in his thin voice 
offered an opposing motion. Recognized, he thereupon nom 
inated John R. Lynch of Mississippi, a neatly dressed, dig 
nified Negro who, like Lodge, wore a mustache and goatee. 
Immediately a New York delegate seconded and George 
William Curtis arose to say that "we ought to have a repre 
sentative of these great people who, in great part, constitute 
the Republican Party of the South." As he sat down Theo 
dore Roosevelt threw off his straw hat and scrambled to his 
perch on a chair with what, in a memorable phrase, a Times 
reporter the next morning called "juvenile activity." But 
when he spoke, this same reporter added, it was "not with 
the voice of a youth, but that of a man." His telling speech 
clinched the nomination for Lynch. The vote was 424 to 384. 

The next day the evanescent limelight played upon Lodge 
and Roosevelt as the Eastern newspapers praised them for 
their temporary victory over Elaine. But although the two 
young men worked as well as they could to further the cause 
of Edmunds, that colorless individual stood no chance. The 
only other victory won by the independents was the defeat 
of a Elaine resolution which would have held every delegate 
in honor bound to support the nominee, whoever he might 


be. Another able and eloquent speech by Curtis forced the 
resolution to be withdrawn. Thereafter about all the inde 
pendents could do was to sit back and watch Elaine win. 
Their own candidate had only ninety-three votes when the 
balloting began. On each successive vote this number was 
reduced. On the fourth ballot Elaine was nominated and the 
most violent and colorful election campaign since the Civil 
War was under way. 

At the convention Lodge commanded more attention than 
he ever had before. He impressed the reporters with his 
earnestness and his capacity for work. The Sun, an irreverent 
Democratic organ, claimed that he "works while Mr. John 
Milton Forbes orders dinners and Mr. George Frisbie Hoar 
contemplates his own perfection. He seems to know what he 
wants. Many of his associates in the delegation really don't 
know what they want and some don't want anything except 
to look distinguished. Mr. Lodge is bigger than Mr. Hoar. 
The young man will never be unduly conceited if he never 
receives higher praise than this." 

Cabot Lodge did know what he wanted. His aim was to 
be elected to the Congress in the fall. He had already an 
nounced his intention of seeking the nomination. The choice 
of Elaine, however, left him in a most troublesome position. 
If he were to believe his friend Schurz's observation "this 
is the hour and the minute which will go down in history 
as marking the death of the Republican Party" would it 
not be best for him to bolt? He knew, even then, that many 
of his closest friends were considering taking such action. 
He knew, too, that the eyes of the rank and file of Republi 
cans were on him, for he had openly expressed his contempt 
for Elaine and his record. 

It was, indeed, a most unhappy Henry Cabot Lodge who 
pushed aside Schurz's view of the situation as a "question 
of political ethics'* and said to a representative of the Boston 

' 83 

Advertiser, while packing his Gladstone bag: "Elaine is ob 
noxious to our people, but I shall give him my support." 

Overnight he had made his resolve. He had chosen the 
path he was to follow. From June 5, 1884, until his death, 
Henry Cabot Lodge never again wavered in his loyalty to 
the party to which he bowed that day. He had irrevocably 
offered himself to the man whom he had once described to 
his own wife as a "rascal" and an "utterly worthless scamp." 

That personal ambition led him to take this step, while all 
around him members of his own class his closest friends 
and fellow reformers were preparing to bolt, seems certain. 
In Nahant the rumor spread that he was contemplating a 
similar rebellion. An alarmed Judge Wilson, who had a fine 
contempt for all irregularity, rushed to Worcester where he 
boarded the train carrying the returning delegates. The 
judge was greatly relieved to find that Lodge had made 
up his mind the night before. 

Perhaps on the long train ride back from Chicago the 
scholar in politics had thought of some words he had written 
two years before concerning Alexander Hamilton's decision 
to vote for adoption of the Constitution, despite his own dis 
like for many of its provisions: 

Had he been an agitator or a sentimentalist of muddy morals 
and high purposes, a visionary and an idealist, he would have 
stood up and howled against 'this constitution. ... As he was 
none of these things, hut a patriotic man of clear and practical 
mind, he knew that the first rule of successful and beneficial 
statesmanship was not to sulk because one cannot have just what 
one wants, but to take the best obtainable, and sustain it to the 

One of the first things Lodge did after his return was to 
write his friend Roosevelt, who, still grieving over the death 
of his young wife, had hastened off to the Bad Lands of 


Dakota to wrestle with his conscience in the wilderness. 
Roosevelt's answer lends weight to the belief that there was 
no early agreement between them to support Elaine and 
Logan. Certainly the young New Yorker was disgusted with 
the results of the convention and his mind was all but made 
up, if not to bolt with the other Mugwumps, as the re 
formers were now known, at least to take no part in the 
campaign. He understood Lodge's unhappy position clearly, 
and he urged him to be cautious in what he did and said, 
and above all to keep on good terms with "the machine." 
The exile added, a little patronizingly, "I am very anxious 
you should take no steps hastily, for I do not know a man 
in the country whose future I regard as so promising as 

Having formally, announced his regularity Lodge could 
not very well have joined the general exodus of liberal spirits 
from the Republican Party. The desertion reached its height 
on July 10, when the Democrats nominated Grover Cleve 
land, the first really dangerous contender that party had 
offered since 1856. When Carl Schurz heard of Lodged 
choice he wrote sorrowfully to his faithless protege. The 
election of Elaine, he declared, would be a virtual endorse 
ment of corrupt practices by the American people. 

"You are a young man," he reminded Lodge, "You have 
the advantages of affluent circumstances. You have the prom 
ise of an honorable and useful career before you. That 
promise certainly will not be damaged if you follow a noble 
impulse at the risk of temporarily compromising your party 
standing and of obscuring the prospect of immediate pre 

"Do not," he begged, "run for Congress on the Republican 
ticket." To do so, he warned, would be to raise the suspicion 
of having suppressed upon "an important occasion [your] 
best impulses for the purpose of getting quickly into place." 


In one last appeal lie wrote that there was a "moral limit'* 
to the concessions one must make to the organization. 

Lodge's reply, although courteous, was cool and specious. 
The course he had chosen was "the only honorable one to 
take. ... If I had announced to the Massachusetts Conven 
tion that if Mr. Elaine were nominated, I should bolt him, 
they never would have sent me to Chicago/' he pleaded. It 
was his intention now to proclaim his formal adherence to 
the Republican ticket, to resign as State Chairman of the 
Republican Committee, 3 and to accept the nomination to 
Congress if it were proffered. 

"On the mere grounds of expediency," the young man 
lectured Jhis mentor, "it seems to me that no party was 
ever founded on opposition to a single man or ever will be. 
Whatever the result of the election, the parties will remain. 
By staying in the party I can be of some use. By going out 
I destroy all the influence for power and good I may pos 
sess. ... I want you to realize that, however mistaken I may 
be, I act from a sense of duty and from a conviction that I 
have a debt of honor which I must pay, no matter how 
disagreeable and distasteful it is." 

To this Schurz replied with the last letter he was ever to 
write Henry Cabot Lodge: 

Our duty to the country which we discharge at the ballot box 
is in all respects paramount to any duty we may owe the party. 

For Henry Cabot Lodge this was the first of many deep 
friendships that ended forever in the summer of 1884. 
Moorfield Storey, who had dined so often at his home and 
who had shared with Tirm the high hopes of their political 
adolescence, maintained for forty years the independence 
forged in this bitter campaign and did not speak to him 
again. Haere were others, of his own class, who likewise 

8 He offered his resignation but it was not accepted. 


turned their backs. There were some, on the other hand, 
who understood. The late Louis A. Coolidge, Lodge's one 
time secretary, once wrote: 

The bitterness against him grew and flourished among his 
former social and professional associates about Boston, who, tin- 
versed in the necessities of politics and unfamiliar with the exi 
gencies of party organization and loyalty, could not comprehend 
that one might still remain true to his own, high, political ideals 
while remaining true to the only organization which could give 
effect to those ideals through men and agencies perhaps not alto 
gether satisfactory. 

Two days after Carl Schurz had written his penultimate 
letter of warning the campaign was formally opened in 
Massachusetts by a Republican ratification meeting that 
filled Boston's Tremont Temple to overflowing. Huge por 
traits of Blaine and Logan were hung on either side o the 
organ and a brass band played stirring music as the more 
or less prominent Republicans invited by the State Com 
mittee filed to the tier of seats on the platform. Conspicuous 
at the meeting was the slim figure of Henry Cabot Lodge. 
He cannot have been a completely happy man. Perhaps in 
the inner pocket of his neat and expensive dinner jacket lay 
the letter from Carl Schurz. Beside him on the platform sat 
such worthies as Governor Robinson, who presided, Senator 
Hoar and Senator Dawes, former Representative Crapo, and 
former Governors Long and Rice. They had decided in 
advance upon the "party line": that this was to be a contest 
not of men, but of parties. And this was the line that Lodge, 
the first speaker, presented. Quickly passing over the ques 
tion of candidacy he turned to his own predicament: 

"I was one of those delegates who ware opposed to these 
nominations* My fellow delegates decided against me, and 
by that decision in honor and good faith as a delegate, I 
propose to abide." 


Having thus confessed, he announced his entire loyalty to 
that great party which had "honored and trusted Tifm in this 
state." Then, after asserting that a choice must be made be 
tween the two parties, he reviewed in sarcastic terms the 
Democratic platform and the recent work of the Democratic 
Congress, contrasting it unfavorably with previous Republi 
can achievements. After a sneer at the Democrats* attitude 
towards civil service reform (which he and Roosevelt were 
to hang to for years as their own private brand of lib 
eralism) he tore from its context an old and scathing criti 
cism of the Democratic Party, once uttered by George 
William Curtis, and sat down to polite applause. 

It was old Senator Hoar who waxed most satirical about 
the bolters and who uttered words that ought to have made 
Lodge squirm in his seat: "President Eliot expresses the 
sentiment of a little body of men about Cambridge. I am 
happy to believe he does not represent Harvard, whose 
influence . . . has tended to infinitely degrade the public 
life of the Commonwealth. These men have taught our edu 
cated youth to be ashamed of their own history. Their eyes 
are microscopes which can see a blemish on the skin, but 
cannot take in a fair landscape or a hearty human figure. 
There is hardly a man who has taken any of the responsi 
bilities of public life who has not been compelled to undergo 
the contemptuous criticism of these gentle hermits of Cam 
bridge " 

Senator Hoards seemingly gratuitous assault upon his and 
Lodge's college was not without significance. At Commence 
ment this very year Lodge had been elected to the Board 
of Overseers. But President Eliot was now in the fore 
front of those who had gone over to Cleveland, a group 
whose rolls contained the name of many a prominent son of 
Harvard. Indeed, Harvard was a hotbed of Republican 


The Boston Herald had bolted Elaine, as had the Adver 
tiser, the New York Times? and several leading independent 
Republican papers the New York Evening Post, the 
Springfield Republican, and the Boston Evening Transcript. 
The Herald now mockingly referred to the meeting as "a 
crow banquet/' and for Lodge, who once had professed "no 
faith in reform within the church/' it must have been just 

Two days later Theodore Roosevelt, who had made no 
definite admission of his plans, came quietly on from Dakota. 
He went immediately to Nahant and there, on a warm 
Thursday night, the two men sat on the broad veranda 
overlooking the restless sea, talking into the late hours. 
They must have thrashed out the whole matter, then and 
during the next day. On Saturday afternoon Roosevelt went 
to Boston, where he made his presence known to a Boston 
Herald reporter. He prefaced his remarks with a disavowal 
of any previous "interviews" credited to him, and said: "I 
intend to vote the Republican Presidential ticket. While at 
Chicago, I told Mr. Lodge that such was my intention; but 
before announcing it, I wished to have time to think the 
whole matter over. A man cannot act both without and 
within the party; he can do either, but he cannot possibly 
do both/' It was the voice of Theodore Roosevelt speaking, 
but the words were those of Henry Cabot Lodge. 

To Roosevelt, such men as E. L. Godkin, Carl Schurz, 
Charles Francis Adams, Jr., or Cabot's old friends Leverett 
Saltonstall, William Everett, James Freeman Clarke, Josiah 
Quincy, Winslow Warren, or- Richard H. Dana, proved 
themselves by their desertion of Elaine and Logan to be 
suffering from "a species of moral myopia, complicated with 
intellectual strabismus." He found that his friends in New 
York were surprised that he had "not developed hoofs and 
horns." In putting up a good front in his letters to his friend, 

lie professed amusement because the Boston independents 
"circulated . . . the idea that I was a misguided weakling, 
who would have liked to be honest, but who was held in 
moral thralldom by the unscrupulous machine-manipulator 
of Nahant." 

On the other hand old white-haired Senator Hoar, his 
younger colleague Dawes, Andrew D. White, and even 
George F. Edmunds, the reformer's own candidate ( all men 
whose basic integrity was unquestioned), accepted Lodge's 
position, and saw nothing opprobrious about it, and sup 
ported Elaine. Bishop William Lawrence, Lodge's friend and 
biographer, confessed many years later that, although he 
was opposed to Lodge at the time, he had come to believe 
that his schoolmate was right in 1884. As Mr. Fuess once 
pointed out, the Mugwumps had no monopoly of virtue, 
and Lodge, deep in his soul, "was a strong partisan, just as 
he was a strong nationalist. Loyalty to institutions and to 
country was ineradicable in his personality." 

The first reward of this Massachusetts Abdiel was the 
unanimous nomination for Congress when the Republicans 
of the Lynn-Nahant district held their convention in the 
shoe city on September 10. After the enthusiastic Republi 
cans had named him, he arose to remark: 

"I shall not utter any vain formulas about the nomination 
being unsought and unexpected. I have sought it in the past. 
I expected it today, and I am none the less grateful and 
appreciate your action none the less on this account." 

That evening, after he had driven to his . estate in his 
phaeton, a crowd of enthusiastic supporters in festive spirit 
boarded barges and went from Lynn to Nahant, where they 
celebrated the candidate. Later an anonymous bard com 
posed a song in his honor, and if its poetic qualities may 
have grated upon an ear trained in childhood to the cadences 
of Pope and Shakespeare the scholar in politics no doubt 


appreciated its intent. One verse, in winch prophecy outran 
poesy, claimed: 

Then vote for Lodge, you men who toil 

YouTl find that he will dare if 
The Democrats attempt free trade 

To fight hard for the tariff. 

Lodge spoke in practically every town and village in his 
district. His campaign was well covered by the Herald and 
the Advertiser for, although these newspapers could not 
stomach Elaine, their blessing, strangely enough, was be 
stowed upon Cabot Lodge. In October, at the insistence of 
Lodge, Theodore Roosevelt (who had abandoned his inten 
tion of taking no part in the campaign although he was 
reported to have said, when further "Mulligan letters" were 
made public in the heat of the campaign: "I hope to God 
he will be defeated") came on to make several speeches in 
Lodge's behalf. At the Melrose Town Hall, Lodge was 
greeted with "uproarious enthusiasm" according to the 
Advertiser, and Roosevelt, received with "tumultuous ap 
plause," praised him as "one of the most conspicuous 
examples of independent republicanism." In Lyceum Hall 
in Winchester, Roosevelt sandwiched in a tribute to Lodge 
in a speech mainly devoted to the national campaign but 
which he concluded by expressing his delight in remaining 
"where by inheritance and education I feel I belong the 
Republican Party." The phrase fitted Cabot Lodge better 
than himself. 

But neither the poetry of the unknown party-singer nor 
the witticisms of Theodore Roosevelt availed. Lake Elaine 
and Logan, Henry Cabot Lodge was defeated in the election 
of November 6, 1884. In the Democratic landslide, made 
possible in good measure by the defection o the Mug 
wumps, Lodged old opponent, Mr. Lovering of Lynn, won 


out again. Lodge was defeated by 265 in a total of 30,000 

When Theodore Roosevelt heard the bad news he has 
tened to console his "dear Old Fellow," blaming the Repub 
lican disaster on "the cursed pharisaical fools and knaves 
who have betrayed us." 

"You have," he wrote, "a hold on the party . . . and beyond 
question you will take the stand you deserve in public life/* 



Washington at Last 

HENRY CABOT LODGE had to wait two years before lie was 
able to take the stand he deserved in public life. They were 
not idly spent. When he was an old man he wrote rather 
pompously about the virtues of work, which was, he said, 
the best of friends. "Without it one can never enjoy either 
leisure or a vacation, and work, free from anxiety, is always 
a tonic, and in some of the darkest hours an anodyne. I do 
not believe that it ever did anyone anything but good, pro 
vided that a man takes plenty of exercise, which I have 
always done, hunting in the autumn, and in summer living 
in and on the water, and always varying my amusements 
out-of-doors by much walking and the simple labor of chop 
ping and sawing wood.** 

The months following the Elaine disaster were dark. 
Lodge was unhappy, even despondent. He threw himself 
into a self-appointed task. If it brought him neither wide 
fame nor great fortune it at least took up his time and salved 
his New Jingland conscience. He was still at heart a scholar 
as well as a politician and now he lost himself in editing the 
complete works of his great hero, Alexander Hamilton. The 
first of the nine resultant volumes appeared in 1885 and the 
last came from the press in 1887. It was a tremendous task 
and one of which he was proud. No other editor of Hamil 
ton's writings had accomplished as much as he in gathering 
together the speeches and writings of the Federalist. 


la 1882 lie had, of course, written his short biography of 
Hamilton, the first of his many books in which prejudice 
supplanted scholarship and his strong anti-democratic lean 
ings found full expression. This was followed by a short 
biography of Daniel Webster. Henry Adams found that there 
was a "visible effort" in Lodge's "elaborate excuses and 
apologies" for Webster, while another scholarly critic sighed 
because the author appeared ready to accept almost any 
story about the statesman-lawyer. For years to come the 
American attitude towards Webster was slanted by Lodge's 
book, which found wide popularity. It was short and well- 
written. Perhaps the harshest criticism that could be made 
against it was that it contained, as Allan Nevins once pointed 
out, many flagrant errors of perspective; his attribution to 
Webster of the entire constitutional argument against seces 
sion, for one thing, was patently preposterous. Reading the 
book several years later Theodore Roosevelt exclaimed: 
"Lodge is not as big a man intellectually as Webster, but 
he is a far better man morally/' 

These two biographies fed his ambition. One day, be 
tween his election to Congress and the convening of the 
House, he walked into the library where John T. Morse, Jr., 
was seated at his desk before an open fire. Lodge was in a 
gloomy mood and sat there for several minutes before 
speaking. Suddenly he turned and said, "]6hn, I should like 
to write the Washington for your series; will you give it to 
me?" The biography of the first President was destined to 
be, of course, the most important volume in the American 
Statesman Series, and Morse, understandably, had reserved 
it for "himself. Indeed, he had already started upon it and 
several of the first chapters lay in manuscript on the desk 
that separated the two men. Startled, Morse did some rapid 
thinking and replied, with a generosity probably unparal 
leled in editorial history: "All right, Cabot, it is yours." A 


few minutes later when Lodge had left the room Morse 
reached for his manuscript and threw it into the flames. 

To this day there is a difference of opinion over the two- 
volume Life of George Washington which Lodge wrote 
between 1887 and 1889. When the Life first appeared Wil 
liam Dean Howells sang its praises, saying that, for the first 
time, Washington had been rescued from "fable land" and 
that Lodge had at last succeeded in presenting a "purely 
human as well as thoroughly American Washington." Al 
though Lodge did show a Washington far different from 
that incredible creature imagined by Parson Weems, his 
portrait helped establish another fable that was almost as 
far from the truth. To Henry Cabot Lodge the father of the 
country was a sort of war lord who "sniffed the air of battle 
from afar and was glad/' rather than the peace-loving and 
worried Washington whose one sustaining dream during the 
Revolution was to get the business done so that he might 
return to the peace of Mount Vernon. Lodge's Washington 
was essentially an early American militarist and not the 
Washington who wrote: "How much more delightful to an 
undebauched mind is the task of making improvements on 
earth than all the vain glory which can be acquired from 
ravaging it by the most uninterrupted career of conquest 5 * 

Aside from misunderstanding and misinterpreting Wash 
ington's character, he went astray, according to competent 
critics, in giving an account of Washington's military career. 
This, perhaps, was not surprising, for Lodge had no knowl 
edge of military history, knew nothing about tactics. In 
discussing Washington as a politician, he saw him primarily 
as one who proved for all time the virtue of loyalty to a 
party. Indeed, his chapter on "Washington as a party man" 
may be read as an expression of Lodge's own credo, 

During the years preceding his election to Congress 


Lodge had written, for the Atlantic Monthly and other 
magazines, a number of essays on historical subjects. Pub 
lished in 1885 as Studies in History, they revealed the in 
tense partisanship of the man. In some instances brilliantly 
written, they invariably imposed upon the reader his own 
political and economic predilections. They showed him as 
a most capable interpreter of the ideas and achievements 
of Hamilton, Marshall, Adams, and others of the anti- 
Republican party; and as one incapable of doing justice 
to those on the other side. American historical writing con 
tains few less just portraits of Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, 
or Gallatin than those penned by Henry Cabot Lodge. He 
could never understand, much less appreciate, Jefferson, 
whom he saw through the eyes of his own great-grandfather 
as one who represented all the evils of democracy. 

His literary activities, while exacting, had not been so 
overwhelming as to shut him out from politics, nor had his 
literary ambitions overshadowed his yen for public office. 
He remained as chairman of the State Committee through 
1885. In that year he took charge of fashioning the Repub 
lican platform. His plank on civil service reform attracted 
attention far beyond Massachusetts. The New York news 
papers, with the exception of the Post, praised it, mention 
ing him by name. Teddy Roosevelt congratulated Lodge for 
his "reappearance in politics" in such a decisive manner. 
Writing from Oyster Bay, where he, too, was momentarily 
following a "literary career," Roosevelt predicted that Lodge 
would soon be in the United States Senate and urged trim 


not to run "in that damned Congressional district" again. 

The Republicans of the "damned Congressional district," 
however, were not adverse to having Lodge try his luck 
there once more and he was duly nominated by his party 
in 1886. The Democrats again nominated Mr. Lovering. 
The campaign was rough. M. E. Hennessy, the Boston 
Globe's seasoned veteran of Massachusetts political re- 

porting, recalled it, at the time of Lodge's death, in these 

Lodge's district included Democratic Charlestown. He was not 
without Democratic support. The Navy Yard played an impor 
tant part in the spirited fight for Congressional honors. There 
was no Corrupt Practices Act in those days and money was spent 
lavishly for influence and votes. The leaders of both parties 
generally selected a candidate with a barrel and proceeded to 
tap it for the benefit of the "boys." For years the financial echoes 
of that campaign plagued the successful candidate and his friends. 

Perhaps it was because Lodge had more money at his 
command than Lovering; perhaps it was because the elec 
torate, Republican and Democratic alike, saw in Lodge the 
better man; but whatever the reason, after the speech- 
making, parading, and red fire had died down, and the 
batllots had been counted, Lodge was the victor by 728 

When Lodge entered the House he looked upon his new 
office as little more than a steppingstone to a seat in the 
Senate. There he could be a statesman, free in great measure 
from the petty annoyances that dogged a Congressman. 
But he was content to bide his time, work hard at his new 
job, and make a name for himself. He was not above seeing 
to it that his constituents were "taken care of," that deserv 
ing Civil War veterans were given pensions or increases, 
that certain G.A.R. posts got the cannon they wanted to 
decorate then: headquarters. 

From the very beginning Henry Cabot Lodge of Massa 
chusetts was looked upon with mingled awe and suspicion 
by the Representatives from the South and West. The 
Southerners were soon to have good reason to hate him- 
the Westerners regarded him as an effete and even effemi 
nate dude. He was thirty-seven years old when Be took Bis 
seat in the House but he looked younger, in spite of his 
beard. His figure was then as always slight and trim (he was 


more at home in a saddle than many of the Westerners who 
derided him) and the close-fitting clothes he wore accentu 
ated the slightness and trimness. He had a way of standing 
with his hands in his pockets, which were cut on a vertical 
slant at a time when the style was horizontal; Congressmen 
from the hinterland detected an insolence in his manner of 
which he chose to be completely unaware. But they disliked 
most his cutting New England accent. They delighted to 
imitate it, with exaggerated twang and broader "a," in the 
privacy of the cloakroom. 

Although Lodge was aware of the limited prerogatives of 
a freshman in Congress he had no intention of remaining a 
nonentity for long. He was placed on the Elections Com 
mittee during his first session, a post which ordinarily would 
have afforded him but little opportunity to attract attention. 
Fortunately for him this committee was called upon to 
decide an issue potentially of wide political significance. 

In the fall elections of 1886, Speaker John G. Carlisle of 
Kentucky had come dangerously near defeat. He and his 
Democratic backers, with singular indifference to the tem 
per of the times, had apparently taken it for granted that 
his re-election was assured. The Republicans had offered 
no opposing candidate and the only obstacle to Carlisle's 
victory was the nominee of the Knights of Labor, a little- 
known mechanic named George H. Thobe. When the first 
votes were counted on November 3 the Democratic machine 
was astounded to find that Thobe had corralled a majority 
in the city of Covington and throughout Kenton County. 
Hundreds of workers from the shops and factories of Cin 
cinnati, just over the state line, had taken the day off to 
vote for the Knight of Labor, with the result that it looked 
momentarily as if* an unknown candidate of an unrecog 
nized party had defeated a national statesman. The back- 
county vote, however, showed a bare majority for Carlisle. 


Charges of fraud immediately were raised, and through 
the state rumors spread that Democratic politicians had 
sped at midnight in closed carriages to stuff forged ballots 
into the boxes in the outlying district in order to save the 
day for Carlisle. As a result of the suspicions, Thobe filed 
with the House what the cynical Washington correspondent 
of the New Yorfc Times called a "frivolous and diaphanous 
suit" in a desperate effort to unseat Carlisle. Carlisle, whose 
personal integrity was unquestioned, left the appointment 
of the Elections Committee to Crisp of Georgia, whom he 
called to the chair for that purpose. When the House re 
fused to appoint a special committee to take up the matter, 
it came before this committee. On January 17, 1888, the 
committee unanimously agreed that the allegations of Thobe 
had been disproved. Nevertheless, a minority wanted the 
case reopened, if for no other purpose than to give Thobe 
a chance publicly to be heard. 

The outstanding defender of workingman Thobe's right 
to a hearing was the Boston aristocrat, the dude of Nahant 
Henry Cabot Lodge. His motives were not entirely altru 
istic. Carlisle was one of the strongest antagonists to the 
Republican tariff theory in Congress and, as Speaker, he 
was in a powerful position. If it was impossible to remove 
him, it was at least of good purpose to embarrass him. 
Depending as he did upon the votes of Lynn shoe workers, 
it could do Lodge no harm to defend a Kentucky mechanic. 
And so he arose in the House to argue that, although there 
was no definite evidence warranting such action, the case 
should be sifted again because of tie "enormous disparity 
of political position between the contestant and the con- 
testee." Such a course was justified, Lodge pleaded, if only 
it would do something toward removing the feeling among 
workingmen that the "power of corporations, the power of 
trusts, the power of rings, the power of men in high au- 


thority, backed by money and influence., has enormous 
weight in all legislative bodies in this country." 

While Lodge did not deny that the "workingmen" may 
well have had good reason for their belief he added, cau 
tiously, "It is an unwholesome and dangerous belief. It is the 
kind of vague theory to which agitators opposed to every 
form of order and society appeal." 

As a consequence of Lodge's speech Thobe was given his 
day before the House. Three days later the Democrats 
secured a quorum and declared Carlisle elected. In Oyster 
Bay Theodore Roosevelt read about the case in the news 
papers and congratulated "Dear Cabot.** "You have made 
your mark/' he said. George Thobe went back to Kentucky 
to take up his trade of mechanic and to disappear, from the 
public gaze. 

Lodge's constituents were given no reason to believe that 
the scholar in politics was ignoring issues in which they 
might be presumed to be interested. When it was proposed 
to appropriate $100,000 for a drydock in the Brooklyn Navy 
Yard he protested on the ground that the Navy Yard at 
Charlestown had adequate facilities which were not being 
used. He was "sound" on the tariff, from a Massachusetts 
point of view, whether the goods involved were curled hair, 
codfish, or rattan. He supported the bill for an eight-hour 
day in government yards, and when certain citizens of the 
fishing port of Gloucester protested against the ratification 
of the fisheries treaty with Great Britain he duly presented 
their petition to Congress. 

It was the fisheries question that allowed hi to play with 
international affairs for a brief moment. The rights of Ameri 
can fishing vessels in Canadian waters had been in almost 
constant dispute since the creation of the Republic. An 
attempt to define these rights had been made in 1818; now 
through the expiration of subsequent treaties the matter was 


back almost where it tad started. Lodge approved the bel 
ligerent "retaliation bill" which passed both Houses and 
which empowered President Cleveland to employ measures 
against Canada for the seizure of two American ships. In 
the course of his defense of the bill he took occasion to criti 
cize the President for making the foreign policy a party 
measure. "A feeble foreign policy is bad/' he said, "but it 
is not necessarily disgraceful. To use the honor and dignity 
of the country as a stake in our foreign relations for political 
ends or to bluster to foreign nations for political effect 
would be disgraceful in the President of the United States.'' 
This was the basis of Cleveland's intense and lasting dislike 
of Cabot Lodge. The treaty was rejected by the Senate by 
a strict party vote of 28 Democrats for and 30 Republicans 

Although Harrison failed of a popular majority in 1888, 
he won over Cleveland by 65 votes in the Electoral College 
and the Republicans carried both Houses of Congress. At 
the same time Cabot Lodge was re-elected to Congress by 
the largest majority he had yet won: 5294 votes. 

Cabot Lodge knew what was likely to be popular at home. 
His secretary, Louis A. Coolidge, who had come to him from 
the Springfield Republican and who later was to become 
treasurer of the United Shoe Machinery Corporation, once 
said that Lodge understood the value of never neglecting a 
personal or political promise and of attending to such things 
himself. A few days after the inauguration of President Har 
rison Lodge was writing to Theodore Roosevelt: **I am 
harassed to death and if this accursed patronage does not 
loll me politically and destroy my health and temper, noth 
ing will.'* At that very moment he was taking care of a 
bit of patronage for Theodore himself arranging with 
Tom Reed, Secretary Elaine's son Walker, and other in 
fluential members of the administration to induce President 


Harrison to appoint Roosevelt to the Civil Service Com 

It was not long after his re-election before the matter of 
"accursed patronage" arose to plague this outspoken advo 
cate of civil service reform. His local enemies had kept alive 
the intimations of irregularities in Charlestown in 1886 and 
now, in October 1889, his former friend and fellow Mug 
wump, George William Curtis, was to give them national 
circulation. In the course of a speech in Philadelphia at 
tacking the Harrison administration's stand on civil service, 
Curtis had suggested that Lodge had been guilty of playing 
politics with Navy Yard employees. Lodge was forced to 
make a public denial. He said he had confined^ his action at 
Charlestown to the dismissal of a few relatively poor sub 
ordinates, who had been appointed during the Cleveland 
administration and to the "reinstatement in their places of 
good men, who were also war veterans." 

The so-called "Navy Yard charges," although embarrass 
ing, came to nothing and did little ultimately to mar Lodge's 
reputation; but they did reveal to a certain extent how 
Lodge kept his hold over the electorate. They marked the 
beginning of what for many years was known as the "Lodge 
machine" in Massachusetts. 

At this time, however, Lodge was best known to the gen 
eral public as an advocate of civil service reform. He made 
many speeches on the subject, both within and without 
Congress, and in March 1889 made a dramatic gesture to 
show how, even in the Post Office Department, his favored 
principles might work towards eliminating the "spoils 

"Under the existing system," he said, "postmasters are 
selected . . . from the party in power and the office of post 
master in every town and city has been made a party office. 
I believe strongly in taking all the routine offices of the 


government out of politics and this is a reform I hope to 
see accepted ultimately." 

He chose the town of Winchester, Massachusetts, as the 
scene of his experiment and there he induced the Republi 
cans to hold a caucus for the choice of postmaster. (The 
Democrats, of course, were not invited: that obviously would 
be taking things a little too far out of politics. ) As a result 
William F. Fitch was "elected" by the townspeople, and 
Lodge duly presented his name for confirmation to John 
Wanamaker, the Postmaster General. Although Lodge's 
"Winchester system" attracted its mild share of editorial 
attention, and was tried out in an upstate New York village, 
it never caught the public fancy. 

Not since the revolt against Grant in 1875 had the Re 
publicans controlled both the administration and the two 
Houses of Congress. The party was greedy and expectant 
1 and quite determined that no such nonsense as Cleveland's 
radical and unbusinesslike attempt to revise the tariff down 
ward should be repeated. In order to facilitate matters the 
high-tariff Republicans were determined to have their own 
man in the Speaker's chair. As it turned out, both contenders 
for the Republican choice could be depended upon to do 
their party's bidding, but the Eastern members were con 
vinced of the superiority of Tom Reed over "Uncle Joe" 

Cabot Lodge had sat next to Thomas Brackett Reed since 
his first day in the House and had acquired deep admiration 
for the "fat man from Maine," as Lodge pkyfully called him, 
whose service on the Judiciary, Ways and Means, and par 
ticularly on the Rules committees had taught him nearly all 
there was to know about Congress. Lodge had with keen 
appreciation watched Tom Reed slump, silent and sleepy, 
on his spine while many a verbose Representative raged and 
ranted upon some subject dearest to him, and then rise 


and, with caustic tongue, puncture the offender while the 
House and the galleries roared at his sallies of ready, and 
sometimes cruel, wit. 

The friendship of the two men soon extended beyond the 
halls of Congress. Reed became a steady frequenter of the 
literary-political salon in Lodge's charming, book-lined 
home, which was fast becoming a Washington fixture. Be 
sides their friendship there was another good reason why 
Lodge preferred Tom Reed to "Uncle Joe" the latter was 
an unlettered rustic whose manners to a Bostonian were as 
deplorable as his lack of schooling. Lodge, therefore, threw 
himself into the fight that raged within Republican circles 
and, although the nature of his persuasive efforts does not 
appear upon the record, we have the late Governor Samuel 
W. McCalTs word for it that it was mainly through "Lodge's 
efforts in the caucus" that Reed triumphed over Cannon 
and went on to defeat Carlisle for the Speakership by a 
majority of twelve votes. Passage of the tariff bill in the 
House was assured. 

When President Harrison had stood in the rain on March 
4 to deliver his long inaugural address he made a passing 
reference to the possible need for Congressional action to 
eliminate ballot abuses in the various states through federal 
control of elections. Although he did not specify, everyone 
knew that he was speaking against the disqualification of 
Negroes in the South. This was a subject which had long 
rankled in Republican breasts. Since the abandonment of 
Reconstruction the vote of every white Southerner had pos 
sessed far greater weight in national affairs than the vote 
of a Northerner. In the South, where the Negro was denied 
the ballot, he still was counted in the population as a basis 
for Congressional representation. Inasmuch as the South was 
Democratic, this was a situation that cried for a remedy 
by the Republican Party. In Massachusetts, Henry Cabot 


Lodge's heart was torn by the plight of the Negro voter 
and, as potential heir to the seat of Charles Stunner, he 
pledged himself to remedy the intolerable situation. 

Strength was lent to his reconstructive ambition by a 
Republican caucus which endorsed the principles embodied 
in President Harrison's speech and which designated a com 
mittee to prepare a bill. Besides Lodge this committee was 
made up of a battle-scarred Union soldier from Illinois, Jon 
athan H. Rowell, who would <r have seated every Negro who 
made a contest, and Thomas H. Carter of Montana. Rowell 
wrote the first draft of the bill, crudely phrased but biting 
in form. Lodge took it to his library where he rewrote it in 
milder form and in better English. He then introduced it in 
the House, which promptly referred it to the Elections 
Committee, of which Lodge was the chairman. Lodge 
promptly reported it out of committee for consideration by 
the House. 

Although many of Lodge's friends insisted in later years 
that he was not in "entire accord with the provisions of the 
bill" which he then so carefully shepherded, when he arose 
in the House on June 26, 1890, it was to deliver a speech 
that could only have been prepared after weeks of careful 
consideration and deep study. 

"We have clothed the Negroes with attributes of Ameri 
can citizenship .* We have put in their hands the emblems 
of American sovereignty. Whether wisely or unwisely done 
is of no consequence now; it has been done, and it is irrev 
ocable . . . The Government, which made the black man 
a citizen of the United States, is bound to protect him in his 
rights as a citizen, and it is a cowardly government if it does 
not do it." 

There were other telling passages: "The great safeguard 
to the public welfare is publicity. The business of the people 
must not be transacted in dim corners or locked room." And, 


in order to show that the law was needed elsewhere than 
in the South, he produced elaborate tables of figures to 
prove that the election of 1870 in New York had been rife 
with fraud and corruption, the blame for which he neatly 
tossed on the doorstep of Tammany Hall. 

Not since he had been in Congress had Lodge uttered so 
dramatic a speech as this. It spread anger and consternation 
through the South and the Northern Democrats sprang 
to their feet to condemn it. One prominent Massachusetts 
Democrat wrote W. C. P. Breckinridge in Washington that 
Lodge's course disgusted "the best people here." 

The Force Bill/ as it was generally known except among 
those who supported it, was passed by the House under the 
helpful "Reed rules" by the slim margin of six votes. Most 
impartial observers were predicting its speedy passage in 
the Senate when it suddenly became involved in one of the 
most dramatic political struggles the country had witnessed 
in years. The powerful Republican majority of the Senate 
was expected to stand behind it, if not for any altruistic 
reason at least to rectify the situation pointed out by Lodge: 
'The people of the North will not continue to permit two 
votes in the South to count as much as five votes in the 

Such Republican leaders as Senator Matt Quay and Don 
Cameron, the Pennsylvania bosses, however, had but one 
idea the safe and quick passage of the McKinley tariff. 
The plight of the Negro was a matter for indifference 
compared with bigger profits for Northern manufacturers. 

1 The Federal Elections Bill of 1890 provided that federal officials 
should be appointed on election boards in any part of the country 
upon the petition o 500 voters in any district. These officials not only 
could inspect and verify returns hut also had power to pass upon the 
qualifications o voters and receive ballots refused by local officials." 
Senator Hoar claimed that its important provisions were borrowed 
from the English election law of 1868. 


Cameron, who was to become one of Cabot Lodge's closest 
friends, expressed the hard viewpoint when he said: 

"Northern capital has been flowing into the South in great 
quantities, manufacturing establishments have been created 
and are now in full operation, and a community of commer 
cial interest is fast obliterating sectional lines. . . . The Elec 
tion Law would disturb this desirable condition and produce 
ill feeling between the North and South." 

Leading the opposition to the Force Bill was Senator 
Arthur P. Gorman of Maryland, who realized the strength 
of the Republican insurrectionists and made a deal with 
them. He would not oppose the tariff if they would force 
abandonment of the election law. By virtue of this bargain 
the Force Bill was squelched until passage of the tariff 
measure. Senators Hoar of Massachusetts and Aldrich of 
Rhode Island were apparently not included in the bargain. 
The incorruptible Senator Hoar boldly asked for considera 
tion of the bill. The vote on his motion, 41 to 30, plainly 
indicated that it was far from dead. Alarmed, the Democrats 
met in caucus the next day and decided they would start 
a filibuster. 

After thirty-three calendar days of verbose obstruction 
the Force Bill was effectively shunted into oblivion. The 
Democrats breathed easy again and the Negroes of the 
South still are kept away from the polls. 

Cabot Lodge's association with the Force Bill of 1890 
did not leave him either unscathed or unpraised. While the 
Senators were wrangling over it "Gumshoe Bill" Stone, 2 a 
virulent Missouri Congressman, made a long speech that 
bristled with personal abuse and that had little to say ef 
fectively in opposition to the measure. In the course of his 

3 William J. Stone, 1848-1919. He was chairman of the Senate 
Foreign Relations Committee at the time of his death. He had been 
Governor of Missouri and became Senator from that state in 1903. 


harangue he called Cabot Lodge "the Oscar Wilde of states 
manship." Lodge was not in the House at the time but the 
following day he answered the attack in a short and effective 
speech. When the good gray poet, John Greenleaf Whittier, 
read it in snow-bound Amesbury he sent this note to 

DEAR FRIEND Let me thank thee for thy manly speech. It 
has the ring and is worthy of the best days of Massachusetts 
of Webster and Sumner and John Quincy Adams. I am truly thy 

Although it is obvious that Lodge was motivated by par 
tisanship as well as by philanthropy in introducing the 
Force Bill he must have been aware of the political dangers 
inherent in it. If nothing else, it fastened upon him the 
charge of being an intensely partisan Republican, and it 
alienated much of the Democratic support which he had 
been able to count upon in recent years. Nevertheless he 
felt he was strong enough again to run for Congress. Oppos 
ing him was Dr. William Everett, son of Edward Everett, 
the former President of Harvard, ex-Senator and one-time 
Secretary of State. Dr. Everett, whose real home was in 
Quincy, was in truth a "carpetbagger" imported into the 
district by the Mugwump clique among the Democrats as 
the one man able to cut short Lodge's Congressional ca 
reer. This former Unitarian divine, who was known as 
"Piggy" to his Harvard friends, had campaigned as a boy 
orator for Abraham Lincoln, and had unsuccessfully been 
seeking public office since 1884. He had left the Repub 
lican Party that year now, once again, he was trying his 

A great deal of money was spent during the campaign. 
The Republicans contended that the Sixth District was 
flooded with funds sent down from New York by Tammany 


Hall, which hated Lodge's Force Bill as deeply as did the 
most unreconstructed Rebel. Throughout the country the 
newspapers kept their eye on the Lodge-Everett fight, re 
alizing that it was one of the most spirited of any on the 
whole Congressional front. Lodge had to pitch in vigorously 
to maintain his advantage. All around him in Massachu 
setts the Democrats were getting support in the reaction to 
the conservative Harrison administration. It was, indeed, 
a Democratic year almost everywhere in the country. In the 
Bay State the popular William Eustis ("Billy") Russell was 
elected governor, the third Democrat and one of the young 
est men in the history of the Commonwealth to hold that 

Henry Cabot Lodge, however, ran ahead of his ticket that 
year, showing how well he had built up his personal ma 
chine and the imposing position which he held in Massa 
chusetts Republicanism. He defeated the elderly and some 
what eccentric Dr, Everett by 1040 votes. 



On the Threshold 

ANCESTRAULY, connubially, and economically Henry Cabot 
Lodge was destined to be an Imperialist. His borne over 
looked the Atlantic and the money earned for him by his fore 
bears had come in good measure from the sea lanes once trav 
eled by the Storm King and the Kremlin of his father's fleet. 
When Alfred Thayer Mahan came along to put a theory into 
words, who was better prepared to understand them than the 
Boston historian turned legislator, now avid for a program 
that might lead him to statesmanlike heights? 

In his second term in Congress, Lodge had been placed 
on the Naval Affairs Committee, where his rank was next 
to that of the chairman, Charles H. Boutelle of Maine. At the 
same time he was also a member of the Immigration Com 
mittee. From the eminence of both positions his thin, Yan 
kee voice was to be raised in argument, and apt quotations 
were to roll in cultured accent to help decide the destiny 
of a nation that had been too long asleep. 

Lodge had been acquainted with Captain Mahan for some 
time prior to 1890 and undoubtedly had listened understand- 
ingly to the naval theorist's exposition of ideas that were 
to be given wide circulation with the publication in May 
1890 of the first volume of The Influence of Sea Power upon 
History. Nor must Mrs. Lodge be forgotten in this connec 
tion. Raised in an atmosphere of Navy talk, and the daugh 
ter of an admiral of considerable intellectual and scientific 
attainments, she had never allowed her interest in the service 


to wane. It was said of her that she knew the names and 
technical details of almost every ship in the Navy and that 
she could discuss the controversies of staff and line vividly 
and accurately with any sea dog or trim executive who might 
drop over from the Navy Department for afternoon tea. 
Since Lodge never prepared a speech or essay without sub 
mitting it to her for verification of sources and quotations 
her influence upon him in such matters was hardly negligi 
ble. And Lodge's closest friend, Theodore Roosevelt, fan 
cied himself as a student of naval history. In the months 
following his graduation from Harvard had he not delved 
deeply and studiously into the subject while writing his first 
book, The Naval War of 1812? And had he not sounded the 
keynote in 1888 when he told the Union League Club that 
our lack of battleships was a disgrace, leaving us at the mercy 
of a "tenth-rate power, like Chile"? 

There had been a restlessness in the Navy Department 
for many years. In 1884 this had led to one notable advance 
ment, the establishment of the War College at Newport, 
with which Captain Mahan had been associated for some 
time. 1 Throughout the 1880's naval construction had gained 
momentum, if hardly in the deep-sea direction desired by 
Captain Mahan. The development of heavy industries in 
the country had spurred on the program - here was a mar 
ket for machinery, ordnance, and armor plate that the manu 
facturers were hardly likely to ignore. President Harrison, 
although one of the most reactionary of Presidents, was 
outspoken in his advocacy of a larger fleet. His Secretary of 
State, Mr. Elaine, had long since foreseen America's entrance 
into the world picture, a vision from which armed ships were 
not absent. His Secretary of the Navy, Benjamin F. Tracy, 
was "a man of ability and initiative/* which meant that he, 

1 He first went there to lecture on naval tactics and history in 1886; 
was its president 1886-1889 and again 1892 


too, saw the Stars and Stripes flying proudly over many ships 
on the two oceans that guarded the United States. When 
the hurricane of 1889 sent three American war vessels to the 
bottom of the harbor at Samoa, thus denuding the Pacific 
Fleet, these men, and Lodge, and many others, knew that 
the time to push forward had arrived. 

Those who agreed with Captain Mahan, and Lodge was 
first among them, anticipated the day in the not too distant 
future when the United States would spread its influence and 
its territories overseas. In order to do this the country must 
have a new navy, not just a larger navy. In 1890 the United 
States owned no battleships; few people, even those living 
along the seaboard, expected that we ever would. Monitors, 
to defend our harbors, and cruisers to harry any enemy that 
might attack, were deemed sufficient. But those who looked 
beyond the horizon realized that nothing less than a fleet of 
capital ships could keep open our ports. 

There was, in 1890, no widespread public demand for this 
program. In January, nevertheless, the Navy's Policy Board 
offered a report that outlined a program "in terms, not of 
present requirements, but of the imperialistic program en 
visaged in Mahan's larger conception of sea power." From 
all quarters a storm of protest was raised. Even the Repub 
lican New 'York Tribune, for many years the Navy's stanchest 
advocate and later imperialism's bellicose mouthpiece, called 
such belligerent and grandiose ideas "naval fanaticism " 

In the face of this outburst shrewd political maneuvering 
was called for; in the House the Messrs. Lodge and Chair 
man Boutelle issued a report endorsing the most important 
section of the Policy Board^ recommendations: that which 
called for fleets for the Western Atlantic, the Caribbean., 
and the Eastern Pacific. 

The name "battleship," however, was anathema to peace- 
loving ears and if, in framing the appropriations bill to for- 


ward their expansionist aims, the embryo war hawks had 
used the term without qualification they would have been 
unmercifully beaten. Astutely, therefore, they softened the 
implication contained in their request for funds by providing 
for "three sea-going, coastline battleships designed to carry 
the heaviest armor and most powerful ordnance/* The in 
sertion of the innocent word "coastline" cloaked their ambi 
tions. Lodge could be counted upon further to disarm the 
critics. With his reputation as the scholar in politics and the 
great historian he was able with impunity to tell the House 
that the battleship proposal introduced nothing new but 
was "merely the continuance" of a policy "settled" by the 
War of 1812 and followed consistently thereafter. That this 
was a "palpable inaccuracy" there was no one then to point 
out. 2 That Lodge knew its falsity, also, there is no doubt. 

Although the so-called "battleship clause" provoked op 
position, the House passed the appropriations bill by a vote 
of 131 to 105. Later, by a vote of 33 to 18, the Senate made 
it into law. Before the year ended hammers were ringing in 
yards on both the East and the West Coasts of a nation whose 
fleet had engaged no foreign enemy since 1812, and the bat 
tleships Indiana, Massachusetts, and Oregon were building 
on their ways. 

The Congressional debate over the battleships in the win 
ter of 1890 marked the turning point in America's relation 
ship with the rest of the world. It was not long before the 
gospel of imperialism found its advocates in higja places 
and was widely and vigorously preached by many of the 
leading thinkers, teachers, and publicists of the day. "But 
it was Mahan, and his politically influential friends and satel 
lites, Henry Cabot Lodge and Theodore Roosevelt, who 
sounded the call to action, marshalling the ideas of national 

2 See Harold and Margaret Sprout, Tfie Rise of American Naval 
Power, 1776-1918, 1939; pp. 212-213. 


security, commercial expansion, cosmopolitan philanthropy, 
national honor and national prestige, in support of a breath 
taking program of imperialism and naval aggrandizement." 3 

At the same time that Henry Cabot Lodge was seeking 
to expand the national power on this front he was also at 
tempting to contract it on another. Again acting in accord 
with his social and economic background, he sought to shut 
the gates of America against the hordes of the Old World 
and of the Orient. His theories on immigration were in keep 
ing with his theories on imperialism; both, he rational 
ized, were calculated to further the strength of the United 

"Let every man honor and love the land of his birth and 
the race from which he springs," he had told the New Eng 
land Society of Brooklyn in 1888. "But let us have done with 
British-Americans and Irish-Americans and German-Ameri 
cans, and so on, and all be Americans. ... If a man is going 
to be an American at all let him be so without any qualifying 
adjectives; and if he is going to be something else, let him 
drop the word 'American' from his personal description." 

These were the words of the patriot and later the senti 
ments of the jingo. In Lodge's mind one of the first great 
signs of America's awakening had come in 1882 when an 
alarmed Congress had passed the first Chinese Exclusion 
Act. When he thought of the hordes of Chinese laborers 4 
sweeping through the Golden Gate and taking the bread 
from the mouths of honest American workrngmen he trem 
bled with rage. When he saw the hordes of Italians, Czechs, 
Slovaks, Russians, streaming through the ports of Boston 
and New York, bringing their smells and bad manners and 

p. 26. 

* There were 132 S 000 Chinese in the United States in 1882. In 
1940 there were 77,504, of which 40,262 were American citizens 
born of Chinese parents. 


poverty to the mills and mines, he was equally disturbed. 
With the poet Aldrich he asked: 

O Liberty, white Goddess, is it well 
Ta leave the gates unguarded? . . . 

and with the poet he answered: 

Have a care 

Lest from thy brow the clustered stars be torn 
And trampled in the dust. For so of old 
The thronging Goth and Vandal trampled Rome, 
And where the temples of the Caesars stood 
The lean wolf unmolested made her lair. 

As a historian, of course, he realized that there had been 
a time when it had been necessary rapidly "to fill up the 
country," but he deeply resented that to this "practical 
advantage" America had joined "the sentimental and gen 
erous reason that this free country was to be a haven o 
refuge for the unfortunate of every land." 

The time had come to put a stop to such nonsense. "The 
question of regulating and restricting immigration," he told 
the House in February 1891, "is one of the gravest which 
now confront the country. ... It has been said . . . that 
we are in no danger of being overcrowded in the United 
States. We are certainly in no present danger of being over 
crowded by desirable immigrants, but we are at this mo 
ment overcrowded with undesirable immigrants." 

It was easy enough for the aristocratic Lodge to differ 
entiate between the two classes. Those who came from the 
United Kingdom, from Germany and the Scandinavian coun 
tries, he was willing to accept; but he shuddered at the in 
flux of immigrants from Italy and the Slav countries, from 
Russia, Poland, Hungary, and Bohemia. 

As his first move toward shutting out the undesirables 
Lodge, in 1891, introduced a bill which required that all 


who sought entrance to America should know how to read 
or write in their own language. 5 Few citizens of the ghetto 
had ever had an opportunity to learn to read or write, al 
though thousands of them turned to America, the land of 
opportunity, so that their children at least might grow up 
with these forbidden advantages. 

"I do not want to see the quality of American citizenship 
decline," Lodge said, beneath the effects of an unrestricted 
immigration, and I am utterly opposed to a system which 
is continually dragging down the wages of American labor 
by the introduction or the importation of the cheapest, low 
est, and most ignorant labor of other countries." 

Lodge was not so cynical or conscienceless as to accuse 
the ignorant immigrant of always coming to America of 
his own volition. He knew that thousands were imported 
under contract 'by vicious entrepreneurs who gathered them 
together in their European slums and sent them here to work 
"at wages far below the American standard." And so Lodge 
supported amendments to the Immigration Law which would 
have barred the importation of aliens under contract or an 
agreement to perform labor. This was not only humanitarian, 
but vote-getting. 

It was not until he had become Senator, however, that 
Lodge revealed his doctrines of race purity. His speech of 
March 16, 1896, which was widely read and quoted, summed 
up the thoughts that were forming in his mind during his 
last years in the House. 

"More precious even than the forms of government," he 
said on that occasion, "are the mental and moral qualities 
which make what we call our race. While those stand unim- 

5 After a lively contest this bill passed both House and Senate but 
was vetoed by President Cleveland three days before his term ended. 
The House passed the bill over the veto but the Senate did not get 
around to it in time for action. 


paired all is safe. When those decline all is imperilled. They 
are exposed to but a single danger, and that is by changing 
the quality of our race and citizenship through the wholesale 
infusion of races whose traditions and inheritances, whose 
thoughts and whose beliefs are wholly alien to ours and 
with whom we have never assimilated or even been associ 
ated with in the past/' 

When Lodge voted for the expansion of the United States 
Navy and for the restriction of immigration he acted strictly 
in consonance with the political philosophy that was to find 
its national expression in the words and deeds of many 
leaders before the decade was done. Not the least among 
these was Henry Cabot Lodge himself. 



The Statesman 

IT WAS a Massachusetts tradition that one waited for the 
Senatorship to be thrust upon one, but in 1892 Cabot Lodge 
was taking no chances. He had learned "the hard way" that 
when one wanted office he asked for it. It may have been 
true, as Henry Adams wrote John Hay, that "dear Cabot 
seems to be the only man who has the people with him. True 
heart! Pure people's patriot! He and Cleveland. Two stuffed 
prophets" . . . but "the people," as Lodge well knew, didn't 
elect Senators. That was a job for the party managers and the 
legislature. And one didn't persuade either body of men 
purely by popularity. It had to be arranged within the 
inner circles of the party and without undue publicity. 

Fully aware of the situation, Lodge began his under 
cover campaign immediately after the second state-wide 
defeat of his party in 1891. In that year he was among the 
most outspoken critics of the State Committee. With sev 
eral willing henchmen he turned his guns fully upon Chair 
man Burdett. As the leader of a powerful junto he let it be 
known that he felt the disaster at the polls had been the 
result of inefficiency and want of political tact on the part of 
certain committeemen. In due time, the chairman's decapita 
tion followed. In the ensuing struggle for the chairmanship 
Lodge threw his support to that eminent manufacturer of 
webbings and gorrngs and leading spirit of the Home Mar 
ket and Arkwright Clubs (both organizations of high pro 
tectionists), Eben S. Draper of Hopedale. At that time Mr. 


Draper was not even a member of the committee, but this 
little disadvantage was quickly remedied through the resig 
nation of a Lodge adherent. Mr. Draper was given his place 
and the chairmanship, thus making Lodge's hold upon the 
State Committee stronger than ever. 

Lodge was now able to go before the State Convention 
to force through a resolution favoring the settlement of the 
Senatorial question by a caucus of the Republican legisla 
tors in November, three months before the election of Sena 
tor would take place. The purpose of this unprecedented 
move was to prevent a coalition of Democrats and minority 
Republicans who might be hostile to his interests. Six years 
before Senator Dawes had gone back to the Senate only 
after the Democratic supporters of Patrick A. Collins had 
swung to his aid at the last moment. Otherwise he would 
have been unable to gain enough votes against the other 
Republican contenders, former Governors Long and Robin 
son, who between them controlled 107 votes to Dawes's 79. 

The bosses of Tammany Hall could have taken lessons 
from Lodge as he ran the Republican machine with an iron 
hand in the autumn of 1892. With plenty of money at his 
disposal Draper was one of the state's wealthiest manufac 
turers .he campaigned for the election of members of the 
legislature favorable to himself. He canvassed the entire 
state, holding conferences here, making suggestions there, 
pressing his cause from Cape Cod to the Berkshires. Nor 
did he neglect his own Congressional campaign. His resolu 
tion for the holding otthe caucus brought him a great deal 
of criticism, but the legislators met as he had planned; and, 
as he had hoped, proffered him the nomination. 

So cleverly had Lodge paved his way that on the first, 
and only, ballot, when the Senate voted, Lodge had 29 and 
his opponent only 10 votes. In the House the count was 160 
to 69. 


Having achieved at last the great ambition of Ms life, 
Lodge resigned from the House and on March 4, 1893, he 
was assigned the desk that for twenty-three years had been 
occupied by Charles Sumner. 

In Washington an excited and happy Theodore Roosevelt 
rushed to congratulate Mrs. Lodge as soon as he received 
dear old Cabot's wire telling him of the result. Still ex 
cited, he dashed off a gushing note to Nahant: "I am glad of 
your triumph, first, for your own sake, next for the sake of 
honest government, and because of the premium thus put 
upon integrity, ability, industry, and a high standard of 
public morality. . . . Hail, friend!" 

In New York George William Curtis sat down at his edi 
tor's desk at Harpers Weekly and wrote: 

Had Lodge remained true to his standards ... he would have 
struggled hard to preserve the political traditions of his state; he 
would have fought to the bitter end to keep his party in Massa 
chusetts free from machine rule . . . but, instead, it was he who 
introduced and developed machine methods in government; he 
pressed upon the legislature a "gerrymandering" scheme from 
the shamelessness of which even his followers recoiled; he de 
voted himself to the running of caucuses and conventions like an 
old machine hand. Had he given the ability and time and labor 
he squandered in the miserable business of machine building . . . 
to the earnest study and treatment of public questions ... he 
would then have sat in the Senate with a consciousness of dignity 
and independence, owing his position to his own worth, unham 
pered by any obligation to greedy henchmen, and free to do his 
best for the welfare of the people. 

In the face of this, Lodge (who, as Henry Adams put it, 
had "the misfortune of becoming not only a Senator but a 
Senator from Massachusetts" ) was not unduly discouraged. 
Washington, even in a depression, was a pleasant place and 
his home on Massachusetts Avenue, with its rose gardens and 


its library, was the center of its most delightful aspects. There 
were rides and walks to be enjoyed along beautiful Rock 
Creek with his cronies, all men of culture like himself, and 
many of them politically aware. 

It was better than being a professor at Harvard, better 
even than being a lion in Boston. Here one could be a na 
tional figure, with his hand deep in stirring events. "What 
funnily varied lives we do lead, Cabot!" Theodore wrote at 
about this time. "We touch two or three different worlds, 
each profoundly ignorant of the others. Our literary friends 
have but a vague knowledge of our actual political work; 
and a goodly number of our sporting and social acquaint 
ances know us only as men of good family, one of whom 
rides hard to hounds, while the other hunts big game in the 
Rockies," There was going to be more political and less 
literary work from now on for both, and less riding to hounds 
and hunting in the Rockies, as these scholars in politics 
reached out for the power and the glory they thirsted for. 

The Washington that Cabot Lodge knew and loved in the 
1890's was as nearly a little world unto itself as the Boston 
of his childhood. He and his friends set up a fence against 
the* crass and vulgar manifestations of democracy and drank 
their tea, sipped their Scotch, collected their books, and 
had their dinner parties and musicales without interference 
from that other world of Western Senators, of Populists, of 
Knights of Labor, of silver-voiced orators that was also 
Washington as the nineteenth century drew to its close. 
What a superior crowd they were! The dulcet Henry Adams, 
the chipper Cecil Spring-Rice, the bearded John Hay, the 
volatile Theodore Roosevelt, towering Tom Reed, the ex 
acting Elihu Root, and striving Albert Beveridge of Indiana. 

Gathered together in their fastidious homes they professed 
scorn for the alliance of big business and corrupt politicians 
that they saw all around them and convinced themselves 


that they were above this. Whenever Lodge looked in the 
mirror he saw a statesman* Marcus Aurelius Hanna was not 
his friend; neither was E. H. Harriman, the railroad tycoon. 
He had little patience with money-getting and equally lit 
tle understanding of the economic issues of the day. At heart 
both he and his closest friend, Roosevelt, were conservatives. 
Never once did they think that they need go very deeply be 
neath the surface to make this a better world; nothing funda 
mental had to be changed. Their only rebellion was against 
the older leadership of their party, not against the party 
itself or against anything for which it stood. 

No longer was Lodge interested in history for scholar 
ship's sake, but as a means to buttress his own arguments as 
he went about the business of making history on Capitol 
Hill. He had a reputation to maintain and he had already 
chosen the field for his new endeavors. The silver question, 
the tariff question, and other purely domestic problems af 
forded the drudgery of his work; the joy lay in foreign af 

At the outset of his Senatorial career, however, he could 
not escape involvement in the one burning domestic issue 
of the day. The financial panic which had gripped the coun 
try almost simultaneously with Cleveland's second occu 
pancy of the White House cried for immediate political ac 
tion. Not only politicians anxious for a whipping boy but 
the leading economists of the day seized upon the Silver 
Purchase Act of 1890 as major cause of the disaster which 
had been marked by the closing of banks, the driving of 
railroads and other industries into receivership, widespread 
unemployment, and the shaking of public confidence in busi 
ness and in government. From the banking centers of the 
East arose a great cry for the repeal of this iniquitous act and 
the immediate return to the single gold standard. These 
circles set up a cry for "dear money" which, in their opinion, 


was the only "sound money/' and they asserted that legis 
lative tinkering with exchange was an "immoral" act. Gold 
alone, they screamed, was the true money. 

With the Eastern bankers Senator Lodge begged to dif 
fer. Not then, nor for several years, was he a gold bug. He 
believed in the use of silver for currency along with gold, 
although he tempered this theory with the further belief 
that bimetallism was most workable if established on an in 
ternational scale. His hope was for a convention of the lead 
ing gold countries which would resolve the issue and place 
them jointly on a dual monetary standard. 

The Silver Purchase Act had been enacted only with the 
connivance of an Eastern cabal which had accepted it in order 
to enact the McKinley tariff and of a Southern clique which 
had gone in on the deal in order to sound the death knell 
of the Force Bill which Lodge had maneuvered through the 
House. The statute of limitations on political deals is elastic: 
in 1893, as far as the Silver Act was concerned, it had run 
out. President Cleveland was willing enough to have the 
depression blamed on a law passed by another than his own 
administration. At heart deeply conservative, he honestly be 
lieved that repeal would have a salutary effect, and soon after 
he took office he determined to call a special session of Con 
gress for this purpose. 

' Late that spring, however, the President's physicians in 
formed him that an ulcer in the roof of his mouth presented 
symptoms of malignancy that made necessary an immediate 
operation. This dictum presented Cleveland with a per 
sonal problem to be added to the political crisis which he 
faced. Vice President Adlai E. Stevenson was a stanch sil- 
verite. If news of the impending operation leaked out, fears 
of new economic uncertainty would at once assail the coun 
try. After all, who knew if Cleveland would survive the sur 
geon's knife? President Cleveland called Congress into ses- 


sion for August 7 and then, accompanied by a small party of 
friends, boarded a yacht ostensibly for a cruise. While the 
vessel steamed slowly in the calm waters of New York 
Harbor he submitted to the operation. By the time Congress 
met he had fully recovered and was able to send his message 
recommending repeal. 

Lodge's first action as a Senator was to introduce a reso 
lution calling for immediate action in regard to the law. 
There were other resolutions of a similar nature. At once the 
various interests began jockeying for position. Sectionalism 
rather than partisanship was to determine the drawing of 
the lines. The East, bulwark of the great financial interests, 
stood pitted against the West, where the silver mines were, 
and against the agrarian South, where the sentiment for 
free and unlimited coinage of silver was strong. But par 
tisanship as well as sectionalism played its full part once 
the lines were drawn. Three weeks after Congress convened 
the great fight started when the leader for the administration 
reported a House measure in the Senate. At once the silver 
Republicans and the "farmer" Democrats threw their al 
lied troops into the field. Talk was to be their weapon as a 
hitherto unprecedented filibuster got under way. 

Although Senator Lodge was soon to write a learned ar 
ticle for the 'North American Review on the dangers of "Ob 
struction in the Senate" he was not, at the start, averse to 
the tactics employed by the opponents of repeal. He well 
understood the political benefits arising from the cleavage 
within the Democratic ranks a split that was to contribute 
as much as anything toward keeping the Democratic Party 
out of power from 1896 to 1912. He even expressed himself 
as wishing fervently that the dissension might continue un 
abated, at least until after the fall election back home in 
Massachusetts. He had his wish. The filibuster lasted until 
the last week in October, during which time one Senator 


filled 100 double-columned pages of the Congressional Rec 
ord with a speech it took him seven days to deliver and Sena 
tor Stewart of Nevada crowded nearly 250 pages with his 
various verbal contributions. 

By September 21 Senator Lodge apparently felt that 
everything was safe in Massachusetts for the Republicans 
even if neither party had yet held its State Nominating Con 
vention, for he joined with Senators Hoar, Platt of Con 
necticut, Hill of New York, and Gallinger of New Hamp 
shire in a desperate effort to shut off the flow of words. Every 
proposal to close debate through majority action evoked 
another torrent of debate until finally, in exasperation, Lodge 
arose to tell the Senate that in his opinion "there is another 
right more sacred in a legislative body than the right of de 
bate, and that is the right to vote." This declaration caused 
Senator Teller of Colorado, one of the vocal advocates of 
silver, to reply that "there is nothing in the world more 
wicked and cruel than the majority; and governments are 
instituted and preserved to protect minorities against ma 
jorities. Majorities protect themselves." To this Lodge made 
no reply. 

It was not until October 24 that the Senate decided the 
time had come to exercise the sacred right to vote. It was 
said that when this decision was reached Senator Voorhees, 
the administration leader, suddenly looked ten years 
younger. During forty-nine of the past fifty-seven calendar 
days the Senate had been in session; it might have gone on 
indefinitely had not the administration used pressure to force 
into line enough silver Democrats to assure a vote. When 
this was finally accomplished, on October 30, the Repeal 
Bill was passed, 43 to 32 votes, and the Democratic Party, 
thai controlling administration, House, and Senate for the 
first time in thirty-two years, was on tie way out. 

Even as he was not completely convinced that only gold 


was pure, so was Lodge not wholly in favor of a high tariff 
in the year 1894. But the tendency of his thinking was more 
and more in the direction of both* Coming as he did from 
the industrial state of Massachusetts and owing his election 
to the Senate in no small measure to the machinations of 
high-tariff organizations, it is little wonder that he should 
espouse their cause. By April, he had rationalized his 
thoughts on the subject sufficiently to incorporate them in a 
speech, which he had widely distributed in Massachusetts. 
The tariff, Senator Lodge said after aptly quoting Car- 
lyle, was not merely a matter of dollars and cents but "in 
its largest sense" a part of a general theory and system of 
government which "in its farthest results may affect a na 
tion socially, morally, and politically/* Indeed it may "so 
modify the distribution of wealth as to give it a wider and 
better scope and by defending wages and standards of liv 
ing may influence the whole arrangement and growth of 
society r On the other hand, he warned, "a tariff policy in 
the usual and narrow sense, and especially from the stand 
point of a free-trader'* whose attitude of mind, he added, 
has "all the imperishable charm of springtime" "is purely 
an economic matter, a question of the pocket, of dollars and 
cents, and of the national method of doing business. In this 
latter aspect there is nothing sacred or moral about a tariff 
system." Having thus raised the issue to a level where it 
might be discussed by ii "scholar in politics" Senator Lodge 
prated at length, and with due recognition of Adam Smith, 
about the "pathway to be pursued by enlightened selfish-ness 
in its search for national prosperity." And then he asked: 

Are we to sit down with our great civilization and bring about 
free trade in order to be gradually overwhelmed by the labor 
of the tropics after a desperate struggle with the overcrowded 
people of our own race in Europe? Are we to be told that the 
laws of supply and demand, of buying in the cheapest and selling 


in tne clearest markets, are eternal truth and that everything 
would be right if we only adhered to them? Are we to accept 
these shattered dogmas and yield without a struggle to the ruin 
of our labor and the degradation of our standards of living? 

How well his argument fitted the imperialist pattern he 
was tracing! But there was more to it now than there had 
been before, when he had first raised his voice against im 
migration. There was now England, England which "took 
up free trade, not because she was suddenly convinced of 
its scientific truth and believed that it ought therefore to 
prevail, even if the heavens fell . . . but because she was 
satisfied that it would payl" 

Many of his friends were astounded at the bellicosity of 
his voice when he mentioned England. Some attributed his 
anti-British expressions to his desire to appease the great 
Irish vote in Boston, and undoubtedly this had much to do 
with it. To others it seemed only right that a true Yankee 
should scorn perfidious Albion. 

Within a week of his scornful attack upon Britain he was 
starting another agitation directed against that country. The 
revenue bill was up for discussion and to this measure he 
added a seemingly innocuous amendment. In effect his meas 
ure would have compelled England to go on a silver currency 
basis under threat of stopping trade with her if she did 
not. His amendment would have placed discriminatory 
duties on English goods, a tax upon American consumers of 
them. It was a bold, if futile, bid for the extreme protection 
ists, the silverites, and the Anglophobes. The New Jork 
Times felt that nothing more "shifty, frivolous, unstatesman- 
like or unscrupulous" had ever been suggested by a Con 
gressman, and that eminent newspaper was shocked that 
Speaker Tom Reed should lend it his encouragement. For 
tunately for the peace of nations, the amendment never came 
to a vote. 


These attacks on England were, in a way, manifestations 
of national growing pains. Senator Lodge, reading the fu 
ture, was laying his plans for the return to power of the 
Republican Party in 1896 (an event of which he felt reason 
ably sure) when nothing could stop his America from ex 
ercising its mature strength. 



Prophet and Imperialist 

IN THE year 1895, one of the most decisive in his life, Sena 
tor Henry Cabot Lodge was already a familiar figure on the 
Washington scene. He might be observed almost any day 
darting briskly from one committee room to another in the 
Capitol as he attended to his many affairs. He was a mem 
ber of the committees on Civil Service and Retrenchment, 
Education and Labor, Immigration, and the Organization, 
Conduct and Expenditure of the Executive Departments. 
Not for another year would he be given his coveted post 
on the Foreign Relations Committee but that did not deter 
him from expressing himself at the slightest provocation on 
all matters dealing with foreign affairs. Indeed, on no other 
subject was he more vocal. Not even the tariff or silver ab 
sorbed his time and attention as continuously. Playing at 
Statesman, he let his imagination roam across the Atlantic 
and the Pacific and rest possessively upon Cuba, Samoa, the 
Hawaiian Islands, and defensively upon Venezuela, which 
he would save from enslavement at foul British hands. 

For diversion there was scholarship. Between 1891 and 
1895 Cabot Lodge published four books. Of these only one 
was original in character, a brief history of the City of Bos 
ton. Two were collections of his speeches and essays. The 
fourth was done in collaboration with Theodore Roosevelt. 
Entitled Hero Tales of American History, it was designed 
for youthful readers and it "became, at least financially, one 
of his most successful efforts. But there was really very little 


time for the study, except as a place in which to prepare 
speeches. These always were done with care. When he read 
them in the Senate even those who never could agree with a 
thing he said were on hand to listen., for his literary skill was 
obvious and the way he brought in an apt allusion, a pat 
verse or two, and the manner in which he cited the classics 
as if they were personal friends, tickled the fancy of even 
the opposition roughnecks. 

If Mrs. Lodge was not quite the leader of Washington So 
ciety, she came very close to it, sharing that honor only with 
Mrs. Don Cameron, Henry Adams's confidante. To be rec 
ognized by either lady set one apart. Nannie Lodge had 
more time now to devote to society and to checking the 
sources of her husband's speeches. Their daughter Con 
stance had become engaged to Augustus Peabody Gardner 
in the autumn of 1891 and had married the wealthy cattle 
breeder and polo enthusiast from Essex County the follow 
ing June. In 1894 she was to give the Lodges their first grand 
child. .Her brothers, too, were growing up. John was be 
ing tutored for Harvard and George Cabot Lodge, who 
was known to the family and all his friends as "Bay," was 
already showing signs of becoming a poet, although he was 
not to be graduated from Harvard until that June. 

On Capitol Hill, Senator Lodge was still considered cold 
and austere by his fellow politicians. Most of them felt 
towards him as did Pettigrew of South Dakota. One day 
that pungent Senator, annoyed at being checked up on some 
points of logic by the gentleman from Nahant, paid his re 
spects to the latter by interjecting: "Mr. President, I pause 
to remark that the Senator from Massachusetts is in some re 
spects like the soil of his native state highly cultivated but 
very thin." Such friends as Adams, Reed, Roosevelt, and a 
very few others addressed him as Cabot. To everyone else 
in Washington he was invariably "Mr. Lodge." In public his 


self-assurance, heightened by his bright blue eyes and his 
cocky Vandyke beard, irritated many o his colleagues, but 
in his own home, or among close friends, he was kind and 
gracious. When young Gushing Stetson, John's tutor, ar 
rived home between eleven and eleven-thirty at night he 
invariably found his employer reading in the book-lined li 
brary. After discussing the news of the day Lodge would 
start talking to the young man, and often his discourses on 
literature, history, poetry, or the English novel would go on 
until a score or more of books had been dragged down to 
buttress his didacticisms and the clock had struck two. Some 
times Stetson would surprise him in the midst of preparing 
a speech. With his hands behind his back, Lodge would be 
pacing up and down the library floor, forming his phrases 
out loud in his precise voice. His really important speeches 
he wrote out in longhand and then the library floor and 
tables would be littered with books from which he had 
filched the quotations that studded them as thickly as though 
they were essays by Hazlitt. When he delivered them he 
seldom had to refer to the prepared script, he knew them so 

During his first two years in the Senate those few people 
who expected great things of the scholar in politics had but 
little chance to make up their minds about him. On the credit 
side they could point to his advocacy of an International 
Copyright Law, to his apparently honest efforts for the civil 
service, and now, in January 1895, to his and Senator John 
T. Morgan's bill which was designed to take the consular 
service "out of politics. 7 * This last-named was an idea im 
posed upon Trim by Henry White through the intercession of 
Theodore Roosevelt. On the debit side was his uncertainty 
as to his own stand on silver. Many a Boston banker would 
have felt happier ,if he would only stop flirting with the in 
ternational bimetallists. And many a New England manu- 


f acturer wondered if lie really were as sound on the tariff 
as lie pretended to be. 

In die meantime Captain Mahan was advocating the an 
nexation of Hawaii, not only as a naval necessity but also 
as the "first fruit and a token that the nation in its evolution 
has aroused itself to the necessity of carrying its life . . . 
beyond the borders that heretofore have sufficed for its ac 
tivities/* Lodge read and noted the article with satisfaction, 
and sniffed when his one-time friend, Carl Schurz, pointed 
out that the United States was only inviting attack by acquir 
ing vulnerable outposts. 

Senator Lodge spent the following summer at Nahant re 
freshing himself on the history of Hawaii and pondering the 
problems of American imperialism. He was startled to read 
in the newspapers that the United States warships, long sta 
tioned at Hawaii, had been withdrawn. He smelled real 
trouble and laid his plans accordingly. He does not appear 
to have expressed himself publicly on the matter at this time, 
but he kept in close touch with the situation and apparently 
learned of secret goings-on among the Queen's men. He was 
ready to let go a blast when Congress met again. For one 
thing he had rediscovered the Monroe Doctrine, that sum 
mer, and had appropriated it for his own use. 

On December 22 Lodge arose in the Senate and opened 
fire. His career as imperialist began that afternoon. Did not 
the interests of the United States and its citizens require the 
presence of at least one war vessel at all times in the harbor 
of Honolulu? Let the Secretary of the Navy answer that 
question. He then picked from his desk a copy of a letter 
which Rear Admiral J. G. Walker had written while bringing 
the 17.S.S. Philadelphia back to the United States. As Ad 
miral Walker had left Honolulu Harbor he had noted that a 
British warship remained behind. What was the purpose of 
this, if it were not part of a surreptitious plot on the part of 


England to seize the "ripe pear," or at least to restore the 
fallen monarchy, while American backs were turned? Let 
America beware. The Queen and the British were plotting 
and very soon a royalist uprising would rend the islands 
again. Having sowed the seeds of suspicion, Mr. Lodge sat 

Whether Lodge actually knew, or only suspected, the ex 
istence of a "royalist plot" is a matter of conjecture, but on 
January 7, heartened by Cleveland's previous assertion that 
"we have no right to meddle in the domestic affairs" of Ha 
waii, a small group of rebels attempted to seize the govern 
ment. After a skirmish on the beach they were arrested by 
the Honolulu police. Because of lack of modern communica 
tions word of this did not immediately reach Washington. 

On January 9, President Cleveland, who, Lodge felt, was 
despicably susceptible to British influences, sent a special 
message to Congress suggesting that the Hawaiians be al 
lowed to lease uninhabited Necker Island to England as a 
way station for the proposed telegraph cable between Can 
ada and Australia. He could have done nothing better cal 
culated to stir the ire of the Senator from Massachusetts. 

For the past six years Lodge and others had advocated 
the laying of an American cable to Hawaii and here was 
the President of the United States ignoring that patriotic 
necessity and making it easy for England to get there first. 
The implications of treachery were enormous. Six years be 
fore, even the British Minister had admitted the islands were 
"thoroughly American." Why should the British control the 
only means of fast communication to them? Add to this 
Cleveland's expressed desire to withdraw from the tripartite 
Samoan alliance and you had in the White House a very 
dangerous man. 

While Lodge was stewing in his study over what his 
friend Theodore called "Cleveland's base betrayal of our 


interests abroad" word came of the abortive royalist rebel 
lion. Not only did this set Lodge up as a prophet of sorts 
but it confirmed his worst suspicions of a British plot. The 
quick despatch of the Philadelphia to the scene was not 
enough. Nor was he alone in his anxiety. An aroused Senate 
was flooded with resolutions calling for immediate annexa 
tion. Presenting his own demand (in which he inserted a 
plea for prompt action towards constructing an American 
cable to the islands 7 capital) he warned against "any other 
government" being allowed, at any cost, to obtain "a foot 
hold upon any part of the Hawaiian Islands/' The Senate, 
however, refused to be stampeded and on January 25 re 
affirmed its previous policy of nonintervention and in gen 
eral upheld President Cleveland's stand. 

Senator Lodge was not to win his fight for annexation 
while Cleveland remained as President. But he did not sur 
render. On February 9 the Senate took up consideration of 
the Diplomatic and Consular Appropriations Bill to which 
had been attached an amendment providing half a mil 
lion dollars to help defray the cost of constructing the much- 
debated cable. This was adopted by the Senate without ap 
preciable debate but it ran into difficulties in the House. 
President Cleveland let word get abroad that he would veto 
the bill if it passed with the cable amendment, since he, like 
Secretary Foster, felt it was contrary to American traditions 
for the government to intervene in private enterprise. Nor 
would he lend his support to "boom the annexation craze." 

Definitely determined not to let the President lie down 
before the British Empire, Senator Lodge prepared a fiery 
speech which, in angry tones, he delivered in the Senate on 
March 2. Even if it meant an extra session or "ten extra 
sessions" the gentleman from Massachusetts was deter 
mined that the bill must be passed. 

"I would never vote to strike out that cable as the first 


step toward the development of American commerce/' he 
declared, "toward the taking of what belongs as of right to 
the American people in their onward march." 

He then delivered an exposition on sea power as one of 
the controlling forces in history and, applying it to the United 
States, said: "Sea power consists in the first place of a proper 
navy and a proper fleet; but in order to sustain a navy we 
must have suitable ports for naval stations, strong places 
where a navy can be protected and refurnished." At this 
point he unfurled a huge map of the world on which in 
brilliant red Maltese crosses were marked the far-flung naval 
stations of England on both sides of the North American con 
tinent. Pointing to the British stations at Vancouver and in 
the Falkland and Fiji Islands, he cried out: 

"In that great triangle marked by these three points Great 
Britain does not hold a naval station. There in the center 
of that triangle, heart of the Pacific, where I am now point 
ing, lie the Sandwich Islands. They are the key of the Pa- 

Senator Lodge then deprecated any thought that Great 
Britain desired war with the United States, but since we 
were her "natural commercial rival," and since she had al 
ways "opposed and thwarted" the United States, we must be 
on our guard and take advantage of the opportunity to 
strengthen our position against her in the Pacific. 

Senator Lodge had not begun his Senate speech without 
due preparation. For several weeks he had been busy work 
ing out his thesis for an article entitled *Our BlunderMg 
Foreign Policy" for the North American Review, which was 
even then in the hands of its subscribers. He justified his 
own imperialism. "We have a record of conquest, coloniza 
tion, and territorial expansion (Westward as Washington 
taught!) unequalled by any people in the 19th Century.** 
After taking a pot shot at Canada, which, he said, had never 


lost any opportunity of injuring us, lie reached his climax, 
which, as far as he could shape it, was to become the foreign 
policy of the United States within three years. 

Not to the south should we move, but "from the Rio 
Grande to the Arctic Ocean there should be but one flag and 
one country. Neither race nor climate forbids this extension 
and every consideration of national growth and national 
welfare demands it. In the interests of our commerce and 
of our fullest development we should build the Nicaraguan 
Canal and for the protection of that canal and for the sake 
of our commercial supremacy in the Pacific we should 
control the Hawaiian Islands and maintain our interest in 
Samoa. England has studded the West Indies with strong 
places which are a standing menace to our Atlantic sea 
board. We should have in those islands at least one strong 
naval station and when the Nicaraguan Canal is built, the 
island of Cuba, still sparsely settled and of almost unbounded 
fertility, will become to us a necessity. Commerce follows 
the flag, and we should build up a Navy strong enough to 
give protection to Americans in every quarter of the globe 
and sufficiently powerful to put our coasts beyond the possi 
bility of attack." 

In spite of his impassioned plea Hawaii ceased temporar 
ily to be a political issue and the Senate went on to other 

The adjournment of Congress found Senator Lodge back 
in Nahant girding himself for the great battle which he well 
knew would get under way when Congress met again in 
December. This was to be over the long-contested issue of 
the Venezuela-British Guiana boundary. Briefly, the dispute 
was this: Several years previous, Venezuela had suspended 
diplomatic relations with Great Britain as a result of the 
larger nation's arbitrary drawing of the boundary line. The 
United States had offered to arbitrate, but each time had 


met with rebuffs. Since 1884 Great Britain had stiffly re 
fused to do anything. 

In May, Secretary Gresham died and a few weeks later 
President Cleveland induced his Attorney General, Richard 
Olney, to become Secretary of State. When Senator Lodge 
heard of this he wrote: "As long as Cleveland is obliged to 
take a man in sympathy with his foreign policy, he could 
not do better. Olney is a gentleman, a man of training and 
education, and a very able lawyer/* Olney was all that; he 
was also a lonely, puritanical, despotic New Englander, and 
a corporation lawyer who had always been a Democrat, like 
his father before him, less because of any deep-rooted love 
for the principles of Thomas Jefferson than because of an 
inherent Yankee contrary-mindedness. He was a man of 
action, who had won wide approval among the comfortable 
classes for his ruthless advice to Cleveland to break the rail 
road strike on the ground that United States mail must go 
through. He knew nothing about foreign affairs when he 
became Secretary of State but he was not at all averse to 
learning quickly and dangerously. 

In the opinion of Senator Lodge, whose attitude towards 
Hawaii perhaps made him an expert in such matters, it 
would be hard to find "a worse case of land-grabbing from 
an inoffensive state 9 * than England's encroachment upon 
Venezuela. He spent the early part of June studying the 
matter and preparing another article for the North Ameri 
can Review. He had two purposes in mind. As he wrote his 
friend Henry White: "I wanted first to call attention to the 
facts but little known here, and second to pave the way for 
a stiff declaration of the Monroe Doctrine "by the next Con 
gress. You know that has never been done. The next Congress 
will do it and we shall serve notice on the world that we 
shall regard infringement of the Monroe Doctrine as an act 
of hostility .* Since these belligerent words were written in 


a private letter to a close friend they may be taken as proof 
that in the summer of 1895 Henry Cabot Lodge was spoiling 
for a fight with England. No other nation then was in a 
position to threaten the integrity of the Monroe Doctrine, 
whether strictly or loosely construed. 

At the same time President Cleveland and Mr. Olney 
were studying the Monroe Doctrine on their own account 
and the blunt and vigorous President had come to the con 
clusion, as a logical isolationist, that the time was at hand 
to check sharply any imperialistic designs on the Western 
Hemisphere of Great Britain or any other European power. 
On July 20 Mr. Olney sent his famous message to Lord 
Salisbury which Cleveland called his "twenty-inch gun" 
in which he asserted that any attempt at a forcible rati 
fication of the Venezuela boundary would be a violation of 
the Monroe Doctrine. His words had the unmistakable ring 
of authority when he declared that "today the United States 
is practically sovereign on this continent, and its fiat is law 
upon the subjects to which it confines its interposition." 
Lord Salisbury was somewhat taken aback. 

In the meantime the ladies of the Lodge and Adams 
menages had been putting their heads together, preparing 
for a trip abroad. "The Lord only knows what has induced 
the Senator from Massachusetts to go over with wife and 
sons, to Europe, where he has not been these five and 
twenty years, and which he detests almost as much as I 
do/' sighed Henry Adams, *Tbut go he will, and probably he 
will revisit the dreary old capitals as though he were still 
twenty, and as though Napoleon III were still reigning/* 

The 'little family party," Senator and Mrs. Lodge, their 
two sons, Henry Adams, and Mrs. Brooks Adams, who was 
Mrs. Lodge's sister, arrived in London before the middle of 
July. Never one to waste time, the Senator at once plunged 
into a round of activities which left him little opportunity 


for sight-seeing. He dined with the Curzons, met the 
Asquiths, lunched with Balfour. With journalists and poli 
ticians of every stripe he talked about bimetallism and grew 
more confused than ever on the subject when Joseph Cham 
berlain on one day told him that silver was on the agenda 
of that great man's party and on the next the Duke of Dev 
onshire said he suspected very little would be heard of the 
subject after the general election. He chatted with the Duke 
of Sutherland, with Sir Edward Grey and Lord Lansdowne 
and with Mrs. Humphry Ward, whom he found "pleasanter 
a good deal than her books." Everywhere he listened to con 
versations as various as the breeze and before he left Eng 
land, as Adams remarked, he had seen and known the great 
and virtuous British statesmen, both Radicals and Tories, 
and had had a wonderful time. "He that kicks the Britisher 
gets his reward," Adams chuckled. "Cabot is treated with the 
utmost civility." As Cabot himself wrote to Theodore (who 
was having a delightful time being Police Commissioner of 
New York that summer), "I have seen pretty much all the 
interesting men." 

For a month Lodge "dawdled about in country houses" 
and went to "bimetallic symposia" and kept in touch with 
affairs back home through die columns of The Times of 
London and letters from Theodore. The thing that most 
impressed him was the growth of the United States. "You 
feel it here better than at home and oh, how glad I am 
to be an American!" His mind was constantly on politics. 
When he heard rumors to the effect that Cleveland had 
beaten him to the draw on the Monroe Doctrine he wrote, 
"We should beat him to death on the third-term issue." He 
worried about Roosevelt's political situation and he kept 
constantly in mind his scheme for making Tom Reed Presi 
dent in 1896. He grew angry when he read in The Times 
"that there is no general interest in the United States in the 


Monroe Doctrine, that only a few jingoes talk about Ven 
ezuela, that there really is no objection among our people 
to England's going there, that the Irish brogue can be read 
in every line about Trinidad/' and rushed off orders for 
Theodore to have a good talk with George W. Smalley, the 
American correspondent of the Thunderer, and put him 

Even in Paris, whence the group went after a month in 
England, he could not refrain from indulging in politics and 
wrote happily that he had met two Americans who wanted 
"a strong foreign policy." But once Adams got him away 
from the city he doffed his Senatorial toga and became the 
charming travel companion that he had been a quarter of 
a century before when he and Nannie had been on their 
honeymoon. Henry Adams has given a delightful picture 
of him at this time. "The Abbey is marvelous," he wrote his 
friend Elizabeth Cameron, "we passed our time wholly in 
enjoying it from all sorts of points and passed hours study 
ing the details of the church, and the perfection of its taste. 
The boys dragged me up and down walls and moats, cliffs 
and beaches, and Cabot beamed with satisfaction in history. 
He ought to have been professor at Harvard College, as I 
meant him to be when I educated him. He showed it at 
Mont St. Michel where the church is not so religious as 
military. . . 

"Bay Lodge is a very good fellow, with illusions and am 
bitions and an exaggerated idea of Parisian standards. John 
is less sympathetic and more commonplace, and much too 
old for his years. Their father is a sort of elder brother to 
them, and all three are so young that the weary world stops 
in its orbit to wonder at them. John alone approaches nine 
teen. They are pleasant companions, fresh, intelligent and 
good natured." 

It was while in Paris in mid-September that he wrote 


Theodore a most prophetic letter. "I am a fair judge of 
political forces/' he boasted; "I am no dreamer either about 
you or myself, . . . There are to be two Republican Senators 
from New York soon one very soon. There is a good 
chance for you to get the first one ... I do not say you are 
to be President tomorrow. I do not say it will be I am 
sure that it may and can be." 

After France the Lodges went to Spain to look the situa 
tion over. The people and the landscape "desolate dreary 
plains and here and there a dying town" depressed and 
repelled him. He found the Spanish were "beaten, broken 
and out of the race, and are proud and know it.** In Madrid 
he talked cautiously with the Spanish Premier about the sit 
uation in Cuba. He found the Spanish in a "state of mind" 
and "dreadfully afraid that we shall intervene" and recog 
nize Cuban belligerency. Of course, Lodge was in favor of 
such action. Spain made him want to get back to the United 
States. "I love that great land of mine across the sea so 
much better than anything else!" he said, from the heart. 

Back again in Paris Lodge heard the news that Great 
Britain had no intention of allowing the Venezuela matter 
to be arbitrated. This put him on pins and needles, as he 
said, to get home. "If we allow England to invade Venezuela 
nominally for reparation . . . really for territory our su 
premacy in the Americas is over. I am worried and angry 
beyond words at what I see. England is simply playing 
America for what she can get." 

Early in November he recrossed the Channel and pre 
pared to return home. But before he embarked he gave a 
long interview to the London Chronicle in which he re 
defined the Monroe Doctrine for the edification of the 
British public. Once more he predicted that Congress would 
formally declare by resolutions of both Houses that the Doc 
trine was an integral part of the policy of the United States, 


to be maintained at all hazards. The following day the cor 
respondent of the New York Times cabled: "Senator Lodge's 
exposition of the Monroe Doctrine has not profoundly inter 
ested the British public/' A day later the Senator sailed 
for home. 




The War Hawks 

THE country was startled and excited after reading Presi 
dent Cleveland's special message to Congress on December 
17, 1895. In this he asked for the immediate creation of a 
special commission which would study all the facts in the 
case and decide exactly where the Venezuelan boundary 
lay. His words were stern and stubborn. "When such a re 
port is made and accepted it will, in my opinion, be the duty 
of the United States to resist by every means in its power, 
as a wilful aggression upon its rights and interests, the 
appropriation by Great Britain of any land or the exercise 
of governmental jurisdiction over any territory which 
after investigation we have determined of right belongs to 

Those were words to please the most bellicose jingo. 
They gratified Senator Lodge. Those were brave ( or boast 
ful) words coming from a commander in chief who had at 
his disposal an army of 27,160 men and officers compared 
to Great Britain's 155,455, and two battleships (second 
class) to Britain's forty-four! But Mr. Cleveland, of course, 
had left himself a way out: he threatened nothing until after 
a report had been made and accepted. Nevertheless, he had 
spoken up to England in a way that thrilled the American 
soul. When the message was read to the Senate that august 
body cast aside its traditional reserve and the chamber rang 
with applause. The Republicans were even more hearty than 
the members of Mr. Cleveland's own party. In the House 
the message evoked loud cheers. 


The message was hardly on the telegraph wires before 
stocks began tumbling on all the exchanges and America 
was in for its worst war scare in many years. While the first 
headlines screamed, Representative Robert P. Hitt of Illinois^ 
chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, was introducing 
his resolution calling for the commission and appropriating 
$100,000 to its use. The debate was brief, fervent, and ring- 
ingly patriotic. Within two days, having been approved by 
the House, the bill was placed before the Senate. 

In the excitement of the moment, Senator Lodge remem 
bered his adage that when it came to foreign affairs he 
always placed his country's weal above party consideration. 
He did so now, eloquently. Not in the entire Senate was 
there a more ardent supporter of the Democratic President 
than this Republican. Cleveland was a humorless man; 
otherwise, even at so tense a moment, he must have been 
amused to find Lodge, whom he despised, rushing to his 
defense. But Cleveland was saying now, in statesmanlike 
terms, what Lodge had said so waspishly the previous 
spring. It called for little charity on the Senator's part to 
say that he "cordially agreed" with the President's message. 
After all it was only "the right, the sound, the American 
position for the United States to take." That being the case, 
what was now "of the utmost importance is that we should 
show to the world that we are united, without distinction 
of party or section, in support of the policy which the mes 
sage outlines. We should be able to say, as Webster said 
in the House of Representatives, that our politics stop at the 
water's edge, and that when we come to deal with a foreign 
question we deal with it simply as Americans!" 

Senator Lodge sneered at the charge made in the British 
newspapers and in that "small part of the British press 
which is published in New York City" that the Venezuela 
affair was "a matter of politics." "That is the most mistaken 


view ever uttered/* lie declared, without true regard for the 
facts of the national temper. "The American people, without 
distinction, believe in the maintenance of the Monroe Doc 
trine and are prepared to uphold it at any cost/* The 
commission was not to act as a board of arbitration, he 
warned, but to inform the United States "on what line they 
ought to stand when they prepare to resist further aggres 
sions on American soil." He did not say, however, when 
such aggression would take place, nor by whom. 

There should be no delay in getting this report, the Sena 
tor said. He himself had examined every map and document 
in the case, and it should not take the commission more than 
five months to do likewise. "We want nothing indefinite 
about the commission. We want them to report as soon as 
possible, and then we will sustain the Monroe Doctrine with 
all the strength of the Republic!" 

In his haste Senator Lodge ignored an important political 
implication. But Senator Sherman, who was not deceived 
into thinking that politics had nothing to do with the case, 
did not. It was never out of his mind that, should the affair 
lead to a glorious war with England, the credit for this de 
sirable state would go to a Democrat! That this might be 
forestalled he urged that the bill be sent to the Foreign 
Relations Committee for further study, and when it promptly 
came back, Senator Lodge s time limit had been dropped. 
By that time Lodge, reminded of the election that was less 
than a year away, had seen his error and no longer pressed 
the point. If war was inevitable it was better to have it 
prosecuted with the right party in power. The bill creating 
the commission was signed by President Cleveland just five 
days after he had asked that it be set up. 

On the whole the country rallied arotmd Cleveland and 
inferentially around Senator Lodge. Cleveland's stand was, 
after all, as Theodore Roosevelt quicHy pointed out, a *Ve- 


markable vindication" of Lodge's point of view. "Let the 
fight come if it must," the Police Commissioner wrote the 
Senator. "I don't care whether our sea coast cities are bom 
barded or not; we would take Canada." This was a private 
expression of what was a popular belief among those whom 
Mr. Godkin called the "mostly ignorant and completely se 
cluded" democracy, whose great contempt for history and 
experience was urging the country at this moment to use 
its great strength against "anyone who comes along" and 
"without knowing how to do it/' 

The bankers howled in anguish and deluged Senator 
Lodge's office with telegrams and letters of reproach written 
in terms, as Henry Adams said, that no Copperhead in 1861 
surpassed. State Street was frantic, the anger of "the Har 
vard crowd" was great, and Boston's year-old Twentieth 
Century Club violated its own constitution for the first and 
only time in history to register its unanimous protest. Henry 
Higginson "raged and whined and threatened" but Sen 
ator Lodge was not perturbed. He knew that if it were not 
Venezuela now it would be Cuba in the spring or Canada 
at some other time. 

Bubbling with excitement, the Senator would not let the 
matter rest. On December 30 he was ready once more to 
lecture the Senate on his favorite theme. For one hour that 
afternoon he held the attention of his colleagues of both 
political faiths, and the crowded galleries. The only inter 
ruptions were from certain spellbound Democrats, who, 
obviously impressed with his words, asked pointed questions 
designed to strengthen his stand. His speech is important 
in that it set forth the dual belief in isolationism and im 
perialism on which was founded the philosophy of the ex 
pansionists. As usual Senator Lodge called up the spirits 
of George Washington (who would "form no entangling 
alliances and take no part in the affairs of Europe") and of 


Thomas Jefferson (who urged "America, North and South'* 
to have "a system of her own, separate and apart from that 
of Europe") to buttress his own arguments. "The words of 
Jefferson," he said, "may be commended to those who think 
the operations of a foreign power in South America of less 
importance than the temporary price of stocks." 

England, of course, was the villain of his piece. He com 
pared her action in claiming territory in Venezuela, to 
which, he said, she had no just claim, to "seizing and hold 
ing new territory in the Americas by right of conquest." 
This was an absolute violation of the Monroe Doctrine and 
its only purpose was to give- Great Britain "control of the 
Spanish Main and make tie Caribbean Sea little more than 
a British lake." 

"For thirty years," he said, "the American people have 
been absorbed in healing the ravages of civil war and in 
completing the conquest of the great continent which was 
our heritage. That work is done. The American people have 
begun to turn their eyes to those interests of the United 
States which lie beyond our borders and yet so near our 

As a sort of afterthought he deprecated hostility with 
Great Britain, whom he termed the "aggressor" in this case. 
On the whole he was far more cautious than usual in his 
references to England, but still it was, in effect, an inflam 
matory speech. Possibly, in spite of his bombast, he really 
expected no war and hoped that after a certain amount of 
necessary bluster England would submit the question to 
arbitration. Anyone as close as he was to the state of the 
American Navy must have been a little frightened at the 
possibility of a fight, but there is no question that Senator 
Lodge believed that only through the fire of conflict at 
some time could the United States reach the state of great 
ness he desired. All his previous twistings of the Lion's tail 


had been acts for the amusement of the home folks. Now 
he was speaking to the world. Too cynical to have the trust 
in Providence that Cleveland professed, he knew he was 
playing a dangerous game. Nor was he alone. Professor 
Woodrow Wilson emerged from his study of history to 
praise the President's stand. Theodore Roosevelt, Elihu 
Root, Henry Adams, and many others believed with Cleve 
land and Lodge that the national honor and the national 
future demanded of the government strong words backed 
by conviction. 

Even as Senator Lodge was pouring forth his hour-long 
peroration in the Senate, events were transpiring in distant 
parts of the world in the old European world of which 
we were, and should be, no part which lent some credence 
to the widely held belief that we were being led to our 
manifest destiny by the hand of God. Had they not occurred 
we might very well have been forced, by the passion of our 
patriotism and the fiery words of our statesmen like Senator 
Lodge, into a position where we, who were so unprepared 
for battle, would have had to fight. Luckily, there was South 
Africa and the German Kaiser. 

Just three days after Senator Lodge's address a small 
group of Englishmen raided Jamestown in the Transvaal in 
the hopes of fomenting an uprising against the Boer State. 
On January S the Kaiser publicly congratulated President 
Kruger for repelling with his own forces and without appeal 
"to the help of friendly powers" the armed forces which had 
"broken into your country/* In the shock of surprise that 
followed Wilhelm's bold if undiplomatic utterance Eng 
land's minor quarrel with the United States over an obscure 
jungle boundary suddenly seemed of puny significance to 
the English. The danger of a cisatlantic war disappeared 
overnight. British foreign policy changed with the snap of 
the Kaiser's finger. Joseph Chamberlain urged upon the 


Prime Minister the necessity of "coining to terms" with 

It was Chamberlain who expressed the new British stand: 
"We do not covet one single inch of American territory. 
War between the two nations would be an absurdity and a 
crime. The two nations are . . . more closely allied in senti 
ment and in interest than any other nations on the face of 
the earth. While I should look with horror upon anything 
in the nature of a fratricidal strife, I should look forward 
with pleasure to the possibility of the Stars and Stripes and 
the Union Jack floating together in the defense of a common 
cause sanctioned by humanity and justice." 

To the very end of the argument Lord Salisbury insisted 
that the United States should never have raised the contro 
versial issue of the Monroe Doctrine. But he was convinced 
of the dangers inherent in the dispute and, within a few 
weeks of Mr. Chamberlain's telling speech, his government 
and that of Venezuela agreed, in principle, to arbitrate. 

Senator Lodge read one morning in the newspapers that 
the Danish government was willing to sell its possessions in 
the West Indies, as well as that ill-defined and mysterious 
island lying in the sea of ice between Baffin Bay and the 
Arctic Archipelago Greenland. Although nobody else 
seemed to care, Senator Lodge at once pounced upon the 
item like the wire-haired terrier of which he reminded so 
many people. His excited yelps became even shriller when 
he read further, in the unconfirmed newspaper story, that 
Denmark might very well consider a bid from Germany 
if the United States showed no interest. In short order he 
prepared and introduced in the Senate a resolution demand 
ing an immediate investigation. 

As Senator Lodge very well understood, American inter 
est in the West Indies islands was nothing new. Secretary 
Seward, impressed during the Civil War with the need for an 


American naval coaling station there., had 'literally teased" 
Denmark in 1867 into agreeing to sell the islands of St. 
Thomas and St. John for $7,500,000. A plebiscite in the is 
lands had shown that a majority of voting natives favored an 
nexation with the United States and the King of Denmark ac 
cordingly had released them from his sovereignty. For a 
variety of reasons, including a rather widespread belief that 
Mr. Seward had made a bad bargain in buying a useless "ice 
berg" called Alaska, the Senate not only declined to sanction 
the treaty of sale but even refused to discuss it. Political 
partisanship, of course, was at the bottom of this insult 
to friendly Denmark. When Grant became President that 
eminent statesman would not take up the matter, rudely 
washing his hands of it on the ground that it was an "affair 
of SewardY' with which he would have nothing to do. At 
that time proponents of the treaty made the same argument 
Senator Lodge was now to repeat: the United States would 
be in a most awkward position should Denmark decide 
to sell to another power. We either would have had to 
repudiate the Monroe Doctrine or to invoke it on behalf 
of the very islands which the Senate would not let us 

Burning as he was with expansionist fever, Senator Lodge 
told the Senate that "we need more than ever today" the 
same coaling station that Mr. Seward had failed to obtain. 
After his usual lecture on American history he said, Tit is in 
the interest of the United States that no opportunity should 
be offered for any of the great powers of Europe to secure 
additional territory in tie Americas." Of course, the safe and 
sensible way to resist such a transfer, obviously a violation 
of the Monroe Doctrine, would be to take the islands now 
by "peaceable cession. 5 * And while we were about it, we 
should also take Greenland. In some future day that island 
would benefit us as much as Alaska. Not only would it afford 


us another base but we would find it "profitable in min 
erals" too. 

Few Senators and fewer journalists took Senator Lodge 
seriously. Particularly did his plea for the acquisition of 
Greenland fall upon deaf ears. He tried in vain to interest 
Secretary Olney in the project, but, as he later put it in an 
indignant note to President Roosevelt, "the idea was looked 
upon as a joke." Nevertheless, being blessed with true 
Yankee tenacity, the Senator did everything in his power 
to keep the subject alive. If he filed it away in 1896 he did 
not forget it. He reintroduced his resolution, still to no effect, 
in March 1897. But in 1902, he almost saw the sale com 
pleted. It received the approval of two thirds of the Senate 
only this time the Danish upper house, with poetic justice, 
rejected the treaty by a vote of one! 

While Senator Lodge was unsuccessfully seeking support 
for a realistic application of Captain Mahan's theory of how 
to make a great nation, the matter of Cuba, which had been 
momentarily forgotten in the excitement over Venezuela, 
again was brought to the attention of Congress. All at once 
a flood of resolutions descended upon both Houses demand 
ing recognition of Cuban belligerency, Cuban independence, 
and even calling for a war. At the same time many other 
bills were before the legislators requesting armaments, bat 
tleships, torpedo boats, the reorganization of the Army, 
coastal defenses, and other items of "national defense.** 

In Senator Lodge's name was an amendment to the gen 
eral fortifications bill proposing a $100,000,000 issue of coin 
bonds to be sold at popular subscription, the proceeds to be 
kept in the Treasury as a separate fund for coast defenses. 
As the Senator from a state that might expect any day to 
be bombarded, by whatever enemy it was we were prepar 
ing against, he could be expected to do no less. 

Early in February the Foreign Relations Committee put 


its seal o approval upon according belligerent rights to the 
Cuban insurgents and on February 20 the debate began. It 
was not long before the Senators had recklessly plunged 
into a discussion of the policies of the friendly kingdom of 
Spain in language "so inaccurate and so insulting" as to bring 
the debate, in the words of Walter Millis, "to the verge of 
simple blackguardism/' 

Senator Lodge, who was once described as "that cautious 
firebrand/* did not join in the general billingsgate. He was, 
as usual, too much of a gentleman for that. Ever the scholar, 
even in the midst of the alarms of war, he would preface 
his remarks by quotation. To Lodge, who knew, his Milton, 
"among all the Spanish-American colonies Cuba was the 
Abdiel; 'among the faithless faithful only he . . .* Her reward 
was the title 'Faithful Cuba* and that was the only reward 
she ever received." Having paid his aptly allusive tribute 
to the island he became realistic again: "Our immediate 
pecuniary interests in the island are very great. They are 
being destroyed. Free Cuba would mean a great market for 
the United States; it would mean an opportunity for Ameri 
can capital invited there by signal exemptions; it would 
mean an opportunity for the development of that splendid 
island.** That was not all. There was a broader political in 
terest in her fate: "She lies athwart the line which leads to 
the Nicaraguan canal!'* 

In this speech, at least, it appeared as if Senator Lodge 
favored freeing the Cubans. He did in public utterances. 
In private conversations, he expressed doubt that Cuba, if 
granted independence, would ever be able to set up a "stable 
government.** For that reason he felt that annexation was 
the necessary answer. In the confused and often ignorant 
debate which led, in April, to the Congressional recognition 
of a "condition of public war** in Cuba, he was frequently 
vocal. But even he succumbed to the Senatorial habit of 


loose speaking when lie quoted as an actual proclamation 
by General Weyler a newspaper guess as to what the General 
would probably say. Such proceedings disgusted his col 
league, the venerable Senator Hoar, who had been in Wash 
ington too long to be taken in. He knew that most of the 
commotion caused by his junior colleague and the other war 
hawks was "no proof of any disturbance in our foreign rela 
tions but that there is a presidential election at hand." 

Senator Hoar, of course, was speaking the truth. Senator 
Lodge, younger and far more cynical than the old man 
from Massachusetts, knew it too. He never for more than a 
moment forgot the political implications of anything. Par 
ticularly did he not forget them in 1896. 

Since they had first sat together in Congress in 1887 
Senator Lodge's admiration for Tom Reed had steadily 
grown. Upon more than one occasion, particularly after 
Lodge had gone to the Senate, they had teamed up in be 
half of legislation. The Democratic papers often spoke dis 
paragingly of the firm of Reed and Lodge, and the New 
York Times, whose editors still remembered the campaign 
of 1884, seldom referred to the latter without implying 
something evil in the relationship. They felt that Lodge 
exerted a corrupting influence upon his older friend. But 
even if Reed did consort with the renegade from Massachu 
setts there was no question that the powerful Speaker of 
the House deserved well of the party he had wholeheartedly 
served so many years. He had been faithful, he had a force 
ful character, his intellect was on a par with, if not above, 
his colleagues', and his wit was brilliant. Although it may 
not have been a political attribute, his friends, both young 
and old, delighted in his keen Yankee sense of humor. Fur 
thermore, he was not notoriously a war hawk. His attitude 
Awards England and Cuba was conservatively safe. His 
mental processes were closer to those of the Eastern busi- 


nessman than were those of his fervent admirer. As a 
potential candidate, though, he had one fault: he was not 
a friend of Mark Hanna. 

When it came to the Republican nomination Reed was a 
Barkis. He had or thought he had more friends than 
enemies. By March the political writers were taking his 
candidacy seriously. In the Senate, however, Lodge made 
little headway in finding active supporters for his cause. 
In New York young Roosevelt, already becoming bored with 
the Police Department and yearning for Washington again, 
was still at odds with "Boss" Platt and the Republican 
machine and he found it difficult to advance the cause of 
Reed. And there were moments, during the winter, when 
both became impatient with their friend. They suspected 
he could work a little harder to push the coastal defense 
bills through the House. They detected an inertia which 
they could not understand. 

"Upon my word/* Theodore burst out in March, "I do 
think that Reed ought to pay some heed to the wishes of 
you and myself. You have been his most effective supporter; 
and while my support does not amount to much, it has yet 
been given at a very serious cost to myself." 

But Reed was, as Henry Adams pointed out, a stubborn 
man, "too clever, too strong-willed and too cynical, for a 
bankers' party." By that he meant the Republican Party as 
now controlled by Mark Hanna. And Mr. Hanna, his hand 
deep in his pocket, had his own man in McKinley. 

Roosevelt wavered. Lodge remained firm. His support was 
not entirely sentimental. Nor was it unselfish. As the junior 
partner of the firm of Reed and Lodge, were luck to be with 
them, lie could name his reward. Everyone in Washington 
knew that if Reed went to Washington Mr. Lodge would 
go to the State Department. No other post would interest 
the rediscoverer of the Monroe Doctrine who had just been 


appointed to the Foreign Relations Committee. But the 
Reed boom did not gain momentum. Mr. Hanna kept taking 
his hand out of his pocket and in the South, and even in 
New England, people who had been talking Reed began 
talking McKinley. Mr. Hanna was a businessman and knew 
how to get results. He had more money than Senator Lodge. 
By early spring it was even doubtful if Reed could com 
mand the delegation from his own state. 

Although Lodge could not drum up much enthusiasm for 
his fat friend in the Senate cloakroom, he held Massachu 
setts in the hollow of his hand. When Lodge left Washington 
in late March to preside over the convention which was to 
name the delegates to the Republican National Convention, 
he knew no opposition worth mentioning awaited him. 

In a brief and orderly meeting, which was charged with 
a spirit of confidence, Senator Lodge was quickly chosen 
delegate at large and chairman of the delegation. Two of 
the other delegates at large were Curtis Guild, Jr., and 
Lodge's old friend, Eben S. Draper. A third was a silent, 
thin, whispering man, the head of a large paper factory at 
Dalton, Massachusetts, and reputedly very rich. This was 
to be his second National Convention. In die fall he was to 
be elected Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts. His name 
was Winthrop Murray Crane. All four were in favor of Tom 
Reed, as, indeed, were all but one of the twenty-six other 
delegates chosen that day. 

The Massachusetts delegates were among the first to 
arrive at St. Louis but even so they did not get there before 
Mark Hanna had appeared on the scene to take things in 
hand. This was to be Mr. Hanna's convention all the way 
through. He was to run it with an ir<m hand and make his 
candidate the party's choice. Senator Lodge who might 
have been the convention's chairman had not Speaker Reed's 
boom collapsed so miserably was to have a brief moment 


or two in the spotlight, but his first essay at President- 
making was an abject failure. 

Even before the arrival of the early birds on Saturday it 
had been decided by Mr. Hanna that the one dangerous 
issue confronting the party should be side-stepped as neatly 
as possible. This was the currency question. He and his 
junto were determined not to allow a rancorous debate over 
silver, the bete noire of the Easterners, to wreck the party's 
harmony. Having arranged everything with the peaceful 
nomination of Major William McKinley in mind, to be fol 
lowed by a quiet campaign in which the tariff would be the 
outstanding topic of discussion, it was not the Ohioan's 
' purpose to allow anything to happen which might perforce 
lead to a bolt of the silverites. And so the fateful word "gold" 
was not to be mentioned openly at all. Hanna and his pro 
tege felt that in good season both wings could be reconciled 
on an innocuous plank supporting bimetallism. 

When Senator Lodge unpacked his bags in his rooms at 
the Southern Hotel on Sunday afternoon he was of an en 
tirely different mind than Boss Hanna. He had made it 
pretty clear before leaving Boston that he would do every 
thing in his power to have a "gold plank" written into the 
platform. Therefore, he hustled off for a conference with 
Boss Platt, the Senator from New York, whom he soon left, 
convinced that this estimable gentleman would back 
up Massachusetts in its insistence that the word "gold" 
be used. He then went to pay his respects to his friend 
Police Commissioner William Henry Osborne of Boston, 
who, by virtue of being McKinley's cousin, was in charge 
of the Ohio delegation. Cousin William showed Lodge two 
tentative drafts of the currency platform. Neither men 
tioned gold. 

In a determined mood Lodge hastened to the Hanna 
headquarters. Unceremoniously he burst into the room 


where Mr. Hanna, his nerves on edge from lack of sleep, 
sat in a dense cloud of cigar smoke perusing the speech 
which the temporary chairman, Charles W. Fairbanks, was 
to deliver at the opening session. Without further ado the 
impetuous gentleman from Massachusetts burst out: 

"Mr. Hanna, I insist upon a positive declaration for a 
gold-standard plank in the platform." 

The startled Hanna looked up and barked, "Who in hell 
are you?" 

"Senator Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts." 

"Well, Senator Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts, you 
can go plumb to hell. You have nothing to say about it." * 

Senator Lodge, who was not used to being talked to in 
this manner, must have been somewhat taken aback, but 
he retained presence of mind enough to threaten to take 
his fight for the gold standard to the floor of the convention. 
And this, of course, was exactly what Hanna wished to avoid. 
Hanna, however, was confident of his own ability to crush 
any opposition. He told Lodge to make his fight where he 
pleased, for he knew damned well that Massachusetts alone 
could not secure a vote. 

"No," the Senator said, "but Massachusetts will not be 

"I am informed otherwise," snapped Hanna, and the pain 
ful interview was over. 

H. H. Kohlsaat, the Chicago editor and newspaper pub 
lisher, who was present, was worried. He wanted to mollify 

* Quite a controversy raged for several years over the colloquy. 
H. H. Kohlsaat, who claims to have been present, is author of the 
above bit of pungent dialogue. (See Saturday Evening Post, May 28, 
1922; New York Times, May 28, 1922.) Senator Lodge denied it ever 
took place. Contemporary newspaper evidence seems to show that 
Hanna and Lodge met, before the convention opened, and had a ver 
bal row over the pkn. (See New t Jork Times, June 15, 1896; also 
Dunn, From Harrison to Harding, and James B. Morrow in Washing 
ton Sunday Star, December 15, 1918.) 


the Senator by showing him the plank which Hanna had 
accepted, but the Ohio boss growled. "You cannot trust the 
blankety-blank man," he said. "He will give the plank to 
the press." The trusting editor, however, insisted, and chas 
ing after Senator Lodge let him not only see but make a 
copy of the plank. In some manner it did leak out, being 
printed in a St. Louis newspaper under a Boston date line. 
Hanna was furious, but apparently only he and one or two 
others saw the item. Undoubtedly Hanna thought that Lodge 
had deliberately let the story out, hoping to bring about a 
break in the McKinley ranks and thus further the candidacy 
of Tom Reed, whose animosity to the silverites had never 
been aggressive. 

The misunderstanding was patched up. Hanna and Lodge 
met again and the latter stubbornly insisted that his demand 
for a gold plank was the better tactic for the party to pursue. 
He was adamant, in spite of the fact that he carried in his 
pocket a cablegram from Senator Hoar urging him to stand 
out for a declaration in favor of "the restoration of silver as 
legal tender in company with gold," and in concert with 
otter nations, which the patriarchal senior Senator had sent 
him from Paris. "You are the most stubborn man I ever 
met," Hanna told Senator Lodge. In the end the plank was 
written as Lodge wanted it, with a specific endorsement of 
"the existing gold standard." Lodge had seen correctly; but 
just how correctly none knew until after William Jennings 
Bryan made his famous "Cross of Gold" speech two weeks 
later and set the temper for the violent and bitter campaign 
of the summer and fall of 1896. 

Throughout the East there was rejoicing over Lodge's 
victory. Even Senator Hoar, who often looked with amaze 
ment upon his younger colleague, was to admit that by his 
insistence he had "saved the -Presidential election" for the 
Republican Party. Lodge, who sometimes modestly dis- 


claimed having actually written the famous gold plank, 
never was known to blush when he was given credit. 

Lodge may have saved the Presidential election but not 
for Reed. But neither did he desert his candidate as some 
others did under pressure from Boss Hanna. When the roll 
was called on the nomination of candidates, he was quickly 
on his feet. In a brief speech he offered the name of Tom 
Reed to the convention. Any hope of a stampede for Reed 
quickly died. Hanna's convention could not be stampeded. 
When it came time to vote, Reed ran a bad second to 
McKinley on the only ballot, corralling 84K votes to the 
Ohioan s 661%. 

The defeat of Reed does not appear to have deeply 
affected Senator Lodge, but Reed, who said bitterly that 
he was used to "waiting for others to pass," felt that he had 
been betrayed. "Hanna's coarse ways are pretty hard to 
stand/' he wrote Roosevelt, "especially when you appreciate 
that a great office can be retained by purchase as well as 
obtained by purchase." Soon, thereafter, the brilliant 
Speaker decided to retire from politics, and Lodge made 
his peace with Hanna and his satellite, Roosevelt did, too. 
The abortive effort on Reed's behalf and the successful 
fight for the magic word "gold" did not occupy all of Sena 
tor Lodge's time in the hot and smoky rooms of the Southern 
Hotel or in the noisy environs of Convention HaH. His prac 
tised hand helped hew the party's plank on Foreign Policy. 
His words are seen: 

Our foreign policy should at all times be firm, vigorous, and 
dignified and all our interests in the Western Hemisphere should 
be carefully watched and guarded. . . . The Hawaiian Islands 
should be controlled by the United States and no foreign power 
should be permitted to interfere with them. The Nicaraguan 
Canal should be built, owned and operated by the United 
States. ... In Turkey . . . and everywhere American citizens 


and American property must be absolutely protected at all haz 
ards and at any cost . . . the Government of the United States 
should actively use its influences and the good offices to restore 
peace and give independence to ... Cuba. . . . 

Having contributed his full share to the week's good work, 
Senator Lodge hastened homeward. In New York, where he 
paused overnight, he and Theodore gloated together over 
Lodge's golden victory. The Senator was, indeed, "on 
top of the wave." Had he not gauged the situation better 
than Hanna and McKinley? A few days later, when he was 
introduced at the Harvard Commencement and applauded 
as the author of the gold plank, he experienced a momen 
tary glow. As Theodore wrote his sister Corinne, Lodge was 
"able to emphasize his triumph most in the presence of the 
men who hate him most/' No doubt, as he took his bow, he 
was thinking of what President Eliot had called him that 
spring "a degenerated son of Harvard." Indeed! 

Senator Lodge threw himself with a will into the cam 
paign for the election of McKinley. In many speeches he 
invariably warned that a victory for Bryan and the silver 
Democrats who were "masquerading under the livery of 
the old Democratic Party" would bring a "period of panic, 
a diaster of misfortune unequalled in the country's history /* 
The dreadful Bryan, he charged, as the huge crowd in Car 
negie Hall cheered, was an enemy of mankind because it 
was the Commoner alone who had raised the issue of "the 
classes against the masses" and thereby threatened the very 
existence of "American institutions and American prosper 
ity/' Later Lodge and Roosevelt stumped New York State, 
speaking to large crowds in such Republican strongholds 
as Utica and Buffalo. 

The national campaign of 1896 was, as everyone now re 
alizes, more than any other up to that time exactly what 


Lodge said Bryan had made it a struggle of mass against 
class. It was also a life-and-death battle between Western 
agrarianism and Eastern capitalism. Class and capital, being 
the better organized and having access to greater funds/ 
could not lose. Bryan's great eloquence, reaching magnifi 
cent heights though it did, and often touching upon the fun 
damental truth about America., was no match for the wealth 
that poured without urging into Banna's war chest. The 
shipowner and coal magnate, now turned politician, no 
longer had to use the old, crude methods of buying votes. 
Frightened capital, facing dread inflation and repudiation 
of debts, gave of its own free will, and press and pulpit rose 
without prompting -to the defense of the status quo. 

Never for a moment did Senator Lodge have any qualms 
about the rectitude of Massachusetts. No other state in the 
Union, perhaps, had to the square mile as many "idle hold 
ers of idle wealth" as did the Bay State. Massachusetts did 
not have to be told by Senator Lodge, or anyone else, to 
vote for McKinley and gold and safety. As M. E. Hennessy 
once remarked, every Democrat who owned a checkbook 
left the party that year and voted for McKinley. 

The first thing that Senator Lodge had to do after the 
election was to establish himself firmly with Major McKin 
ley. After all, he was not an "original McKinley man/* Al 
though he had worked as hard as any party man for his 
victory it was necessary for him to get himself "in" as sol 
idly as possible with the President-elect. Even a scholar in 
politics has to look after the "accursed patronage/" He had 
already taken steps in the right direction. Immediately after 
his New York speaking tour during the campaign, he and 
Roosevelt had gone on to Akron, whence* after a bad night 
in a garret room in what Lodge remembered for twenty- 
five years as "an alleged hotel," they had visited the Major 
on his front porch at Canton. When John Hay heard of this 


he chuckled and said they had gone there to "offer theii 
heads to the axe and their tummies to the hari-kari knife" 
for the good of the cause. It was at least certain that Major 
McKinley would not have to ask, "Who in hell are you?" 
when Lodge should see him again. 

After the election the impelling subject of conjecture was 
the Cabinet. When word leaked out that McKinley had 
offered the post of Secretary of the Navy to his old friend 
and fellow Representative, John D. Long of Massachusetts, 
Senator Lodge was furious. For years Mr. Long had been 
prominent in the Peace Society, a strange place, the Senator 
thought, in which to recruit an adviser on naval affairs. He 
at once entrained for Ohio, hoping to persuade McKinley 
to withdraw his offer to Long. His choice was T. Jefferson 
Coolidge, a wealthy Boston manufacturer and former Am 
bassador to France. He arrived on Monday, November 30, 
just in time for luncheon in the plain frame house where 
Major McKinley lived. 

The two men got along well. Across the luncheon table 
they talked of Hawaii (at Lodge's behest) and of Cuba 
(which was greatly on McKinley's mind). The Senator was 
impressed at the President-elect's attitude on the latter sub 
ject, for it seems that McKinley hoped the crisis would be 
reached before he took office. If war there must be, let Cleve 
land have it and leave the peacemaking to him. Such a pro 
gram would hardly interfere with his one "great ambition 
... to restore business and bring back good times." Over 
the coffee Lodge was at last able to broach the subject of 
the Navy Department. He quickly perceived that McKinley 
was determined to have Long but his disappointment over 
the rejection of Coolidge did not prevent him from bringing 
up another subject he had well in mind when he came to 
Canton. Two days later he wrote from Washington to "My 
dear Theodore": 


Later ... I said to him: "I have no right to ask a personal 
favor of you, but I do ask for Roosevelt as the one personal 
favor." He said very warmly: "You must not say that. I have no 
feeling about what went before the nomination. You have a per 
fect right to ask a personal favor and I understand what you 
want." When I was leaving after lunch I said, just as we were 
starting, that I was very much obliged to him and had enjoyed 
our talk and that he knew the one thing which was near my 
heart and that I should say no more about it. He said very cor 
dially that he did. In a word he gave me every encouragement. 
But after all I am not one of his old supporters. . . . 

Senator Lodge had started the ball rolling. Although 
neither could have realized it at that moment, Theodore 
Roosevelt was on his way to the White House at last 



That Splendid Little War 

THE War Hawks, in the spring of 1897, were in the minority. 
William Randolph Hearst, however, was on their side, with 
oceans of red ink and bastions of huge type and conscience 
less reporters like Karl Decker and reluctant artists like 
Remington at his imperious command. And in the long run 
it was Hearst's voice which was heard. A few years later 
both Lodge and Roosevelt were to say unkind things about 
the publisher, to rank him among the anarchists with Gov 
ernor Altgeld; but in 1897 he was doing their work with re 
markable if sometimes ungentlemanly efficiency. One atroc 
ity story in the Journal was worth far more than any num 
ber of speeches in the Senate. 

Indeed, it was not as much by any of his speeches as by a 
quiet bit of political conspiracy that Senator Lodge fur 
thered the cause of expansion and helped change the history 
of the Western World. 

Ever since Lodge and Roosevelt had become close friends 
the latter had made no important decision, at least in his 
political life, without having first courted Lodge's advice. 
There was, of course, more than friendship involved in 
Lodge's moves at this time. He wanted an active and de 
pendable ally in the Navy Department. 

Having; asked McKinley "for Roosevelt as the one per 
sonal favor," Lodge set to work within a week of his return 
from Canton. The first person he approached was Tom Platt 
of New York, no friend of Roosevelt, but one whose consent 


would be necessary to put his man across. Lodge was on 
friendly terms with the "Easy Boss" at the time, having 
joined forces with him at the convention during the fight to 
get the word "gold" into the platform. Realizing that the 
major argument against Roosevelt, as far as Platt was con 
cerned, was that he could not be trusted to "play ball" with 
the machine. Lodge pointed out that he would not have his 
hands on any important patronage, but would be concerned 
only with "the big questions of naval policy." In the recent 
past it was only through Lodge's counsel that Roosevelt 
had not had an open break with Platt and now, again at 
Lodge's insistence, he swallowed his pride and visited the 
Boss to tell him he would be a good boy if Platt would not 
stand in his way. Next Lodge lined up Senator Wolcott, an 
old and intimate friend of themselves and of Mark Hanna, 
who promised to plead Roosevelt's cause in the right places. 
Another ally was the labor-hating Senator from Minnesota, 
Cushman K. Davis, soon to head the Foreign Relations Com 
mittee. Lodge's argument was that the Navy Department 
needed a vigorous man like the New York Police Commis 
sioner and that the party owed him the job. 

By Inauguration Day Lodge was certain that he had 
"enough friends earnest for you to make a Secretary of 
State." Platt was convinced by now that Roosevelt would 
do less harm to the machine in Washington than in New 
York and, since the appointment would not be credited to 
him anyway, he decided to stand aside. Both President Mc- 
Kinley and Secretary Long felt a little the way Boss Platt 
did, that Roosevelt was not to be trusted; and it was not 
without a sense of prophecy that the Secretary wondered 
if the ebullient New Yorker would make a tractable subor 
dinate. By April, however, McEnley had weakened to the 
supplications of Lodge and his co-conspirators. Roosevelt 
was given the post of Assistant Secretary of the Navy. 


"It was Lodge who engineered it," Roosevelt wrote his 
sister, "at the end as well as at the beginning, working with 
his usual untiring loyalty and energy," thus proving he was 
Theodore's "dearest friend'* and "the most faithful and loyal 
man" Roosevelt had ever known. 

Untiring energy was, indeed, a characteristic of Senator 
Lodge and none knew it better than his colleagues on the 
Committee cm Foreign Relations. They all were glad enough 
to have the energetic Lodge as their associate, for he was 
quite willing to do most of the hard work of the committee. 
Chafed by ambition, Lodge was not to rest content until 
he became chairman. He grew bitter in the long wait: it 
was not until he was an Elder Statesman that the post came 
to him in 1919. He was, of course, the victim of the old Sen 
ate rule of seniority. While this irked him, there was noth 
ing he could do about it, especially during the years when 
the Democrats were in power. Upon one occasion he even 
delivered a stinging lecture in defense of the rule to Theo 
dore Roosevelt when the latter suggested, in 1899, that 
Albert J. Beveridge, a comparative newcomer to the Sen 
ate, should be made chairman of the Committee on the 
Philippines. Able though Beveridge was, Lodge said in ef 
fect, let him keep his place and wait his torn! * 

If forage affairs were uppermost in Senator Lodge's mind 
thiey were something that President McKinley would dearly 
iiave liked to keep in the background. He had, however, in 
herited the Ofaey-PaiBacefotie Treaty, and something had to 
be done about it very soon. Mr. McEnley anticipated no 
difficulty. He had m& then leamed, as John Hay was to learn 
a few years fetor* tliat any teeaty entering the Senate ~is like 
a buB gcrog into the aima: BO one can say just how 

1 Lodge wm appointed to tbe Forefei Refetteks Committee on 
December 30, 1895; lie became the ranting ReptiHScan member m 
1913 and diataiaa m May % 1919. 


the final blow will fall, but one thing is certain -it will 
never leave the arena alive." 

The so-called Olney-Pauncef ote Treaty was a straightfor 
ward and simply worded document calling for the reference 
to arbitration tribunals of all disputes (except those involv 
ing title to territory) which might arise between the United 
States and Great Britain. Although negotiated by a Demo 
cratic Secretary of State, the idea of a general arbitration 
treaty of this nature had originated in the Fifty-first Con 
gress when the Republicans had entire control of the gov 
ernment. In 1890 a joint resolution calling for such a treaty 
had passed; three years later it had received the approval 
of the British Parliament. Mr. Olney and Lord Pauncefote 
had signed the treaty, which endeavored to carry out the ex 
pressed wishes of the two legislatures, early in 1897. Presi 
dent Cleveland had duly sent it to the Senate. There it lay 

In his inaugural President McKinley, recognizing the uni 
versal approval the treaty had received when it was made 
public, gave it his enthusiastic endorsement. Even Mr. Glad 
stone, who didn't care too much for arbitration as a general 
rule, gave it his open support. Republicans found no fault. 
But when Lodge and his committee confreres reported the 
treaty, on St. Patrick's Day, they had already stabbed it in 
the back. 

When the treaty emerged from the committee, it car 
ried with it a proviso that every agreement to submit a ques 
tion to arbitration must be individually submitted to the Sen 
ate and be approved by two thirds of that body. This, in ef 
fect, meant that the Senate had no intention of arbitrating, 
but would merely consent to submit questions to arbitration 
after any chance of settlement by diplomacy had failed. 
Other hamstringing amendments also were added, and the 
treaty came to a vote on May 5. A majority of the Senate 


favored it, in the weakened form, but the vote of 43 to 26 
failed by three votes of the necessary two thirds. The treaty 
was rejected. 

To Richard Obey, and many others, the rejection was a 
calamity of "world-wide proportions." He angrily blamed 
the disaster upon the cheap politicians, among whom he in 
cluded Senator Lodge. The jingoes, the intense partisans who 
hated anything emanating from the Cleveland administra 
tion, and the big-navy advocates, came in for their share of 
his and others' castigation. These undoubtedly had much to 
do with the rejection. All were categories into which Lodge 
fitted neatly. Senator Frye, oldest member of the Foreign 
Relations Committee, blamed Great Britain, pointing out 
that as a gold-standard country she had never shown any 
willingness to enter into any international agreement re 
garding free silver. Whatever the real reason, Senator Lodge, 
in his wily way, had been as much to blame as anyone. Too 
cautious to come out flat-footedly against the treaty, he and 
his Republican colleagues had wrecked it by insisting upon 
the amendments and then had sought to ratify the wreck! 

In Senator Lodge's old age a treaty far more important to 
the peace and welfare of the world was about to come be 
fore the Senate. One day Senator Watson of Indiana turned 
to his colleague and said despairingly, *It appears to me 
that 80 per cent of the people are fear it [the Versailles treaty] 
. . . and I don't see bow it is to be defeated." Senator Lodge 
must have thought back, at that inomeet, to a long-forgotten 
spring of 18&7 as he made his BOW famous answer: "Ah, my 
cfear James, I do not propose to beat it by direct frontal at 
tack, but by the indirect method of reservations. 9 * 

It is possible jthat Lodge did not set out to beat the ar 
bitration treaty by this method. But there can be BO doubt 
that he learned the inetiiod tfae% and that he found it one 
of the most valuable lessees of his life. Upon mere t^p one 


occasion, leading up to the great and tragic climax of 1919, 
he made effective and damaging use of the tricks he was 
taught as the treaty of 1897 was driven to its doom. 

The arbitration treaty did not occupy all of Lodge's time 
and attention that winter or spring. Among other matters, 
such as patronage, there was the Navy and there was Cuba. 
Although he was not a member of the Naval Affairs Com 
mittee 2 Senator Lodge actively supported every measure de 
signed to increase the size and strength of the fleet. 

As Lodge had anticipated Theodore Roosevelt was talc 
ing his duties in the Navy Department seriously. Much to 
their joint surprise he seemed to be getting along quite well 
with Secretary Long. Only once did Lodge have to warn 
his "dear Theodore" to take things a little easy, and consult 
with his superior officer before going off half-cocked. Even 
President McKinley got over whatever fears he may have 
entertained for his Assistant Secretary and had the young 
man at the White House for an evening's talk. Theodore 
took advantage of the opportunity to propagandize for "the 
upbuilding of the Navy," and Mark Hanna, who was pres 
ent, seemed impressed. He had not been in office more than 
four months before Secretary Long was confiding to Senator 
Lodge how pleased he was with his assistant, whose spirit 
of work and service, so he said, was a real inspiration to the 
department. True, both the Senator and the Secretary were a 
little apprehensive about Roosevelfs passion for floating dry- 
docks, but the former, at least, was reassured when Theo 
dore told him that what the Navy really needed was con 
crete docks "and especially one concrete dock at Boston." 
dose as the two men were, when Lodge sought Roosevelt's 
help in securing increases in pay for certain shipkeepers in 
his district the latter adroitly "passed the buck" to Secretary 

3 His committees were: Foreigp Relations, Imimgration, Civil Serv 
ice, Brinfeg, and Railroads* 

Long. But in spite of these minor differences one cannot read 
the correspondence that passed between "Dear Theodore" 
and "Dear Cabot" at this time without being aware of the 
conspiratorial atmosphere in which the pair were playing 
an exciting and dangerous game. They were, indeed, con 
cerning themselves mostly with "big questions of naval 
policy," although none but themselves knew how far they 
were prepared to carry out their plans. 

Congress had already resolved that Cuba should be in 
dependent, but even more important, in many respects, was 
its warning to the parties to the Treaty of Great Britain 
Great Britain, Germany, Austria-Hungary, France, Italy, 
Russia that they should live up to their obligations by 
protecting American Christians against Turkish atrocities. 
America, looking at the world, was on the verge of as 
suming its part in it. 

Many Americans looked upon the outward trend with dis 
favor. They did their best to counteract the hysterical out 
bursts of Mr. Hearsf s and Mr. Pulitzer's contending newspa 
pers which, day in and day out, whipped up a new frenzy 
calculated only to draw us into a war with Spain. 

One might have expected that the scholar in politics would 
have eschewed cheap tactics. Such was not the case. He 
indulged in them along with all the rest. In his zeal he was 
as nearly nonpartisaB as he ever could become. The anti- 
imperialist newspapers frequently referred to the jingoes 
of the Lodge-Morgan school/* the Morgan referred to be 
ing that doughty ex-Confederate general, Senator John T. 
Morgan of Alabama, surely a strange bedfellow for the 
author of the Force BfE But 00 the subject erf expansion they 
saw eye to eye and beliiiid the closed doers of the Foreign 
Relations Coiiimittee they worked hand in hand. They har 
ried the State Department thrawgboiit February 1S)7 for a 
list of the American claims against Spain and a list erf 


ican citizens who had been arrested in Cuba by the Spanish 
authorities. From these latter they selected the name of one 
Julio Sanguilly and prepared a resolution demanding his 
immediate and unconditional surrender, which Senator Mor 
gan, with appropriate solemnity, presented to the Senate. 

Some pretty unbridled and irrelevant oratory followed and 
the documents pertaining to Mr. Sanguilly were put in the 
record. During the long and wordy harangues white-haired 
Senator Hoar listened intently, and then arose in his ancient 
majesty to point out that, on the strength of the record, Mr. 
Sanguilly was no more an American citizen than the Sena 
tor from Virginia, who had just been upholding America's 
honor, was a citizen of Cuba. This was quite a shock. Sena 
tor Lodge jumped up to save the day. 

"Mr. President," he said in his precise and haughty way, 
"the committee on Foreign Relations did not think it neces 
sary to go behind the record of a court of record of the City 
of New York." 

When he had finished his defense Senator Hoar again rose 
to point out that, on the very date the court of record had 
accorded him his citizenship, Mr. Sanguilly, by his own 
documentary admission, was fighting in the Cuban insurrec 
tion! Flushing, Senator Lodge asked, "Does my colleague 
think his statement overthrows the record of the court?" 

"I do," replied the rugged old gentleman. "There were 
60,000 fraudulent naturalization papers issued from the same 
New York superior court within three days. . . . Those rec 
ords are of the slightest possible importance.'* He then turned 
squarely on the junior Senator and said, *Tf we are going 
to plunge this country into war, let us have something to 
stand on! Let us have some facts!" 

The next morning Mr. Olney announced that Mr. San 
guilly had been pardoned through the intercession of the 
State Department, that his citizenship was indeed doubtful, 


and that he had admitted he was guilty of the charges on 
which he had been arrested. 

When the Senate met the following day the Foreign Re 
lations Committee came in for considerable joshing. Sena 
tor Hale, his eyes twinkling, solemnly inquired if it were 
in order to move to substitute another island for Cuba. Amid 
titters Senator Lodge replied, in his most icy, Cabotian 
tones, that it was no matter for "sneers," and strode angrily 
from the floor. 

Although McKinley had assured Carl Schurz that there 
would be "no jingo nonsense" in his administration, visitors 
who left the White House after discussing the Hawaiian 
situation reported a change coming over the President They 
felt he was merely awaiting the e< best opportunity" for pre 
senting the matter. 

Senator Lodge, of course, had paved the way. During 
his pre-inaugural visit to Canton he had arranged for H. E, 
Cooper, the Hawaiian Secretary of State, to have a talk with 
McKinley. Just before the inauguration a delegation arrived 
in Washington with full power to conclude a treaty of an 
nexation, A few weeks later Japan, which in 1893 had favored 
American annexation, vigorously protested the Hawaiian 
Government's efforts to restrict Japanese immigration. 3 Over 
night the peril of the yellow race became a far more effective 
weapon in the hands of the expansionists than Senator 
Lodge's often expressed fear of British designs. The Senator 
and his co-conspirator, Theodore Roosevelt, as might have 
been expected, made the most of the opportunity. The lat 
ter, who told Captain Mahan that he was "filly alive to the 
danger from Japan, 3 * whidh was tbea building two warship 
m England, wanted diaract^isticaBy to take the Islands 

* IB I89S these were more tibau 20,000 Japanese m the island Hie 
number had B^teia% Increased by 189?. {Exprnsiomste of 189*8, bf 
Julius W. Pratt, 1986; pp. 125, 217 f.) 


and settle the details later. Senator Lodge was more cautions, 
but he did nothing to discourage the Assistant Secretary of 
the Navy. 

Roosevelt was keeping track of all the ships and had be 
fore him an outline of what to do "if things looked menacing 
about Spain" or if there was any likelihood of "the Japs 
chipping in." Hovering over his shoulders at all times was 
that "evil genius," Senator Lodge. Together they conceived 
a comprehensive plan of action to take effect just as soon as 
an excuse arose. Boldest of their conceptions was the seizure 
of the Philippine Islands, which they plotted in secret 
throughout the winter and spring, although they were to 
have no chance to do anything effective for several months. 

As a matter of fact, the spring and summer of that year 
passed without any appreciable threat of war blackening 
the horizon. Senator Lodge divided his vacation between Na- 
hant and the idyllic, ocean-washed retreat of his friend, 
William Sturgis Bigelow, on Tuckernuck Island off the 
southern Massachusetts coast. He was happy because his son 
John, who had been ill, had got through his Harvard year 
with no mark below a C and because Bay, returned from his 
studies in Paris and Berlin, was getting together a book of 
his poems. At Bigelow's place he bathed in the sun and 
lived in luxurious primitiveness, discussing all those esoteric 
subjects in which the shy and sensitive Bigelow he who 
had sown Japanese seeds in the Arnold Arboretum and who 
at erne time had almost became a Shingon priest delighted. 
They shot pistols at targets and watched the plover which 
they would shoot in the fall. 

It was not until after the first regular sessioaa of the Fif ty- 
fifth Congress was well under way that events on tibe Cuban 
front began getting oat of hand. President McKinley, still 
peaceful-minded, nevertheless devoted notost of his animal 
message to this disturbing topic. 


As early as October the l/.S.S. Maine had been detached 
from the fleet and ordered to stand by for orders at Port 
Koyal, South Carolina. In mid-December, at the sugges 
tion of Consul General Fitzhugh Lee, the battleship had 
moved even closer to Cuban waters, this time at Key West. 
A month later pro-Spanish riots broke out in Havana and at 
11 A.M. on January 25, the Maine passed Morro Castle and 
dropped anchor. Consul General Lee thought the move was 
ill-timed but since the ship had moved at Presidential order 
there was nothing he could do about it. 

Senator Lodge and his more excitable fellow conspirator, 
Theodore Roosevelt, were convinced by now that there was 
going to be a war. Roosevelt looked around the Navy De 
partment and, in the person erf Commodore George Dewey, 
found an officer who could be entrusted with their larger 
plans of conquest. By astute maneuvering, with Lodge's 
ub ram help, Roosevelt got for Dewey the sole command of 
the Asiatic Squadron and made it clear to the officer that at 
the first hint of strife he should proceed to seize the Philip 
pine Islands, Spain's only outpost in the Pacific. This was 
done without consulting Secretary Long. When that peace 
ful gentleman learned what had happened he was a little 
out, but he did not coontennand the orders and Dewey 
f or the Far East 

In the meantime Hearsfs unbridled journalism with 
his f aneiful tales of fadnapings, impriscements, and the strip 
ping of Cuban ladies suspected of being spies continued 
to fan up earatetnent thswigfaout tibe country. On February 
9 Mr. Hearst's Jowrnd printed a private letter erf Spanish 
Minister Dupety de L&iie, m which he spoke of McKMey 
as a weak btddear for tibe admiratiimi of tibe crowd and in 
which be made other impiotis remaiis. To Senator Lodge, 
as he later insisted, the letter "revealed the utter IjoUcmness 
of all the Spanish prof essim^* which in his opinion by no 


means were negated by the prompt resignation of Senor de 

On February 16 the Maine blew up in Havana Harbor, 
killing 260 of the 350 men and officers aboard. At first it was 
assumed to have been an accident. But Mr. Hearst's bright 
young men went to work. With diagrams and other "evi 
dence" they proved the ship was the victim of a Spanish 
plot. Senator Lodge, who made no public pronouncement 
on the subject, agreed with them. 

He was too cautious at this moment to scream for war. 
But he was not too prudent to prepare for it. He knew that 
"the slightest spark/ 7 as Secretary Long confided to his diary, 
was liable to result in war. Indeed, on January 31, more than 
a fortnight before the disaster, he had written an amazingly 
prophetic letter to Henry White in London, saying that 
"there may be an explosion any day in Cuba which would 
settle a great many things. We have got a battleship in the 
harbor of Havana, and our fleet, which overmatches any 
thing the Spaniards have, is masked at the Dry Tortugas. 7 * 
We must assume that his reference to an "explosion" a fort 
night before it actually occurred was merely a rhetorical 
indulgence on the Senator's part. 

While the newspapers were speculating on the cause of 
the disaster and the board of inquiry was preparing to in 
vestigate, Senator Lodge cast his eyes to the Far East. On 
Friday, February 25, Secretary Long decided he needed a 
rest from the strain of office and left the Navy Department 
in the charge of Assistant Secretary Roosevelt. Senator Lodge 
chose this afternoon to pay the Assistant Secretary a call. 
The two spent one of die busiest afternoons of their ca 
reers, They were making history. 

With Roosevelt's beloved maps spread before them show 
ing the location of every ship in both the Atlantic and the 
Pacific Oceans, they laid their plans. Before the winter after - 


noon's darkness set in they started the wires humming with 
a series of orders for ammunition, the distribution of ships, 
the providing erf guns for an auxiliary fleet not yet author 
ized, and the calling in of erperts. They even sent a message 
to Congress asking immediate legislation authorizing the en 
listment of an unlimited number of sailors. All this while 
Secretary Long dozed peacefully at home. No wonder when 
the Secretary learned, the next day, what had happened 
he felt that "the very devil seemed to possess" Roosevelt, 
and that he had come "very near causing more of an ex 
plosion than happened to the Maine" 

But this was not all that the conspirators accomplished 
during their afternoon's adventure in international piracy, 
as Walter Millis once ironically described their scheming. 
The crowning achievement was a telegram they sent to their 
hand-picked Commodore. It read: 

Dewey Hong Kong: Secret and confidential. Order the 
squadron, except Uonocacy, to Hong Kong. Keep full of coal. 
In the event of declaration of war, Spain, your duty will be to 
see that the Spanish squadron does not leave the Asiatic coast, 
and then offensive operations in Philippine Islands. Keep Qfympia 
until farther aretes. Roosevelt 

T believe,** Senator Lodge wrote, several years later, Tbe 
was never again permitted to be the acting Secretary. But 
the deed was done. Hbe wise word of readiness had been 
spoken and was not recalled." 

Qoce the war actually had begun the Senator became 
one of tie busiest men in Washington, Each afternoon a 
group of eorrespQudaats would congregate in his committee 
room and discuss with him the progress and the conduct 
of the struggle. Senator Lodge referred to this select group 
as his TJoard of Strategy.*" But in the press gallery they were 
ref erred to by a phrase that was to become f ainoes in an- 


other respect thirty-four years later the "brain trust." 
Throughout the war they met almost every day, and when 
the group later broke up Senator Lodge presented each of 
the '"brain trusters" with a gold stickpin, bearing the golden 
eagle from the great American seal. 

As usual, there were some members of the Senate who 
resented the Senator's stiff and snobbish attitude. One day, in 
the course of a speech, Lodge found occasion to use a Span 
ish quotation. He did not bother to translate it for the bene 
fit of his less scholarly colleagues. Senator David Turpie of 
Indiana, no small scholar himself, replied: "The Senator from 
Massachusetts has seen fit to quote Spanish. I will take the 
liberty of quoting a Spanish proverb that applies to him: 
TPigmies stuffed and placed on Alps are pigmies still/ * 

As soon as war was declared Roosevelt resigned from the 
Navy Department, ordered a uniform from Brooks Brothers, 
and went dashing off to form his troop of Rough Riders, ex 
actly as he had told Senator Lodge he would do months 
before. Senator Lodge's son-in-law, Augustus P. Gard 
ner, also received a commission and went to Cuba, and 
young Bay, who had spent the winter arranging his poems 
and acting as his father's secretary, joined the Navy. 

Lodge was elated by the war. He was Jubilant over the 
battle of Manila Bay, which he instantly recognized as an 
act of supreme importance. In that outburst America had 
suddenly emerged as an imperial power. Had he not helped 
plan for that day? Now the great thing was to keep the is 
lands at all costs. He was determined that they must be ours 
under the treaty of peace. "The American flag is up/* he 
said, "and it must stay.** 

**We hold die other side of the Pacific, and the value to 
this country is almost beyond imagination/* Senator Lodge 
wrote Henry White in London. 

Nervous lest pressure might be brought to bear upon the 


administration to withdraw from the Philippines at the close 
of the war he made it his uppermost duty to fight f or their 
retention. He had won a great victory in the annexation of 
Hawaii, which came about easily soon after the battle of 
Manila Bay. If he had his way we would soon own at least 
Manila and Luzon Island. And, of course, Porto Rico and 
Cuba would be ours in trust. He was sanguine of victory. As 
he wrote Theodore, then in Cuba, "the whole policy of an 
nexation is growing rapidly under the irresistible pressure of 

One salutary effect of the war was England's changed at 
titude towards the United States. The bellicosity of the Ger 
man Kaiser, of course, had something to do with this; but 
our emergence in force upon the far Pacific had probably 
fust as much. The lasting alliance of Great Britain and the 
United States was now being formed. Often as he had 
twisted tike Bern's tail in the past, Lodge realized now the 
value of such an alliance. Shortly after the destruction of 
Cervera's fleet and the capture of Santiago, when speaking 
of the fruits of the war, he said: 

*t)ne erf the most important is the friendly relations which 
have been established with England. Another is the expul 
sion of Spain from this hemisphere. Another is our entrance 
into the Pacific by the annexation of Hawaii and our secur 
ing a foothold at last in the East. . . . Lastly we have risen 
to be one of the great world powers, and I think we have 
made an Impression cm Europe that will be lasting. We are 
certainly going to have a vary powerful Navy.** 

Congress had necessed the day after the Senate had ac 
cepted the annexation of Hawaii. Lodge spent the summer at 
Nahant and at TiKAemucL Gus Gardner returned from his 
fighting in Porto Rico sofferiog from malaria; son Bay was 
discharged honorably frosn the Navy with tike rank of ei>- 
sign; Theodore was soon to be back In New York carrying 


on his two campaigns one for the governorship, which he 
won; and the other for a Medal of Honor from the War De 
partment, which, in spite of all that Senator Lodge could 
do, he lost. 

In the meantime the greatest problem facing the adminis 
tration was the disposition of the Philippine Islands. It was 
generally agreed that the least the United States could be 
expected to ask was the retention of a harbor there to serve 
as a Far Eastern naval base. This was all that Secretary Day 
advised. The rest of McKinley's cabinet was divided on the 
question. When John Hay sent the word from London that 
Britain favored American ownership it was decided to leave 
the matter to the commissioners. The terms of the protocol 
signed August 12, however, ceded Porto Rico and other 
West Indian islands and another island in the Ladrones 
(Guam) to the United States, and allowed the United States 
to occupy Manila until the treaty of peace should determine 
the "control, disposition, and government of the Philip 

On the whole the peace terms were acceptable to Senator 
Lodge, although as an alternative he had an ingenious 
scheme. He wanted the United States to take all the Philip 
pine Islands at the start. Then the United States should re 
tain Luzon, the most valuable, containing, as it did, Manila, 
which, as he told Roosevelt, was "the great prize, and the 
thing which will give us the Eastern trade." The other islands 
he would then trade to England in exchange for "die Ba 
hamas and Jamaica and the Danish islands, which I think 
we should be entitled to ask her to buy and turn over to us." 
Secretary Day, to whom he broached this idea shortly be 
fore the signing of the protocol, was not in the least im 
pressed by the ambitious plan. 

Senator Lodge was fully prepared to see that the treaty 
passed the Senate. During the fall Congressional campaign, 


when President McKinley had openly urged election of Re 
publicans so that the conclusion of the treaty might be made 
easier, Lodge had told the Republican State Convention in 

"If we give a victory to his political opponents, we say 
not only to the United States but we say to the world . . . 
that the people erf the United States have repudiated the re 
sults of the war and the man who has led it victoriously and 
is now leading us back to peace. . . ." 

A few days later, in another campaign speech, he stressed 
the status of the President as the "constitutional representa 
tive** in the making of the peace. There is only one man, he 
said, who has to deal with "the extent to which we should go 
in the new policies involved in the war that is the Presi 
dent of the United States. I have faith in him. I believe in 
his Americanism, and as the Constitution has charged him 
with this great duty, I, as ooe American citizen, am prepared 
to stand back and allow the constitutional representative to 
deal with it in the face of Europe and the world, and to settle 
it, and it is my desire, and I should think it should be the 
duty of every patriot, to stand behind him and to hold up 
his hands and not to cross him/* 

Although the treaty was not to be submitted to the Senate 
until January 4, 1899, Saoator Lodge, a constitutional wor 
rier, was already disturbed over its fate. Three days before 
it actually was signed he warned Theodore Roosevelt that 
trouble was brewing. 

THow serious, I do not know," he wrote, Tmt I confess 
I cannot think calmly of tike rejection of that Treaty by a 
little more than one-third erf the Seagate. It would be a re- 
of the President and lujmfliatioii of the wiiole 

country in tie eyes of the world, . . ~ 

At that time be feared mostly the opposition of the South- 
em Democrats. He might weD have feared his own 


Senator from Massachusetts, George Frisbie Hoar, who be 
hind his bland, his guileless, his cherubic countenance hid 
an abiding passion for decency and human rights. Henry 
Adams, who saw much of Lodge at this time (the day be 
fore Congress convened Lodge and Hay sat for an hour in 
Adams's parlor "talking Senate and Treaty, and dreary Sen 
atorial drivel"), said that at the start Lodge had "figured 
out the defeat of the treaty.*' He at least was prepared for 
a bitter fight 

From January 4 to February 6 the treaty proper was de 
bated in executive, or secret, session, a procedure which 
Senator Lodge found easy enough to justify. 'The discus 
sion . . ." he told the Senate, "is being conducted, and to 
my mind properly conducted, behind closed doors, for there 
is much that must be said affecting other nations and other 
people which could not with propriety be said in pub 
lic; but the treaty itself has been made public, and the 
debate upon these resolutions, taking a wide range, has 
covered, so far as could be fittingly done in open session, 
the broad question of policy involved in the ratification of 
the treaty/* 

At about this time Rudyard Kipling, who had been Lodge's 
guest upon more than one occasion in Washington, pub 
lished "The White Man's Burden." "Rather poor poetry, but 
good sense from the expansion standpoint," thought Roose 
velt when he sent Lodge an advance copy. Lodge thought 
it better poetry, apart from "the sense of the verses,** than 
the Governor of New York did. It was gray-haired old Ben 
Tillman who first read the poem to the Senate as an ar 
gument against foisting upon the Filipinos a civilization 
not suited to them and which they did not want. Not long 
thereafter the phrase "the white man's burden" was taken 
into our language. It inspired Mr. Dooley, while reading his 
paper, to suggest as slogans for Senator Lodge; 'Take up th* 


white man's burden and hand it to the coons," and "Hands 
across th* sea and into somewan's pocket/* 

Senator Lodge was not so much worried by the verbal 
attacks as a less sensitive man might have been. He was 
honest in his stand. "The opponents of the treaty have 
placed their opposition on such high and altruistic grounds 
that I have preferred to meet them there.*" Therefore he 
would rather not discuss "the enormous material benefits to 
our trade, our industries, and our labor dependent upon a 
right settlement of this question, both directly and indirectly. 
For this reason I have not touched upon the commercial 
advantages to the country involved in the question of these 
islands, or the far greater question of the markets of China, 
of which we must have our share for the benefits of the work 
ing men." 

Lodge and Senator Aldrich of Rhode Island guided the 
treaty over its rough waters. They had much to contend with, 
including a motion for public debate CHI the treaty itself. 
They managed to muster enough votes to defeat this sug 
gestion, however. They also had the unsolicited support of 
William Jennings Bryan, who came on at the last minute to 
support ratification, whether for partisan reasons or for 
higher motives. Fifteen Democrats, Populists, and independ 
ents finally joined with the Republican majority, and, by a 
vote of 57 to 27, or one vote above the constitutional two- 
thirds irequirement, the treaty was passed. The only two 
Republicans who voted against the treaty were Senators 
Hoar of Massachusetts and Hale of Maine. 

Two days later Senator Lodge wrote to Theodore: 

Until the fight was wer I did not realize what a strain it had 
been, but for half an hour after the vote was announced I f efc 
exactly as if I had been struggling up the side of a mountain and 
as if there was not an ounce more of e&ertion left in any muscle 
of my body. 


And well he might. It had been his fight. As he said of 
Aldrich and himself; "We were down in the engine room and 
do not get the flowers, but we did make the ship move/* 
It was he, and not Chairman Davis of the Foreign Rela 
tions Committee, who kept the daily score on how the vote 
appeared to be going. Each day, too, he consulted with 
President McKinley. No wonder he wrote, "It was the clos 
est, hardest fight I have ever known, and probably we shall 
not see another in our time when there was so much at 



The Wily One 

*CABOT smiles because he has got his re-election, and all 
the world knows how great and good he is." So wrote Henry 
Adams in one of his chatty and catty letters to Elizabeth 
Cameron in the early winter of 1S99. Cabot had good rea 
son to smile. He had been re-elected almost as a matter of 
course by a strictly party vote of 190 to 72. He was a little 
annoyed because one Republican from the Springfield dis 
trict had the temerity to vote against him, but this defection 
was offset by the support of two gold Democrats. When 
Theodore heard about the single anti-Lodge vote (it was 
cast by "a disciple of the Springfield Republican" Lodge 
explained) he hoped that Dear Cabot would see that the 
renegade was made to understand "that the weak and silly 
variety of traitor is not particularly encouraged in the 
Bay State." 

The friendship between the Governor of New York and 
the Senator from Massachusetts was at full flood. Nobody 
was ever more conseiotis erf his own political potentialities 
than Theodore Roosevelt was at this time. In July 1899 3 he 
attended a reunion of the Rough Riders in New Mexico 
and, as he was quick to inform Lodge, then vacationing in 
Europe, at every station at which the train stopped he was 
"received by dense throngs exactly as if I had been a presi 
dential candidate,** Senator Lodge had already suggested 
that he utilize his unquestionable personal popularity aud 
seek the nomination for the Vice Presidency. At Brst Theo- 


dore was inclined to follow this advice, even if Mrs. Roose 
velt was opposed. It was not too easy a problem to solve. 
Should he remain as Governor, or try to become a Senator, 
or seek to get on the ticket with McKinley? He had never 
known a "hurrah to endure five years" and 1904 was defi 
nitely in his mind, as he confessed to Cabot What should 
he do? 

The letters that passed between the two men during the 
summer of 1899 were dominated by the subject. By the time 
Senator Lodge had returned to his duties in Washington in 
December, his opinion as to the wisdom of Theodore's taking 
the Vice Presidency had not changed. Even though he found 
that most people felt that Theodore would be foolish to 
follow that course, Lodge stuck to his guns. "I can put it 
most tersely ," he wrote, T>y saying that if I were a candidate 
for the Presidency I would take the Vice-Presidency in a 
minute at this juncture. Of course I may be all wrong, and 
I am not going in the least to push my opinion on you." 
But in the next sentence the "evil genius," as Roosevelt's 
friends so often called Lodge, became his wily self and re 
called: "I did not hesitate to urge you to take the Assistant 
Secretaryship of the Navy, or the Police Commissionership 
of New York, but this is a very different matter." 

Obviously disappointed in Roosevelt's hesitancy Lodge 
added: "When a man is candidate for the Presidency, no 
friend, however close, has the right to urge him to follow 
a course in the slightest degree against his own judgment 
In such a very momentous matter a man himself must be 
sole fudge." He thereupon promised to step out of the pic 
ture, resigned to the fact that Roosevelt had decided to 
remain as Governor. He would urge him no more. Let him 
make up his own mind. He could have the Vice Presidency 
for the asking. His re-election as Governor was assured. ""I 
feel very sanguine about your future," Lodge said, "and I 


shall work along the line you prefer just as vigorously as if 
you were pursuing some other which I might think more 

Theodore agreed the Vice Presidency was an "honorable 
place" but still it was one in which there was not much f or 
a young man to do. And so he stalled along, never letting 
the matter get far from his mind. He next toyed with the 
idea of becoming the first Governor General of the Philip 
pines or perhaps Secretary of War. Meanwhile Lodge was 
quietly playing with his latest toy; he conferred with Sena 
tor Platt, talked with others, and did not restrain himself 
from keeping after Roosevelt. 

In mid-December he wrote: 

He [Platt 1 agreed with me that you had merely to say the word 
to have the V.P., so you see I am no dreamer on that point. Now 
think this well over. I am not going to urge you, but things are so 
shaping themselves that the V.P. is becoming stronger and more 
desirable for you than I had thought possible. 

Theodore 3 however, did not trust Platt, even with Dear 
Cabot oci hand to act as his protector. He surmised, and not 
without reason, that Platt was again plotting to get him out 
of Albany and to bury him in Washington. He also was in 
clined to take seriously his Western political friends, who 
were opposed to the idea. By January 1900, he had about 
made up his mind to run for Governor again and then resign 
to take the Philippine fob, whidh Cabot assured frim he 
could easily procure. 

Late that month Senator Lodge talked the situation ovear 
with McKlnley and hastened to teH Roosevelt that "tibe time 
has come when you shoftdd mafce up your mind whether to 
refuse to be the candidate for Vice President and run again 
for Governor of New York, or let your name be brought 
forward for the second place on the ^national ticket and 


remain quiescent in regard to it which of course would 
be taken as a willingness to accept it." Again he said it was 
entirely up to Roosevelt, he would not urge him one way 
or the other, but still "the trend of events is steadily making 
your acceptance more desirable." 

Roosevelt found one excuse after another. He could not 
afford it was his latest cry, but even as he wrote that he 
was weakening. "You are the only man whom, in all my life, 
I have met who has repeatedly and in every way done for 
me what I could not do for myself, and what nobody else 
could do, and done it in a way that merely makes me glad 
to be under obligation to you." 

Senator Lodge on receipt of this letter hastened to assure 
Roosevelt that it wasn't the Vice Presidency for the Vice 
Presidency's sake that he was iirging on his friend. He saw 
it merely as the steppingstone to the Presidency, or, if Theo 
dore preferred, the Philippines. He even drew a seductive 
picture of the latter, as an obvious sop to Theodore's vanity, 
and he pooh-poohed Theodore's idea of not being able to 
live on the Vice President's salary of $8000 a year. The 
trend of events, he repeated, made it almost impossible for 
Roosevelt to decline. Lodge, at this juncture, undoubtedly 
thought he had won the reluctant Theodore over, and per 
haps he had until Mrs. Roosevelt again intervened and 
convinced him that the inactivity of the post would 
bad for him. He was too young, he would chafe at being 
figurehead, he would be bored. With mutual expressions 
of Jpve and fidelity Roosevelt and Lodge exchanged their 
views and Cabot reluctantly bowed to Theodore and Edith 
Roosevelt's views. Or so it seemed. 

By April, however, Senator Lodge was back at the attack 
with all the wile at his command. He had not given up 
hope. He wrote Roosevelt several letters of advice, raging 
him not to go to the convention as a delegate because he 


just might be nominated and how then could he refuse? 
"If you stay away with your absolute declination,* he said, 
"which you have already put out, I do not think you will 
be nominated." That drew the answer. ". . , I did not say 
that I would not under any circumstances accept the Vice 
Presidency!" Theodore snapped. 

At this point Theodore recalled that Silas Wright had 
refused the nomination of Vice President on the ticket with 
Polk after he had been nominated, "came back and ran for 
Governor and was elected by a larger majority than that 
by which Polk carried the State." To this ingenious parallel 
Lodge, the historian, had a ready answer: 

I have forgotten the incident of Silas Wright but let me call 
your attention to the fact that he was never President, whereas 
Van Buren was! 

Senator Lodge had done his work well. Almost alone, he 
had "softened up" Roosevelt, and wcm him around Tom 
Platt and Boss Quay were to do the rest. 

Occupied though he was with Roosevelt's affairs there 
were many other matters to claim his attention. For Cabot 
Lodge was, in the months between the closing of the Span 
ish War and the second election of William McKinley, 
^more important than ever," as Henry Adams expressed it 
with his usual irony. As a sideline he wrote a popular "his 
tory* of the Spanish War, receiving $4500 from Scribner's 
Magazine for six chapters. (Roosevelt thought it gave the 
best picture of the Rough Riders of any book of its kind.) 
He also finished his two-volume Story of the Revolution, 
which caused cme astute reviewer to say: 4Se When he began 
to write it was all the fashlm to corse England, and he 
cursed her soundly, Whm he coded everyone was falling 
on England's neck, and lie fei, bW>beriag with the rest* 

Although Hairy Adaoas, growing daily more qoardbos, 


was still friendly, lie was becoming less and less satisfied 
with the conduct of his old friend. Adams and his crony, 
John Hay, hoped that McKinley would appoint William W. 
Rockhill, who once had explored Tibet in disguise and who 
now was wasting away in the State Department, as Librarian 
of Congress. In discussing the situation one day with Mrs. 
Cameron, Adams gave one of the most unforgettable pictures 
of the scholar in politics that he or anyone ever penned: 

. . . You know how hard I have been trying to get Rocldiill 
into the Library. Hay strongly pressed him, and was supported 
by all the best interests in the cabinet, and by the President's own 
judgment. But Secretary Long 1 inspired a beaten Massachusetts 
Congressman named [Samuel June] Barrows to apply for the 
place, and Barrows invoked with more than usual violence the 
usual political machinery. . . . This alone should have excluded 
him, for Libraries ought not to be political jobs; but of course 
Long and Barrows invoked their Senators and, as usual, our noble 
statesman Cabot went every day to the White House to press on 
McKinley an appointment which he knew to be exceedingly un 
fit, and which he did not want to have made, and which he knew 
would disgust his own wife and children as well as Hay and me 
and the Senate. I never saw Cabot more apologetic; it was so bad 
that I retired into total silence; but you can imagine Hay's com 
ments. Finally the President followed our wishes so far as to 
offer Barrows the Greek mission, tyith a view to shifting Rockhill 
to the Library. Barrows refused. Then the President yielded, and 
sent his name to the Senate, where Cabot now hopes it will be 

As it turned out, Cabot had his wish. He and the other 
New England Senators suddenly discovered that Mr. Bar 
rows, a former Unitarian divine, who had started his career 

1 John Davis Long, Secretary of the Navy and former Governor of 
Massachusetts, was also president of the Board of Overseers of Har 
vard. Adams called him "one of the cheapest of our cheap Yankee 


as Secretary of State Seward's secretary and who for many 
years had been editing the Christian Register, was not quali 
fied to be a librarian. Senator Lodge opposed confirmation 
on these grounds on the floor of the Senate. Herbert Putnam, 
reorganizer of the Boston Public Library, was given the post; 
Rodkhill went to Greece; and Mr. Barrows devoted the rest 
of his life to prison reform in New York. 

In spite of the row over Rockhill in March 1899, the 
Lodges and Adamses set off again for a European holiday. 
They visited Paris, Rome, Sicily. "Cabot rattles us through, 
on time, tourists such as Cook should love," Adams re 
marked. His Senate duties had tired Lodge and this year 
he spent the longest time he had ever spent away from the 
country. He did not return until late in September. When 
he arrived in Boston he found his mother, a woman of great 
vitality and constitution, showing at last the effects of her 
age. He spent several days with her at the old house on 
Beacon Street. The old lady adored her Senator son and 
followed his career with maternal admiration. Her keen 
Boston mind was still undimmed when she died the fol 
lowing March. 

Senator Lodge returned to Washington for the first ses 
sion of the Fifty-sixth Congress in December 1899. Two 
months later President McKinley sent to the Senate the 
newly signed Hay-Pauncefote Treaty and once more the 
Senator was in his element 

The treaty's terms allowed tibe United States to build and 
maintain a canal anywhere across the Isthmus, but it did 
not allow the United States to fortify or even to blockade 
it. It was always to be opes*, in peace or war, to vessels of 
both peace and war of all nations. At once there were load 
and mKJ^rstandaHe objections to diese terms. Theodore 
Roosevelt was quick to assafl them. Hie clause forbidding 
us to close the canal in times of war would make us more 


vulnerable to attack than if we did not have a canal; the 
clause requiring adherence of other powers was contrary 
to the Monroe Doctrine. Senator Lodge at first approved 
and even openly applauded the treaty. He was ready to 
support it, even guide it through the Senate. Roosevelts 
public attack came as quite a shock to him. He was torn 
between his friendship for Roosevelt and Secretary Hay. 
As Henry Adams maliciously put it, "Teddy appears dis 
posed to paddle his own canoe and upset the machine. 
Cabot is in deadly terror. 7 * 

The year 1900 was an election year and a Senator, even 
if he were not seeking re-election, had to be cautious. Presi 
dent McKinley, however, did not throw his weight behind 
Secretary Hay. This made it easier for Lodge. After taking 
one look at the Irish and another at the German vote, the 
Senator made his decision. He deserted Hay and declared 
against the treaty. Hay bore the brunt of the attacks and 
grew so angry over Lodge's defection, and the general as 
sumption that he had allowed the British to put something 
over on him, that he twice verged on resigning his post. 
Only McKinley's personal plea restrained him. He called 
Lodge timid, accused him of shouting always "with what 
seems the voice of the crowd." Hay did not understand 
politicians. He was hurt when Lodge "was the first to flop.** 

The Senate adjourned in March without a final vote. In 
the interim Ledge issued a statement in which he reiterated 
his theory that a treaty is not a treaty when sent to the 
Senate, but merely a project for consideration by that august 
body. This greatly annoyed Hay, who despairingly said that, 
if adhered to, this attitude would make all negotiations with 
other nations impossible. 

The amended treaty was ratified shortly after the open 
ing of Congress. Senator Lodge thought iiat Great Britain 
should accept it in the new form. His attitude was that the 


original treaty had made a promise which the United States 
had no right to make. "We engage to keep the canal open 
in time of war as in time of peace, and thereby to allow 
an enemy's fleet, if we were at war, to pass unmolested 
through the canal if they could get within the three-mile 
limit," he said. "We either meant to keep that promise, or 
we meant, under stress of war, to break it. In either event 
I was against it." 

As far as public opinion went, Senator Lodge declared, 
**the American people mean to have the canal and mean to 
control it." The only way England could prevent her would 
be by going to war. And "it would be ruinous [to England] 
if she did make war on us.** Therefore, why not let us build 
the canal under the terms of the amended treaty? He 
warned that if Great Britain did not accept the amendments, 
Americans would suspect some sinister British motive and 
would hasten their demand for the canal. Lodge's opinions 
ware placed before the proper British authorities by Henry 
White. But the British press and public attacked the amend 
ments and the treaty was never accepted by England. Con 
temporary opinion was on Lodge s side and later events 
showed that he was right At the time, however, his motives 
ware suspect. It was said that he and other Senators had 
been influenced against the original treaty through pres 
sure brought upon them by the great transcontinental rail 
roads, which feared the competitive threat of a canaL This 
Lodge vigorously denied, 

Secretary Hay, embittered and mistrustful of the Senate, 
went cm to negotiate another treaty and Senator Lodge, 
convinced of the rectitude of his course, and not at all 
abashed at Adams's charge that lie cut Hay's throat and 
"probably, within a twelve-month . . . will go bade on 
Teddy,** went to the Republican Convention in Philadelphia, 

Governor Roosevelt, wearing his "acceptance hat** 


sombrero of the Rough Riders of 1898 was in attendance. 
He listened with enthusiasm as Chairman Lodge gave the 
keynote speech, which, in the absence of any great issue, 
was a bold challenge of the Democrats to battle, and, as 
usual, a lengthy recital of the accomplishments of the Re 
publican Party. Mark Hanna was there, in telephone com 
munication with the President, and after many consultations 
he agreed that Roosevelt, the "wild man," was acceptable. 
Boss Platt and Matt Quay, the Pennsylvania boss, worked 
together to get him the nomination. Those "in the know" 
said it was only because they wanted to shelve him, get 
him out of New York. Roosevelt felt this way too, in spite 
of the protestations of his friend Cabot Lodge. When all 
were agreed he was nominated. The demonstration that 
followed was a noisy, heartfelt tribute to his personal popu 
larity. He beamed and waved his hat and his teeth flashed 
in the bright June sun. 

Winthrop Chanler, of the Astor clan, whom both Lodge 
and Roosevelt knew intimately and called Winty, dropped 
Roosevelt a note: 

Long ago, when you first got the nomination for Governor, the 
astute Cabot told me that he wanted you to be Vice-President 
and enumerated all the advantages therein for you and the 
country. The Wily One has won the day, in spite of your titanic 
struggles to disappoint him. It is the first time you have been beat, 
old man. Let the thought that it took the delegates from every 
state of the Union to do so, console you. 2 I am glad because your 
being on the ticket makes a Republican victory almost a cer 
tainty. . . . 

From Nahant, toward the end of June, the Wily One sent 
Roosevelt a long letter of advice. "We must not permit the 
President, or any of his friends, who are, of course, in con- 

3 The Massachusetts delegation, tmder Lodge's control, voted 
unanimously for Roosevelt. 


trol of the campaign, to imagine that we want to absorb the 
leadership and the gbry." Roosevelt must appear as McKin- 
, ley's leading advocate and make this clear in everything he 
said. "Fortunately his policies on the great questions are our 
policies . . . and I am anxious that your advocacy of him 
should appear in everything you say. My purpose in this is 
to secure by every righteous means the confidence and 
support for you of the President and of all his large fol 
lowing . . .** 

Writing in his Nahant library, his keen blue eyes looking 
out across the Atlantic, the Wily One went on: 

This is going to be of immense importance to us four years 
hence, and that is why I desire that you should appear, not only 
during the campaign but after the election, as the President's next 
friend, as Hobart * was. There is today no one who could stand 
against you for a moment for the nomination of the Presidency, 
but no one can tell what will happen in four years. I believe my 
self that by judicious conduct we can have it just as surely within 
our grasp four years hence as it would be today, but we should 
make no mistakes. 

And then, lest Roosevelt become "too vain," he quoted 
from the Springfield Republican, which said that "the Re 
publican party was now given over to the corrupt material 
ism of Hanna, the cynical political ethics of Lodge, and the 
swashbuckler fervor of Roosevelt . . /* 

When the votes were counted McKinley and Roosevelt 
carried Massachusetts over the striving Bryan by a majority 
of 80,000. Murray Crane was Delected governor, again with 
out making a speech, and ten of the thirteen Congressmen 
elected were erf the Republican faith. There was, however, 
ooe ominous note that November: Boston turned in a plu- 

1 Garret Augustus Hobart, 1844-1809, Vice President from 1896 
to 1899, whose death in office made it necessary to find a Vice Presi 
dential candidate ia 1900. 


rality of 10,000 votes for Bryan, thus returning, for the first 
time in many years, to the Democratic column. 

The winter, on the whole, was uneventful. The chairman 
ship of the Foreign Relations Committee fell vacant at the 
death of Cushman Kellogg Davis that year and Senator 
Lodge tried vainly to get the post he had coveted so long, 
Shelby Moore Cullom, who had been the law partner of 
John Hay's father, could not be "induced to get out of the 
way/' Although Senator Lodge knew that "everybody wants 
me to have it on both sides of the Senate, in the Committee, 
and I think throughout the press," he had to bow to Mr. 
Cullom's seniority rights. 4 Secretary Hay soon came to de 
pend upon Senator Cullom, for whom Lodge developed a 
deep dislike and at whom, according to the observant 
Adams, he would sneer "every ten minutes, in all com 

As soon as his Senatorial duties were done Senator and 
Mrs. Lodge, and of course Henry Adams, fled to Europe 
once more. They went on to Warsaw and then on a weari 
some trip in slow trains to St. Petersburg and Moscow. 
After Moscow the party broke up. Adams went to Sweden 
and the Lodges settled down in Paris. It was there that the 
Senator received the stunning news of the assassination of 
President McKinley. 

He first read of it in the Paris Herald, but the news was 
meager. The American Embassy also lacked details. No 
definite word of what had really happened in Buffalo was 
forthcoming until Theodore Roosevelt thought of his absent 
friend and sent him a cable. Roosevelt's first word was re 
assuring, and Lodge wrote him a delightful letter, quoting 
some of the amusing things the Paris press said about 

* By rights the chairmanship should have gone to Senator Frye of 
Maine, the oldest Republican on the committee, but he would not 
accept it. 


Roosevelt, and urging him to guard himself well against 
all lurking anarchists. 

Disappointed in not having received promotion to the 
chairmanship of the Foreign Relations Committee, Senator 
Lodge might well have coveted a place in President Roose 
velt's cabinet. His son-in-law, Augustus P. Gardner, who 
had taken an increasing interest in politics since his return 
from the Spanish-American War, wrote to him at once, 
urging him to return home. At least two other friends also 
wanted him to hasten back There was considerable news 
paper speculation, during the week that followed McKin- 
ley's death, over who was to replace John Hay. Mr. Hay, 
the reporters intimated, was to be dropped because of his 
ideas on foreign policy which did not jibe with Roosevelt's. 
Anyone remembering Roosevelt's blast at the Hay-Paunce- 
fote Treaty, and Senator Lodge's desertion of Hay at that 
time, could hardly be blamed for taking the report seriously, 
but Lodge's letter to Roosevelt, written from Paris on Sep 
tember 19, 1901, said: - 

All sorts erf reports as to the Cabinet are in the newspapers 
here, tibe ooe this morning being that Hay is going to stay. I am 
sure I hope so for then you will have both him and Root/ 


Lodge made no apparent effort to get the post, refusing to 
hasten home. He appears to have had no further corre 
spondence cm the subject. Roosevelt kept Hay in the State 

Senator Lodge arrived in New Yoifc early in October and 
took the first train to Washington. He went at once to the 
White House. The two old friends talked over the entire 
situation late into the night The Senates* prescribed caution, 
as usual, and warned the President to stick closely to McKin- 

* Elite Root, Secretary of War in MdOeie/s secood cabfaet 
He became Roosevelt's Secretary erf State in 1905. 


ley's policies. They argued over the first Presidential message 
that Roosevelt was preparing. Senator Lodge was afraid that 
his friend was perhaps a little too rhetorical in one or two 
places. He was most insistent that Roosevelt say or do 
nothing that would in any way jeopardize the second Hay- 
Pauncefote Treaty, which would be the Senate's first im 
portant business when Congress reconvened. He then 
returned to Nahant to prepare for the work that lay ahead. 

"Ever Yours" 

^OOSEVELTS are born and never can be taught," Adams 
wrote in his sixty-seventh year, "but Lodge was a creature 
of teaching Boston incarnate the child of his local par 
entage; and while his ambition led him to be more, the 
intent, though virtuous, was . . . restless. An excellent 
talker, a voracious reader, a ready wit, an accomplished 
orator, with a clear mind and a powerful memory, he could 
never feel perfectly at ease, whatever leg he stood on, but 
shifted, sometimes with painful strain of temper, from one 
sensitive muscle to another, uncertain whether to pose as 
uncompromising Yankee, or a pure American, or a patriot in 
the still purer atmosphere of Irish, Germans, and Jews; or a 
scholar and historian of Harvard College." 

So was Henry Cabot Lodge painted, near the turn of the 
^century, by a consummate artist who had studied his subject 
for fully thirty years. But there was more to the portrait, 
finer lines to be placed on with a sable brush to sharpen 
the general mass: 

English to the last fibre of his thought saturated with Eng 
lish literature, English traditions, English taste revolted by 
every vice and by most virtues of Frenchman and German, or 
any other continental standards, but at home and happy among 
the vices and extravagances of Shakespeare x standing first on 
the social, then on the political foot; EK>W worshipping, now ban- 

z Senator Lodge never traveled without a thm volume of Shake 
speare tucked in his coat pocket. 


ning; shocked by the wanton display of immorality, but prac 
tising the license of political usage; sometimes bitter, often ge 
nial, always intelligent Lodge had the singular merit of inter 
esting. The usual statesmen flocked in swarms, like crows, black 
and monotonous. Lodge's plumage was varied, and, like his 
flight, harked back to race. He betrayed the consciousness that 
he and his people had a past, if they dared but avow it ? and 
might have a future, if they could but divine it. 

Even though he had now attained the dignity of two re- 
elections he was not immune to the scoffing that he had 
endured when his Harvard accent had been mocked in the 
cloakrooms of the House. One day, while he was acting as 
Roosevelt's spokesman in the Senate, old Ben TiUrnan, who 
admired him greatly deep in his heart and who requested, 
as he lay dying, that Lodge speak the eulogy at his funeral, 
could not restrain himself. He launched into such a gale of 
satire that the Senate was ordered into executive session. 
The galleries were cleared of an audience that was rocking 
with laughter and all of Tillman's remarks were expunged 
from the record. Among the remembered remarks that 
caused the pandemonium was this; 

"Like the Negro preacher and the telephone artist in 
the show, who on occasion gets into communication with 
the White House over the wire and acts as receiver and 
repeater, a veritable chameleon in his inaccuracy in repro 
ducing White House colors, we have a Senator from Massa 
chusetts, the home of the sacred cod, where the Adamses 
vote for Douglas and Lodge walks with the Almighty.'* 2 

2 Thus, in 1907, did Ben Tillman paraphrase a toast given by "a 
western man" two years earlier at the 25th anniversary of the class 
of Harvard 'SO: - 

Here's to old Massachusetts, 
The home of the sacred cod, 
Where the Adamses vote for Douglas, 
And the Cahots walk with God. 


Senator Tillman's description was apt. In all tie Senate 
the President had no more faithful messenger than Senator 
"Lodge. Hardly a day passed, at least during the earlier years 
of Roosevelt's administration, which did not see the two men 
in consultation. They rode horseback together in what, 
thanks to Roosevelt's interest in conservation, later became 
Rock Creek Park. (Unlike some of those invited by the 
President, Senator Lodge was an expert horseman. Roose 
velt once chuckled: "Cabot didn't mind having the news 
papers say he was head of the kitchen cabinet, but he was 
frantic with fury when they said he was learning to ride 
so as to go out with me!") The Senator had a door cut into 
his library and a stairway built from the courtyard of his 
Massachusetts Avenue home to give direct entrance from 
the outside, so that the President could call upon him with 
out the formality of using the front door and going through 
the house. Even when the two did not ride together, Roose 
velt as likely as not would pop in for a drink and talk 
in the late afternoon. Most of Roosevelt's messages were 
written only after consultation in the Lodge library. Often 
Mrs, Lodge was present at these discussions. There were 
few affairs of state to which Nannie Lodge and Edith Roose 
velt were not privy. 

The Roosevelt administration got under way with Roose 
velt's first message to Congress, which was so eminently 
conservative and yet which appalled the businessmen of the 

Three years later, in 1910, John Coffins Bossidy at a Midwestern 
dinner erf die Holy Cross College alumni gave the version that is best 

And this is good oH Boston, 
The borne of the bean and the cod, 
Where the Lowells talk only to Cabots, 
And the Cabots fcal: crfy to God. 

The Tffiinan episode Is from an artkfe by B. M. King, New Jork 
Past, July 5, 1910. 


country wlio detected in it hints of the radicalism that 
Mark Hanna had feared. As far as the Senator was con 
cerned its most important passages were those dealing with 
the second Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, which had been signed 
November 18, 1901, and was one of the first matters to come 
before the Senate. As it went to the Foreign Eelations Com 
mittee it represented a compromise between the first treaty 
and the Senate amendments, the most vital difference being 
the omission of any article prohibiting fortification of the 
proposed Isthmian canal by the United States. 

President Roosevelt was vigorously behind the new treaty. 
Senator Lodge, who took the credit for the defeat of the 
first treaty, was ready to see that it was quickly accepted- 
In the January 1902 issue of Scribners Magazine he ex 
plained at length that the Senate had the constitutional 
right to advise the opening of a negotiation or advise against 
it, that it had the right to amend treaties, and that no treaty 
should be considered made until the Senate had approved 
it. He observed that Lord Lansdowne, the British Foreign 
Secretary, did not "seem to have realized that the Senate 
could properly continue the negotiations begun by Mr. Hay 
and Lord Pauncefote by offering new or modified proposi 
tions to His Majesty's government." Senator Lodge's belief 
was that the Senate had the full right to share in any or aH 
diplomatic negotiations it wanted to. When the editor of 
the Nation read this amazing article, which in effect said 
the Secretary of State was the errand boy of the Senate, 
he wrote: "Diplomacy is at best a leisurely affair; this plan 
would make it a veritable dead march.'* 

This time there was to be no dead march, England, as 
Lodge pointed out, had made all the concessions which the 
American critics of the first treaty had demanded. With 
Lodge as his able lieutenant, the Sectors were rounded up 
by Roosevelt, lectured, and sent back to the Senate to carry 


out the administration's wish. On February 21, 1902, seventy- 
two Senators voted for the treaty; six, whom Roosevelt called 
"the irreclaimable cranks," voted against it. The way was 
cleared for a canal to be built by the United States, policed 
by it, and (at least by implication) fortified by it. John 
Hay, Cabot Lodge, Teddy Roosevelt, Elihu Root, were well 

With the treaty out of the way Senator Lodge devoted 
most of the time to the Philippines. Grim stories had been 
coming back from the strife-torn islands. From disinterested 
men there came a demand for an investigation which could 
not be ignored, for the charges, seemingly well substantiated, 
concerned outrages perpetrated upon the natives by Ameri 
can troops during the suppression of the rebellion. It was 
alleged that whole villages had been needlessly burned, that 
native women had been raped by American soldiers, and that 
scores of natives had been forced to undergo the "water 
cure" that same horrible form of torture inflicted by the 
Japanese upon American prisoners. 

Under pressure, Senator Lodge introduced the bill call 
ing for an investigation and forthwith the Senate appointed 
a committee. Since Senator Lodge, as chairman of the Philip 
pine Committee of the Senate, was considered the Senate's 
leading expert cm the Islands (which he had never seen), 
he was made chairman. Its next most important member 
was Senator Albert J. Beveridge, the cocky Indiana expan 
sionist who had twice visited the Philippines. 

The work of the Lodge committee does not constitute one 
of the brighter chapters of American history, The hearings 
began in January and coetinued until June. Among the 
witnesses called ware Governor Genera! Wffliain H. Taft, 
General Arthur MacArthur, Admiral Dewey, and a host of 
soldiers. Senator Beveiidge set himself up as counsel for the 
defense. Senator Lodge, as presiding officer, left most of the 


questioning to Beveridge when witnesses were brought to 
the large and handsomely furnished room where the com 
mittee met. (For many years thereafter Senator Lodge made 
this room practically his private office. ) There were no rules 
of evidence at the hearing. Senator Lodge had all the power 
of a judge and there was no question where his sympathies 

In spite of Senator Beveridge's skillful maneuvering in 
this frankly partisan investigation, the able Democratic 
Senators, who, in a sense, were the prosecutors, were able 
to prove that many of the alleged outrages had occurred, 
but not as often as had originally been charged. The Demo 
crats had hoped to make a good campaign issue of the 
investigation, but the American people were tired of hear 
ing about the Philippines, which, after all, were populated 
by the little brown men thousands of miles away, and so 
that effort failed. In fact, through Lodge's and Beveridge's 
obstructive tactics, it was made to look as though the 
Democrats had attacked the integrity of the American 
Army and the honor of the United States. That Lodge sup 
pressed much of the most damaging evidence is admitted 
even by Claude G, Bowers, Beveridge's friendly biographer. 

Almost as soon as Senator Lodge got back to Nahant 
early in June he heard that Associate Justice Horace Gray 
had resigned from the Supreme Court because of a serious 
illness. He at once sent word to Roosevelt that he had a 
candidate in mind as Gray's successor, As a matter of fact, 
Justice Gray had not then resigned, but he was an the verge 
of doing so. Senator Lodge's choice was the Chief Justice 
of the Massachusetts Supreme Court, his lifelong friend, 
Oliver Wendell Holmes. Lodge's letters to Roosevelt on 
the subject were persuasive. The President approved of 
Holmes mainly because he felt that the liberal-minded justice 
would be on his side as Roosevelt carried out his daring 


campaigns against the trusts and the malefactors of great 
wealth. "The ablest lawyers and greatest judges are men 
whose past has naturally brought them into close relation 
ship with the wealthiest and most powerful clients," Roose 
velt wrote to Lodge, "and I am glad when I can find a 
judge who has been able to preserve his aloofness of mind 
so as to keep his broad humanity of feeling and his sym 
pathy for the class from which he has not drawn his clients." 

He sought assurance from Lodge that Holmes was ""in 
entire sympathy with our view, that is with your view and 
mine," before he offered him the appointment. These assur 
ances Lodge was able to give him. Holmes was appointed 
and Roosevelt was overjoyed at the popularity of his choice. 
He was, however, to regret it before long. Mr. Holmes, as 
it turned out, was able to keep his remarkable mind aloof, 
even from the persuasions of Theodore Roosevelt. 

Up till now President Roosevelt had not deviated seri 
ously from the policy of his predecessor, but as time passed 
and it became necessary to have an "issue** for the 1904 
campaign he began more and more to wield the big stick. 
The object of his attacks was the "trusts." Senator Lodge 
was going to find it difficult to follow his friend along this 
track. During the summer the Senator more than once men 
tioned the Tieejous mothers," as Mr. Dooley called the 
trusts, in the many speeches he made throughout New Eng 
land. At Portland, Maine, he expressed his philosophy towards 
the problem: 

Tn endeavoring to punish trusts by removing tariff duties 
on any articles they happen to make, you are going to punish 
many other people besides, and you are going to punish, 
worst of al, the people engaged in these industries. . . . 
To undertake to destroy them and bring them down by rash 
legislation would be to bring on at fee present time tiie 
most disastrous panic in the business world and 


the country that can be imagined. We forget the thousands 
of men who are employed and at work for these trusts who 
are getting their living out of them and that when you 
wreck them you throw that labor out." 

Senator Lodge was a little agitated about the direction 
his friend in the White House was taking. But as the sum 
mer drew to a close, a summer of intense political activity, 
during which Lodge and Roosevelt traveled across Massa 
chusetts., another even more dangerous issue arose to strike 
alarm in Lodge's breast. As he wrote to Dear Theodore: 

Trusts, thanks to you, we can manage. , , . Tariff revision we 
can discuss. I do not fear it. But the rise in the price of coal we 
cannot argue with. 

Senator Lodge was one of the first to realize that political 
disaster lurked in the strike in the anthracite coal fields that 
had begun in the spring. He sent frantic letters to the 
White House. 

By the first week in November if the strike does not stop and 
coal begins to go down we shall have an overturn. I am no alarm 
ist but the indications now on this alarm me. I care nothing for 
the rest. Despite . . . tariffs and trusts I believe we should hold 
the House and come out all right if it was not for the rising price 
per ton of coal which we cannot answer because it produces an 
unreasoning sentiment. 

There were other letters, more excited, in which Lodge 
trembled for fear the administration might have to take the 
"awful step" of seizing the mines. He urged Roosevelt to do 
something, "not in public of course, I know that is out of 
the question, but by pressing the operators/* s He offered 
to do anything he could, or go anywhere Roosevelt wanted 
him, although he admitted he was "ineffective in such mat 
ters as coal barons." He thought there were others better 

* Lodge s italics, 


fitted to deal with those gentlemen than he. Roosevelt 
evidently agreed with him for it was Murray Crane, who 
had a way with coal barons as well as with ward leaders, 
whom he called to Washington. The President and the Gov 
ernor had a long talk, during which Crane told how he as 
Governor had hrought both sides together to settle the Bos 
ton teamsters' strike. Not long thereafter Roosevelt, prac 
tically by main force, succeeded in getting the operators and 
the strikers together, and the November elections were 

The summer of 1902 was one of the most harrying Senator 
Lodge had ever experienced. Not only did the coal strike 
give him sleepless nights, but there was dissension in the 
party. Eugene N. Foss, who in Lodge's words had taken 
over "Billy Russell's old platform of free trade in everything 
Massachusetts buys and protections for all she makes," was 
causing trouble. Foss won the nomination for Congress, 
which disturbed Lodge deeply, and he was now attempting 
to run the State Convention, threatening even to scrap 
Lodge's platform in favor of his own. Not in years had 
anyone had the temerity to question Lodge's control But 
that the ambitious Foss was a real danger to party harmony 
there was no denying. Besides, he was an extremely wealthy 
man, who had made his millions in stock market specula 
tion. Lodge thought he was "mad with pride and vanity." 
In the end Lodge was to drive him from the party, but in 
19(KJ and for several years to come, Eugene N. Foss was to 
be a thorn in his side. 

Another worry was the political ambition of his son-in- 
law, Gussie Gardner, who was seeking promotion from the 
legislature to Congress. Gardner had a scrap on his hands 
to win the nomination but he won 76 out of 130 delegates 
and, as Ixxlge^wrote Roosevelt, If elected as I think he will 
be he will be'yrf value to you, to the party and to ever 
X 206 

yours." Gussie lived in the Sixth District, which was also the 
home of George von Lengerke Meyer, one of the party's 
most adroit fund raisers and a member of the National Com 
mittee, who had moved to Hamilton after serving in the 
Massachusetts General Court. Meyer, who deserved well of 
his party, had political ambitions which he hoped would 
lead him to the Senate. It was broadly hinted that he had 
won his present appointment as Ambassador to Italy only 
through Senator Lodge's intercession and that Lodge had 
induced President McKinley to select him only in order 
to remove him as a threat to Gussie's advancement to 

The Republicans, including Gussie, carried the state in 
November. "If you had not settled the coal strike we should 
have been washed out," Lodge wrote Roosevelt 

For several years Senator Lodge had been closely follow 
ing the Alaska Boundary dispute. As early as January, 1899, 
he had reached the conclusion that "under the Russian 
treaty they [Great Britain and Canada] have not, as regards 
the Alaskan boundary question, a leg to stand on. Their 
whole case is manufactured." He conceded then that there 
might be reason to give Canada "access to the sea and a 
free port . . . but no territorial sovereignty." The Senator 
felt that such a "compromise" ought to satisfy Great Britain. 

In the fall of 1899 a temporary boundary line was agreed 
upon, which pushed the Canadians back fifteen miles from 
tidewater and kept most of the disputed territory under 
American jurisdiction. Senator Lodge was pleased because 
he felt that Canada had been put in her place. When Roose 
velt became President he wanted to let sleeping dogs lie, 
but in the summer of 1902 Sir Wilfrid Laurier, the Prime 
Minister of Canada, and Governor General Lord Minto 
intimated that the situation, which Sir Wilfrid felt was dan 
gerous, particularly if more gold was discovered, ought to 


be cleared up, Roosevelt, when apprised of this, gave Sec 
retary Hay permission to reopen negotiations. 

Senator Lodge, well aware that a treaty was in the making, 
was anxious during the summer of 1902 lest it proceed too 
fast and interfere with the political situation in Massachu 
setts. Gloucester, the great fishing port, was in the Congres 
sional district which Gussie Gardner wished to represent. 
The Senator wanted the ticklish matter of fishing rights 
separated from any consideration of the Alaskan boundary. 

"I wrote this to Mr. Hay," he said to Roosevelt, "but I 
told him at the same time that it would be impossible for 
us to sustain the treaty unless it was reasonably satisfactory 
to the Gloucester people ... I urged Mr. Hay not to sign 
the treaty before election. The mere knowledge that the 
treaty had been signed might turn Gloucester against us 
and cost us the Congressional district." 

A treaty setting up a joint commission of "six impartial 
jurists of repute," three to be appointed by each side, with 
no seventh to act as umpire, was signed by Secretary Hay 
and Lord Herbert, the British Ambassador, on January 23, 
1903. There were some objections to it in the Senate but, 
with Lodge's backing, it was ratified on February 11. 

Senator Lodge immediately telephoned the White House 
to warn the President not to "give any intimation as to whom 
he is going to appoint" Secretary Hay said that the President 
"thought it was impossible to get the treaty through the 
Senate without the earnest and devoted assistance of Lodge 
and Turner. . . "* Once it was through the Senate, Roose 
velt made a gesture erf inviting the Supreme Court Justices 
to act on the commissiaa, but, as he had anticipated, they 
refused. Thereupon he named the two Senators and Secre 
tary of War Root. 

None was an "impartial jurist of reputed Indeed three 

4 Senator George Turner of Washington 


persons of less judicial temperament would have been hard 
to find. The press roared with critical laughter. In Canada 
where Lord Alverstone, the Chief Justice of England, A. B. 
Aylesworth, a noted Ontario lawyer, and Sir Louis Jett6, a 
former member of the Quebec Supreme Court, had been 
named to the panel there was much anger. Senator Lodge 
said this was "largely political," and dismissed it with his 
customary cynicism. 

Secretary Hay, who was pleased with the appointment 
of Root, wrote: 

Of course, the presence of Lodge on the Tribunal is from 
many points of view regrettable, and as if the devil were in 
spiring him, he took the occasion last week to make a speech 
in Boston, one-half of it filled with abuse of the Canadians and 
the other half of it filled with attacks on the State Department. 
He is a clever man and a man of a great deal of force in the 
Senate, but the infirmity of his mind and character is that he 
never sees but one subject at a time, and just at present it is the 
acceptability of his son-in-law to the voters of Gloucester. Of 
course, you know his very intimate relations with the Presi 
dent, which make it almost impossible that the President should 
deny him anything he has to give him, and he insisted upon this 
appointment on the Tribunal. 

A few days after the appointment of the three "impartial 
jurists" Roosevelt sent them a personal and confidential 
message in which he said that the treaty of 1825 undoubt 
edly was intended to cut off British access to the sea, and 
that "in the principle involved there will of course be no 
compromised The President, who had been willing enough 
to let the matter alone a year before, was now greatly ex 
cited about it. When the British delayed the meeting he 
stormed and fumed and threatened to break off with Great 
Britain and run his own boundary line and then defend it. 
The tribunal finally got to London in midsummer. There 


were further delays by the British. Lodge stayed in Lon 
don from July to mid-October, with only one or two brief 
visits to the Continent, before a decision was reached. After 
much cajoling and threatening, mainly through letters car 
ried by Roosevelt's friends who visited England that sum 
mer, Lord Alverstone swung to the American side and the 
case was adjudged in favor of the United States. There were 
some slight concessions to Great Britain, but on the major 
issues involved Lodge and his partners triumphed. When 
the decision was reached the President wrote to Lodge: 
**You have rendered one of those great substantial benefits 
to the country the memory of which will last as long as her 
history lasts/' and told him to hurry home. It was already 
late October and there "has been no ginger in the campaign." 

There were reports during the summer months to the 
effect that Senator Lodge was being considered for the post 
of chairman of the Republican National Committee. This, 
however, was not the land of honor which the Senator de 
sired. He recalled the hard work during the two terms he 
had served as chairman of the State Committee years before, 
when he managed the campaign to unseat Ben Butler, and 
decided he wanted no part of "managing politics. 9 * He was 
a little upset, though, because the newspapers all said he 
had had no such practical experience. He wanted Mark 
Hanna to stay OB as chairman and suggested that Murray 
Crane be given a place on the Advisory Committee, where, 
Lodge felt, he would be of "very great value/* 

But Mark Hanna was to die in February 1904, and in a 
way his death brought an era to a close. In September that 
ancient champion of the dignity of human rights, George 
Frisbie Hoar, was to go to meet his Puritan fathers, and his 
seat in the Senate, which he had held since 1877, was filled 
by Murray Crane, who had been in politics scarcely more 
than a decade. That spring Henry Cabot Lodge quietly cele- 


brated his fifty-fourth birthday. He had been in Washington 
without a break for seventeen years. He had stepped into 
the temple of the Elder Statesmen. 

Even Harvard had forgiven its "degenerated son/' In 1904, 
shortly after the nomination of Theodore Roosevelt, the 
Senator went to Harvard to receive an honorary degree. 
President Eliot had not proposed it. To the end he looked 
scornfully at the renegade. But other members of the gov 
erning boards voted it. To Eliot, however, went the choice 
of words to accompany the presentation. With chill reserve 
he wrote: "Henry Cabot Lodge: Essayist, biographer, mem 
ber in Congress at 37, now already Senator from Massachu 
setts, with long vistas of generous service still awaiting him." 
Who could miss the implications of the final clause? Were 
they not an unmistakable hint "to do better in the future ? 
President Eliot, at least, meant them as such. 5 

During Roosevelt's first years in office Senator Lodge had 
well lived up to his self -selected designation as "Ever Yours." 
He was to remain faithful to Dear Theodore for some time 
to come. It was with Lodge's full approval that Roosevelt 
announced his candidacy for a second and, as lie made it 
clear, a final term in the spring of 1903. As soon as he had 
let it be known that he was seeking the nomination, Presi 
dent Roosevelt became deeply, almost pathologically, wor 
ried over his chances of re-election. To his closest friends 
he did not hesitate to say how much he feared th^t the 
country's powerful financial interests, long the backbone of 
the Republican Party, would do everything in their power 
to keep him from returning to the White House. Senator 
Lodge was quick to reassure him. 

There had been a time when Wall Street and State Street 
distrusted the Wily One. But now they knew that he was 

c According to Henry James, Eliofs biographer. See Charles W. 
Eliot, by Henry James. 1930. Vol. II, p. 99. 


with them, that all his instincts were on their side, however 
intimate he might be with Roosevelt. Before he sailed for 
Europe to attend the meetings of the Alaska Boundary Com 
mission he made inquiries to see how Roosevelt stood in the 
financial quarter. He quickly found that such gentlemen as 
Charles Jackson, "a broker and State Street man/' and Gardi 
ner Lane of Lee Higginson and Company, were admirers of 
Roosevelt. All they wanted to know was how the President 
stood regarding labor. When Senator Lodge assured them 
that Roosevelt was not "entirely given over to the labor side" 
and that he was wholly ready to "treat the labor men in the 
same way you would capital if they violate the law," they 
were greatly relieved. They promised the Senator they 
would pass the word on to their friends in Chicago, who 
were worried that in the event of a general railroad strike 
Roosevelt could not be depended upon. 

Wherever Lodge went he found people disturbed because 
they feared Roosevelt was "wholly with labor, against cap 
ital" Senator Lodge, who knew his President well, became 
a missionary dedicated to disabusing this nonsensical theory. 
When Judge Fessenden of Greenfield expressed this belief 
*1 told him thene was not a word of truth in it,** Lodge 
hastened to write his worried friend, who, at almost that 
very moment, was cementing his own strange new alliance 
with the Wall Street crowd. 

President Roosevelt kept in dose touch with Senator Lodge, 
whose strength politically was felt throughout New England, 
and with Murray Carape, who, silently, was becoming almost 
as great a power day by day. When he worried about the 
New Yorfc situation, where he was seeking the support of 
B. F. Ode!, Pktfs successor as "boss, he urged Dear Cabot 
to ask Crane to come and see him as soon as possible. 
Lodge got in touch with the Whispering Boss, and sent Mm 
on, and then told Roosevelt that from then on afl he had to 


do was drop a line to Dalton and Crane would be at his 
command. From London, in late September, 1903, Lodge, 
who kept in touch with politics even when abroad, sent the 
reassuring word that the "Wall Street situation has pretty 
much subsided." 

Roosevelt, of course, swept the country, the magnitude 
of the landslide amazing even himself. He at once tele 
graphed to Nahant: "Have swept the country by majorities 
which astound me. How is Mass, legislature?" There \vas a 
good reason for him to ask the question. Senator Lodge was 
coming up before the legislature in January for re-election 
and Murray Crane was asking to be sent to take the seat 
of Senator Hoar. A Republican legislature was necessary. 
But the question amused the Wily One and he wrote to the 
White House: 

I could not help smiling at your inquiry. , . . Since 1856 the 
smallest Republican majority, which was in the year 1891, on 
joint ballot was forty. Last year we had thirty-one Senators out 
of forty. This year we shall have thirty-four out of forty, a gain 
of three. Last year we had one hundred and fifty-four out of 
two hundred and forty representatives. This year we shall have 
one hundred and sixty out of two hundred and forty. In other 
words we have gained three Senators and six Representatives. 
Your active mind will grasp at once the fact that the Legislature 
is safely Republican, There is no opposition to me or Crane. 



The Dangerous Rock 

SENATOR LODGE was not without Iiis own doubts and alarms 
concerning ids friend in the White House. It would take 
but little soul searching on his part to see which way to 
turn if the occasion should arise. Three years previously 
Henry Adams had warned that "the most dangerous rock 
on Theodore's coast is Cabot/* and he had looked forward 
to the "inevitable shipwreck." The next four years were to 
tell how accurate a prophet Adams was. 

When the final session of the Fifty-eighth Congress con 
vened in December 1904, Senator Lodge, faithful to his 
belief in the all-importance of the Senate in the making or 
breaking of treaties, took his stand against the adminis 
tration. This came about when the Senate received the first 
of the Arbitration Treaties which Secretary Hay, under 
Roosevelt's direction, had negotiated and which provided for 
the submission of certain disputes to the Convention at The 

The Senate at once fumped on them and substituted the 
word ^treaty" for the word "agreement,** thus assuring that 
every future proposal to arbitrate would come before the 
Senate f or individual approval before it could be seat to The 

Senator Lodge fully approved erf this change. President 
Roosevelt felt otherwise, and dictated an angry letter to Mr* 
Lodge on the subject. He said that the amendment made 
"shams'* of the treaties. He urged their abandonment rather 


sins might be, had not then been accused of being a "Rail 
road Senator." Any such legislation would have to be sub 
jected to the scrutiny, and receive the approval, of men like 
Lodge, Aldrich, Allison, "and one or two others, who,** as 
Roosevelt told William Howard Taft, were "the most pow 
erful factors in Congress . . . the leaders [whose] great in 
telligence and power, and their desire ... to do what is 
best for the government, makes them not only essential to 
work with but desirable to work with." Senator Lodge as 
always was ready with advice, although what he, the scholar 
and expert on foreign affairs, knew about railroad rates, a 
subject of which he had never made any study, is open to 

To Senator Lodge any hint of governmental intervention 
in private industry smacked of dread Socialism. But, and 
this in his mind was more important, he feared that if rates 
were set by a commission New England interests might 
suffer. The Senator admitted that he was "very much trou 
bled" by the whole problem. Although he agreed that a 
commission might "have the power to prevent excessive 
rate or unjust discrimination" he would not go beyond that 
point Shortly after the House passed Representative Wil 
liam P. Hepburn's bill he had his say. 

"Our railroad freight rates are the lowest in existence," he 
declared, echoing the good Hamiltonian sentiments of his 
ancestor, George Cabot of Essex. "Why should not the rail 
roads be allowed to continue to determine them? There is 
BO body of people and they constitute one-seventh of our 
population so profoundly interested in the prosperity of 
the United States as the people, great and small, who own 
our railimds, who operate them, who work for them It is 
preposterous to suggest that the railroads of the country 
are hostile to its well-being and eateo up by a shortsighted 
selfishness which would lead them to destroy any industry 
or injure any locality.** 


own belief," he said again, "Is that the natural eco 
nomic forces will settle rates so far as an excess is concerned 
by the competition of the markets, by the play of natural 
forces, and by the certainty that if rates are put up to a point 
where it would make it profitable for someone else to come 
in, he will come in.* 7 

Through all of March and April the debate raged in the 
Senate. Senator Lodge was not destined to take a leading 
role in the struggle but on more than one occasion he had to 
stand up and argue against the measure on the passage of 
which his dearest friend had set his heart. In one speech in 
the Senate, ever mindful of the fact that he was still the 
scholar in politics, he commenced with a quotation from 
Coleridge's Table Talk. 

"I have heard but two arguments of any weight adduced 
in favor of this reform bill," he said, sarcastically, "and they 
are in substance these, *We will blow your brains out if you 
don't pass it* and We will drag you through a horse pond if 
you don't pass it* and there is a good deal of force in both." 

While Lodge was summoning up the ghosts of literature 
and using outworn language of laissez faire economics of the 
past, Senator La Follette, who, as Governor of Wisconsin, 
had been the author of some model railroad legislation, was 
throwing facts and figures at the Senate. The Senate <Jid 
not like this. Because it was La Follette's first term they felt 
he should not have had the temerity even to make a speech. 
The first time he arose, most of the Old Guard, Including 
Senator Lodge, walked from the room. 

In the course of the debate many political tricks were 
played by both sides. Charges and cotmtercharges flew. 
When Senator TiUman, who, although a Democrat, had 
charge of the administration measure, justifiably felt that 
lie i&d bead tricked by Roosevelt, he explained his part in 
the secxelL goings-on behind tibe scenes and charged Roose- 


velt with having, in the words of Mark Sullivan, "imputed 
odious chicanery" to powerful Republicans. 

Senator Lodge at once saw the political dangers inherent 
m this statement if it were allowed to go unchaUenged. 
Hardly had "Pitchfork Ben'' finished when Lodge rushed to 
the stenographers' room for an exact copy of his speech. 
Then, like the Negro in Ben Tillman's story, he got the White 
House on the telephone and read Tillman's words to Roose 
velt. In a few minutes he was back demanding and getting 
the floor, and telling the excited Senate that "I took down 
the statement which he [Roosevelt] made to me over the 
telephone. ... He said in reply that the statement which 
I read to him . . . was a deliberate and unqualified lie." 1 
Thus, through Senator Lodge's intercession, was the first 
member of Roosevelt's famous Ananias Club elected to mem 

Lodge's financial and economic interests, however, lay in 
the corporate structures of New England and his friend 
Roosevelt's attacks upon the corporations and trusts must 
have disturbed him. 2 In the first decade of the twentieth 

1 Tbe details of behind-the-scenes maneuvers during the passage 
of the Hepburn Act have often been told. Perhaps the account easiest 
to follow is that given by Mark Sullivan in Our Times, Vol. Ill, Ck 7, 
pp. 191-276; a more critical account may be found in The President 
Makers, by Matthew Josephson, Ch. 7, pp. 210-245. 

3 Senator Lodge, at the time of his death in 1925, owned 864 
shares of General Efeetric, 1240 shares of Union Carbide and Carbon, 
2455 shares of Calumet and Hecla, 1296 sbares of General Electric 
special, $20,000 worth of Northern Pacific bonds, $30,000 worth ol 
U.S. Government bonds, and a lesser but substantial number ol 
shares in the E. G. Budd Manufacturing Company, Kansas City Stock 
yards (pfd.), U. S. Smelting and Refining (pfd.), American Tele 
phone, Edison ffluminating Company, Chicago Junctiofi Railways, 
American Exchange National Bank, Otis Elevator. 

His 864 shares of General Electric were valued tnee at $221,400, 
and his Union Carbkle at $79,825. 

Hie total value of his estate was $1,249,825, divided as follows: 
real estate, $158,455 (Eastern Point pixjperty, Naiant, $54,550; 
tbe Lodge vila, Nahant, $18,325; 1765 Massachusetts Avenue, Wasb- 


century the assertion was repeatedly made that Senator 
Lodge owned a slice of the General Electric Company, whose 
Lynn plant was not far from his Nahant home, and he was 
supposed to hold large interests in power sites on the Pacific 
Coast. General Electric was one of the huge corporations 
which contributed generously to Roosevelt's campaign fund 
in 1904. His colleague, Murray Crane, was a director and 
Lodge always voted tariff favors for the electric industry. 

Since it was vacation time, Senator Lodge and Roosevelt 
were browsing in their books, the one at Nahant and Tuck- 
ernuck, the other at Oyster Bay. Senator Lodge paused in his 
animadversions on world politics to play literary critic. He 
sniffed disdainfully at Henry Adams's novel, Democracy, 
which he had not read for years but which he remembered 
as "extremely sordid in the view it took." In his judgment 
Adams's novel in which were shown the dishonesty of 
powerful politicians and the dangers of party loyalty as well 
as a faith that democracy might somehow in the end justify 
itself was a "singularly worthless** study of our political 
society. 3 

ington, D.C., 180,580); personal property (including $59,277 in 
Washington), $1,096,370. 

Also listed among his personal property were a Stuart portrait 
of Fisher Ames (see Chapter I) and a portrait of Alexander Hamilton ; 
George Cabot's commission as Secretary o the Navy from President 
John Adams; the Cabot jewelry; and "Mrs. Hancock's fan.** He also 
owned between 15,000 and 20,000 books. 

It is interesting to notice that in listing of shares no textile firm is 
mentioned. In 1910, answering a charge that he was a heavy investor 
in that industry, he said that **I have been amazed to hear of the gigan 
tic profits of the New England mills, which are found in the Senate 
but not in the places where the mills exist.** The Kansas City Stock- * 
yards was an investment of the Lawrence family of Massachusetts, 
members of which were among his closest friends, indbdiag Bishop 
WilHam Lawrence, his quondam schoolmate and posthumous eulogist. 

The listing of shares above is from the Bosfom Evening Transcript 
of June 4, 1925. 

* Heery Cabot Lodge read more and wrote less as he grew older. 
Since his publication of his "history* of the Spanish- Araeocan War 


During the Moroccan crisis in the summer of 1905 Senator 
Lodge was vacationing in Paris. Early in June he wrote 
Roosevelt that, although the immediate danger was over and 
he did not believe the Kaiser meant to fight, the situa 
tion was still ticklish. He wanted everything possible done to 
"draw France toward us" for that country should be "with 
us and England in our zone and our combination" for it 
"would be an evil day for us if Germany were to crush 

Later he was telling Roosevelt how much France loved 
the United States. He had just witnessed the ceremonies 
attendant upon the removal of the remains of John Paul 
Jones to an American battleship to be brought to the United 
States for permanent burial at the Naval Academy at An 

**You know," he wrote, "how I have always believed that 
France was our natural ally and belonged in our system and 
not with England. 4 The Kaiser has done more in a month 
to drive her toward us than twenty years of effort." 

Soon, after an exchange of letters obviously written for 
posterity about the death of John Hay and the elevation of 
Elihu Root to the State Department, Lodge was advising 
the President that the British felt Roosevelt was tinder the 
influence of the Kaiser, a statement which both he and Henry 
Adams, who also was in Paris at the time, of course knew 
to be ridiculous. He added: **Your great work in world poli 
tics this summer will be, when the history of our time is 

Bis liferary output Bad been dim. In 1906 Be was to pafc&li Bis first 
books in seven years, two volumes of rasyial writings, made up from 
essays and speeches: A Frontier Town and A Fighting Ffigpte. Noth 
ing else was fcrtBcoming tmtfl 1910, a year of oisls in Bis political 
Me, when he published Speeches and Addresses* which was fust tliat 
* So given in Selections of the Correspondence of Th&od&m Eoam- 
veti and Henry Cofetf Lodge, Vol. H, p. 164; tBe disparity betweoa 
this statement and the one given abwe is inexplicable. 

written, one of your most, if not your most, certain titles to 
a really enduring fame.** 

One of these claims to fame was the peace pact between 
Russia and Japan; another was the Algeciras Conference, 
called for January 16, 1906, to settle the Moroccan question. 
To that conference Roosevelt sent Henry White, who had 
by this time been advanced to the post of Ambassador to 
Italy, and Samuel Gummere, Minister to Morocco. They 
were instructed to "keep friendly with all" but "to help 
France get what she ought to have." 

It was only natural that President Roosevelt*s dangerous 
intervention in a purely European wrangle should be ques 
tioned in the Senate of the United States. Both at Ports 
mouth and at Algeciras Roosevelt had broken more com 
pletely with the American tradition of isolationism than had 
any previous President. In neither instance had he deigned 
to consult with the Senate. He had taken things into his own 
hands. In such circumstances it might be expected that the 
Senate, led by the jealous Lodge who for so many years had 
propounded the Senate's right to advise and consent, would 
wrathfully refuse to ratify the Act of Algeciras, then in the 
making. But it was Senator Lodge who arose in the Senate 
and put that august body in its place. Consistency was not 
one of Henry Cabot Lodge's virtues. 

On January 24, 1906, speaking on the floor of the Senate, 
Senator Lodge said: 

"No one, I think, can doubt the absolute power of the 
President to initiate and carry on all negotiations; and after 
a treaty has been returned to him with the ratification of the 
Senate, to withhold it from ratification if he sees fit so to do. 
There is no doubt that the Senate can by resolution advise 
tibe President to enter upoo a negotiation, or to advise the 
President to refrain from a negotiation; but those resolutions 
have no binding force whatsoever, and the action of the Seo- 

ate becomes operative and actually effective only when a 
treaty is actually submitted to it. We [the Senate] have no 
possible right to break suddenly into the middle of a nego 
tiation and demand from the President what instructions 
he has given to his representatives." 

Never before had Senator Lodge admitted the existence erf 
such extensive Presidential powers or of such restriction on 
the rights of the Senate. In 1919 he was to act as if he had 
never spoken those words. 

In this same speech Lodge made another statement which 
he was to live to regret. He declared that President Washing 
ton was "altogether too sensible and too practical a man 
to suppose that because we were not to engage in alliances 
which might involve us in the wars of Europe with 
which we had no concern, therefore we were never to en 
gage in any agreements with any of the nations of Europe, 
no matter how beneficial to the world at large or to our 

He had mere to say, and perhaps (in 1919) to regret: 

"It is the policy of the United States to be at peace; but, 
more than that, the policy and interest of the United States 
alike demand the peace of the world, and it is not to be sup 
posed for a moment that we are never to exert our great 
moral influence or to use our good offices for the mainte 
nance of the world's peace. 5 . . . Mr. President, the phrase 
'entangling alliances* does not mean that we should not unite 
with other nations on common questions, on the settlement 
of rights of commerce, as to the rights of our citizens in 
other countries, or in the promotion of those great and be- 

8 It was Roosevelt* s and Lodge's contention that by intervening in 
the Moioeean question Roosevelt had held of a European war. Late 
historians dispute this* saying that all threat of war disappeared wiiee 
Belcass6 resigned in 19QS. See A Dtj&ma&c History of the Umted 
States,, by Samuel Flagg Bemis (Revised Edifee), p, 385, and sources 
cited ibid., p. 586, 


neficent objects which are embodied in international con 

Seldom had Senator Lodge been more nearly the states 
man than on January 24, 1906, when he stood up to defend 
Theodore Roosevelt and enunciate a foreign policy which 
informed the world that, as a Great Power, the United States 
had come of age at last. 

The Algeciras Convention was sent to the Senate shortly 
after it was signed on April 1, 1906. Before it was ratified, 
however, a reservation was added by the Foreign Relations 
Committee, with Lodge's quiet approval, stating that it was 
ratified "without purpose to depart from the traditional 
American policy which forbids participation by the United 
States in the settlement of political questions which are en 
tirely European in their scope," Thus the spirit of George 
Washington was allowed to triumph after all. 

In 1904 Lodge had repeatedly urged President Roosevelt 
to make immigration an issue, but the subject had not ap 
pealed to the President as a vital one then, and he had suc 
cessfully evaded it. However, by 1906, events had occurred 
which made it impossible for the administration to go on 
ignoring what was becoming a dangerous situation. 

The trouble centered in California, where Japanese chil 
dren were being excluded from the public schools. The state 
authorities defied every effort on the part of the Federal 
Government to put an end to this practice, with the result 
that diplomatic relations between the United States and 
Japan were strained almost to the breaking point. President 
Roosevelt was f orced to do something. Faced as he was with 
a matter of States' rights and the duty to enforce the observa 
tion of national treaties by the states, he asked Congress to 
provide a special Japanese naturalization bflL 

Senator Lodge at the time was a member not only of the 
Seaate Goismittee on Immigration, but also of an Imniigra- 


tion Commission especially appointed to study the whole 
problem of immigration laws and their enforcement. When 
the bills being considered by the two Houses went into con 
ference Lodge saw his opportunity to settle the Japanese 
question. He had a long talk with Roosevelt, following which 
Secretary Root was called into conference. Shortly there 
after the clever Secretary, following Lodge's suggestions, 
drafted what became known as the "passport clause." This 
required the showing of passports by all Japanese immigrants, 
and the situation was so shaped as to carry also the promise 
of the Japanese Government to issue passports only to such 
classes of persons as would be persona grata to the United 

With practically no publicity this important clause was 
slipped into the conference report. It was wholly new leg 
islation and it strained very far the powers of a conference 
committee. Senator Lodge, however, had banked upon his 
knowledge of the political mind; he felt that none would 
dare raise a point against it He was right. It became law; 
and, by this fertile expedient, which was wholly Senator 
Lodge's idea, all the political embarrassments which a sepa 
rate bill might well have met were avoided. When, a few 
years later, Senator Lodge felt constrained to defend his pub 
lic career, the passage of the passport clause was erne of 
the topics of which he boasted the most. "I framed and 
helped pass the passport amendment," he crowed, which, 
he added, "solved our difficulty with Japan and cheeked the 
influx of Asiatic labor." 

When the Fifty-ninth Congress met for its final session 
in December 1906, Senator Lodge was on band with three 
bills. One was designed to prevent the desecration of the 
American iag, a worthily patriotic measure; aiiother, which 
was purely political business, aiitibariz^d the appointment 
of certain customs officers. Tbe third was perhaps the most 
cynical measure presented to Congress in many a year. 


Not since 1890, when he had helped write and had intro 
duced the unsuccessful national election law known as the 
Force Bill, had the name of Henry Cabot Lodge been asso 
ciated with any liberal or progressive domestic legislation. 
He now came forth as author of a bill which would forbid 
child labor in the District of Columbia. No latent humanita- 
rianism caused him to take this step. He was not moved by 
the plight of the little children working long hours in the 
mills of the National Capital for there were no mills there, 
as there were in Massachusetts. He was not moved to com 
passion by the undernourished and stunted factory children 
of Washington for he could walk from 1765 Massachusetts 
Avenue to the Capitol itself without passing a factory worthy 
of the name. He was moved, instead, by fear that the very 
law he now proposed for the District of Columbia might, by 
the interdict of the national legislature, be imposed upon 
the working children of the forty-eight states. 

In the great conflict between progressivism and reaction 
which had come into existence during the regime of Theo 
dore Roosevelt there had come to the fore one Senator who 
was frightening in his zeal for reform. Whatever his inner 
motives, Senator Albert J. Beveridge of Indiana had become 
as ardent a reformer as he had been an imperialist, and he 
was now conducting what was almost a one-man crusade on 
behalf of such social legislation as federal meat inspection, 
a food and drug act, and an advisory tariff commission. In 
stead of being dimmed, his fighting spirit was aroused when 
he saw most of his reforms slaughtered in various commit 
tees, and he was determined to fight to the finish or a child 
labor act which he proposed to offer in the winter of 19ff7. 

Beveridge had carried his ideas to the public. He had 
warned of his impending bill in at least two speeches, one 
of them in Senator Lodge's own city of Boston. Of course 
he was not alone. A national Child Labor Committee had 
been formed; the magazines Iiad printed articles and stories 


on the grim conditions in the industries which fattened on 
child labor; and such humanitarians as Felix Adler, Jane 
Addams, and Florence Kelley had done much to arouse the 
public conscience against what was a national disgrace. Bev- 
eridge had made an exhaustive study of the situation and 
was ready to introduce a bill designed to withstand consti 
tutional tests by forbidding child labor in all industries en 
gaged in interstate commerce. 

Senator Lodge heard about his proposed measure from 
Roosevelt, to whom Beveridge had written, enclosing a copy 
of the bill. The President was then engaged in writing his 
annual message to Congress. Beveridge expected that Roose 
velt would support him; instead, after consultation with 
Lodge, he came out in favor of leaving child labor legisla 
tion up to the various states. It was then that Lodge devised 
his ingenious scheme. Taking Beveridge's bill as a model he 
composed a law applicable only to the District of Columbia. 
This, he reasoned, meant nothing; at least it would do no 
harm to Massachusetts industries. On the contrary, it would 
serve to salve the national conscience, without disturbing the 
status quo. 

Deserted by Roosevelt and double-crossed by Lodge, the 
Senator from Indiana was in an angry mood and made no 
secret of how he felt. He vigorously attacked Lodge, who 
attempted to show that there was nothing original about 
Beveridge's measure, claiming that it had been already pro 
posed by others. Among those whom Lodge cited was Vice 
Resident Fairbanks. A search of the record showed that 
this had not been the case, but even after exposure Lodge 
irnbhishingly made BO apologies fear his mendacity when 
called to account by Beveridge, The two Senators exchanged 
some vehement language, Lodge doing his best to ridicule 
Beveridge, aad Beveridge answering in kind. 

With coesiimittate tact Beveridge made it appear that 


Lodge was, after all, on the side of the angels, that it was 
apparent that the Senator from Massachusetts favored a 
national law. Since, he said, this was the case, he would 
add his bill as an amendment to the Lodge bill. The Sena 
tor from Massachusetts urged Beveridge to do nothing that 
might endanger the passage of the Lodge bill, and begged 
him, almost hysterically, not to tack on his bill. It was ap 
parent to the Senator from Indiana that the Senator from 
Massachusetts was acting on behalf of big business, that 
his heart was not in the passage of any child labor law, and 
so he refused to back down. He would, as Mr. Bowers has' 
said, rather not "stop child labor in mines, factories and 
sweatshops of Washington City" than endanger the chance 
of getting his own bill before the public. 

Refusing to recede, Beveridge fought to get his own meas 
ure added as an amendment, and won. It was his only vic 
tory. In spite of one of the greatest forensic exhibitions ever 
offered the Senate, which lasted four days, Senator Bever 
idge failed to convince the Senate against the onslaughts of 
the opponents, who took refuge behind the cloak of consti 
tutionalism, and the bill was killed. 

Time was fast running out on the Roosevelt administra 
tion. Soon the President would have to make it dear, once 
and for all, whether he meant what he had said on Novem 
ber 8, 1904, when he had ringingly declared that "under no 
circumstances will I be a candidate for or accept another 

Senator Lodge had first met the man who was to supplant 
Roosevelt in his loyalties a decade earlier when the corpu 
lent young lawyer from Ohio had come to Washington as 
Solicitor General in the McKinley administration. Although, 
on almost his first night in the Capital, Taft had sat between 
Mrs. Lodge and Mrs. John Hay at a dinner party given by 
Senator William M. Evarts, he had never been part erf the 


inner circle of the political elite that met in the homes of 
Lodge or Hay or Henry Adams. But Senator Lodge had liked 
him well enough. In 1897, when Lodge was pressing Roose 
velt's cause for the Assistant Secretaryship of the Navy, one 
of those whom he approached was "Judge Taft, one of the 
best fellows going . . " who readily "plunged in" and got a 
close friend of the President "to take hold." During the in 
tervening years Senator Lodge had not known Taft inti 
mately, although he had, of course, considerable contact with 
him at the time of the Philippine investigation. 

As Roosevelt's term of office unfolded there appeared to 
be no reasons to suspect that he would not live up to his 
pledge, at least as far as 1908 was concerned. He had reiter 
ated this to the Senate during the wrangle, in 1905, over the 
ratification of the Santo Domingo treaty. Senator Lodge was 
convinced, as early as January, 1906, that Roosevelt not 
only would not seek the Presidency but that he had no other 
office in rnind. He told a correspondent for the Buffalo Ex 
press that Roosevelt had "passed finally and irrevocably 
from the region of candidate for {my public office" and, 
since Lodge was widely regarded as Roosevelt's closest 
friend, his word carried weight. Certainly most of the Old 
Guard must have believed Roosevelt, else they would have 
been more cautious in attacking his favored legislation. Ex 
perienced politicians always keep their eye to the future. 

In spite of the repeated protestations of Roosevelt and 
those who, like Senator Lodge, might be presumed to be Ids 
spokesmen, Roosevelt's admirers hoped he would again be 
a candidate and his enemies felt sure he was plotting the 
seizure of a third torn. In order to dear the air of these ru 
mors the President was advised to select his own successor* 
After considering a number of possibilities, of which Klifai 
Root was Ms first choice, he finally settled upoi* his Seone- 
tary erf War, Mr. Taft When that amiable gentleman re- 

turned from a trip around the world he was so informed. 
Senator Lodge, ever the practical politician in spite of his 
air of scholarly abstraction, preferred Root but he knew, as 
well as Root did, that the Secretary of State's chances of elec 
tion were small. He willingly accepted Taft. 

All the time, of course, Roosevelt realized the immensity 
of his own popularity with the rank and file, and his own un 
popularity with the Old Guard. He knew that he could have 
the nomination easily, and probably the election; but right 
up to the moment of the Republican Convention he did 
everything in his power to keep the honor from coming his 
way. Of this there can be no question; whether, at the same 
time, he had Ms eye on 1912, is less certain, 

Senator Lodge was chosen to preside at the convention 
and keep it safe for Taft He was to go to Chicago bearing 
the political scars of one of the wildest gubernatorial cam 
paigns the staid old Bay State had ever witnessed. In Bos 
ton, at the time, one John B. Moran, as District Attorney of 
Suffolk County, was rocking the city with his investigations 
of alleged graft in high and low places. In this he had the 
backing of Hearst's Boston American. A fearless prosecutor, 
whose personal honesty was unquestioned even by Lodge, 
he delighted in calling legislators and aldermen before him 
on graft charges. In the summer of 1906 he caused Senator 
Lodge some uneasy moments. 

District Attorney Moran was known as a "radical'* even 
among the Democrats. As Lodge discovered early IB July, he 
was about to rua for governor. Being of the opinion that the 
bigger they are the harder they f all, in his search f or cam 
paign material Moran had gone after the bigwig^ of Massa 
chusetts Republicanism. He suspected the Republican State 
GoiBiBittee of having received coatribatioijis to its campaign 
dbest which it had not reported. Thereupon he called Thomas 
M, Talbofc, chairman of the State Ccromittee, and James B. 


Reynolds, an Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, before the 
grand jury. Reynolds was a Lodge man, who owed his ap 
pointment by Roosevelt solely to the Senator, who had 
known him personally for ten years as a loyal party worker. 
Senator Lodge, too, was called before the grand jury and 
vigorously questioned by Moran, who, Lodge reported, was 
"cheaper . . . and much worse" than William Travers Je 
rome, then at the height of his reputation as District Attor 
ney of New York. Lodge and Roosevelt hated them both. 

In between pleasant hours spent at Nahant reading 
Frazer's "delightful, brilliant . . . and charming" Lectures 
on the Early Kingship and Cicero's Letters, and refusing to 
read Winston Churchill's Life of Lord Randolph ChurchM * 
because he disliked both father and son, Senator Lodge wor 
ried over the possible indictment of his fellow politicians. As 
so often happens in such investigations, in the end no indict 
ments were forthcoming. Moran ran for governor after brow 
beating a recalcitrant Democratic State Convention into 
accepting him. It was a hard and violent campaign and, al 
though Curtis Guild, Jr., was re-elected, District Attorney 
Moran piled up the highest vote a Democratic candidate for 
governor had yet received in Massachusetts. 

Lodge was frightened by the narrow victory. He feared 
what the future might bring. His letters of this period are 
filled with worry. He wanted Roosevelt to tone down his 
attacks on big business and not forget the existence of "the 
great body of well meaning, conservative American voters." 

* *The son I know," be wrote to Theodore Roosevelt; *1 have met 
him several times. He is mxkmbtedfy clever but ccaaceited to a degree 
which it Is hard to express either in words or Bgures and he was not 
at aB sympathetic to me. I have BO hetter reasons than these for not 
having read his book, but knowing the son and knowing the father 
I felt no BKstenatioo in that direction/* Lodge described Lord Handalpli 
as "a species of Jeiranie or Moran raised to the Nth power who hap 
pened to be the SOB of a duke* Sd. Com T. H. and H. C. L. t Vol II, 
p. 232. 


He found in Massachusetts that "people of moderate means 
not connected with any corporation" thought that perhaps 
it would not be too disastrous if Hearst and Moran ware 
given a chance to "attempt their violent measures because 
that would bring a reaction which would put a stop to the 
continual agitation against property and business." 

"The fact is, 7 * he said with great anxiety, "that the impres 
sion on the public mind is that all the wrong doing is on the 
side of capital because capitalists and corporations are prac 
tically the only things attacked in the newspapers and on 
the stump. Men are silent toward labor unions and assume 
toward them a simply defensive attitude, yet the attempted 
action of the labor unions has been as tyrannical as that of 
any trust," 

In the western part of the state Senator Lodge **discussed 
Mr. Gompers* attitude with great frankness** but he kepi 
quiet elsewhere because "I am conscious that to assail it 
would probably hurt the party and cost us many votes. . . /* 

More than the unions he feared "the socialistic movement 
led by men of some education who make incendiary appeals 
to all laboring men." Grudgingly he admitted that Roose 
velt, by "advocating legislation which wiH remove the real 
grounds of grievance in proper ways," had pursued the 
proper course, but still he was afraid that Hearst and M Gran, 
and men like them, by "appealing to class prejudice and the 
worst passions," ware leading the country directly to chaos. 

"We have got a terrible struggle before us," he said the 
day after election, "to save the country from a movement 
which strikes at the very foundations of society and civ 

President Roosevelt had taken every precaution to pre 
clude a stampede at the f ourteeadi Natikmal Convention of 
tibe Grand Old Party, which opened on Tuesday, June 16, 
1908, Senator Lodge was designated the permanent chair- 


man. Although, some members of the Taft family distrusted 
him, it was later proved that he had his strict instructions, 
and his conduct at the convention was all that Roosevelt or 
Taft could have desired. 

In his opening speech Senator Lodge referred, as was nat 
ural, to President Roosevelt, calling him "the best abused 
and most popular man in the United States today." That was 
all the pro-Rooseveltian delegates and gallery visitors 
needed. For forty-six minutes cries of "Four more years of 
Teddy" sounded and, for a while, it appeared as if the con 
vention might be stampeded. When the demonstration failed 
to subside, Senator Lodge, managing to make himself heard 
above the uproar, threw cold water upon the outburst by 
calmly announcing: 

"The President retires, by his own determination, from 
his high office on the fourth of March next. His refusal of a 
renomination, dictated by the loftiest motives and by a noble 
loyalty to American traditions, is final and irrevocable/* 

The next day the names of Cannon, Fairbanks, Hughes, 
Knox, Taft, Foraker, and La Follette were placed in nomina 
tion, with accompanying oratory. Again there was an at 
tempt to stampede the convention, but, as the noise grew 
greater and greater, Senator Lodge again took control. He 
ordered the calling of the roll. It was not until Massachusetts 
was reached that the racket had subsided sufficiently for 
tie reporters to count the vote. But when Massachusetts 
plumped its thirty-two vote f or Taft the gathering realized 
that the nomination had gone to Roosevelt's heir apparent, 
and the excitement died away. 

President Roosevelt was gratified at the way his friend had 
handled the "peculiarly delicate and difficult work at Chi 
cago." TB point of judgment, taste and power," he told Mrs. 
Lodge, ~it would be literally impossible to better either his 
words or acticms." 


Senator Lodge, turning down the honor of notifying Taft 
of his nomination, went off to Europe lor his holiday, and 
Roosevelt, impatient now to be out of the White House, re 
tired to Oyster Bay to plan his "scientific" hunting trip in 



Skin of His Teeth 

ON PATRIOTS* DAY, in the year 1910, Senator Henry Cabot 
Lodge sat at his desk on Capitol Hill writing a letter. Out 
side the window the warm mid-April sunshine glimmered 
on the lawn the same lawn that Alice Roosevelt, as a child, 
always insisted belonged to Uncle Cabot. Today he was writ 
ing to her wandering father, but the thoughts he was set 
ting down in his cramped and scholarly handwriting were 
far from springlike. He was deeply troubled because he 
feared that another April would see the greensward "owned" 
by some other Senator than himself. 

**We are going to be defeated this year ..." he wrote. 
T[ believe we can prevent its being a bad defeat, but defeat 
it must be, I think." 

The mood of despair had been growing on him for some 
time. Two months before Henry Adams had gossiped: *The 
Senators are scared about the next election . . . Cabot is 
even scared about himself." Cabot was desperately fright 
ened, both about himself and about the future of his party. 
A week after his first letter he was predicting again: *To me 
the situation is simply this: the Republican party is on the 
eve of a defeat, but I do not want the Republican party de 
stroyed or disintegrated. It is the best instrument, with all its 
defects, that we have to carry out what we both want to 
have done. 3 * 

He was not quite certain where he stood, either with the 
President or with the ex-President. As to the latter, he knew, 


even before 1910, that they were coming to the parting of 
their political ways. In 1912 Roosevelt frankly told him that 
this had been obvious for two years. To the end of his term, 
President Taft never knew how deeply he could trust Cabot 
Lodge. It was no secret to the friends of both that, from 
1908 through 1912, when Lodge definitely broke with Roose 
velt, he was playing Taft against Roosevelt, and vice versa, 
as he tacked back and forth across the rough waters of Re 
publicanism in his race for political survival. 

President Taf fs first move towards independence of Roose 
velt came shortly after his election. He decided he would 
select his own cabinet, with the exception of Elihu Roc*, 
whom he wanted to continue as Secretary of State. Mr. Root, 
however, declined the offer. Thereupon, as an obvious ges 
ture of friendliness towards Roosevelt, the President-elect 
tendered the post to Senator Lodge. Had Lodge then been as 
prophetic of Republican disaster as he was a year later he 
might have accepted. Instead, on December 9, 1908, he 
wrote Taft declining the offer on the ground that he felt he 
could better serve the Taft administration in the Senate. A 
few weeks later he journeyed to Augusta, Georgia, where 
Taft was resting up for his inauguration, and had a long talk 
with the President-elect Upon his return he went at once 
to the White House. The incredible Archie Butt, Ksteoing in 
as usual, reported that lie no sooner got back than he hurled 
discord into the Roosevelt and Cabinet camps by announc 
ing . . . that none of the present cabinet wouldremaia * . . 
that it was evidently the intention to get rid at everybody 
who might keep President Taft in touch with Roosevelt's 

At that meeting Senator Lodge \yarned Roosevelt that 
Taft had his mind made up that his administration was to 
stand alone, that no one would be able to caH it a continua 
tion of the Roosevelt regime. Archie Butt felt "rather dis- 


gustecT that Senator Lodge should "stir up discord between 
the two families/ 7 but lie found some comfort in the fact that 
Lodge could hardly be considered one of Taft's intimates. 
Writing to his sister-in-law about the incident, Butt said: 
"Lodge is so hopelessly selfish that if the Tafts did not kow 
tow to him he would delight in making trouble between 
them and the Roosevelts; but it is my opinion that it is Lodge 
and not the Roosevelts, the Tafts [Mrs. Taft and the Presi 
dent-elect's brother] were guarding the President-elect from; 
but I could not say so for they [the Roosevelts] are very fond 
of Senator Lodge and would never brook any criticism of 

In his biography of Taft/ Henry Pringle says that the 
"favorites at the Roosevelt court, bitter and unhappy that 
the reign was nearly over, continued to ride from the court 
of the New King and to leap from their saddles with stories 
of perfidy. Cabot Lodge was one of these." He then credits 
Lodge with having secured George von Lengerke Meyer's 
retention in the Cabinet, quoting John Hays Hammond's 
Autobiography to the effect that he did so to eliminate Meyer 
as a possible rival to Gussie Gardner. Hammond claims that 
Taft had already offered him the post and that he had de 
clined it. It is doubtful if Meyer, at this late date, intended 
to run for Representative, although he may have had his eye 
on Lodge's Senate seat in 1910. As a lavish dispenser of cash 
for political purposes he would have been a formidable rival 
for the nomination. At aH events, Senator Lodge seems to 
have acted, at this time, as almost any politician would have 
acted. Having turned down a post in the cabinet he was 
forced to keep his own f ences in repair, and if he helped 
his son-in-law in the bargain, it was all in the family. And 
if this caled for ^sowing the first seeds of discord between 

1 The Life and Times of William Howard Taft, by Henry Pringle. 
Vol. I, p. 388. 


Taft and Roosevelt/ 7 as Pringle declares, 2 that was one of 
the unfortunate aspects of politics which could not be helped. 
Senator Lodge was at the dock in Hoboken on March 23, 
1909, to see his friend off to Africa, and then he hurried back 
to Washington to enjoy the "rest and peace and assurance" 
which editor Frank I. Cobb told the readers of the World 
would be the natural reaction to the Rooseveltian discords 
of the past seven years. But Lodge was up to his neck in the 
tariff. 3 He worked in the committee room with the Repub 
lican members from early morning until six or seven o'clock 
in the evening, and whenever he walked out of the room 
he was "seized upon and talked to by persons interested in 
some of the 4,000 items." Before the bill came to the Senate 
from the House, where all tax legislation must originate, he 
felt, in the main, satisfied with its provisos, although he 
feared that duties would be retained on hides, lumber, and 
iron ore. At heart a strong protectionist, as representative 
in the Senate of the New England shoe interests he desper 
ately wanted to put hides on the free list. 

Senator Lodge also wanted to retain duties on wood pulp. 
His reasons are interesting. "The removal of duty would 
not benefit the ultimate consumer who buys newspapers or 
magazines one cent," he said, with an appalling disregard 
for the constitutional guarantee of the freedom of the press 
that should have brought the American Publishers' Associa 
tion to its feet with anguished yells, '"but it would promote 
the starting of new papers which had no chance of life and 
which only waste money in the effort to live, and it would 
enlarge the profits of the publishers of cheap sensational pa 
pers whom it is not desirable to help. . . ." 

a Op. rit., p. 388. 

5 Now, in the fullness of his Senatorial career, Lodge was a mem 
ber of these committees: Philippines (chairman); Civil Service; En 
grossed Bilk; Finance; Foreign Relations; Forest Reservations; and 
Immigration. (Congressional Directory, Sixty-first Congress, 1909.) 


A few weeks later Senator Lodge wrote Roosevelt: "I have 
never come so close to tariff making before, and the amount 
of ruthlessness that is exhibited on both sides surpasses any 
thing I have ever seen." 

By the time the House Ways and Means Committee had 
finished with its bill, which bore the name of Representative 
Sereno E. Payne of New York, the tariff had been revised. 
Unfortunately, all the revisions were upward. Meanwhile 
the Senate Finance Committee, under the control of Senator 
Aldrich, had been at work. The duties on more than 600 
items had been increased. The real ruthlessness was about 
to begin. 

President Taft who "surprised" Lodge because "with 
all his great experience ... he does not seem to have got 
hold of the elements of politics" tried vainly to beat off 
the Aldrich attack on his tariff policies. Aldrich was the first 
to betray Taft when he asked, "Where did we ever make the 
statement that we would revise the tariff downward?" Sen 
ator Lodge was quick to take the cue. On May 8 he told 
the Senate, "Nobody ever pledged me to revision downward," 
cautiously adding, "any more than to revision upward." 

It was Lodge's contention that the new tariff fulfilled the 
party's pledge because, in its final form, duties were low 
ered on 379 articles. To this statement La Follette was able 
to answer, with irrefutable statistics, that these 379 items 
were all unimportant and that the total reductions involved 
came only to $45,000 while the total increase through the 
other 600 items would amount to $10,000,000. 

In the course of the great debate Senator Cummins had 
tried to cram into the tariff bill an income-tax amendment. 
The Democrats raced to his aid; the public, on the whole, 
applauded loudly; and the revolutionary measure seemed to 
be on the verge of passage. Senator Lodge was scared. "That 
scheme would produce so much money (apart from every 


other objection to the income tax, and I have some very 
strong ones)/' he said, "that it would involve in a short time 
another revision of the tariff and a large destruction of pro 
tection/* Lodge, who admitted the income-tax bloc had 
enough votes to pass it, thereupon with Aldrich and Mur 
ray Crane went personally to the President to appeal to 
him "to save them from the situation," as Taft put it. Taft 
did, by sending a special message to Congress recommend 
ing a constitutional amendment. In this he showed wis 
dom, as well as a knowledge of the judicial mind, for un 
doubtedly an income tax would have been found unconsti 
tutional then, as the 1894 income-tax law had been. Senator 
Aldrich introduced the amendment which, in spite of all 
that Senator Lodge could say or do, became the Sixteenth 
Article of the Constitution on February 25, 1913. 

As soon as the long, fatiguing struggle, accompanied, as 
Senator Lodge complained, "with every sort of nervous wear 
and irritation,'* had ended, and Congress was over for what 
remained of the summer, he rushed off for Tuckernuck 
Island. He had not been out of Washington, except for a 
few days after the tariff bill had passed the Senate, when 
he ran home to Nahant, since the middle of March. It had 
been wearying and he needed a rest. Alone with him on the 
quiet, sea-washed island was his son George Cabot Lodge, 
who had long since given up being his father's secretary 
and who was now devoting all his time to literature. The 
two looked forward to long hours of reading and resting in 
the sun and surf. They had been there but a few days when, 
at midnight, August 18, the younger man was stricken with 
what appeared to be an acute attack of indigestion. He was 
better the next morning and then he became worse. There 
was no way of getting a doctor to the isolated retreat. He 
suffered severely for twenty-four hours and then, alone with 
his father, he died. 


As far as Massachusetts was concerned the dramatic 
political struggle of 1910 began in February when Gover 
nor Eben S. Draper called a special election in the Four 
teenth Congressional District to fill the office vacated by 
the death of Representative William C. Lovering of Taunton. 
Eugene N. Foss, who had left the Republican Party a few 
weeks earlier, was easily persuaded to accept the Democratic 
nomination. With characteristic energy and hyperbole, Foss 
went after his election, denouncing "Cannonism and Aldrich- 
ism," the high cost of living, and the Republican Party in 
general, and endorsing the income-tax amendment. He was 
able to induce many of the leading Democrats of the state to 
support him. When it became obvious that he had the 
advantage of his opponent, a hurry call was sent to Wash 
ington for Senator Lodge. Nothing was more to the Senator's 
liking. He toured the Fourteenth District, lifting his coldly 
sarcastic voice against Foss's record as a Republican, the 
latter having been repudiated by his own party and become 
a Democrat only upon the promise of public office. His 
speeches got under Foss's skin, but they carried little weight 
with the electorate. On election day Foss swept the district. 
Throughout the country this relatively unimportant spe 
cial election attracted attention. It was regarded as a straw 
in the wind and interpreted as a stinging rebuke to Senator 
Lodge. His own friends thought he had stuck his neck out 
needlessly. Theodore Roosevelt immediately recognized the 
danger signals of discontent and promised Lodge that, when 
the proper time came, he would "hoist the black flag and 
fight for you without giving or taking quarter." To this he 
added: "Cabot, they will believe me when I speak for you, 
largely because I am not insincere enough to speak in the 
same terms for other people in whom I don't believe.** Re- 
fore the year was over the call was sent out for Roosevelt 
and his Tslack flag* to save Dear Cabot from disaster. 


Lodge was worried to such an extent that he had given 
up his usual European vacation that summer. Early in 
the fall he established personal headquarters in the Hotel 
Touraine in Boston. There he set about to suppress the 
growing insurgency in the Republican ranks. For the past 
two years there had been increasingly open opposition to 
Lodge which came to a head when Butler Ames, a Con 
gressman from Lowell, announced that he wanted to replace 
the gentleman from Nahant in the Senate. Ames was not the 
only aspirant. Governor Draper, who perhaps smelled de 
feat in the offing, and two former Governors, Bates and 
Guild, also were hopeful. One by one Senator Lodge sum 
moned these worthies to the Touraine and told them that 
he was still "boss" of the party. With the exception of Ames 
they all backed down. 

Although they had differed on several occasions, Murray 
Crane came to his colleague's aid, and worked for his suc 
cess both openly and behind the scenes. During the summer 
Crane visited President Taft at his summer home in Beverly. 
While discussing the forthcoming election Crane told 
Taft that one of the greatest weaknesses the Republicans 
had to contend with was the presence in the state of Cabot 

"He has got to get ill and go to Europe/' Crane said. "If 
we can give it out that he is ill, we might offset his un 
popularity with the people, as there might be some reaction 
in his favor. Unfortunately he was never as well in his life/* 

Chuckling, the President asked, "What disease are you 
going to give him, Murray?" 

"I don't know/' Crane drawled. "He is really suffering 
from megalomania, but we want a simpler trouble than 
that. I am inclined to say he is threatened with jaundice." 

Taft laughed. "He has always had that and its late an 
nouncement might cause some amusement. Better make it 


nervous prostration. There is an element o fatigue and 
overwork in that/' 

The jaundiced Senator did not suddenly develop a break 
down, however, but stayed on to fight. At times it began 
to appear as if Foss were campaigning against Lodge more 
than he was against Governor Draper. He turned out a 
vicious broadside accusing Lodge and Gussie Gardner of 
being two of the worst offenders in the spending of money 
in elections. According to Foss "this scholar in politics 
studied his checkbook more than works on political econ 
omy r Such jibes appealed to the electorate, which was not 
used to hearing the distinguished statesman subjected to this 
earthy kind of abuse. Lodge countered with similar charges 
against Foss and said the real question was, "Can Foss buy 
Massachusetts?" But the candidate for Governor had the 
advantage over the Senator. He was always one jump ahead 
of Lodge, and the Senator was forced into a defensive posi 
tion. Foss accused; the Senator, angrily, explained. 

When the situation appeared hopeless for the Republican 
cause Theodore Roosevelt, as he had promised, hoisted his 
black flag and sailed up Massachusetts Bay. His speech, 
made from a raised platform roped off like a prize-fight 
ring in the Boston Arena, was half an attack upon Foss and 
half a defense of Lodge. The emphasis was on the latter 
half. Just how much good it did the Senator in the long 
run it is difficult to say; but it did affect the vote on the 
governorship. But not in the way the ex-President had an 
ticipated. Roosevelt's charge that it would be "scandalous** 
to elect Foss enraged the Democrats and Foss was well 
advised not to answer him. On election day Foss carried the 
state by nearly 24,000 votes. Although the Republicans held 
on to ten of the fourteen Congressional seats, the Democrats 
came the closest they had in years to controlling the Gen 
eral Court. They gained eight Senate seats and forty-four 


in the House. And this meant that, if there were no defec 
tions, they lacked only fifteen votes needed in joint session 
to beat Henry Cabot Lodge for Senator. 

That same November day also saw Woodrow Wilson 
elected in New Jersey and Democratic governors returned 
in Connecticut, Nebraska, New York, Wyoming, and Taft's 
own state of Ohio. Congress also was to be Democratic. 
Senator Lodge's prediction of Republican disaster had be 
come true. 

Immediately after the election Foss served notice that he 
was out to rid the Senate of Henry Cabot Lodge. His first 
move was to try to induce an outstanding Democrat to 
oppose him, but when the Democrats eventually held their 
party caucus the man selected was Sherman L. Whipple, a 
Boston lawyer who was then a comparative newcomer to 

Governor Foss's <r brazen effrontery" in attempting to dic 
tate the state's choice of its senior Senator did not sit well 
with some Democrats and it furnished ammunition for the 
Lodge forces. But within the Republican Party there were 
those who would have been glad to get rid of the cold, 
aristocratic, and autocratic Senator Lodge. In maintaining 
his control of the party he had made enemies, sometimes 
only because of the chill affectation of his voice. Yet, from 
the time he had entered politics until the present, there had 
been no serious opposition. Now, with Butler Ames out 
against him and the situation in the legislature woefully 
uncertain, the "Kaiser of Nahant," as he was sometimes 
called, was destined to spend many sleepless nights before 
the election in the General Court in January. 

Nevertheless, Senator Lodge returned to Washington 
shortly after the November election. While awaiting his 
inauguration as Governor, Foss began a state-wide tour in 
his campaign to unseat Lodge. With a group of barn- 


stormers, none of whom stood high politically, and accom 
panied by a young woman whose task it was to enliven 
meetings by singing "Has Anybody Here Seen Cabot?" 
to the tune of "Has Anybody Here Seen Kelly?" they 
covered a lot of ground. Great crowds turned out to hear 
the Senator abused and his alarmed friends hurriedly sent 
word to Washington urging his return. Murray Crane, how 
ever, advised him not to and he replied that he would not 
go back to the state until January. 

During the interval he made a speech in the Senate favor 
ing tariff revision, schedule by schedule, along the lines 
suggested by President Taft. To this speech Foss's reply 

When the devil was sick, the devil a monk would be, 
When the devil was well, the devil a monk was he, 

and he referred to Lodge's sudden change in attitude 
towards the tariff as a dying Senator's "death-bed repent 
ance." At this time Sherman Whipple made the most of 
Lodge's often expressed antagonism towards the movement 
for the direct election of Senators and said that, if he were 
to go up against the electorate, he would stand no chance 
of winning. 

Then Lodge announced that on January 4 he would 
render an account of his stewardship at Symphony Hall. 

Every seat was taken that night. Two thousand good 
Republicans who could not get into the large hall were 
Jammed into Chickering Hall, where they sang "America" 
and other patriotic songs and listened to praise of Lodge 
from others' lips. Hundreds were turned away. All those 
who came were his friends and they were there to cheer 
Senator Lodge. If they had come expecting drama they 
ware not disappointed. On the stage from which he was 
to speak there was no official reception committee of the 


state's leaders. There was no presiding officer. He stood and 
spoke alone. He had a record of eighteen years in the Senate 
to account for and it took a long time. Throughout he held 
his admirers spellbound. One by one he counted off his 
achievements: his work for the Navy, for immigration, for 
the Philippines and Hawaii; how, of the 171 treaties that 
had come before the Senate in fourteen years, he had been 
in charge of 47; what he had done about Cuba; how he 
was responsible for the Panama Canal by abrogating the 
Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. The list was long, and it was dear 
to the Republican hearts to which it was addressed. When 
he said, "I am a Republican and a Protectionist/' he was 
cheered to the rafters. 

Those who heard him that night said they had never 
seen him more eloquent, nor more intensely dramatic, than 
when he declared: "I think I can say that I 

'Tut my creed into my deed 
Nor spoke with double tongue/' 

and they cheered wildly when the scholar in politics, again 
reverting to quotation, asked the people of Massachusetts 
to believe that 

"I nothing common did nor mean 
Upon that memorable scene." 

Senator Lodge's apologia was well received by the Boston 
newspapers, most of which were his supporters, and it was 
likened to the great speeches of Webster and Sumner. But 
when the echoing applause died there was still the legisla 
ture to contend with. When the Republican caucus was 
held a few days later, all of Ames's supporters stayed away, 
as did most of the anti-Lodge insurgents. He was unani 
mously selected by those who attended. 


were signed an indictment against them in the first degree 
was being drawn up in the fertile minds of a little group 
of conspirators. The junto's leader was Theodore Roosevelt; 
its most able advocate was* Henry Cabot Lodge. 

We did not need to fear arbitration with Great Britain 
"for neither England nor America would ever do anything 
adverse to the honor or vital interest of the other" but, 
Roosevelt warned Senator Lodge, with either Germany or 
Japan questions might arise "which we could not submit 
to arbitration. 

"If either one of them asked us to arbitrate the question 
of fortifying the Isthmus; or asked us to arbitrate the 
Monroe Doctrine, or the fortification or retention of Hawaii; 
or Germany's right to purchase the Danish Islands in the 
West Indies; or Japan's right to insist upon unlimited 
Japanese immigration why! we would not and could not 

Roosevelt knew he was aiming his shafts right at Lodge's 
vanity. He was angry, and he was not going to let Lodge 
fail him now. But, "You have just been elected to the 
Senate/' he reminded his friend. "You were elected in a 
straight-out fight, in which you stood on your past; and 
your past forbids you to be guilty of the hypocrisy of voting 
for such a treaty as this." 

Senator Lodge was ready for the treaties when they came 
to the Senate on August 4. On August 11, just one week 
later, Senator Lodge submitted the majority report of the 
Foreign Relations Committee. In that brief time he had 
found the means of dealing the death blow to the treaties 
on which Taft had set his heart. In the first place, he argued, 
they were unconstitutional; in the second place they were 
not treaties of peace at all, but breeders of war. 

Senatpr Lodge directed his attack at Clause 3 of Article 
III, which provided that the Joint High Commission of 


The State House was jammed on die afternoon of Janu 
ary 17 wlien the two branches of the General Court met for 
their first vote on the Senatorship. In the Senate Lodge won 
on the first ballot by a mere three votes more than was 
necessary. In the House, however, he received three votes 
less than was needed. Although he had a majority of the 
votes cast, under the rules of the General Court it was 
necessary to vote again the next day in joint session. Speaker 
Walker of the House, who had received four votes the first 
day, urged his followers to throw their support to Lodge. 
On the morning of the joint session the newspapers, even 
those most friendly to the Senator, predicted that the best 
he could do was to win by two votes. The chance of politics 
intervened, however, and he did better than that. Two 
Democrats deserted their candidate and openly defied anni 
hilation by voting for Lodge. One Democrat, an old friend, 
stayed away from the session rather than cast his vote 
against the Senator. With Walkers votes thrown his way 
he was re-elected to his fourth term as United States Sena 
tor with five votes to spare. 

With six more years in the Senate which, as he had told 
the audience at Symphony Hall, he loved more than he 
would even the Presidency if that office should ever be 
offered him, and with the cheers of his fellow townspeople 
of Nahant ringing in his ears, Senator Lodge could now 
turn his thoughts to statesmanship. He could put behind 
his parochial duties and move once again in the theater of 
the world this time to oppose the Taft arbitration treaties. 

Both in the United States and in England the treaties 
were welcomed with unexpected enthusiasm by the press 
and the public. Indeed, they had such widespread support 
that Taft, who predicted almost immediate acceptance by 
the Senate, urged the ~peace societies" to do nothing that 
might stir up feeling against them. But even before they 


Inquiry might decide, in certain contingencies, whether a 
question was "justiciable" and, therefore, whether it was 

But this was unconstitutional, for it deprived the Senate 
of its power to reject an agreement on the ground that the 
question was not arbitrable in the first place. Furthermore, 
the President had control over the formation of the Com 
mission; the Senate did not. 

Senator Lodge argued that it was unconstitutional to 
delegate to a commission those powers which the Consti 
tution gave to the Senate. Even more! "We would have no 
power to prevent our title to the land we inhabit from 
being tried before a court of arbitration." Of course, no 
nation would at that moment raise those questions, but 
accepting a treaty with that clause still in it invited them 
to arise. 

Unless Clause 3 were eliminated from the treaty, he con 
cluded (with what Taft thought was "deficient reasoning"), 
the treaty would become "not what we fondly hope it will 
be, but an ill-omened breeder of bitterness and war." 

"Absolutely sound," was Roosevelfs view of Lodge's re 
port. He promised, "111 back you up heartily ," and through 
out the summer of 1911, during which both men wrote 
anti-treaty articles for the Outlook, they exchanged friendly 
letters on the subject. Their old fellow Imperialist, Admiral 
Mahan, joined the cabal, Lodge told him that he hoped to 
avoid a great public debate in the Senate, for he thought 
that would only harm our foreign relations, but "if the 
President insists that the treaties must pass unamended, 
we shall have that debate." The President did insist, and 
on February 29, 1912, Henry Cabot Lodge arose in the 
Senate to deliver one of the most forcible speeches of his 

The occasion was his resolution for ratification of the 


treaties after acceptance of his amendments, which were 
to the effect that the American members of the Joint High 
Commission should be appointed by the President subject 
to the advice and consent of the Senate, and that the Senate 
should have the right to pass upon each case as it arose to 
determine whether it was an arbitrable case or not. There 
were, as he had said so often, some differences which should 
never be arbitrated, but which should be settled by force 
as soon as they arose. 

'The greatest attribute of sovereignty," he began, "is the 
war power for on that power rests the peace of the country. 
... It is the duty of Congress to keep the United States 
so well prepared that aggression from other nations will 
not be invited. . . . [There is] nothing so essential to a 
country's peace as a well-settled conviction on the part of 
the rest of the world that to make war on that country 
would be highly dangerous and most unprofitable." 

The second element in the maintenance of peace lay in 
the conduct of the country's foreign relations. Senator Lodge 
emphasized the importance of the Senate in this respect. 
The United States can make war without the participation 
of the Executive; peace without the participation of the 
House of Representatives; but neither without the partici 
pation of the Senate. 

Although the Senate favored the essence of these treaties, 
as an example of the way to promote the general cause of 
peace throughout the world, he did not think the Senate 
had any intention of delegating to the Executive the treaty- 
making power of the Senate reserved to it by the Consti 

He then pointed out once more those many questions 
which our national honor would never allow the United 
States to submit to an outside tribunal for arbitration, as 
might well happen if Article III were not eliminated. 


He was not, lie said, using his imagination., or asking a 
rhetorical question, when he asked what would happen if 
some great Eastern power should directly or indirectly take 
possession of a harbor on the west coast of Mexico and turn 
it into a naval station or a place of arms. Not so long ago, 
he continued, just such an indirect movement was begun, 
and was still on foot, to obtain possession of Magdalena Bay. 
In such a case we would intervene because it would be a 
violation of the Monroe Doctrine. But suppose the aggres 
sor nation demanded the matter be taken to arbitration? 
This could not be prevented under the terms of Article III. 
A year would pass before the question could be taken up 
by the Commission. Meanwhile the foreign power would be 
strengthening its hold on its acquired territory. And even 
when the case came up, the Monroe Doctrine was not in 
ternational law, and the foreign country would have the 
right to buy the territory from Mexico. 

He painted other pictures of potential dangers, and, 
although he admitted they were hypothetical and that 
"today those questions to which I have alluded are peace 
fully at rest," he insisted that if the despicable Clause 3 
were ratified all those questions would be brought to life. 

"If they were raised," he said, "this treaty would be blown 
to the winds. That is the danger I apprehend . . . not be 
cause I fear for the United States ... I fear it because I 
am the friend of peace, and ... no greater disaster could 
befall the cause of peace than to make a promise in a 
treaty . . . which we know when we make it will not be 
kept. . . r 

Senator Lodge then said that these treaties did not mark 
the dawn of universal peace, but, properly amended, they 
were one step in the long march. . . . "We have girdled 
the globe and annihilated time with the electric current. 
We have brought space on tie earth into subjection by the 


power of steam and electricity. We have entered upon the 
conquest of the air. But when we seek the establishment 
of lasting and universal peace we meet an element more 
elusive, more impalpable, more difficult of conquest than 
time or space or air, a condition more unchanged, unchang 
ing, and unchangeable than any other in recorded history 
human nature. . . . Actual peace will be, as it always 
has been, preserved by enlightened men who are charged 
with the conduct of governments in crises which go beyond 
the strength of arbitral tribunals. . . . Great and lasting 
advances are those which have been slowly made." It was 
well to remember that 

While the tired waves, vainly breaking, 
Seem here no painful inch to gain, 
Far back, through creeks and inlets making, 
Comes silent, flooding in, the main. 

And not by eastern windows only, 
When daylight comes, comes in the light; 
In front, the sun climbs slow, how slowly, 
But westward, look, the land is bright. . . . 

And with those words Henry Cabot Lodge ended his plea 
for isolationism on that last day of February, 1912, and 
those who had hoped for continued peace through inter 
national co-operation saw their dreams shattered on the 
Senate floor. A few days later the Senate ratified the 
amended treaties by a vote of seventy-six to three. Presi 
dent Taft, who knew how far short they fell of fulfilling 
the purpose for which they had been negotiated, refused 
to submit them to Great Britain or France. As he said, six 
years later, "I put them on the shelf ^nd let the dust ac 
cumulate in the hope that the Senators might change their 
minds, or that the s people might change the Senate; instead 
of which they changed me." 


As a result of his speech against the treaties, Senator 
Lodge soon found himself in the midst of art international 
controversy which, in 1912, threatened to strain American 
relations with Japan close to the breaking point. Theodore 
Roosevelt really started the trouble when, in his September 
article in the Outlook, he mentioned Magdalena Bay on 
the coast of Lower California as a possible danger point 
under the arbitration treaties. No attention was paid to this 
particular reference until Senator Lodge revived the subject, 
with sensational implications, in his speech. Although he did 
not name the Eastern power which, he intimated, had de 
signs on land dangerously near the approaches to the 
Panama Canal, it took little imagination, particularly on 
the part of William Randolph Hearst's editors, to recognize 
it as Japan. 

Coming as it did from a responsible member of the 
Foreign Relations Committee, who presumably was in a po 
sition to receive information not readily accessible to others, 
the story received widespread publication. With little less 
than unchecked rumors to go on it was broadcast that Japan 
was attempting to secure a foothold upon tMs continent by 
surreptitiously buying from an American syndicate a large 
slice of hitherto unprofitable land on the shores of the mag 
nificent harbor on Magdalena Bay. 4 Within a month so much 
had been made of this alleged Japanese plot that Senator 
Lodge was easily able to get the Senate to pass a resolution 
requesting from the President any information he might 

* The Development Company of Lower California, originally a 
California corporation but at this time controlled by New England 
interests, owned 4,000,000 acres of land on the coast north and south 
from the Bay and running fifteen miles inland. The owners were re 
ported to have approached the Oriental Steamship Company to take 
over this property, presumably for ultimate fortification by Japan. 
The State Department investigation revealed no willingness on the 
part of the Japanese syndicate to accept the offeV. (New York Times, 
Aug. 1, 1912; New York Tribune, Aug. 3, 1912.) 


have on the subject. This action speedily brought official 
denials from both Mexico and Japan. 

Senator Lodge seems at no time to have had any reason 
to doubt the word of the President of Mexico or the Prime 
Minister of the Imperial Japanese Government. He had to 
fall back upon the supposition that if the land at Magdalena 
Bay fell into the hands of a private foreign concern it might 
very easily be passed on to the Japanese Government for 
military or naval purposes at some future date. The State 
Department examined the situation and by the end of April 
was convinced that no attempt had been made either directly 
or indirectly by Japan to acquire land in Mexico. This, how 
ever, did not satisfy the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. 
Senators Lodge, Root, Hitchcock, and Rayner, forming a sub 
committee, decided to study the matter with a view to Con 
gressional action. On May 2 the New York Times predicted 
that the committee's work would be of the utmost impor 
tance, for it would result in "materially extending the scope 
of the Monroe Doctrine.'* 

If Senator Lodge had not been restrained by the more 
diplomatic and, in the matter of foreign relations, more 
conservative Senator Root, the resulting resolution might 
have been more drastically worded than it was. Senator 
Lodge thought it should refer unmistakably to Magdalena 
Bay. When faced with Root's contention that, in view of 
her categorical denial of evil intent, Japan might well take 
umbrage if the resolution were too sharply pointed in her 
direction, Lodge weakened. With Root's help he drafted the 
resolution which was accepted by a vote of fifty-one to four 
in the Senate. Accompanying it was a declaration stating 
that no evidence of activity by any foreign government had 
been discovered but that, since an American syndicate ap 
parently had tried to sell the land "on the basis of its 
strategic value/' some precautions should be taken. 


The resolution, which historians have considered part of 
the Monroe Doctrine, and a logical modification o it to 
twentieth-century conditions and particularly to the Panama 
Canal, reads as follows: 

Resolved, That when any harbor or other pkce in the Ameri 
can continents is so situated that the occupation thereof for naval 
or military purposes might threaten the communications or the 
safety of the United States, the Government of the United States 
could not see without grave concern the possession of such har 
bor or other place by any corporation or association which has 
such a relation to another Government, not American, as to give 
that Government practical power of control for naval or military 

When the President failed to accept the doctrine offered 
him, Senator Lodge boasted that it was the "doctrine of the 
Senate." Taft was upset to think that the Senate had for 
gotten that "I also am a part of the United States govern 



"Aspiration for Perfection" 

HAT is in the ring." 

When Theodore Roosevelt spoke those fateful words to 
a reporter at Columbus, Ohio, on February 21, 1912, he 
forced Henry Cabot Lodge to make a decision which 
wrenched his very soul. It was not a sudden decision, but 
one which he had known for some time was inevitable. 

Senator Lodge and Roosevelt had differed earlier, al 
though amiably enough. In December, Lodge had delivered 
an address at Raleigh, North Carolina, on "The Constitution 
and Its Makers," in which he had touched upon what were 
to become the burning issues" of the 1912 campaign. He 
not only believed, he said, that the direct election of Sena 
tors would "injure the character of the Senate," but he 
deeply felt that any attempt to legislate by direct vote, 
except perhaps in the states, was "destructive . . . retro 
gression," and he was fundamentally opposed to the recall 
of judges on the ground that such a system would rob the 
courts of their independence. 

He was hurt to find that Dear Theodore was flirting with 
such radical ideas; ideas which, he knew, Roosevelt had 
picked up, in the words of Elihu Root, "as one might pick 
up a poker or a chair with which to strike." He argued 
patiently with his friend, but to no avail. 

On February 21 Roosevelt delivered his sensational "Char 
ter of Democracy" speech at Columbus. Cabot Lodge was 
shocked to read his exposition of the principles of the New 
Nationalism. Property, Roosevelt declared, must be made 


subject to human rights and government must be set free 
of the control of money in politics. As "weapons in the hands 
of the people" Roosevelt advocated exactly those things 
which, the Senator had warned him, struck at the heart of 
the Constitution as interpreted by himself and his great 
grandfather, George Cabot, before him. Initiative and ref 
erendum seemed as dangerous to Cabot Lodge as any of the 
proposals of Jefferson had seemed to his ancestor. And recall 
of judges appalled him. Senator Lodge believed, as his 
great-grandfather had believed, that democracy was "the 
government of the worst." 

On February 24 Theodore Roosevelt made his "hat in the 
ring" statement official by announcing his candidacy for the 
Republican nomination for the Presidency. 

Where did Senator Lodge stand now? This was the ques 
tion asked in the press, which perhaps should have known 
the answer. But Lodge had always seemed a shifty character 
to the newspapers, a realistic enough characterization to 
justify the speculation that now took place. Lodge had no 
abiding affection for President Taft, as his attacks on the 
Knox treaties showed. This complicated the situation. Yet 
he belonged more surely in Taft's conservative, legalistic 
camp than in that of the Roosevelt who was revealed at 
Columbus. There was more than a witticism behind a para 
graph in a letter Lodge had written Roosevelt shortly after 
the 1910 election, in which he had told his friend: "I am 
denounced as a reactionary and standpatter who is not in 
sympathy with the movements of the time, and on the other 
hand I am denounced as a dangerous radical because of 
my friendship with you and my sympathy with many of 
your views.** The latter characterization must have irked 
him much more than the former. After all, he was an Elder 
Statesman now. Friendship was not everything. He made 
his choice. Publicly he declared: 


"1 am opposed to the constitutional changes advocated 
by Colonel Roosevelt in his recent speech at Columbus. I 
have very strong convictions on those questions which, 
during the past three or four years, I have expressed in 
public with such force or argument as I could command. 
But Colonel Roosevelt and I for thirty years, and wholly 
apart from politics, have been close and most intimate 
friends. I must continue to oppose the policies which he 
urged at Columbus, but I cannot personally oppose him 
who has been my lifelong friend, and for that reason I will 
take no part whatever in the campaign for the presidential 

To Theodore he wrote: 

I have had my share of mishaps in politics but I never thought 
that any situation . . . would have made me so miserably un 
happy as I have been during the past week. ... I could not 
abandon my convictions, and to come out for you, holding and 
known to hold the views which I have expressed, would have 
stultified me and made me worse than useless to you. Nor did I 
believe that you for a moment would wish me to do so. As for 
going against you in any way or supporting anyone else against 
you, that I could not do. There is very little of the Roman in me 
towards those I love best, and I hope a good deal of loyalty in my 
affection. ... I shall be silent until the convention is over. I 
cannot tell you how much I have suffered from these harsh ne 
cessities and so I shall say no more. You, I am sure, will under 
stand. . . . 

The ebullient Roosevelt replied: 

I don't know whether to be most touched by your letter or 
most inclined to laugh over it. My dear fellow, you could not 
do anything that would make me lose my warm personal affection 
for you. ... Of course you will stand by your own convictions. 
Now, don't ever think of this matter again. 


juoage Kept ms wora. Jtie aia not speaK puonciy ot tie 
subject until after Roosevelt had bolted the Republican 
Party and the convention had renominated William Howard 
Taf t. But he did not take the political break easily. As Henry 
Adams observed, he was "reduced to gloomy desperation/' 
Of all those whose throats Theodore cut his old friends, 
Cabot, George von L. Meyer, Henry L. Stimson, Gus Gard 
ner, his own son-in-law Nicholas Longworth it was Lodge 
who took it the hardest, if Adams's word may be accepted. 
"I think Cabot is the example of completest smashness," he 
confided. "You know too well my opinions of Theodore and 
Cabot they date from John Hay's time ten years ago 
and I've nothing to add to them, except that if Theodore 
has broken down from mental excitement, Cabot has broken 
down from mental weakness. Both are pitiable wrecks. Cabot 
is just plain feeble. . . /* 

After Taffs renomination Lodge broke his silence. "To the 
best of my ability,** he said at Nahant in June, "I have 
fought the battles of the Republican party for the past 
thirty years. To the Republican party I owe all that I have 
had in public life. With its policies and principles ... I 
am in full accord. I not only believe in the policies ... set 
forth [at Chicago], but I regard the declared determination 
of the party to stand firmly for the Constitution and for the 
independence of the courts, because they are vital to the 
maintenance of free government, as of last importance. . . ," 

At the start of the Wilson administration Senator Lodge 
surprised many of his friends by supporting Woodrow Wil 
son in his determination to appear in person at the Capitol 
and read his opening message in person to both Houses of 
Congress. The scholar in politics approved the anomaly of a 
Democratic President reviving the custom which had been 
abandoned by Jefferson. The Jeffersonian Democrats in Con 
gress objected, muttering about the "separation of powers"; 


to Senator Lodge it must have seemed a reversion to the 
ancient Hamiltonian doctrines he had always espoused. 
President Wilson, he may have recalled, had argued in favor 
of open relations between the executive and the legislative 
branches in his first published essay, that which young 
Henry Cabot Lodge, editor of the International Review, had 
accepted when Wilson was a student at Princeton in 1879. 

As a member of a more or less supplicant minority it 
was not to be expected that Senator Lodge would take 
an imposing role in the legislative program of the New 
Freedom. The first question of importance was once again 
revision of the tariff. In his The Senate and the League of 
Nations, the first chapter of which is an attempt to explain 
that his early relations with Wilson were "without any hos 
tile prejudice on my part," Senator Lodge dismisses this 
topic with these words: "Upon the questions which arose in 
connection with the tariff, and later regarding the bill for the 
establishment of the Federal Reserve Bank, I took . . . the 
Republican position, which I had always held, in favor of the 
protective tariff." 

Late in September he had quietly left Washington, suf 
fering severely from an attack of gastric ulcers. At the 
Charlesgate Hospital in Cambridge an operation was decided 
upon. It was successful, but he was not well enough to 
return to Washington until after the Christmas holidays. 

His ill health and a subsequent European jaunt kept Sen 
ator Lodge from participating in the debates which accom 
panied the passage of several of the progressive measures 
which became law during the first term of President Wilson. 
Although he was not present to speak or vote he took 
decided stands on most of the issues and had them re 
corded in the Congressional Record by his colleague, Sen 
ator John W. Weeks. 

Senator Lodge took no part in the passage of the Clayton 


Anti-Trust Law, but lie would have voted against it had he 
not been hurrying home from England at the time, Septem 
ber 2, 1914. The Senate was spared his utterances on the 
bill creating the Federal Trade Commission, but he had left 
word with Senator Weeks that he would have voted "Nay" 
had he been present. * 

He was absent, in Europe, when Secretary of State Bryan's 
"cooKng-off treaties" which had been drawn up with twenty- 
one nations were sent to the Senate in 1914. In discussing 
them with Roosevelt later, he spoke of the "folly" and the 
"wickedness" of making treaties "which have no force and 
no intent of enforcement behind them.** "I was away last 
summer/* he said regretfully, "when those fatuous treaties 
were put through by Bryan. If I had been there I should 
have resisted them." 

If Senator Lodge found the treaties "fatuous," he was 
more than willing to go along with the Democratic Presi 
dent when the first storm over Mexico broke in the spring 
of 1914. In all the Senate, for a brief period, there was no 
more ardent defender of Woodrow Wilson than Henry 
Cabot Lodge. 

As a student of history President Wilson was at this time 
aware of the futility of attempting to establish a consistent 
foreign policy without first consulting the Senate. Before he 
laid his proposal before the Congress he flatteringly invited 
the Foreign Relations Committee to visit hrm and talk the 
matter over. Senator Lodge was well pleased to find a 
President commencing his administration so auspiciously. 
AH along had he not argued that Presidents owed it to them 
selves and their country to take the Senate into their con 
fidence? President Wilson, however, apparently did not tell 
the assembled committeemen all that he had in mind. At 
least Lodge, with the wisdom of afterthought, when he 
came to write about this situation years later, claimed that 


he did not and cited the incident as an example of the du 
plicity lie insisted was so much a part of Wilson's character. 

What Wilson asked the committee was straightforward 
enough: their support of his proposal to repeal the act 
authorizing discrimination in tolls in favor of American 
vessels passing through the Panama Canal. What he did 
not tell them was that at that very moment he was bargain 
ing with Great Britain for her support in Mexico in return 
for the repeal. As he told Congress in his special message: 
"I ask this of you in support of the foreign policy of the 
administration. I shall not know how to deal with other 
matters of even greater delicacy and nearer consequences 
if you do not grant it to me in ungrudging measure." 

Lodge was willing to go along in spite of not knowing 
why he was doing it. Obviously flattered that the President 
had consulted him and his committee, he spoke at great 
length on the question. There was opposition to granting 
the Presidential request, some of it from within his own 
party. What touched Lodge off to his gallant defense of 
Wilson was the inference made by Senator Bristow, a radi 
cal Republican of Kansas, that the President was being 
influenced by foreign and domestic corporations. That this 
was so Senator Lodge indignantly denied. 

"... I am sure that in dealing with it he is guided en 
tirely by what he thinks is for the honor and credit of the 
United States in our relations with foreign nations," Lodge 
said. "I think he has the conviction that ... the United 
States has fallen into an unfortunate and unhappy position, 
where she has incurred the active dislike of many nations 
and the distrust of many more, instead of the friendship and 
respect she once possessed. ... He believes, I think, that 
prestige and influence are not to be obtained by disregard 
ing the international obligations or by reversing policies 
long held by the United States simply to gratify some pass- 


ing whim or some passion of the moment. I believe also that 
the President regards the foreign relations of the country 
as above party. . . . When he is dealing with foreign rela 
tions ... if he says, on his high responsibility, to the 
Congress of the United States that a certain step is neces 
sary to the good name and possibly to the security of the 
United States ... I think it becomes the duty of all men, 
who look upon foreign relations as I do, not to try to block 
his path but to give him such aid and assistance in our 
humble way as we are conscientiously able to give. ... I 
am anxious to go as far as I can in supporting my President 
when he is dealing with a difficult and complicated foreign 
situation, because the great responsibility of initiating and 
shaping our foreign policy must rest with the executive and 
cannot rest anywhere else." 

No wonder President Wilson was pleased. Such unex 
pected support from one long noted for his partisanship was 
not to be ignored. He telephoned Lodge his personal thanks 
and later dropped IIJTTI a cordial note saying he felt honored 
by your confidence and your general comprehension of my 

Meanwhile Great Britain was living up to its part of the 
bargain, seeking to induce Huerta to accede to the Ameri 
can demands. This the Mexican General refused to do. 
President Wilson thereupon lifted the embargo against 
Mexico, thus assuring that Huerta's enemies might arm 
themselves; and he ordered naval vessels to stand off Vera 
Cruz. This brought about the 'Tampico incident" when 
American sailors, going ashore to purchase gasoline, were 
arrested. When Admiral Mayo demanded a salute from the 
Mexicans, and it was refused, President Wilson, claiming 
this was but one of many instances in which Huerta had 
shown his contempt for the United States, asked Congres 
sional authority to use arms if necessary to enforce the 


salute. Senator Lodge, brimming over with patriotism, 
openly sympathized with this request. 

On the morning of April 17 the President called the 
Foreign Relations and Foreign Affairs Committees to the 
White House and told them that he might have to use the 
Army and Navy as a result of the Tampico affair. He wanted 
to know, according to Lodge's account, "whether we thought 
that he should call on Congress for authority " Lodge, as 
ranking Republican of the Senate group, advised him that 
he did not have to but that, since Congress was in session, 
it would be better to ask Congress for an "authorizing 
resolution." Wilson agreed. On Monday, three days later, 
Lodge and some others were again called to the White 
House where Wilson read them the message he was to 
send to Congress an hour later. "It seemed to me weak and 
insufficient although of course well expressed," was the 
Senator's reaction. 

It was not the message as much as it was the accom 
panying resolution that annoyed Senator Lodge as he sat 
opposite the President in the Executive Office of the White 
House that April afternoon. One cannot escape the thought 
that the two men, the President and the Senator, were 
sizing each other up as they discussed it. Both were stu 
dents of history, and, although they hardly knew each other 
(prior to Wilson s election they had met but once and then 
only casually at an alumni dinner at a Harvard Commence 
ment), each, at this moment, seemingly respected the other. 
Lodge had his views and Wilson had his; they were not 
the same. We have Lodge's version of what took place: - 
He [Wilson] then produced the resolution which he wished 
passed. It was the same as that which afterwards passed the 
House and authorized hostilities against Huerta by name. This 
seemed to me unsatisfactory, in reality a declaration of war 
against an individual. I said I thought we ought to speak of pro- 


tection to die lives "and property of American citizens as the 
true and international ground. Pres. said that would widen too 
much and lead to war. I thought it war at any event. He said that 
he wanted immediate action because he wished to intercept a 
cargo of arms for Huerta due that evening at Vera Cruz on a 
German ship. I suggested that he could not seize the ship with 
out a war blockade. He said that his plan was to take Vera Cruz 
and seize the cargo after it was landed. I pointed out that he 
would then be cutting off arms from Huerta and letting them go 
to Villa, which would be in the nature of an alliance. He said this 
was due to circumstances and could not be helped. 

As soon as the House heard the President read his mes 
sage it received and passed the resolution. Lodge was 
waiting for it when it reached the Senate. According to his 
version objection to "the President's resolution naming 
Huerta was unanimous" in the Senate Committee, which, 
after several false starts, at last accepted a new resolution, 
written by Lodge with a preamble by Senator Root. "When 
we reassembled after the recess I saw at once the Democrats 
had seen the President," he said. The fight was on. 

Senator Lodge's resolution, without Root's preamble and 
with one minor change in phraseology, was reported out 
by the committee. "It was something to get rid of Huerta's 
name . . . but without the preamble we were left to go to 
war in silence as to the real and only truly justifying inter 
national grounds," Lodge felt He thereupon offered his 
resolution, with the preamble, as a substitute. But although 
he said, "I want to support the President in every possible 
way in this Mexican matter. I would not do one thing to 
embarrass him. I want to help liim. I do not recognize that 
he is a Democratic president when we are dealing with a 
foreign country. I think he is the American president," Bis 
resolution was defeated by a straight party vote. 

The day after the landing of American forces at Vera Cruz 


Senator Lodge again saw Wilson at the White House with 
other members of the committee. He found him "in a state 
of great agitation and very much disturbed. He had never 
meant to have war." 

"All he seemed desirous of doing/* Lodge noted, ". . . 
was to get out of the trouble in any way possible without 
continuing the war which he himself had begun." The 
means he sought, and of which Lodge approved, was 
through the intervention of Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, 
the famous "A-B-C" mediation. "To have refused" the offer 
of those countries "would have been a terrible blunder," 
Lodge wrote in a memorandum made at the time. As a 
result, Huerta was driven from power, but his departure 
did not bring stability to Mexico. 

Senator Lodge soon became, instead of a friendly critic, 
the most outspoken opponent of President Wilson's Mexi 
can policy. Much of the enmity between the two men that 
later was to have such disastrous results stemmed from this. 
In his The Senate and the League of Nations Senator Lodge 
printed a peculiarly passionate disavowal of holding any 
"personal animosity to the President." In the course of this 
apologia he stated, "In all the speeches and debates I never 
attacked Tn'-m personally or otherwise than courteously and 
always on public questions." This statement follows a bitter 
attack upon Wilson in which Lodge insisted that the only 
reason Wilson acted as he did against Mexico was because 
General Huerta "had made himself a stumbling block in 
Mr. Wilson's path and he had interfered with Mr. Wilson's 
plans, which was an unforgivable offense. . . . His egotism, 
so little comprehended then, was so vast that he did not 
hesitate to say to the world that Huerta's resistance to him 
must be punished. . . /* 

On January 6, 1915, Senator Henry Cabot Lodge made a 
long and angry and critical speech in the Senate. He declared 


then that Wilson's refusal to recognize Huerta was merely 
personal vindictiveness on the part of the President of the 
United States, who, less than a year before, Lodge had said 
alone should make the foreign policy of the United States. 

"The President is a man accustomed to obedience," he 
said. The President deeply resented General Huerta's refusal 
to abdicate when Wilson asked him to. "This was animosity," 
said Senator Lodge, "not a policy ? 

Between 1914 and 1916 the gulf between Wilson and 
Lodge widened. Upon his return from Europe after war 
broke out in August Lodge told Roosevelt that he would 
no longer remain silent about Mexico and, in the same 
breath, said that Wilson's attitude towards preparedness was 
"pitiful." That autumn and early winter his private remarks 
about Wilson were caustic. He was all for having a Con 
gressional investigation to find out what the condition of 
our national defenses was and when the administration ob 
jected he said, "Wilson and Bryan go beyond anything we 
have ever had, and there are certain persons who I think 
were pretty inefficient in the past." A few days after writing 
that he dropped in for a visit with his old friend, Henry 
Adams. Although he was growing feeble and old, Adams's 
observations were still as keen as ever. 'This morning Cabot 
. . . fulminated against Woodrow Wilson as usual, for 
Cabot raves against that great man. . . ? Lodge continually 
sneered at Wilson for his desire "to be the great pacificator 
and settle the war in Europe." Before the end of 1915 he 
was calling Wilson a "humbug.** 

Senator Lodge was particularly bitter over Woodrow 
Wilson's Ship Purchase Bill. This administration proposal 
was to the effect that the government should, at least dur 
ing the European crisis, buy up merchant ships and operate 
them. The "socialistic 7 * implications of the bill made Lodge's 
blood boil but most of his violent assaults upon it were 

made as usual on loftier grounds. He scented a German plot 
and even suspected that Wilson, while declaring for neu 
trality "in fact as well as name/' was pro-German. 

"The ship purchase bill/' he told Roosevelt, ". . . is one of 
the most dangerous things internationally I say nothing 
of its viciousness economically which could be imagined. 
The plan is to buy the German ships. If this is done and 
the Allies refuse to recognize the transfer of the flag, which 
France and Russia certainly will do ... we shall find our 
selves with Government-owned ships afloat which the Allies 
regard as German ships and therefore good prize and which 
are liable to be fired on and sunk. In the case of a private 
transaction this would not be very dangerous, but when it 
comes to dealing with Government-owned ships . . . they 
bring us within measurable distance of war." 

He warned his friend that "this incompetent Administra 
tion may flounder into war, just as they blundered and 
floundered into bloodshed at Vera Cruz." 

An amendment which Senator Lodge offered barring the 
purchase of ships belonging to any belligerent was defeated 
in the Committee on Commerce. Later he offered it to the 
Senate. Lodge and his anti-administration colleagues knew 
that with such an amendment the bill stood far less chance 
of passage. Nevertheless the opponents were in the minority 
and Wilson was bringing pressure to pass the bill. The only 
way left open to assure its death was by a filibuster and, 
from early in January to the fourth of March, "this policy of 
resistance," as Lodge (who once had maintained the Senate's 
right to vote was greater than its right to debate) called 
the filibuster, went on with unabated fury in the Senate. 
Leading it were Senators Gallinger, Root, and Smoot, all 
vigorous Republicans; at times they had the aid of seven 
Democrats, who slid over, so they said, in order to clear up 
the filibustering mess and make way for other important 


legislation. In the end the bill was kept from passage and 
it was to be another year before the administration could 
obtain qualified Congressional approval for government pur 
chase of merchant ships. 1 

Although Lodge was a more ardent supporter of Wilson's 
stand on neutrality than he gave the impression of being in 
his posthumously published The Senate and the League of 
Nations., he felt at the same time that the administration 
was stupidly unrealistic in its attitude towards national 
military and naval preparedness. The administration had no 
more outspoken a foe on this score than Lodge's son-in-law 
Gussie Gardner, who demanded, early in the autumn of 
1914, that the United States should start at once to prepare 
for war. 

On December 2, 1914, Senator Lodge made startling 
charges as to the alleged inefficiency of the Army and Navy 
and, by inference, blamed this on the President. 2 His letters 
of the period bristle with angry references to the topic of 
national defense. One needs only to glance through the 
pages of the Congressional Record to see how often he 
warned his colleagues in detail of what he considered our 
woefully inadequate state of preparedness. At no time, how 
ever, did he predict our becoming involved in the European 
imbroglio. He based the need for national preparedness 
more on the trouble with Mexico than on anything else. 

During the debate on the National Defense Act of 1916, 
he argued in behalf of a regular standing army of 250,000 

1 Senator Lodge was absent from the Senate when the United States 
Shipping Board Act passed the Senate, but his colleague, Weeks, said 
that he would have voted "Nay." Congressional Record, VoL 53, 
pp. 12824-12825. 

2 At least none of the instances of incompetency which he cited 
on December 2, 1914, went back of Wilson's administration. (New 
York Times, Ejecembex 3, 1914.) 


"Is that in any measure due to the Senator's apprehension 
of greater trouble than we have with Mexico?" Senator Stone 

"No/' replied Lodge, ". . . it is not due to that, still less 
to any apprehension of war with any first class power." 

The reason we needed 250,000 men was for "ordinary 
protection," he said without further elaboration. 5 

All Ms sympathies, however, lay instinctively with the 
Allies and he knew that, if we must be drawn into the con 
flict, it would have to be on their side. Like everyone else 
he followed the course of the war with a good deal of trepi 
dation. But politically his one great aim at this time was 
the same as it had been during the only other Democratic 
administration he had known since he had been in Con 
gress: if we must have war let it come under Republican 
leadership. Then it had been Cleveland and Spain; now it 
was Wilson and God knows what. 

In the very speech in which he had championed President 
Wilson on the repeal of the canal tolls act in such generous 
language he had served warning. "I believe in government 
by parties and party responsibility/' he had said. "I have 
for many years fought the battles of the Republican party, 
alike in days of sunshine and in days of storm and darkness. 
If life and strength continue, I shall to the best of my abil 
ity oppose President Wilson if he is a candidate for re-elec 
tion and the party which lie leads. The allurements of po 
litical advantage appeal to me as strongly as they can to any 
man. But when the relations of my country with other 
nations are involved I cannot yield to them. My politics has 
always stopped at the water's edge." 

3 Lodge introduced a number of preparedness resolutions. See 
Congressional Record, Vol. 53, pp. 4427, 5935, 9749, 10251. Their 
contents range from a warning by Rear Admiral Bradley A. Fiske of 
the unprepared state of the Navy to a request to print in the Record 
a paper on the sources of nitrogen compound. 


That was as far as he would go; farther, perhaps, than he 
may have been expected to go. After all, he was a politician 
and a party man; and he never let anyone forget it. "To 
thwart the purposes or discredit the policies of the official 
head of a political party is legitimate political warfare," he 
said. "To discredit or break down the President of the United 
States upon a question of foreign policy is quite another 
thing, never to be undertaken except for very grave reasons. 
In the one case we overthrow a party leader and political 
chief within the arena where the American people alone sit 
in judgement, in the other we break down and discredit the 
representative of the whole country in the, great forum of 
the nations of the earth and paralyze his future power and 
usefulness in that field where he and he alone can declare 
and represent the policies, the honor, and the dignity of 
the United States " 

And so Senator Lodge was bending every effort to over 
throw the party leader and political chief, to thwart his 
purposes and discredit his policies. He was looking forward 
to 1916. Perhaps by then Theodore Roosevelt would have 
been brought back into the fold. He would be a good man, 
a strong man, to have in the White House in these dangerous 
times. They had been through one war together; they could 
go through another. And, if not Roosevelt, it did not really 
matter, except that it must not be Woodrow Wilson at any 

4 On February 8, 1915, he wrote: "I cannot believe there is the 
slightest possibility of Taft receiving the Republican nomination.'* 
He felt the "masses of the Republican party" felt the same and said: 
"They have a very good chance to win the next time and they are 
bent on turning Wilson out. They know they cannot do it with Taft." 
(Bel. Cor. T. R. and H. C. L., II, 454.) That he hoped it might be 
Roosevelt may be deduced from a letter he wrote to Charles G. Wash- 
burn on May 24, 1915,' after the conclusion of the Roosevelt-Barnes 
libel suit: "... It is a very great victory for Theodore and, contrary to 
the belief of sanguinary friends of Mr. Wilson, I think it is a fortunate 


Senator Lodge expected we would be drawn into the war 
and did not fear it. But Wilson was doing his best to ruin 
the country's reputation by his weak policy on preparedness. 
When, in the summer of 1915, he began to take a realistic 
view and sent for reports from the War and Navy Depart 
ments, Senator Lodge snorted, "He is the Commander-in- 
Chief ... he has been two years in office, and now is send 
ing for reports as to their condition. It seems to me, an old- 
fashioned person, that the President as Commander-in-Chief 
ought to know about the Army and Navy as soon as he en 
ters office." 

During the winter Senator Lodge accepted an invitation 
from Union College at Schenectady, New York, to deliver 
the Commencement address on June 9. The scholar in poli 
tics took a great deal of pride in those speeches he was asked 
to give at such exercises, and always endeavored to make 
them polished literary products from which he excluded, 
as much as was humanly possible, all partisanship. His speech 
at Union was no exception. He gave much thought to its 
preparation. He entitled it "The Maintenance of Peace/* 

"What can we do in the larger sense toward securing and 
maintaining the peace of the world?" he asked the Union 
College graduates. "This is a ... difficult question, but 
turn it back and forth as we may there is no escape from the 
proposition that the peace of the world can only be main 
tained as the peace and order of a single community are 
maintained, by the force which unified nations are willing 
to put behind the peace and order of the world. Nations must 
unite as men unite to preserve peace and order. The great 

thing for the Republican party and will help more than anything else 
to bring us together. The overthrow of Barnes removes one of the 
conventional cries of the Progressives and as seven Republicans were 
on the Jury I think that Theodore will be more than ever ready to 
unite with the party to which he belongs. . . .*' (Washbum Papers: 
American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass.) 


nations must be so united as to be able to say to any single 
country, 'You must not go to war*; and they can only say that 
effectively when the country desiring war knows that the 
force which the united nations place behind peace is irre 

"In differences between nations, which go beyond arbi 
trable questions, peace can only be maintained by putting 
behind it the force of united nations determined to uphold 
it and prevent war. No one is more conscious than I of the 
enormous difficulties which beset such a solution or such a 
scheme, but I am certain it is in this direction alone that we 
can find hope for the maintenance of the world's peace and 
the avoidance of needless wars. Even if we could establish 
such a union there might be some wars which could not be 
avoided but there are certainly many which might be pre 

Wars cannot be stopped by "language, by speech-making, 
by vain agreements which no one could carry out/ 3 he told 
the graduates, who may hardly have dreamed at that mo 
ment that within two years they would go marching down 
the road to war themselves. But still there was a way. 

"It may seem Utopian at this moment to suggest a union 
of civilized nations in order to put a controlling force behind 
the maintenance of peace and international order; but it is 
through the aspiration for perfection, through the search 
for Utopias, that the real advances have been made. At all 
events, it is along this path that we must travel if we are to 
attain in any measure to the end we all desire of peace on 
earth. It is at least a great, a humane purpose to which, in 
these days of death and suffering, of misery and sorrow 
among so large a portion of mankind, we might well dedicate 
ourselves. We must begin our work with the clear under 
standing that our efforts will fail if they are tainted with the 
thought of personal or political profit or with any idea of 


self-glorification; we may not now succeed, but I believe that 
in the slow process of the years others who come after us 
will reach the goal. The effort and the sacrifice which we 
make will not be in vain when the end in sight is noble, when 
we are striving to help mankind and lift the heaviest bur 
dens from suffering humanity." 

"That's a capital speech of yours/* said Theodore. 

Congress was not in session and a long, restful summer 
at Nahant and Tuckernuck stretched ahead. There could be 
no European trip, what with the war on. Senator Lodge 
would read and study, play around a bit, perhaps, with the 
state campaign. In December he would need all his strength 
to renew in Congress his fight with the administration over 
preparedness for war. 

On the evening of September 27, after a quiet dinner, 
Nannie Lodge was suddenly taken ill. Sturgis Bigelow, the 
Senator's faithful friend and his family physician, was a 
house guest. He at once recognized the symptoms of a se 
vere heart attack. Dr. Lawrence Cusick of Nahant was called 
at once. But there was nothing either of them could do. Just 
after midnight she died, Two days later Bishop William 
Lawrence, the Senator's old schoolmate and lifelong friend, 
conducted the simple Protestant Episcopal services at Christ 
Church, Cambridge, where Cabot and Nannie had been mar 
ried forty-four years before. Henry Cabot Lodge was to face 
the climax of his career alone. 



Amblings to Disaster 

IN HIS message to Congress in December 1914, President 
Wilson had repeated the substance of his proclamation of 
neutrality and set himself squarely against a policy of pre 
paredness. To do more than enlarge the National Guard, 
he told the lawmakers, "would mean . . . that we had lost 
our self-possession, that we had been thrown off our balance 
by a war with which we had nothing to do, whose causes 
cannot touch us. . . .** 

How quickly the fallacy of his isolationism was to be borne 
in upon him! First there was the British blockade, which 
shut off Germany almost completely as a market for Ameri 
can foods and munitions. Next there was Germany's reply 
to the blockade the submarine that was turned loose 
against the Allied lifeline. 

A nation whose exports of munitions alone rose from 
forty to three hundred and thirty million dollars in the first 
year of the European conflict, and whose principal private 
bank was passing out daily orders for $10,000,000 worth of 
goods for the Allies, could hardly expect long to escape in 
volvement. The danger of getting hurt grew day by day 
as each side, Germany and the Allies, began disregarding 
all the ancient rules of international law. Great Britain, so 
used to ruling the seas, extended the list of contraband to 
exclude practically all the goods her enemy needed to im 
port; worse still, she detained American ships in her ports 


and opened American mail. Germany, on her part, was send 
ing torpedoes into any ships that came within range of her 
periscopes, without stopping to see if anyone aboard hap 
pened to be an American citizen. 

Both sides cavalierly ignored the letters of protest that 
were sent after each incident, from the desk pf William 
Jennings Bryan, the Secretary of State. Then, on May 7, 1915, 
the British liner Lusitania, bound from New York to Liver 
pool, was torpedoed off the Irish coast with the loss of 1150 
lives, 114 of whom were Americans who had disregarded 
the published warnings of the Imperial German Embassy 
not to travel on "vessels flying the flag of Great Britain." 

At least once during the ensuing weeks, when the "rights" 
of Americans to travel on belligerent ships were being dis 
cussed, Senator Lodge was called to the White House for 
consultation with President Wilson. He believed the purpose 
was to sound him out as to how he would stand if the United 
States should break off relations with Germany, an act which 
he favored just as soon as a case against Germany could actu 
ally be proved by identification of a submarine. 

But within a year the Senator had become disgusted with 
what he considered President Wilson's flabby policy of mean 
ingless words. In March 1916, the Springfield Republican 
reported that he had called Mr. Wilson's administration the 
worst in the country's history, with the possible exception 
of Buchanan's. President Wilson was well aware that Sena 
tor Lodge bore him no love and suspected him of being will 
ing to do anything in his power to discredit his administra 
tion. In January of that year he had written a friend: "I 
think you cannot know to what lengths men like Root and 
Lodge are going, who I once thought had consciences but 
now know have none. We must not suffer or twist ourselves 
as they do, or use their insincere or contemptible methods 
of fighting; but we must hit them straight in the face, 


and not mind if the blood comes." 1 On the last day of 
March those conscienceless men, Root and Lodge, lunched 
with Theodore Roosevelt, Robert Bacon, and Leonard Wood, 
and over the cigars and coffee laid preliminary plans to bring 
the Republicans and the Progressives together in the holy 
cause of driving Woodrow Wilson from power, 

That winter both the President and the Senator accepted 
invitations to speak before the first annual assemblage of 
the League to Enforce Peace which was to meet at the May 
flower Hotel in Washington on the twenty-seventh of May, 
only a few days before the Republican Convention was to 
convene. The night of the great meeting arrived and found 
the two scholars in politics on the same platform. President * 
Wilson had not released his speech in advance and there 
was much speculation as to what he would say. Senator 
Lodge spoke first. It was a historic speech, 

"The limit of voluntary arbitration has, I think, been 
reached," he said once more. *I think the next step is that 
which this League proposes and that is to put force behind 
international peace, an international league or agreement, 
or tribunal, for peace. We may not solve it in that way, but 
if we cannot solve it in that way it can be solved in no 
other. . . . 

"The way in which this problem must be worked out,** he 
said, "must be left to this League and to those who are giv 
ing this great question the study which it deserves. ... I 
know how quickly we shall be met with the statement that 
this is a dangerous question . . . that no nation can sub 
mit to the judgement of other nations. ... I know the dif 
ficulties that arise when we speak of anything which seems to 
involve an alliance. 

"But I do not believe that when Washington warned us 

1 Woodrow WfZsofl: Life and Letters* by Ray Staimard Baker. 
Vol. V, pp. 126-127. 


against entangling alliances 2 tie meant for one moment that 
we should not join with the other civilized nations of the 
world if a method could be found to diminish war and en 
courage peace. 

"If our aspirations are for that which is great and beau 
tiful and good and beneficent to humanity, even when we do 
not achieve our end, even if the results are little., we can at 
least remember Arnold's lines: 

"Charge once more, then, and be dumb! 

Let the victors, when they come, 

When the forts of folly fall, 

Find your body by the wall." 

President Wilson, who had already said that he prayed to 
God that if "this conflict has no other result, it will at least 
have the result of creating an international tribune and pro 
ducing some sort of joint guarantee of peace on the part 
of the great nations of the world/' went this night a little 
farther than Senator Lodge* 

It was his belief, he said, that the people of the United 
States would want, at the war's end, a universal associa 
tion to preserve the freedom of the seas and to "prevent any 
war begun either contrary to treaty covenants or without 
warning and full submission of the causes to the opinion 
of the world/' A few days later, he spoke of his willingness 
to join an alliance "which will unite the peoples for keep 
ing the peace of the world on the basis of universal justice. 
Therein is liberation; not limitation." 

The seed of the League of Nations had been sown and 
no less a scatterer than Woodrow Wilson was Henry Cabot 

2 He said "entangling," apparently; but the scholar in politics knew 
better and in his published version of the speech he has changed it to 
"permanent alliances/* which is the phrase Washington used in his 
Farewell Address. It was Jefferson, in his first Inaugural, who spoke 
of having "entangling alliances" with no nations. 


It was no world-minded Senator from Massachusetts who 
headed the Massachusetts delegation to the Republican Na 
tional Convention at the Coliseum in Chicago early in June, 
1916. Here the decision was to be made that would, he con 
fidently expected, drive the dreadful Wilson from public 
life. To whom this great honor might go he, of course, did 
not know. It might be Charles Evans Hughes, the brilliant 
former Governor of New York and now an Associate Justice 
of the Supreme Court; it might be Theodore Roosevelt, 
brought back penitent to the fold; it might be Senator John 
Wingate Weeks, whose name Lodge would offer to the Con 
vention; and it might even be Henry Cabot Lodge of Massa 

Immediately after the adjournment of the opening session 
the Committee on Resolutions met and elected Senator 
Lodge as chairman. This was an important and, as it turned 
out, momentarily unpleasant post. Although the sins of the 
Wilson administration were crying for rectification, to thou 
sands of women throughout the United States the one and 
only issue was equal suffrage for women. The suffragists and 
antisuffiragists were at Chicago in force. They stormed the 
open meeting, the suffragists all decked out in yellow sashes 
and yellow hatbands, hissed their opponents roundly and 
all but broke out in a memorable hair-pulling match. Luckily 
the leaders restored order before the chairman's whiskers 
were scattered to the Chicago winds. 

The astute Republican leaders were glad of the women. 
Senator Lodge's committee could play at fighting a desperate 
battle over the wording of the suffrage plank, while the real 
purpose of the delay was to gain time for an agreement 
between the Republican leaders and the leaders of the fio- 
gressives, who were meeting at the same time, also in Chi 
cago. The latter had high hopes of naming Theodore Roose 
velt, but Senator Reed Smoot had thrown their camp into 


consternation by telling them that the Republican Party 
would take "anyone but Roosevelt/' The Progressives were 
still rushing around in confusion, seeking a compromise can 
didate, when the Republicans reconvened. 

"Lodge/' said the New lark Times the next day, "is the 
first man in the memory of many an old convention-goer who 
ever read a platform that the convention heard. Mostly the 
platform passes in a roar of conversation . . . but Lodge 
read amidst tense silence. Every eye was upon him. Every ear 
was his. Not a word was missed." Cheers met his venomous 
assertion that "we believe that peace and neutrality, as well 
as the dignity and influence of the United States, cannot be 
preserved by shifty expedients, by phrase-making, by per 
formance in language, or by attitudes ever changing in an 
effort to secure votes or voters." Milder cheers approved: 
"We believe in the pacific settlement of international dis 
putes, and favor the establishment of a world court for that 
purpose." 3 Cheers, too, met the planks declaring for pre 
paredness and national defense and Lodge's incisive criti 
cism of the administration's Mexican policy. And there was 
polite Republican applause for the planks on labor that were 
a direct sop to the Progressives. 

When Lodge started to read the words declaring in favor 
of woman suffrage the galleries broke into wild acclaim. 
Alice Roosevelt Longworth, who was to be one of Senator 
Lodge's most intimate friends until his death, "with a mis 
chievous twinkle in her bright eyes" urged the galleries to 
"get up and show yourselves and cheer. It's your moment of 
victory." They rose, they cheered, but Lodge's clear voice 
cut through. With a loud, explosive "but" he went on to 

s The League to Enforce Peace, through Nicholas Murray Butler, 
had begged Lodge to present a plank endorsing its specific inter 
national program. His ears still ringing with President Wilson's May 
twenty-seventh speech, Lodge stubbornly refused, and substituted 
grudgingly this practically meaningless plank. 


read the modifying clause which said the Republican Party 
"recognized the right of each state to settle the question for 

"Mrs. Longworth/' the Times reporter noted, "laughed her 
self into convulsion as her suffragist friends hurriedly sat 
down, applauded until her hands were sore, and hurled gay 
taunts at them." A few years later there was to be no more 
vocal a camp follower of the Battalion of Death than she. 4 

Meanwhile the confused Progressives had received an 
amazing letter from their "chieftain," Theodore Roosevelt, 
which read in part: 

... I deeply appreciate your loyalty to me and the position 
in support of me which you have taken. But it would be an in 
justice both to you and myself not to regard that loyalty to me 
as fundamentally a loyalty to the principles you and I represent 
. . . the Progressive National Committee . . . pledged ourselves 
to leave nothing undone to reach an honorable agreement with 
the Republicans in order to achieve the end we have in view. 

In view of the conditions existing I suggest the name of Sena 
tor Lodge of Massachusetts. He is a man of the highest integrity, 
of the broadest national spirit and of the keenest devotion to the 
public good. . . . He has not only a wide experience in public 
affairs, but a peculiarly close acquaintance with the very type of 
questions now most pressing for settlement He has consistently 
fought for preparedness, preparedness for the Navy, prepared 
ness in fortifying the Panama Canal, preparedness in upbuilding 

* Two years earlier a group of suffragists had "blacklisted" Senator 
Lodge as one who should be kept out of public office on the ground 
that he opposed ^humanitarian measures of legislation." Stung, he 
claimed to have carried the so-called "phossy-jaw" bill through the 
Senate in the Sixty-fourth Congress (a measure forbidding the manu 
facture of the old-fashioned sulphur matches, which were disagreeable 
to consumers and deathly dangerous to those who made them). He 
also boasted he had worked for the "opium bill," the Mann "white 
slave" Act, and, of course, his famous District of Columbia Child 
Labor Act. "I know of no humanitarian measure of this character I 
have not supported," he said. (New York Tribune, October 5, 1914.) 


the Army. He has been on the whole the member with the larg 
est vision and the most intelligent devotion to American needs we 
have had on the Foreign Affairs [sic] Committee during this 
generation. ... In addition he has been one of the staunchest 
fighters for different measures of economic reform in the direction 
of justice. ... I, therefore, urge upon you favorably to con 
sider his name and report on it to the Conferees from the Re 
publican National Convention, and if you do not agree with me 
in this respect nevertheless to transmit this telegram to the Re 
publican conferees and to request them to place it before their 
Convention. . . . 

The Progressives listened to the letter in a daze. As Claude 
Bowers has put it: 

Why Lodge in Heaven s name, why Lodge? He had been a 
consistent reactionary all his life; had hated the Bull Moose 
Movement with all the venom that went with his hostility; had 
made speeches furiously assailing the Progressive program and 
had them published as Senate documents and distributed at the 
public cost. There was scarcely a line in the Progressive platform 
that was not, to him, as the red banner of the picador to the bull. 
It was incredible and yet there it was the letter! 5 

There it was, but it did Senator Lodge no good. True, his 
name was transmitted to the Republican Convention, over 
which that great and good poker player, Warren Gamaliel 
Harding, presided. But there the suggestion of Henry Cabot 
Lodge as a compromise candidate fell, as Claude M. Fuess 
has remarked, "like a feather on a block of granite " 6 On the 
third and crucial ballot Senator Lodge received only seven 
votes. He might draw what satisfaction he could from the 
fact that his colleague, Senator Weeks, whom he had nom 
inated, received only three votes. Governor Charles Evans 
*Beveridge and the Progressive Era, by Claude G. Bowers; 1932, 

* Calvin Coolidge, the Man from Vermont, by Claude M. Fuess; 
1940, p. 158. 


Hughes, who was acceptable to both Senator Lodge and 
Theodore Roosevelt, was then nominated by acclamation. 

"The first duty of the Republican Party in the coming 
campaign," Lodge told the Convention, "is to drive from 
power the administration and the party which have so 
gravely injured us at home and so deeply discredited us 

Senator Lodge, who would for the first time that fall be 
running for Senator under the system of popular vote which 
he despised, started carrying out his part of the duty at the 
annual clambake of the Dorchester Republican Club at Nan- 
tasket Point on August 19. "It is easy to set down fine words 
when there is nothing in them," he said. "After the awful dis 
aster of the Lusitania the President . . . used the memora 
ble phrase, Too proud to fight.' The country responded next 
morning. It was not a friendly response. So he changed. And 
we had a great note on 'strict accountability* and it, too, re 
mains a phrase. There has never been a reparation or even 
an apology for the Americans drowned or killed on the Lusi- 
tania. We are left with phrases nothing but words." 

On October 27 Senator Lodge spoke to a large gathering 
of Republicans in the shoe-manufacturing city of Brockton 
and the next morning what he had to say was splattered all 
over the front pages of the nation's newspapers. He had cre 
ated one of the great sensations of the campaign and, in 
doing so, had made Woodrow Wilson his enemy for life. 

With little more to go on than what amounted to back 
stairs gossip, Senator Lodge told his Brockton audience of 
a dramatic play of forces within the administration: "After 
the note [protesting the sinking of the Lusitania] had been 
read to the cabinet and agreed to by all the members, Mr. 
Wilson added the postscript which I have not seen, because 
it mysteriously disappeared. In this postscript President Wil 
son informed the Imperial German Government that the 


words 'strict accountability' and other strong phrases . . . 
were not to be taken seriously, and ended by agreeing to re 
fer the whole matter to arbitration. This, of course, pleased 
Mr. Bryan, but it did not please the other members of the 
cabinet, who threatened to resign and expose the whole 
thing. The postscript was removed, and Mr. Bryan resigned." 

The very same edition of the New York Times which prom 
inently displayed Lodge's garbled charges contained denials 
of his version from cabinet members presumably in a posi 
tion to know the truth. Undeterred by the hornets' nest he 
had stirred up, the Senator, whose swing of the circle had 
brought him to the Boston suburb of Somerville, repeated 
his charges the next night. This time he said the information 
had come to him from a Dr. Charles H. Bailey of the medical 
faculty of Tufts College, who had heard it from former As 
sistant Secretary of War Henry C. Breckinridge while they 
were both riding on a train heading eastward from San 
Fraricisco four months before. " 

'This simply throws an additional light upon the shifty 
character of this administration in its foreign policy," Lodge 

"Anyone who quoted me to Senator Lodge as reported is 
a scoundrel," Mr. Breckinridge telegraphed the Times, which 
editorially referred to Lodge's charges as a "puerile partisan 
falsehood. ... It is possible that Mr, Bryan proposed a 
modification of the Lusitania letter, which was rejected," 
the newspaper added. "If that is true, it is not the least dis 
creditable to President Wilson and Mr. Lodge knows it." 
And that is about what really had happened. Bryan wanted 
to inform Germany that the United States would willingly 
arbitrate the matter on the principle of the Bryan treaties. 
The State Department thought this inconsistent and so told 
Mr. Wilson. He agreed. The instruction which Bryan had 
prepared to send Ambassador Gerard was suppressed. 


President Wilson, who was at Asbury Park, New Jersey, 
then sent a telegram to Walter Lippmann in New York/ 
winch slapped Senator Lodge right across the face: 

. . . Let me say that the statement made by Senator Lodge is 
untrue. No postscript . . . was ever written or contemplated by 
me except such changes as I myself inserted which strengthened 
and emphasized the protest. It was suggested, after the note was 
ready for transmission, that an intimation be conveyed to the 
German government that a proposal for arbitration would be 
acceptable, and one member of the cabinet spoke to me about it, 
but it was never discussed in a cabinet meeting, and no threat 
of any resignation was ever made for the good reason that I re 
jected the suggestion after giving it such consideration as I 
thought every proposal deserved which touched so grave a mat 
ter. It was inconsistent with the purpose of the note. The public 
is in possession of everything that was said to the German gov 

On November 1 Lodge issued a retraction: 

The President of the United States has denied that there was 
any postscript to the Lusitania note and we are all bound, of 
course, to accept the President's denial just as he makes it. 

"We wonder,** said a Times editorial writer, "what his 
grandfather [sic] George Cabot, pacing up and down the 
Federalist Preserve of Elysia, thinks of the behavior of his 
grandson and biographer. Can you imagine George Cabot 
or Harrison Gray Otis spreading stage-coach tittle-tattle at 
second or third hand as political or Gospel truth?" 

It was all right for the Times to spoof, but a great and 
historic damage had been done. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge 
had accused the President of the United States of playing 

7 A Jonas Lippmann, a campaign stump-speaker for the Democrats, 
had queried President Wilson as to the truth of Lodge's charges. The 
answer was sent to Walter Lippmann of the New Republic, a friend 
of the President, by mistake. It was released to the press at Asbury 


a shifty game, a game which might have endangered not 
only the prestige of his cottntry, but also the rights and per 
haps the lives of his people. President Wilson, stung to the 
quick, had called his attacker a liar. He had struck him 
straight in the face and had not minded if the blood came. 
A stubborn and proud man, Wilson could never forget. A 
stubborn and angry man, Lodge would never forgive. 8 

The ill-tempered quarrel did little damage to Senator 
Lodge's campaign for re-election to the Senate. On Novem 
ber 8, while the country waited to hear from California and 
some Eastern newspapers were announcing a victory for 
Justice Hughes, he was elected over Mayor Fitzgerald by a 
substantial margin. One can imagine his chagrin when the 
final returns from the whole nation were counted and Wood- 
row Wilson was safely elected for another four years. 

Between the time of the conventions and the elections 
Congress had remained in session and had passed several 
important acts. Among them was the Federal Farm Loan 
Bank Act, designed to improve the agricultural credit situa 
tion. Only five Senators voted against it. One was Senator 
Lodge. The next Important piece of legislation was the Jones 
Act which, at long last, granted to the Philippines what was 
practically a territorial status. Senator Lodge, declaring that 
the act left the United States responsible for the islands but 
with no power over them, voted against its passage. 

Those were the last of the Wilsonian domestic policies to 
come before the Congress the end of the New Freedom. 
Congress adjourned on September 8 and the "lame duck 

8 Senator Lodge's own version of this unhappy episode, which does 
"him little credit, may be found in The Senate and the League of Na- 
tions, p. 32 F. The reader should also consult The True Story of Wood- 
row WHson 9 by David Lawrence, p. 145 ff., for the Wilsonian version. 
A complete and apparently impartial contemporary account may be 
found in the pages of the New York Times between October 27 and 
November 2, 1916. 


session," which met between December 4 and March 4, had 
no matters of significance before it. The United States was 
traveling fast down the road to war, and Woodrow Wilson, 
with all the power at his command, was trying to stem the 
descent and fcring about peace on earth once again. 

In January 1917 a minor incident occurred which helped 
widen the breach between President Wilson and Senator 
Lodge. Both were invited to address the celebration of the 
100th anniversary of the Church of St. John in Washington, 
According to Senator Lodge the President informed the com 
mittee in charge that he would not appear on the same plat 
form with Lodge. When advised of this by the embarrassed 
committee, the Senator offered to withdraw; but Dr. Roland 
Cotton Smith, the rector of the church and an old friend of 
Lodge, would not allow him to do so. The President did not 
attend; Lodge made his speech; and only a few persons in 
Washington were aware of what happened. 

Such was the relationship between the President and the 
Senator when Mr. Wilson appeared before the Senate on 
January 22. His purpose in addressing "the council associated 
with me in the final determination of our international obli 
gations" was to disclose to the Senate "without reserve the 
thought and purpose that have been taking form in my mind 
in regard to the duty of our Government in the days to come 
when it will be necessary to lay afresh and upon a new plan 
the foundations of peace among the nations." 

It was in this speech that Woodrow Wilson set forth his 
belief that the mission of American democracy was to show 
the people of the world the way to liberty. The great service 
which the United States could perform in a warring world 
"is nothing less than this, to add their authority and their 
power to the authority and force of other nations to guaran 
tee peace and justice throughout the world. Such a settle 
ment cannot now be long postponed. It is right that before 

it comes this Government should frankly formulate the con 
ditions upon which it would feel justified in asking our people 
to approve its formal and solemn adherence to a League for 
Peace. I am here to attempt to state those conditions." 

Senator Lodge, his eyebrows raised in a diabolical arch, 
listened intently as this President set forth the things he felt 
were necessary to secure a lasting peace. Already on the 
side of the Allies, the old war hawk trembled as Mr. Wil 
son called for a "peace without victory" on the grounds that 
a dictated peace "would be accepted in humiliation, un 
der duress, at an intolerable sacrifice, and would leave a 
sting, a resentment, a bitter memory upon which the terms 
of peace would rest, not permanently, but only as upon 

With the rest could Senator Lodge be in disagreement 
the right to self-determination, the freedom of the seas, dis 
armament, and a league of nations to administer the peace? 
In the light of his address to the graduates of Union College, 
in the light of his speech before the League to Enforce Peace, 
wherein he had corrected the historical misinterpretation 
of Washington's isolationism, it would hardly seem possible. 
And yet, eight days later he was to stand for nearly two hours 
in the Senate and tear to pieces President Wilson's great hu 
manitarian plea. 

Senator Lodge's speech, delivered more than two months 
before the United States entered the war against Germany, , 
was the opening gun in the Senator's three-year battle against 
Woodrow Wilson and the world principles for which they 
both stood. 

He began his lengthy peroration by paying his chill re 
spects to the President for having recognized "the duties 
imposed Upon the Senate by the Constitution in regard to 
our foreign relations." Although lie refused to believe the 
President's message was "epochal," as it had been hailed in 


the press, he had to admit it was Toighly important." He 
then began his assault. 

President Wilson's vision of ending the war before either 
side could claim a victory seemed a strange proposal. "It 
seems to me incredible/' he said, "that people who have made 
such awful sacrifices . . . should be content to forgo the 
prospect of victory, in the hope of bringing the war to an 
end, with everything left just as it was." It seemed strange 
to people in the United States as well as among the belliger 
ents. In such a result "they might well think that all their 
efforts and losses, all their miseries and sorrows and sacrifices, 
were a criminal and hideous futility. Both sides have been 
inspired by the hope of victory; both sides are still so in 

He had no patience with Mr. Wilson's generalities. ''We 
must deal with things as they are," he said; "we must un 
cover realities" and he proceeded to be "realistic." Of the 
principle of self-determination he asked: "Who is to decide 
whether the principle is recognized under the different gov 
ernments of the world with whom we are to form the League 
for Peace 'supported by the organized major force of man 
kind? If the recognition of this principle is to be essential 
to the lasting peace which we are to support . . . what is 
to be done about Korea, or Hindustan, or Alsace-Lorraine, 
or the Trentino, or the Slav Provinces of Austria, or the 
Danish Duchies? Does the government of Armenia by Tur 
key, with its organized massacres, rest on the consent of die 
governed, and if it does not are we to take steps to remedy 
it, or is Turkey to be excluded from the league, or is the 
league to coerce Turkey to an observance of our principles?" 

As to the freedom of the seas: fhfs was an entirely new 
doctrine and if a serious attempt was made to enf orce it we, 
and those nations which might sign the covenant with us, 
would surely be involved in every war which might occur 
between maritime nations. 


Forgotten, now, was his Senate resolution of 1910 which 
had suggested the use of the combined navies of the world 
as "an international police force for the preservation of uni 
versal peace"! Abandoned was his theory that the peace 
could be maintained by force. In such a league as the Pres 
ident proposed, peace would be difficult of accomplishment. 
Should one member refuse to abide by the league's decision, 
war would result, and the United States alone would have to 
keep on hand 500,000 armed men as its share of .the police 
force. Moreover, these American troops would be ordered 
about by the league not by the United States. And who 
would run the league? If it were set up as Mr. Wilson pro 
posed, the majority membership of little nations would do 
the ordering. 

Although Senator Lodge claimed he had no "superstitious 
regard" for the policy established by Washington and ad 
vanced by Monroe, he summoned forth the spirits of those 
worthy Presidents. Washington, he recalled, had set forth 
his policy under conditions not unlike those that now exist; 
and the wisdom of his stand had been demonstrated for 
more than a century. We "should not depart from it with 
out most powerful reasons and without knowing exactly 
where the departure would lead." 

In the past the wily Senator had learned about conjuring 
up a dismal picture of future calamity. He had used the 
trick effectively in his successful fight against the treaties 
in 1911, when he had constructed hypothetical cases to show 
how the machinery then proposed might fetch disaster to 
the United States. He knew, then and now, that the answers 
to the element of fear which he had created would never 
catch up with his original charges. Now he asked the Senate 
to assume that a league had been created, one which "must 
deal with questions of vital interest and go beyond the limita 
tions of voluntary arguments" and, in Mr. Wilson's words, 
be "supported by the major force of mankind.'' 


"China and Japan, we will say, acting upon the principles 
of the brotherhood of man which this league is to embody, 
come before the representatives of the league and demand 
for their people the right of free emigration to Canada, Aus 
tralia, and New Zealand, which now practically exclude 
them. . , . Suppose the league decided that the people of 
China and Japan ought not to be deprived of the right to mi 
grate anywhere, and that Canada, Australia, and New Zea 
land, backed by England, decline to accept this decision. 
The league will then proceed to enforce its decision, and we 
shall find ourselves obliged to furnish our quota to a force 
which will compel the admission of Asiatic labor to Canada. 
Are we prepared to make war upon Canada in such a case 
as this, our quota of the forces of the league perhaps being 
under the orders of a Japanese commander in chief? 

"Let us turn the question the other way. Suppose the 
Asiatic powers demand the free admission of their labor to 
the United States, and we resist, and the decision of the 
league goes against us, are we going to accept it? Is it pos 
sible that anyone who wishes to preserve our standards of 
life and labor can be drawn into a scheme veiled by glitter 
ing and glancing generalities, which would take from 
us our sovereign right to decide alone and for ourselves the 
vital question of the exclusion of Mongolian and Asiatic 
labor? These are not fanciful cases drawn from the region 
of the imagination. They are actual, living questions of the 
utmost vitality and peril today. In them is involved that 
deepest of human instincts which seeks not only to prevent 
an impossible competition in labor but to maintain the purity 
of the race. Are we prepared to make any agreement which 
would put us in such a position as that? Before we give our 
adhesion to a league for peace let us consider all these con 
tingencies. . . r 

He then turned upon the advocates of Peace at Any Price 


who clamored "with passionate demand" that we should 
immediately join a league of peace, warning that "they too, 
if they persist, will meet the day when words are vain, when 
there is no help or shelter in language, and when they 
must face relentless, unforgiving realities." He was not un 
willing, he said, to use the power and influence of the 
United States for the promotion of peace. Indeed, there 
was nothing he had so much at heart, but we must remem 
ber that it is better to "bear the ills we have than to fly to 
others that we know not of." And he had four concrete 
measures to offer. They were adequate national prepared 
ness; the rehabilitation of international law at the close of 
the war; the extension of the use of voluntary arbitration 
"within necessary and natural limits"; and the general re 
duction of the arms of all nations. 

He earnestly urged full support of Senator Borah's reso 
lution committing the United States without reserve to the 
policy of Washington and Monroe, "whose statements are 
as clear as the unclouded sun at noonday and are not re 
flections of double meaning words under which men can 
hide and say anything or nothing. . . . There is no lurking 
place for a league for peace 'supported by the organized 
major force of mankind' in the sentences of George Wash 
ington and Thomas Jefferson. . . . Let us beware how we 
take any steps which may precipitate this country and the 
people who are to come after us, and whose inheritance it 
is, into dangers which no man can foresee. . . ." 

The Senator's great speech, which was a summation of all 
that he had learned in nearly a quarter of a century of rapt 
devotion to the foreign policy of the United States, was 
smothered by the crash of events. 

Two days after its delivery President Wilson, irked by 
Germany's renewal of submarine warfare in direct violation 
of the agreement of May 4, 1916, severed diplomatic rela- 


tions with, the Imperial German Government. A month later 
the people were startled when the State Department re 
leased the Zimmermann note showing Germany's efforts to 
stir up Mexico against the United States. On March 12 the 
President took the law into his own hands and issued an 
order authorizing the arming of merchant ships. On March 
16 and 17 three American ships, homeward bound, were 
attacked without warning and sunk without a trace. Nothing 
could now stem the tide. President Wilson with heavy heart 
called the Congress to meet in special session on April 2. 
When it gathered on that fateful day he delivered his War 
Message. In it he declared that he had "exactly the same 
thing in mind now" as he had in mind when lie addressed 
the Senate on January 22. 

"A steadfast concert for peace,** he said in solemn tones, 
"can never be maintained except by a partnership of demo 
cratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted 
to keep faith within it or observe its covenants. It must be 
a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would 
eat its vitals away, the plotting of inner circles who could 
plan what they would and render account to no one would 
be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples 
can hold their purpose and their lionor steady to a common 
end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow in 
terest of their own. . . ? 

Then, after declaring it was not the German people but 
rather German autocracy against which he asked America 
to fight, he said: "It is a fearful thing to lead this great 
peaceful people into war. . , . But the right is more pre 
cious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which 
we have always carried nearest our hearts, for democracy, 
for the right of those who submit to authority to have a 
voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties 
of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such 


a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to 
all nations and make the world itself free." 

That was the heart of his message. Those were America's 
war aims on April 2, 1917. He asked for a declaration of 
war within a month. It was given four days later. 

The "perilous" and "vacillating and shifty course" which 
Senator Lodge said Wilson had pursued, and which, upon an 
other occasion, he was to call "our amblings to disaster/' had 
brought us war, at last. Once again Senator Lodge was to 
speak pious words about the necessity of standing behind 
the President who, he said, was no longer a party leader, 
but the commander in chief of a country at war. This con 
ciliatory mood, however, was to be short-lived. There was 
to be no more bitter nor any more outspoken critic of the 
President's conduct of the war than Senator Lodge. 

Senator Lodge took to heart the advice given him by 
Theodore Roosevelt, who was boiling over with personal 
hatred for the President because Mr. Wilson had stymied 
Roosevelt's vainglorious idea of raising an army of Rough 
Riders and leading them to Berlin. "Of course," the thwarted 
Colonel said, "be very careful never to antagonize Wilson 
on any point where he is right. But it is imperatively neces 
sary to expose his hypocrisy, his inefficiency, his rancorous 
partisanship, and his selfish eagerness to sacrifice all patri 
otic considerations to whatever he thinks will be of benefit 
to himself politically/' 

Roosevelt even told Senator Lodge that, "if our people 
were really awake/' Wilson "would be impeached tomor 
row/' We do not have Lodge's answer, but that the two 
men were in accord in their hatred for Wilson in the early 
months after our entrance into the war is apparent from 
even a casual reading of their letters. Senator Lodge, pub 
licly and privately, blamed all the confusion and delays 
attendant upon a great nation's entering its first major war 


since 1865 upon President Wilson and his appointees. Be 
cause ships and arms did not spring up overnight, Wilson 
was to blame. And yet, in spite of the fact that the President 
would not "allow any Republicans if he can help it to have 
a post of any importance," by August 1917 even Lodge had 
to admit: "Still, we are moving, although slowly." 

But it was not long before Senator Lodge was wailing, 
"We are in real danger of losing the war right here in 
Washington/' After reading his complaints one cannot help 
thinking back to his condemnation of the Copperheads of 
the Civil War as expressed in his own Early Memories. 
Perhaps that i unfair, but still, the record shows he missed 
no chance to attack the administration which was responsi 
ble for the conduct of the war, and especially the Com 
mander in Chief. 

As the war months wearily passed Theodore Roosevelt 
became the leader of the anti- Wilson junto, which, with a 
mixture of patriotism and partisanship, schemed and plotted 
to wrest control from the President. They concentrated their 
efforts towards repudiating Mr. Wilson at the polls in No 
vember 1918. Senator Lodge was as vocal as anyone. In 
March he let loose a blast in the Senate condemning the 
"delays and failures in the prosecution of the war." A month 
later he was preaching, through the columns of the Boston 
Evening Transcript and elsewhere, that "nothing is more 
dangerous than this effort ... to confuse the President 
with the country." 

One thing which struck terror to Senator Lodge's con 
servative heart was the apparent friendliness of the Demo 
cratic President towards die Russian Revolution. "On the 
whole," Lodge complained, "I am inclined to think that the 
despotism of disorder is worse than the despotism of order, 
because the despotism of disorder, as we see it in Russia, 
is leading to the dissolution of the country and to the de- 


struction of all moral sense among the people. They will 
not even fight to preserve their country and their race, and 
there does not seem to be a body of men among them who 
are ready to fight to maintain both liberty and order, which 
is an appalling spectacle." 

Early in September Senator Lodge was horrified by signs 
that President Wilson was about to sanction a negotiated 
peace. He would not give Mr. Wilson credit for having any 
humanitarian motives. After delivering a campaign speech 
in Boston he said that he hoped his remarks would "help 
make it difficult for Wilson to betray the United States and 
the Allies by negotiating a peace with Germany with a view 
to the German vote in this country." It was a snide, and 
self-revealing, remark. 

It was at this time, incidentally, that he first became 
really aware of a "very able, sagacious man of pure New 
England type" named Calvin Coolidge, the Lieutenant 
Governor of Massachusetts who was candidate for Gov 
ernor that year. They had first become acquainted in 1916 
when the shy and silent Calvin had visited Washington in 
1916 for the first time in his life, shortly after becoming 
Lieutenant Governor. The Senator had entertained him and 
given him advice. Although poles apart in temperament, 
education, and social background, the Yankee and the Brah 
min hit it off well enough together and they remained 
friendly until Calvin Coolidge forged ahead of Lodge as a 
political power in the Bay State. Just then Lodge liked 
Coolidge because, as he told Roosevelt, he was "in thorough 
sympathy with your views and mine. . . ." 

Towards the end of September President Wilson traveled 
to New York where he asserted that the creation of a league 
of nations was "in a sense the most important part of the 
peace settlement itself." 

To Albert J. Beveridge, who had reverted to his early 


status of jingo, this was "a call to arms for a defense of 
American nationalism." Others of the anti-Wilson cabal 
thought it gave them an outstanding issue for the campaign 
that had only a little more than a month to go. Theodore 
Roosevelt, in a moment of rare caution, warned his allies 
not wholly to reject a league of nations, but to concentrate 
upon the idea that such an organization was "probably 

Then came Germany's wireless appeal to Wilson for peace 
terms, closely followed, on October 6, by Austria's suit for a 
peace based upon President Wilson's Fourteen Points. The 
President's prestige soared to new heights as America saw 
the end of war in sight. As of that date even the most san 
guine Republican would not wager on the election of an 
anti-administration Congress in November. Senator Lodge, 
however, went into action with a loud demand that Presi 
dent Wilson refrain from replying to Germany. In all the 
United States there was no more outstanding advocate of 
the On-to-Berlin school than Senator Lodge, who demanded 
that hostilities should not cease until the Allies had won a 
complete victory and unconditional surrender on German 

On October 13 Germany accepted the "terms laid down 
by President Wilson in his address of January 8 and in his 
subsequent addresses as to the foundation of a permanent 
peace." It was Roosevelt who gave the reaction of the anti- 
Wilson clique it was "dangerously near to treacherous 
diplomacy." Senator Lodge followed him with an interview, 
which was thoroughly condemnatory of Wilson's conduct, 
and in which he urged that there should be no peace dis 
cussion with the enemy. "The only thing now is to demand 
unconditional surrender." And the terms of this should not 
be dictated by the President they should be left to Marshal 
Foch and the generals of the armies. Within a few days, he 


soon boasted, lie had received "hundreds of letters and tele 
grams from all over the country supporting all I said or did." 

On the wide political front, almost to the end of the cam 
paign of 1918, internationalism was far less the burden of 
oratory on either side than might be supposed. For one 
thing, President Wilson's dictum that "politics is adjourned" 
for die duration had been taken more or less seriously by 
the country as a whole. Politicians were content to stick as 
closely as possible to local issues. And so, in the midst of 
war, the people's own selfish interests remained the para 
mount issues. Wartime taxation, wartime food restrictions, 
wartime price regulations, wartime wages (and, in the West, 
under the impetus of the Non-Partisan League, government 
ownership ) were much more immediate worries. And these 
could be blamed upon the "inefficiency," even the "dis 
honesty," of the administration, while one inferred that 
relief from these grievances would only come if the oppo 
sition were to win. Politics in a democracy, as Mr. Wilson 
discovered, is never adjourned. 

The campaign became one in which the Republicans 
claimed they could prosecute the war more efficiently and 
speedily than the bungling Democrats, thus forcing the 
Democrats onto the defensive, with claims for credit for 
the national successes as their best weapon. In the midst 
of this wrangle (there were also Prohibition, woman suf 
frage, and farm legislation to add to the domestic confu 
sion) nobody sought to educate the electorate to one 
important fact: that upon the choice of Senators in Novem 
ber lay the kind of peace that would soon be arranged. 
President Wilson, however, had this very much in mind 
when, on October 25, he issued his now famous appeal to 
the nation to return to Congress a Democratic majority. 
Only in this way, he said, could the uninterrupted contin 
uance of the administration's policies, and a unified and 


solidly supported control of the peace negotiations, be 
assured. He asked a vote of confidence to prove to the 
Allies the popularity of his program. In this message so 
dangerously mistaken, as it turned out he admitted that 
the Republican Congressmen were loyal, but still they were 
against the administration, and such party opposition would 
create grave obstacles in the conduct of foreign affairs. 

The Lodge-Roosevelt junto was delighted. National Com 
mittee Chairman Will H. Hays, Theodore Roosevelt, Senator 
Lodge, and all the other Republican leaders, and some dis 
gruntled Democrats who had long nursed grudges against 
Mr. Wilson, shouted with joy. The bars were down. Politics 
had reconvened. President Wilson himself had done the 
trick. War was openly declared on the administration. 

Between President Wilson's well-meaning but ill-advised 
request for a vote of confidence and the suddenly important 
elections there stretched an interval of ten days. This was 
time enough for the Republicans to launch disastrous at 
tacks upon the Democratic Party and its leadership, but 
hardly time for the administration to propagandize effectively 
its program for the coming of peace. On election day, when 
thirty-seven Senatorial contests were settled, the Democrats 
gained one seat and lost seven, thus giving the Republicans 
a majority of two in the Senate. An analysis of the elections 
shows that not one of the Senatorial contests was fought 
on a discussion of which policy the United States should 
pursue in the making of a lasting peace. 

To Senator Lodge, hgwever, the election was a repudia 
tion of Woodrow Wilson. Did he, perhaps, think then of 
what he had said the month before the election of 1898 
when President McKinley was asking for the return of a 
Republican Congress: "If we give a victory to his political 
opponents, we say not only to the United States but we 
say to the world . . . that the people of the United States 


repudiated the result of the war and repudiated the man 
. . . who is now leading us back to peace . . ."? 

Woodrow Wilson refused to admit repudiation. He was 
not to be swerved from his course by the results of the 
elections. Although he realized that the loss of the Senate 
could only be considered as a vote of lack of confidence 
and that, as a result, he was placed at an international 
disadvantage, he was determined to carry through the 
plans on which he had set his heart. On November 18 he 
announced that he would go to Paris to negotiate the peace. 

When the President's mysterious adviser, Colonel Edward 
Mandell House, had gone abroad to ferret out information 
for his chief, Senator Lodge had said: "I dread Colonel 
House going abroad. This is what you call secret, furtive 
diplomacy." He dreaded even more Woodrow Wilson's 
journey. The President might think he was seeking those 
"open covenants of peace openly arrived at" which he had 
spoken of on January 8, 1918, when he had laid down his 
Fourteen Points. But Lodge knew better. President Wilson 
was on his way to sell out American Sovereignty forever. 

The Peace Commission which the President appointed, 
with himself at the head, consisted of Robert Lansing, the 
Secretary of State; Colonel House; Henry White, Lodge's 
old friend; and General Tasker H. Bliss. When Senator 
Lodge saw the list he snorted, "The President has appointed 
himself four times and Henry White/* Mr. White was the 
only Republican on the commission. 

To Senator Lodge the President's ignoring of the Senate 
in selecting his Commissioners of Peace was unforgivably 
insulting. It has often been said since 1918 that if President 
Wilson had included Senator Lodge among the commis 
sioners the Treaty of Versailles and the League of Nations 
might have met a far different fate at the hands of the 
Senate than they did. Lodge might then have been per- 


suaded to revert to his earlier opinions of an international 
league for peace. He might then have found in the words 
of Washington and Monroe some further substance for the 
interpretation he had given them before Woodrow Wilson 
advocated the League. His vanity assuaged, the dignity of 
the Senate maintained, he might well have rid his soul of 
its jaundice and changed the course of history. 

But Woodrow Wilson ignored him. Senator Lodge stayed 
home, to plot the destruction of Woodrow Wilson and 
whatever treaty he might bring back from the Palace of 
Versailles. As the President sailed, Henry Cabot Lodge was 
already scheming at Theodore Roosevelt's sickbed, laying 
his ingenious net to ensnare Wilson's great dream. For Sen 
ator Lodge, in the words of Frank Cobb, hated Woodrow 
Wilson "as only a small-minded man can hate a great man.** 
Whenever he thought of the unsmiling Presbyterian in his 
black coat, treading the floor of the council chamber, his 
blood turned to bile. Ovid's description of Envy, which 
John Quincy Adams once applied to Randolph of Roanoke, 
applied with equal force to Senator Lodge: 

His face is livid; gaunt his whole body; 

His breast is green with gall; his tongue drips poison. . . , 



With Umbrageous Words 

THEODORE ROOSEVELT lay in his bed in the Roosevelt Hos 
pital suffering from inflammatory rheumatism throughout 
most of the autumn of 1918. Through his window on No 
vember 11 came the hysterical sounds of a city celebrating 
the Armistice. He was suffering intensely, yet he was not 
so sick but that his friends might visit him. Towards the 
end of November Elihu Root and Henry White sat at his 
bedside, discussing the terms of peace that were soon to 
be fixed at Paris. Cabot Lodge was too busy with the affairs 
of state in Washington to come to New York. But he sent 
Theodore frequent notes. As soon as the revenue bill was 
disposed of he would come over, he said, and they would 
have a long talk. Henry White hurried back to Washington 
to prepare for his last great adventure in diplomacy. He 
was to sail with Wilson early in December. 

Roosevelt, dying, hated Woodrow Wilson with an im 
placable hatred. The grizzled Root would not let his feelings 
towards the President color his mind: he wanted a moderate 
peace, and he believed in some kind of international insti 
tution to guarantee the future peace; he and Colonel House 
had agreed on that in August. Former President Taft, now 
reconciled with the man he never forgot to call "Mr. Presi 
dent," was for a league of nations now, as he always had 
been. Of all the old allies of the ailing Colonel, Lodge alone 
shared his bitterness. 


Senator Lodge had known Henry White for nearly a 
quarter of a century. They were both of that little clique of 
intellectuals who had hovered around Henry Adams and 
John Hay in the nineties. White had always been a Repub 
lican. On more than one occasion Senator Lodge had been 
able to do him a favor. Now he was going to ask a favor 
of Henry White. As White busied himself with his packing 
Senator Lodge talked long and earnestly. Peace, he told 
Henry White, must be determined by the United States and 
her allies. And it must be imposed upon Germany, who 
must be forced to accept the terms, however harsh. The 
first and controlling purpose of the Peace Conference, he 
went on, must be to put Germany in a position where it 
would be "physically impossible" for her ever "to break out 
again upon other nations with war for world conquest." 

There were some other things he wanted Ambassador 
White to remember. Among them were the complete resto 
ration of Belgium and the assurance of her future inde 
pendence. In order to assure this, and some other things, 
the Senator was quite willing to make the United States a 
part guarantor of any European settlement to be arrived at 
in Paris. He then told White that he favored large indem 
nities, that Germany must be forced to pay "at least a 
portion of the cost of the war which she precipitated and 
for which she alone is responsible." 

Venturing next to speak for the entire American people, 
Senator Lodge told Henry White: "Nothing would so pro 
tect us from war in the future as the separation of the 
German empire into its chief component parts." Another 
thing the "American people would like to see," he added, 
would be to have the Turkish government "entirely out of 
Europe. . . " Then there was the question raised by the 
third of Mr. Wilson's Fourteen Points: his "general interdic 
tion" of economic barriers must never be interpreted so 


as "to interfere with discriminating tariffs or reciprocity 

Thus far he had not expressed himself concerning the 
League of Nations, but when he reached it he was ex 

"The League of Nations to preserve and enforce peace 
presents a conception which must appeal to every right- 
thinking man, but like many other general ideas when we 
pass from theory to practice the terms and details are vital. 
It need only be said . . . that under no circumstances must 
provisions for such a league be made a part of the peace 
treaty which concludes the war with Germany. Any attempt 
to .do this would not only long delay the signature of the 
treaty of peace . . . but it would make adoption of the 
treaty, unamended, by the Senate of the United States and 
other ratifying bodies, extremely doubtful." 

Senator Lodge incorporated all that he had said to Henry 
White in a lengthy memorandum which he handed to the 
Peace Commissioner on December 2, 1918. The memoran 
dum, he said, represented the view not only of the Repub 
lican Party, but of the whole American people. He then 
suggested that Henry White lay this remarkable document 
before Clemenceau and Balf our; and certain other European 
statesmen, all of whom Lodge knew, who would be at Paris. 
He asked this not so much to enlighten them on the terms 
of peace as to let them know "what I believe to be the real 
feeling of the people of the United States and certainly the 
Senate of the United States. This knowledge may in certain 
contingencies be very important to them in strengthening 
their position." 

When Woodrow Wilson sailed for Paris, Henry Cabot 
Lodge believed that the President carried in his back a knife 
stuck there by his enemy. Henry White, however, was an 
honorable man. He knew that there was no available con- 


sensus, Republican, Democratic, or American, on the subject 
of the League, or even of the terms of the peace. His duty, 
as he saw it, was to "serve a large purpose in his old diplo 
matic role of mediator" and help to bring "discordant 
American minds together." He locked the paper in his case 
and showed it to no one. 

A fortnight later Senator Lodge came to New York and 
had two bedside conferences with Theodore Roosevelt. On 
consecutive mornings, they discussed for several hours the 
peace treaty then in the making and the 'league of nations" 
which, they had every reason to expect, Woodrow Wilson 
would insist upon incorporating in it. Although they did not 
know what form the covenant would take, their friend Root 
had had several conferences with Colonel House, and they 
may be supposed to have acquired a good general idea to 
go on. With Mrs. Douglas Robinson, the sick man's sister 
(whose guest Senator Lodge was), joining in the conversa 
tions, they laid down general rules for defeating the League 
when it should be reported to the Senate. Senator Lodge 
later described these meetings: 

* c The draft of the Treaty was not then before us, but we 
fully discussed the League of Nations in all its bearings. 
We were in entire agreement. The position that I have 
taken, and now take, had his full approval. The line I have 
followed in the Senate and elsewhere is the one he wished 
to have followed." 1 

Mrs. Robinson afterwards recalled that Dear Theodore 
and the Wily One, on those occasions, thought up certain 
reservations to the League which Senator Lodge would 
propose in the Senate. "I do not mean," she explained, "that 
definite clauses in the league were definitely discussed, but 
many contingencies of the document, contingencies which 

made this statement in his debate in Boston with President 
Lowell of Harvard in March 1919. 


later took the form of definite clauses, were discussed, and 
the future attitude toward such contingencies more or less 
mapped out." 

" It was a council of war. The whole broad strategy which 
Lodge, as Captain of the Battalion of Death, carried out in 
the Senate with miraculous fidelity was planned almost to 
the last detail even before the League of Nations had been 
reduced to terms on paper by the statesmen in Paris. What 
ever league the President might bring home, they were 
ready for it. Whatever form it took, by reservation and 
amendment they would harry it to its death. 

With this deep purpose in his mind, Senator Lodge re 
turned to Washington, A few days later Theodore Roosevelt 
was well enough to journey to his home at Sagamore Hill, 
Oyster Bay. There, still grieving over the death behind the 
German lines of his son Quentin, he spent the Christmas 
holidays. On January 6, 1919, an arterial embolism brought 
his turbulent life to a close. A friendship which since 1884 
had lasted over that roughest of roads which is politics was 
ended. To Senator Lodge fell the burden of carrying out 
the duty pledged by two vain and aging men. He had loved 
Theodore Roosevelt as a brother, and he was not to fail 
him in this trust. 

On the day that Senator Lodge returned from the council 
of war the Boston Evening Transcript, which was to be his 
most faithful supporter in the months to come, predicted 
that the Senate was about to engage in "one of the great 
debates in the history of popular government." For, as 
Lodge told the New York Sun a few weeks later, the League 
( or, as he put it, anti-internationalism ) was about to become 
"the biggest Republican issue since the Civil War." 

Senator Lodge on December 19 informed the Senate that 
on the twenty-first he would deliver an address on "the 
question of peace and the proposed league of nations." 


Senator Knox, not even waiting for President Wilson to 
arrive in Paris, had already opened the debate, declaring, 
among other things, that "the practicability of such a league 
... is, to say the least, most doubtful if indeed it be not 
altogether chimerical at this period of civilization." Senator 
Lodge carried on from there. In his very last letter to Theo 
dore Roosevelt he said that his long speech, which he 
interrupted debate on the revenue bill to deliver, "was in 
tended chiefly for the benefit of the Allies." It was intended 
also for the benefit of the absent President. It was a warning. 
He began, as might be expected, by reasserting the right of 
the Senate to advise and consent, stretching that constitu 
tional provision to mean that the Senate might, if it so 
desired, give advice even if it were not requested. 

President Wilson had been in Paris but a week when the 
Senator spoke. The plenary sessions there had not yet begun, 
but Senator Lodge was ready to sow seeds of suspicion. 
"The plan seems to be to project upon the Senate," he said, 
"the most momentous treaty ever made without any infor 
mation of the steps which led to it or as to the arguments 
and conditions which brought about its adoption. This 
scheme, which is indicated by all the facts known to us, 
rests upon the theory that the Senate, although possessing 
the power, would not and could not dare to reject a treaty 
of peace. 

"We cannot compel information, 9 * he continued in his 
haughty way, "but we are abundantly able to make our 
opinions known not only to .the President but to the Allies, 
who have a very clear and even acute idea of tie power 
of the Senate in regard to treaties. They must know that 
the Senate can and often has rejected treaties. Others the 
Senate has refused to ratify and held without action. Many 
others have been vitally amended. The Allies should not be. 
kept in the dark as to the views of the Senate." 


Senator Lodge recalled how, in 1898, he had seen "a 
treaty of peace bitterly opposed and ratified, after the exer 
tion of the most powerful influences, with only two votes 
to spare. 

"But if a treaty of peace might not be rejected," he 
warned, "it can be debated and amended, and I can con 
ceive of extraneous provisions wholly needless for a peace 
with Germany being unwisely added, provisions which 
would surely be stricken out or amended, no matter how 
many signatures might be appended to the treaty. Pro 
tracted opposition and amendments mean long delays, and 
delay is only less fortunate than rejection. All these un 
toward results can be avoided if the Senate frankly expresses 
its view beforehand on certain leading points for the con 
sideration of the Allies and of the President himself." 

Nothing could be much clearer than that. "Extraneous 
provisions" could only mean the League of Nations. And 
he had shown just what "untoward results" might occur if 
the Peace Conference and Mr. Wilson did not pay heed 
to Senator Lodge. 

Although Lodge's speech was published in the Paris news 
papers and he was undoubtedly informed of its context by 
his faithful secretary, Joseph Tumulty, President Wilson 
made no effort to communicate with the Senate. He had 
already made it clear that in his opinion the creation of a 
league should be the basis of the Treaty and he was now 
busy seeing that his scheme was carried out. Wilson, idealist 
though he may have been, was no innocent American sheep 
among the wolves of Europe. He was hardheaded, a Scotch- 
Irish Presbyterian, and he was used to direct dealing. No 
man was ever more determined that his righteous cause 
should have its way. The week after the opening of the 
conference he had won the British, the French, and the 
Italians* over to the principle of the League; with his legal 


advisor, David Hunter Miller, he had drafted a covenant, 
and he had conferred with his fellow commissioners. On 
January 25, exactly a week after the official opening of the 
conference, the seventy delegates approved the resolution 
for the creation of a League of Nations as an integral part 
of the Peace Treaty. 

While President Wilson was drafting the original Cov 
enant, back home one strong voice was raised in its favor in 
the Senate. It was the voice of a brave and angry Republi 
can, Senator Porter J. McCumber of North Dakota, who 
declared that the time to adopt "restrictive or preventive 
measures is now, and not some indefinite time in the future 
. . . today, when the awful horrors and consequences of 
war are apparent to every heart and not when those hor 
rors are forgotten and only the military glamor and glory 
remain to influence the sentiments of humanity. , . . How 
can you in one breath approve the alliance to make war to 
save the world and in the next breath condemn an alliance 
to save the world by the prevention of any savage or brutal 
war which might threaten it?" How far different his senti 
ments were from those of Senator Beveridge, who wrote to 
Lodge, after his peroration against the League, that the 
future of the party was in his hands "more than in those of 
any other man,** and that the party's prospects would be 
"seriously, perhaps fatally injured by the acceptance of Mr, 
Wilson's international plan, or any variation of it.'* 2 

One by one the attacks were made. Senator Borah, who 
believed with a deep and personal honesty that interna 
tionalism in any form would lead only to world domination 
and the "destruction of the national spirit," served notice 
that he would fight to the bitter end against any league of 

3 Beveridge, who had previously neither liked nor trusted Lodge, 
now thought hfrn **a tremendously big man, and gentle and coura 


any kind. Of course, the League had its defenders, like John 
Sharp Williams of Mississippi, who felt that the hand of 
God Himself was behind it. But the attacks were louder 
than the defense even though the attackers or anyone else 
in America had not yet seen a draft of the Covenant. 

The news that came from Paris was neither reassuring 
nor plentiful. President Wilson had clamped down a strict 
censorship. Senator Lodge, however, was kept reasonably 
well informed by his friend Henry White, who sent him 
many cablegrams and letters during the early weeks of the 
conference. White looked upon the League as a necessary 
experiment and he was by now convinced that it should be 
incorporated in the Peace Treaty. He attempted by logical 
persuasion to modify Lodge's harsh views. When he read 
the Senator's December 21 speech he was vexed, but being 
a tactful man his comments to the Senator were written 
softly: Lodge ought to realize that the idea of a league was 
spreading and that it would do the Senator no harm if he 
paid some consideration to views other than his own. Fur 
thermore, he said, he had Wilson's assurance that the 
President desired no such league as Lodge was conjuring 
up, "whereby our army and navy would be placed under 
the orders of a combination of powers, or any orders but 
our own." There was, wrote the Ambassador, a "good deal" 
to be said for the League. But Senator Lodge was in no 
mood to be convinced. He would not take Wilson's word 
for anything; he was worried about the Army and Navy; and 
what about the Monroe Doctrine? 

On January 8 Ambassador White sent Lodge a startling 
telegram warning him of the "steady westward advance of 
Bolshevism." It "thrives only on starvation and disorder," 
he said, and already it had engulfed Russia and Poland and 
was threatening Germany. He urged Senator Lodge to 
throw all the weight of his influence behind President Wil- 


sons request for $100,000,000 to feed starving Europe. 
Lodge's reply was hardly that of a generous man. Herbert 
Hoover, who was to administer the funds, was not yet a 
member of the Republican Party. Lodge did not want to 
see all that money in Democratic hands. Particularly did 
he feel that there was "a very strong feeling in this country 
against giving food or money to the Germans. ... I be 
lieve our expenditure will be carefully limited to those 
people who were either our allies or our friends." He was 
much more interested in hurrying things up at Paris. He 
could not understand why a simple thing like a peace con 
ference was taking so long. "Delay," he told White, "helps 
the Germans." 

The good Ambassador kept Lodge fairly well up-to-date, 
but of course even he did not know everything that was 
going on. Lodge quickly began to suspect that White had 
been taken into the enemy's camp. White was too tactful 
to write him, as he did William Phillips, that Wilson "is 
really a wonderful man [who] has established the combina 
tion of President and Prime Minister to an extent I should 
never have believed possible. . . ." He did, however, write 
Lodge of the great receptions accorded Wilson everywhere 
he went in Europe; but what was more ^important, he said 
everything he could to persuade Lodge that the League 
was inevitable and that it "would be useless ... to make 
a point of postponement until after the other matters, with 
which the Peace Conference will have to deal, have been 
settled. . . ." 

When Henry White learned that Lodge had amended the 
$100,000,000 relief bill to exclude Turkey, Bulgaria, and 
German Austria from its provisions, he sent a rather annoyed 
cable of protest. This aroused Senator Lodge to reply testily 
that the bill had passed, but that he had a feeling Hoover 
wanted to spend the money without much regard to the 


wishes of Congress. He then quickly passed on to more 
important matters: "It seems pretty clear here that the 
League of Nations is going to be a voluntary association, 
and the idea of putting force behind it is abandoned. If 
they do put force behind it" Lodge threw out the threat 
"I think it will be ill received here by the country gen 
erally and I do not believe it could pass the Senate." This 
elicited a detailed reply. White took up specific problems, 
but the really important statements were: 

I can only repeat once more that no member of this Commis 
sion has the slightest intention, or ever has had, of allowing our 
army and navy to be placed in a position in which it can be sub 
ject to the orders of any international body, nor, as far as I have 
learned on the part of anyone, of abandoning or modifying the 
Monroe Doctrine. 

That letter was dated February 10. Four days later the 
result of the long night sessions of the League of Nations 
Commission, which President Wilson had dominated as 
chairman, was ready to be presented to the delegates. As 
President Wilson said when he read it to the assembled 
representatives of half the civilized world: "A living thing 
is born. ... It is a definite guaranty of peace. It is a defi 
nite guaranty by word against aggression. . . " 

The next morning Senator Lodge read in the newspapers 
for the first time the living charter of that "evil thing with 
the holy name'* against which he had already set his heart 
and mind. 

President Wilson sailed for America. As his ship cut 
through the winter fog, Senator Lodge was thoroughly 
aware of the truth expressed by his former secretary and 
lifelong friend, Louis A. Coolidge: "He knew very well that 
the citizens of Massachusetts, both Republicans and Demo 
crats, were almost unanimously favorable to the terms of 


the League as they were brought over here by the President 
of the United States/* Not long before Lodge himself had 
written: "We have got to take our share in carrying out the 
peace, which is really a part of the war." And yet he was 
awaiting President Wilson with anger and hatred. 

President Wilson's ship ominously was headed for Boston. 
Already from Paris the President had sent a request to 
postpone discussion on the League until his arrival, and he 
had invited the members of the House Committee on For 
eign Affairs and the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations 
to dine with him at the White House on February 26. This 
had made little difference on the home front. In the Senate, 
days before his arrival, Senator Poindexter had opened 
debate on the League with a violent comparison of that 
proposed body with revolutionary Russia. Senators Borah 
and Reed, the insurgent and Democratic isolationists, had 
added their scornful words. Senator Lodge had restrained 
himself, but he was by no means friendly. 

"As he is the President of the United States/' he wrote, 
"of course I accepted the invitation to the dinner. I should 
not have thought of doing otherwise. I also felt, as a gentle 
man and man of honor, that having accepted the invitation 
to dinner I should comply with his request not to discuss 
the terms of the League as set forth in the draft of the 
committee, until after the dinner. The President, however," 
he went on, bitterly, "does not seem to look at it in the 
same way, and is going to land in Boston, my own city, and 
there address a great mass meeting which is all arranged 
for while I am reduced to silence because I wish to observe 
what I think is required of an honorable man/' 

However much Senator Lodge may have resented Presi 
dent Wilson's choice of "my own city 3 * as a port of debarka 
tion, there was nothing he could do about it President 
Wilson had not chosen Boston as a studied affront to Senator 


Lodge. The arrangements had been made long before in 
accord with a standing promise. When he left Paris he did 
not intend to speak. He decided to do so en route, when 
it was brought to his attention that he was expected to 
make a public appearance. After all, he was the first Presi 
dent in history to leave the United States to take part in 
great councils on the shores of Europe; he was at the height 
of his popularity; and, as President of the American people, 
he could hardly ignore their expressed desire to pay him 

Furthermore, as far as Massachusetts was concerned, 
there was a strong sentiment in favor of the League. Its 
people were for it, and so were its political and intellectual 
leaders. Former Senator Murray Crane was as avid for the 
League as Senator Lodge was antagonistic. Even Governor 
Calvin Coolidge was not then against it. President Lowell 
of Harvard was to do valiant battle in its behalf. Boston 
gave the President a tumultuous welcome. 

In his address at Mechanics Hall President Wilson, to a 
great extent, respected his own interdiction against discus 
sion; but in another way he issued a challenge. Although 
he spoke in generalities and avoided any reference to the 
sulking Senator, there was no escaping the meaning of his 
words, or the identity of the man to whom they were ad 

". . . America is the hope of the world," he said proudly. 
"And if she does not justify that hope results are unthink 
able. Men will be thrown back upon bitterness of disap 
pointment not only, but bitterness of despair. All nations 
will be set up as hostile camps again; men at the. peace 
conference will go home with their heads upon their hearts, 
knowing they have failed for they were bidden not to 
come home from there until they did something more than 
sign the treaty of peace. . . . Any man who thinks that 


America will take part in giving the world any such rebuff 
and disappointment as that does not know America. I in 
vite him to test the sentiments of the nation." 

There was more: "We set this nation up to make men 
free and we did not confine our conception and purpose 
to America, and now we will make men free. If we did not 
do that all the fame of America would be gone and all her 
power would be dissipated. She would then have to keep 
her power for those narrow, selfish, provincial purposes 
which seem so dear to some minds which have no sweep 
beyond the nearest horizon. I should welcome no sweeter 
challenge than that. I have fighting blood in me and it is 
sometimes a delight to let it have scope, but if it is chal 
lenged on this occasion it will be an indulgence. 

"Think of the picture, think of the utter blackness that 
would fall upon the world. America has failed. America 
made a little essay at generosity and then withdrew. America 
said, *We are your friends/ but it was only for today, not 
for tomorrow. America said, 'Here is our power to vindicate 
right/ and then next day said, 'Let right take care of itself 
and we will take care of ourselves/ America said, We set 
up a light to lead men along paths of liberty, but we have 
lowered it it is intended only to light our own path/ " 

The dreadful prophecy moved the minds and hearts of 
the hundreds who heard it that night, and the millions who 
read it the next morning. In the chill soul of Henry Cabot 
Lodge the words kindled no fire. He was unmoved, with 
drawn, waiting. Already he and Senators Knox, Penrose, 
and Smoot had met in conference, planning concerted op 
position, although they had agreed to say nothing openly 
until after the White House dinner. Lodged only com 
ment was, "To think of his talking like that in my home 

The dinner was a gala affair held in the state dining room. 


At the table, where Mrs. Wilson was the only woman 
present the conversation avoided the matter that was on 
the minds of the thirty-six diners; but afterwards, when 
Senator Lodge had escorted Mrs. Wilson from the table, 
and all were gathered in an oval around President Wilson in 
the East Room, the grave topic was reached. 

"The President answered questions for two hours about 
the draft of the constitution of the League of Nations, and 
told us nothing," Lodge jotted down shortly afterward. "He 
did not seem to know it very thoroughly and was not able 
to answer questions. . . . He was civil and showed no 
temper. We went away as wise as we came/' 

Others who were present did not take quite as critical 
an attitude. Congressman John Jacob Rogers/ for instance, 
said that the President was never "so human or so attractive" 
as he was that night, and that he answered every question, 
"easy or difficult, as fully as possible and with apparent 
candor." But those who went to the dinner favoring the 
League left it still in favor; those who were opposed de 
parted still in opposition. 

Two days later Senator Lodge was ready to ppen fire on 
the League. Supported by Senator Knox he demanded that 
the peace be the first consideration and that the League be 
put aside until later, if ever. The United States, he said, 
must never be drawn by "any glittering delusions, through 
specious devices of supernational government, within the 
toils of international socialism and anarchy.'* 
""""" He then drew together the arguments already made by 
himself, Borah, Reed, and Poindexter those gentlemen 
whom former President Taft said he "would not trust over 
night." He spoke in measured tones, often sarcastically, but 
without raising his voice in passion or anger. Perhaps his 
most telling argument against entering a League was the 
8 Representative Rogers was an opponent of the League of Nations. 


future difficulty of agreeing to interpretation of the terms 
of the Covenant, there being no Supreme Court to pass 
upon them. He wanted to know if the Covenant safe 
guarded the Monroe Doctrine and strongly implied that 
it did not. Then there was the matter of immigration. This 
was and must remain purely a domestic issue, not some 
thing for an "international league 30 to consider. He won 
dered, too, about America's position in the League would 
she not have but one vote to England's five? After all, each 
of England's self-governing dominions would have a vote. 
And then there was that most perilous commitment, Article 
10. 4 This Article, with its guaranties against aggression and 
which Woodrow Wilson was later to say was the very heart 
of the Covenant, seemed to Senator Lodge to be "a very 
grave, a very perilous promise to make/' He wanted the 
American people long to consider Article 10 before making 
the promises which he said it called for. He painted a pic 
ture of our Army and Navy and the flower of American 
youth being continually called forth to war to protect some 
one else's back yard. 

Softly Senator Lodge said he was "not now contending** 
that all the provisions of the Covenant should not be 
accepted. "What I ask, and all I ask, is consideration, time, 
thought. . . . We cannot reach our objects by a world con 
stitution hastily constructed in a few weeks in Paris in the 
midst of the excitement of a war not yet ended.'' Let us 
make the peace first. He ended his exhaustive analysis of 
the League: "That which I desire above everything else, 
that which is nearest to my heart, is to bring our soldiers 
home. The making of a League of Nations will not do that. 

4 Article 10. Guaranties Against Aggression. The Members of the 
League undertake to respect and preserve as against external aggres 
sion the territorial integrity and existing political independence of all 
Members of the League. In case of any such aggression or in case of 
any threat or danger of such aggression, the Council shall advise upon 
the means by which this obligation shall be fulfilled. 


. . What is it that delays the peace with Germany? Dis 
cussions over the League of Nations; nothing else." 

Senator Lodge's speech was a remarkable combination of 
objections to a document not yet before the Senate, and at 
the same time an almost demagogic appeal to the war- 
weariness of the nation. Into it he had put most of the 
lessons in political persuasion which he had learned in the 
forty years he had been a politician. 

From that time the assault upon the League was to be 
steady and telling. The Republicans took the lead, although 
some wistful Democrats were merely waiting their chance 
to follow. Senator Knox, who called the League "a plan to 
strangle and crush us," and Senator Sherman of Illinois, 
who likened it to a "Pandora's box of evil," were among 
those who, within the next few days, let loose a flood of 
oratory against the League and its sponsor. In the mean 
time Senator Lodge, having spoken his piece, was busy 
behind the scenes. 

Early on the -morning of Sunday, March 2, he received 
a visit at his home from Senator Frank B. Brandegee, that 
brilliant, high-strung Connecticut Yankee who had led 
the "cross-examination" of Wilson at the February dinner. 
Brandegee had been disturbed by the lengthy defense of 
the League uttered in the Senate the day before by Senator 
McCumber and was brimming over with a clever scheme 
he had evolved. Sitting there in Lodge's library, he told 
the gentleman from Massachusetts that some declaration 
should be made, without delay, "to the effect that a League 
of Nations such as it was understood was to be proposed, 
and the outlines of which had been given through the 
press" * could not pass the Senate. 

* Lodge puts it this way in The Senate and the League of Nations, 
p. 118; he infers, with characteristic unfairness, that the League Cove 
nant was some sort of mystery; the first draft of the charter, already 
approved by the Peace Conference, had been published and his own 
speech of February 28 quotes extensively from it verbatim. 


When Brandegee further suggested that they get the 
signatures of "more than one third of the Senate'* to the 
statement Senator Lodge was, in his own words, "very 
much struck by the proposition. Brandegee had no difficulty 
in convincing me of its essential and even vital importance." 
The two conspirators hastened to the home of Senator Knox 
who agreed to draft the resolution. 

Throughout Monday Senators Lodge, Knox, Brandegee, 
and Albert B. Cummins of Iowa scurried through the cor 
ridors and offices of the Capitol securing signatures Harry 
S, New, George H. Moses, J. W. Wadsworth, Jr., W. G. 
Harding, William E. Borah, Boies Penrose, Hiram Johnson, 
Walter E, Edge, Truman H. Newberry, Medill McConnick, 
Albert B. Fall until thirty-eight names were appended to 
the document. 

"We did not think it desirable to ask any Democrats to 
sign," said Lodge. "We knew there were Democratic Sena 
tors opposed to the League, but we did not wish to involve 
or embarrass them. . . " 

At two minutes past midnight Lodge arose in the Senate 
and one reporter said his hand was shaking as he held the 

"Mr. President," he said, "I desire to take only a moment 
of the time of the Senate. I wish to oflFer the resolution 
which I hold in my hand, a very brief one: 

"*. . . Resolved by the Senate of the United States in 
the discharge of its constitutional duty of advice in regard 
to treaties, That it is the sense of the Senate that while it 
is their sincere desire that the nations of the world should 
unite to promote peace and general disarmament, the con 
stitution of the league of nations in the form now proposed 
to the peace conference should not be accepted by the 
United States; and be it Resolved further, That it is the 
sense of the Senate that the negotiations on the part of the 


United States should immediately be directed to the utmost 
expedition of the urgent business of negotiating peace terms 
with Germany satisfactory to the United States and the 
nations with whom the United States is associated in the 
war against the German Government, and that the proposed 
league of nations to insure the permanent peace of the 
world should then be taken up for careful consideration/ 

"I ask unanimous consent for the present consideration 
of this resolution." 

Senator Lodge knew, and afterward cynically admitted, 
that the introduction of the resolution was "clearly out of 
order." His only fear was that no Democrat would object 
to its introduction, thereby allowing it to come to a vote 
and be defeated. He took that chance and won. Senator 
Swanson of Virginia objected. With great relief, Lodge, as 
soon as Swanson had spoken, said, "Of course, I recognize 
the objection." He then read the names of the signers, more 
than one third necessary to defeat a treaty, into the Record 
and left the hall. 

"The plan worked out beautifully after Senator Swanson's 
objection," he chuckled. "Our purpose, however, had been 
served. The declaration went out to the world." 

The New York Sun joyfully exclaimed: 

Woodrow Wilson's League of Nations died in the Senate to 
night. Henry Cabot Lodge, Senator from Massachusetts, who has 
bitterly opposed a League of Nations on the terms drawn up by 
President Wilson, read the death warrant of the League. 

To this unprecedented challenge President Wilson gave 
stan answer. In a speech in the Metropolitan Opera House, 
standing next to Mr. Taft, he told the world that when the 
Treaty was brought back the "gentlemen on this side will 
find the Covenant not only tied in it, but so many threads 
of the Treaty tied to the Covenant that you cannot dissect 


the Covenant from the Treaty without destroying the whole 
vital structure." 

On the way back to Paris, Wilson said to Ray Stannard 
Baker, his friend and biographer, that there was no use in 
his offering any amendments to the League. "No matter 
what changes are accepted/' he said with foresight, "they 
will only ask for more. The Republicans will make it an 
issue in any event/* 

The Lodge-Knox-Brandegee "round-robin" strengthened 
President Wilson's determination but in Paris it spread dis 
content among the leaders of other nations. Realizing that 
an important segment of American opinion was no longer 
behind the President, the Europeans were now in a position 
to bargain. As William Allen White put it, Mr. Wilson was 
reduced to "trading the substance of European demands for 
the shadow of American ideals." 

Senator Lodge, who was soon to be recognized as the 
ablest of those who, in Mr. Wilson^s words, espoused a "doc 
trine of careful selfishness, thought out to the last detail," 
was not then or later among the "irreconcilables," as those 
who, like Senator Borah and Senator Johnson, would have 
no part of the League in any shape or form werte known. 
Those bitter-enders had no fear of adverse public opinion. 
On the other hand, Senator Lodge cared about it a great 
deal. He wrote to Beveridge that he "could not agree we are 
against any League at all"; indeed Lodge felt, early in March, 
1919, that such an irreconcilable position would "drive away 
support." Uncertain of just how far he would go, Senator 
Lodge lacked the courage of Borah, and was not ready to in 
dulge in an open fight; he put his faith, as Mr. Bowers has 
said, in "the finesse of the diplomacy of dissimulation." 

From Paris, Henry White continued to feed his old friend 
information, which Lodge refused to digest. "We certainly 
did not go into the war for any material gain of our own," 


White wrote, "and I have not the slightest doubt on two 
points first of all, that unless we form part of any League 
of Nations which may be set up, there will be none; and, 
second, we can only revert to the old and final method of 
settling international disputes, namely, war. . . ." 

Lodge listened, but he was not willing to be convinced. 
He wrote again and again, repeating his earlier objections 
to the League. When White, almost in exasperation, pointed 
out plainly that in the light of the best evidence Lodge was 
wrong even when White recalled how "our late dear and 
lamented friend, Theodore Roosevelt, used to say that he al 
ways tried to get the best that he could obtain . . . instead 
of holding out for perfection" Lodge refused to be moved. 

In what was a desperate and wholly unauthorized effort 
to reconcile the President and the Senator, White finally 
cabled Lodge to send him, not generalities, but the "exact 
phraseology of amendments modifying the League which 
Senate considers important." Senator Lodge, resting up in 
Boston for his widely heralded debate with President A. 
Lawrence Lowell of Harvard University, so used to intrigue 
himself, at once suspected a plot. Had not Wilson inspired 
the cable from White? It was an unkind, unjust suspicion. 
White was not conspiring with the President to learn the 
opposition's strategy; he merely desired the information so 
that he might be in a better position, if the chance arose, to 
persuade the President to change his course. Even Root, 
to whom Lodge showed the telegram, was suspicious; 
Brandegee and Knox were, too. Lodge's cabled reply was 

. . . The President expressed no willingness to receive any 
communication from the Senate while that body was in session. 
If he wishes now to have amendments drafted which the Senate 
will consent to, the natural and necessary course is to assemble 
the Senate in the customary way. Manifestly I cannot now speak 


for the Senate or consult its members, nor can they consult with 
each other, nor can the President consult them while they are at 
their homes in 48 States. 6 

Thus Henry White failed. As Allan Nevins has pointed out, 
failure was inevitable: 

. . . Lodge was utterly incapacitated for understanding a great 
deal in the situation of Europe and the world which White, from 
his vantage point in Paris, comprehended perfectly. Naturally a 
man of narrow vision, strong in national feeling and weak in in 
ternational instincts, Lodge had little perception of the vital 
need for the League, little knowledge of the tremendous diffi 
culties of making peace, little sense of the unavoidability of com 
promise and give-and-take in Paris. He did not see, as White did, 
that the old nationalist fears, the traditional arrangements for 
defense and offense, the habit of looking suspiciously at every in 
ternational agreement, must be given up. The old road had led 
to disaster. A new one must be found and it would require 
courage, imagination, generosity. . . . 

In the welter of partisan discussion of the League nothing 
attracted as much attention as the March debate in Sym 
phony Hall, Boston, between Senator Lodge and President 
Lowell. The Armistice was but a scant four months old. The 
veteran combat divisions of the British, French, and Amer 
ican armies were still keeping their armed watch on the 
Rhine. No peace with the Central Powers Lad yet been 
signed. The citizen soldiers in the United States had not 
all been returned to their homes, the mothers and fathers of 
the nation were waiting to know what the sacrifices of 1917 
and 1918 had brought. No wonder 72,000 persons sought 
tickets to the debate. Had there then been the radio, nearly 
every set in the nation would have been tuned in that night. 
As it was, 3500 privileged citizens were jammed into Sym- 

6 Wilson had angered the Republicans by refusing to call a special 
session of Congress before he went to Paris for the second time. 


phony Hall, and correspondents from all the leading news 
papers were on hand. Governor Calvin Coolidge presided. 

Senator Lodge appeared more gaunt and gray than usual 
as lie attacked the Covenant. His objections were familiar: 
specific exclusion of the Monroe Doctrine, of immigration, 
and of the tariff from the jurisdiction of the League, which, 
of course, should not be established as a part of the Peace 
Treaty. He brought most of his fire to bear upon Article 10. 
But the most effective weapon which Lodge used was in 
nuendo. In one breath he "hoped" that in Paris there could 
be arranged a League in "proper form, properly prepared, 
free from doubts, excluding what ought to be excluded." In 
the next breath he prayed that the American people might 
be spared having to "go through a dark tunnel of umbra 
geous words, with nothing to see at the end but the dim red 
light of internationalism." Skillfully he played upon the emo 
tions when he cried out that nothing mattered except to 
"impose the reparations, build up the barrier states, put the 
monster where it cannot spring again, and bring the soldiers 

President Lowell's logic contrasted with the Senator's emo 
tional appeal, his vision with Lodge's innuendo of an un 
known and dreadful fate. After reading the Covenant's 
rough draft, which is all that then existed, word for word, 
Lowell admitted that it lacked much and that amendments 
might be desirable, yet he devoted most of his time to an 
eloquent plea to save the substance of the League as the 
world's greatest hope for unity and peace. 7 

Against that the aging Senator cried: "I am an Ameri 
can. I never had but one flag, and I am too old to learn to 

7 Dr. Lowell challenged Lodge to state whether he would vote 
in the Senate for an amended League, and to say what amendments 
he wanted. Lodge evaded the issue by saying he supposed he would 
support the League if changed to suit him but he would not say 
what changes he demanded. 


love another, an international flag," and won the louder ap 

There was no official judge o the debate. Newspaper 
polls taken after the meeting indicated that opinion was 
almost equally divided. Most of the press felt that both Lodge 
and Lowell were in near enough agreement so that the two 
schools of thought could easily iron out their differences 
and insure adoption of the League. 
Calvin Coolidge said, "Both men won." 
A people, unanimous in their hope that the war for de 
mocracy should not have been fought in vain, were being 
divided. The scheme for defeating the League which was 
hatched at Theodore Roosevelt's bedside was developing 
rapidly. Although Senators Borah and Johnson wanted no 
part of the "diplomacy of dissimulation,'' it became ever 
more apparent as the spring of 1919 wore on that Senator 
Lodge's plan to insist upon hamstringing reservations would 
be followed by all of Wilson's opponents. Even Taft and 
Lowell lent their support to this policy. In mid-April, the 
latter men cabled President Wilson: 

Friends of the Covenant are seriously alarmed over report that 
no amendment will be made specifically safeguarding Monroe 
Doctrine . . . without such amendment Republican Senators 
will certainly defeat ratification, because public opinion will sus 
tain them. With such amendment treaty will be promptly 

In April 1919, the Republicans won a great victory in 
Paris. To men like Taft and -Root, who were able to rise 
above partisanship, the victory was obvious. Working almost 
beyond human endurance, President Wilson, by the sheer 
force of his own idealism, wrought a new Covenant for the 
League of Nations which he had every reason to believe he 
could send safely to the Senate. Nearly all the objections 


that had been raised against the first draft had been recti 
fied in the new version. The right to withdraw from the 
League after two years was now assured. Article 15 had been 
so amended as to allay the fears of those who, like Senator 
Lodge, had raised the bugaboo of immigration. The 22nd 
Article had revised the conditions under which mandates 
might be imposed. 

Most, if not all, of these changes had come from sugges 
tions originating from Republican sources. An analysis of the 
Covenant shows that four of Elihu Roofs suggestions had 
been fully adopted and three partially recognized. Six of 
the points raised by Charles Evans Hughes had been ac 
cepted by the conferees. And all of the concrete proposals 
set forth by Senator Lodge and William Howard Taft had 
been written into the Covenant. 

In all his speeches and pronouncements Senator Lodge 
had stressed above everything else the need for recognition 
of the Monroe Doctrine. Even this President Wilson had 
achieved, if almost at the risk of breaking up the conference. 
The French had been loud, and logical, in their objections. 
But by sheer magic President Wilson the man who "failed 
at Paris"! Von them over one midnight when he delivered 
"an extempore speech of witching eloquence/* When the 
League Covenant was written into the Versailles Treaty its 
21st Article read: 

Nothing in this Covenant shall be deemed to affect the valid 
ity of international engagements, such as treaties of arbitration 
or regional understandings like the Monroe Doctrine, for secur 
ing the maintenance of peace. 

While President Wilson, "utterly beaten, worn out, his face 
quite haggard . . " struggled on in Paris, Senator Lodge 
bided his time. On April 28 the revised Covenant was pub 
lished. If President Wilson had expected a favorable reaction 


from the Republicans, lie was disappointed. What he had 
predicted to Mr. Baker on his trip to France came true. 
When Senator Lodge saw the revised form, with Article 10 
still intact and Article 21 added, he was struck with fear that 
some of the reservationists would rush into print claiming 
a victory. He at once conferred with Senator Charles Curtis 
of Kansas. The following morning the two majority leaders 
of the Senate telegraphed every Republican Senator: 

We suggest that Republican Senators reserve final expression 
of opinion respecting the amended league covenant until the 
latest draft has been carefully studied and until there has been 
an opportunity for conference. 

In accordance with his own instructions which he later 
had the effrontery to call a "strictly non-partisan telegram" 
Senator Lodge said nothing, except: 

"I am not prepared to make a statement in regard to the 
new draft at this moment, because I desire to examine it care 
fully and compare it with the former draft, and also to confer 
with my colleagues, for it is obvious that it will require fur 
ther amendments if it is to promote peace and not endanger 
certain rights of the United States which should never be 
placed in jeopardy." 

With the exception of Senator Charles L. McNary of Ore 
gon, the entire body of Republican Senators accepted the 
Lodge muzzle. The independent Oregonian expressed ex 
actly the reaction Senator Lodge had feared. "In my opin 
ion," he said, "the Covenant has been amended to meet all 
the legitimate objections raised against it." But the New 
York Tribune, anticipating a contest in the Senate to amend 
the revised draft, editorially called it "a great hoax." The 
Monroe Doctrine clause was ^plainly a fraud ... a pack 
age covered with gold foil.** Article 10 was still as "iniqui 
tous" as ever, 


After despatching his telegram Senator Lodge and Sena 
tor Borah, who was opposed to the League in any shape or 
form, had what the latter called an "entirely satisfactory" 
conference. He felt he was immune from Lodge's interdiction 
and issued a blast against the treasonable Article 10, To Sen 
ator Beveridge, Lodge wrote that he and Borah, at the meet 
ing, had agreed "as to the amendment line," and that the 
important thing now was to assure Republican control 
of the Senate. Thus early did the two schools of opposition 

Senator Lodge knew as well as anyone that the great prob 
lem was political. As Mr. Beveridge put it, the League had 
become a party issue: "No power can prevent that." Chair 
man Will H. Hays, Lodge, Borah, all knew it, and as they 
awaited Wilson's return with the Treaty of Peace they were 
active in reuniting the Republican factions for tie all- 
out drive against "Wilson's League'* that was then in the 

On the same day that he had sent his "strictly non- 
partisan" telegram to the Republicans, Senator Lodge had 
addressed a letter, written in partisanship and composed in 
ignorance, to the Italians of Boston. In it he wholeheartedly 
condoned Italy's claim to the seaport of Fiume over the dis 
position of which President Wilson and the Italian delegates 
at the conference had just had their serious disagreement. 
Lodge, who claimed he had read all the histories of Dal- 
matia and therefore knew what he was talking about, said 
that Fiume was as vital to Italy as New Orleans was to the 
United States. In spite of some exasperated efforts on the 
part of Henry White to put him straight historically, geo 
graphically, and morally, the scholar in politics insisted he 
needed no correction. 

Looking out upon the American scene, Senator Lodge 
found things were not to his liking. Among the articulate 


the "preachers of sermons/' college professors, editors there 
was almost unanimous approval of the League as its Cove 
nant then stood. From George Harvey he learned at first 
hand that the bankers and capitalists were literally unanimous 
in their advocacy. He told all this to Borah on the day of 
their memorable meeting. The massive Idaho isolationist 
thought Lodge was right in his judgment of conditions. For 
this reason Borah, according to Lodge, agreed to support 
"any amendments or reservations which I and those who 
agreed with me should offer, although, of course, so far as 
he was concerned, after having voted for the amendments 
and reservations in the belief they would make the treaty 
better and the League safer, on the final vote he would vote 
against acceptance of the treaty by the Senate/' 

In Senator's Lodge's hands the legislative front was safe* 
But there was work to be done elsewhere. This fell to Sen 
ator Brandegee and to George Harvey, the journalist The 
latter brought Henry Clay Frick, the Pennsylvania multi 
millionaire, into the fold; Senator Knox persuaded Andrew 
W. Mellon to open his pocketbook. Senator Brandegee's 
Washington home became the headquarters of the cabal, 
which poured out uncounted thousands of dollars, some of 
which were raised by Senator Medill McCormick, to edu 
cate the public, through all the available outlets of organ 
ized propaganda, to distrust the League. 

President Wilson, although still in Paris, was forced to call 
Congress to meet in special session on May 19 in order to get 
the appropriations bills passed before the end of the fiscal 
year. On May 20 Senator Johnson introduced a resolution 
calling upon the Secretary of State to produce "forthwith" 
a copy of the Peace Treaty, which had been submitted to 
the Germans only a few days before. While debating this 
Senator Lodge announced that no executive sessions would 
be held, but that the Treaty would be laid before the coun- 


try without any secrecy. "Pitiless publicity" was the phrase 
he used. 8 

A few days later he launched into a severe attack upon 
Article 21. He had now discovered objections to the article 
that had been amended in Paris in answer to his own de 
mands. The Covenant dared to call the Monroe Doctrine an 
"international engagement"! It never was an international 
engagement or understanding, he cried. "It is all ours; and 
now it is carried into this league of nations. It is already 
interpreted by England, although it is wholly our affair, and 
it is to be determined in the future by the League of Na 
tions." Senator John Sharp Williams, one of the keenest stu 
dents of international affairs ever to sit in the Senate, said 
that Senator Lodge's "objection to the exclusion of mention 
of the Monroe Doctrine increased to virulence when he was 
faced with the inclusion of it." 

Virulence was the word. There were virulent attacks upon 
the President for keeping the unsigned Treaty a "secret," 
and great excitement when Senator Lodge and Senator Borah 
charged that copies of the Treaty existed in this country, al 
though none had been sent to the Senate. There was viru 
lence when Senator Knox introduced his new resolution, 
which would cut the League from the Treaty. In the de 
bate that followed Senator Reed raised the issue of race and 
color, saying that the League would place all mankind under 
the rulership of the blacks; Senator Sherman the next day 
had discovered that it was the Pope who would rule. 

Senator Lodge soon found that he could not hold the Sen 
ate in line for the Knox resolution. Somewhat distressing, 

8 Cf. Chapter XIII, ante: In 1898 Lodge insisted the Peace Treaty, 
then under consideration, be debated in secret session. At the same 
time he demanded the election of a Republican Congress so that the 
world would not think America had repudiated the results o the 
Spanish-American War and the Republican President who "led it 
victoriously and is now leading us back to peace." 


too, was the appearance of Chairman Hays, who had ar 
rived in Washington at Lodge's invitation, and who said 
that the Republican Party was for "a League of Nations,** 
when it was apparent that most of the Republicans were 
against the League, either totally or in part. Senator Lodge 
tried without success to forward his proposal to insert a 
qualifying resolution which Root had suggested, stipulating 
that ratification by the Senate should not be effective until 
the Senate's reservations were accepted by the other powers. 
But these were both minor matters. 

On June 28 a defeated Germany signed the Peace of Ver 
sailles. The next day President Wilson sailed home. There 
he was to encounter as bitter intrigue and as adamant oppo 
sition as any he had met in Paris. On July 9 he arrived in 
New York. The great city warmly welcomed him, but that 
evening in Carnegie Hall, where Senators Reed and John 
son were addressing a mass meeting, his name was hissed. In 
Washington, Senator Lodge waited. 



The Great Debate 

PRESIDENT WILSON entered the chamber of the United States 
Senate on July 10, 1919. Amid the cheers of the crowded 
galleries and the more restrained applause of his official fam 
ily and the Senators of the forty-eight states gathered there, 
he delivered into their eager hands the Treaty of Peace. The 
Chairman of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, 
Henry Cabot Lodge, escorted him to his seat. 

"The stage is set, the destiny disclosed," the President 
said. "It has come about by no plan of our conceiving; but 
by the hand of God who led us into this way. We cannot turn 
back. We can only go forward, with lifted eyes and fresh 
ened spirit to follow the vision. It was of this that we dreamed 
at our birth. America shall in truth show the way. The light 
streams upon the path ahead, and nowhere else. 7 * 

His words had hardly faded away and the door closed 
behind him when Senator Lodge moved to refer the Treaty 
of Peace to the committee which he headed. The motion 
was carried. The light upon the path ahead flickered and 
grew dim. 

When the Treaty, with its fatal Covenant of a League of 
Nations, was dropped in the maw of this committee, it be 
came, for the time being, the property of seventeen men. Ten 
were Republicans. Of these ten, six were old members 
Lodge, McCumber, Borah, Brandegee, Fall, and Knox; four 
had been appointed at the start of the Sixty-sixth Congress 
Harding of Ohio, New of Indiana, Johason of California, 


and Moses of New Hampshire. With the exception of 
McCumber all had signed the "round robin/* placing them 
selves on record as opposed to the League of Nations as it 
had been hammered out on the forge of Versailles. 

The seven Democrats were headed by Gilbert M. Hitch 
cock of Nebraska. He was an able Senator, but as a par 
liamentary tactician he was no match for the wily Lodge. 
The others were John Sharp Williams., that amazing Missis- 
sippian who could achieve lucidity whatever the circum 
stances, Swanson of Virginia, Atlee Pomerene of Ohio, Key 
Pittman of Nevada, Marcus A. Smith of Arizona, and John 
K. Shields of Tennessee. 

When the Treaty was placed at the mercy of these gentle 
men it seemed as if there were little that could be said, 
either for or against the League of Nations, that had not 
already been said with passion and at great length. But Sen 
ator Lodge had promised "pitiless publicity." He proceeded 
to keep his promise. The Treaty itself was to be singularly 
immune from attack, but the Covenant was to shrivel under 
the burning light of Senatorial inquisition. 

Hardly had the document been started on its way to the 
committee* room when the strategists went into action. At 
Lodge's beck there gathered around him in the Senate 
cloakroom Senators Borah, Brandegee, Fall, and one or two 
others the leaders of the several groups who before long 
were to be maneuvered into rejecting the League by voting 
first one way and then another. 

The essence of the Republican strategy was clear: each 
article would be separately considered, ridiculed, attacked 
until the American people had been given a picture of the 
League as a devouring creature bred in infamy, ready now 
to demolish all the ancient rights of Americans, subject them 
to all the wL -*s of foreign rulers, and bring about greater 
and more terrjjpe wars. 


In a series of a dozen or more conferences, held at Lodge's 
home, at Alice Roosevelt Longworth's, at Senator Knox's, and 
elsewhere, the Republican lines were laid. The great danger 
which they faced was that the solid Democratic phalanx 
and the pro-League Republicans would join forces. By gain 
ing* parliamentary control, they would be able to dictate 
the terms of ratification and defeat the projected crippling 
reservations and amendments. At these meetings, however, 
this danger was hammered home to the so-called irreconcil- 
ables. They were not asked to desert their principles when 
it came to a final vote, but they were shown the necessity 
of voting, in the early stages of the game, with the Lodge 
conservatives, thus assuring a necessary Republican majority 
in favor of the reservations which Senator Lodge would soon 
propose, and against those which the Democrats undoubt 
edly would set forth as substitutes. 

The Borah- Johnson group, determined in the end to bring 
total defeat to the Treaty, accepted the idea. Both sides, the 
irreconcilables and the reservationists, were also agreed upon 
another point: the tactic of delay. They shrewdly realized 
that the American people were not yet wholly "educated" 
to the dangers of the "evil thing with the holy name." The 
campaign of propaganda was already taking effect, but the 
longer it -continued the safer the anti-League forces would 
feel. Since the Senate could not vote on the Treaty until 
the Foreign Relations Committee reported it out, it was 
agreed to keep it there as long as possible. The Republican 
majority of the committee assured this. 

The committee was already packed against the League by 
the Republican leaders. When four vacancies had occurred 
as a result of the 1918 elections, they had been filled with 
three irreconcilables: Senators Johnson, Moses, and New. 
The fourth pkce went to Senator Harding, a middle 
grounder. Later Senator New joined the Lodge group. Sena- 


tor Moses was chosen instead of Senator Frank B. Kellogg, 
who had seniority, presumably because the latter had re 
fused to sign the "round robin" and had spoken in favor of 
the League. When Senators Williams and Hitchcock chal 
lenged Lodge to deny that the Republicans had deliberately 
filled the committee with anti-League Senators, the gentle 
man from Massachusetts refused to answer. 

Although the Republicans dominated the committee, Sen 
ator Lodge found himself in a delicate position a position 
that was to have a great bearing upon the final outcome of 
the great debate. 

He had his strategy. The irreconcflables had theirs. To 
gether they would introduce into the Senate certain amend 
ments which they were certain the Democrats would reject. 
If this failed, they would then insist upon reservations so 
crippling that the Democrats would be forced to vote 
against ratification. 

Senator Lodge, who put his trust in reservations which 
would change the face and body of the League but which 
would still leave it in the Treaty for what it was worth, was 
at the mercy of Borah, Johnson, and Moses. They could 
dictate, or they could withdraw. They held the ultimate 

Throughout July, while the Treaty was being read by the 
committee, the debate on the League, both within and with 
out the Senate, continued violently. It had its defenders as 
well as its detractors, but the latter seemed to make the most 
noise and garnered the most publicity. Nearly everything that 
was said had been said before. Senator Lodge was steadily 
in the limelight as he seized every opportunity to embarrass 
the administration. 

Shortly before the Treaty had been sent to the Senate he 
had written Henry White: 

If the President adheres to his position that we must ratify the 
treaty without crossing a "t" or dotting an %7 my best judgment 


is that tie will fail. The treaty will be sent to him with reserva 
tions, and then it will be up to him to hold it back. I am giving 
a good deal of time and thought to it. 

In the heat of the Washington summer Lodge was devot 
ing long hours every day in the committee room. He did not 
know, he said at this time, "what the final judgment of the 
people will be/* but, as the summer slid along, he was sure 
that the hostility to the League was growing. He felt that if 
by any chance the League was adopted it would be "a sorry 
day for the country in years to come. . . /* 

He attacked the Wilson administration for the Shantung 
settlement; he harried the President to produce copies of an 
alleged secret treaty made between Japan and Germany be 
fore the Armistice was signed. In mid- July two gentlemen 
who favored the League, James G. Macdonald and Allen T. 
Burns, visited him. As they discussed the Treaty in the com 
mittee room the Senator reached for a copy of the general 
arbitration treaty with Great Britain negotiated in 1911 by 
President Taft. He pointed out the reservations and amend 
ments made by the Senate. 

Exultingly Lodge remarked, "And President Taft never 
saw fit to return the treaty to Great Britain!" Mr. Burns later 
said that Lodge then declared, "We shall deal with 
the Versailles Treaty in the same way. If President Wilson 
does not see fit to return it to our Allies, that is his respon 
sibility/' Then, "with a snap of his jaw and a bang of his 
fist," the Senator said, "That is the way to handle such 

The very next day Senator Moses, in a Senate speech, op 
posed ratification of the entire Treaty, which, he said, would 
be "infinitely worse for us than even the League of Nations, 
bad as it is/* Senator Lodge thought that Mr. Moses Lad 
made one of the most effective arguments yet against the 

By July 31 the committee, which had spent two full weeks 


reading the 87,000-word treaty into the records, felt the time 
had come when it could use some help in dotting the *Ys" 
and crossing the Vs." On that day the first open hearings were 
held. From then until late in the autumn a steady procession 
of witnesses, some with relevant testimony to offer and oth 
ers with none, filed through the room. 

Among them were representatives of small nations Al 
bania, Egypt, Hungary, Ireland, 1 and Persia who had not 
been invited to Paris, and who added to the growing public 
confusion and distrust of the League. Later other and more 
important witnesses were to be heard. 

Under the questioning of the Senators, led by Lodge, 
much embarrassing information was obtained. It was pretty 
well shown that President Wilson had been annoyed and 
displeased with the Shantung settlement, and the inference, 
at least, was left that something had been "put over" .on him. 
A month later, after several heated debates, Senator Lodge 
moved the adoption of an amendment designed to transfer 
the former German rights in Shantung from Japan to China. 
The Lodge motion was carried in the committee by a party 
vote of nine to eight, McCumber voting against. 

1 Although Senator Lodge had upon one occasion in 1914 deplored 
the tendency of certain members of the Senate to treat of foreign 
affairs with little more dignity or foresight than they would a har 
bor appropriations bill, he was not above injecting local politics into 
the grave matter of the Treaty of Versailles. In May members of the 
American Commission for Irish Independence had gone to Paris de 
manding a hearing. Early in June the Foreign Relations Committee 
passed a resolution requesting the American delegation to secure a 
hearing for de Valera and others. When Henry White objected to 
this on the grounds that Irish independence had "nothing to do with 
the making of peace," Senator Lodge replied: "Neither did the Mon 
roe Doctrine come within the jurisdiction of the Peace Conference," 
Although Lodge admitted the Irish matter did not concern the Peace 
Conference he justified his interest in it: **You know what the Irish 
vote is in this country. As far as I can make out they are bitterly op 
posed to the League, and the fate of the Democratic party in tne 
Northern States is in their hands. They are having great meetings and 
all pronouncing against the League. Cardinal O'Connell presided at 
one of these meetings in Boston. . . .* 


At various times in the next few weeks, many witnesses 
were called to show the alleged existence of disagreements 
among the American delegates to Paris 2 and much perti 
nent testimony was spread upon the record. But much that 
was hardly pertinent to the Treaty of Versailles was also 
spread. In obtaining the latter, Lodge played his part, thus 
adding to President Wilson's growing dislike, which eventu 
ally reached the point where mentioning the name of the 
Senator from Massachusetts to the President was, as Senator 
Hitchcock said, like waving a red flag at a bull. Senator 
Lodge's bringing of William C. Bullitt before the committee, 
with his documented recital of President Wilson's quarrels 
with Secretary of State Lansing, which Lansing, out of def 
erence to the President, was in no position either to affirm 
or to deny, did nothing to draw Senator and President closer 

Early in August Norman H. Davis, who had been in Paris 
as a financial expert, was called before the committee. In 
reply to a question by Senator Knox as to whom else the 
committee might summon as an expert, Mr. Davis answered, 
"President Wilson." Lodges reply was heated: "The Presi 
dent has never offered to come before this committee. He 
only sent a telephone message saying he would be glad to 
have the committee come to the White House. We have 
called for paper after paper and he has not sent one." The 
President, of course, had publicly offered to appear before 
the committee in his speech of July 10. 

As the grim heat of August settled down upon the Capital, 
Senator Lodge prepared to make his first speech since the 
Treaty had been submitted to the Senate. On August 12 he 
spoke for two hours. 

2 Among those called at one time or another were Genetal Bliss, 
Henry White, Colonel House, of the American Peace Delegation. They 
were requested to appear. Senator Borah moved that they be sub 
poenaed, but his motion was defeated. Senator Lodge was among those 
voting for the motion. 


Taking first things first, Senator Lodge took up tibe pre 
amble of the Covenant and compared it unfavorably with 
the preamble to the Peace of Paris, whence had stemmed 
the Holy Alliance. One after another he assailed the various 
Articles of the Covenant. As usual he poured forth his strong 
est words in assault upon Article 10. Grim was the picture 
which he painted of what would happen if, at any time, the 
United States failed to live up to the letter and spirit of the 
Covenant. We would be dishonored! The League would 
crumble into dust! Nothing would be left but a legacy of 

His speech was a long, and bitter, renunciation of the 
League, delivered in spirit and language but little different 
from the words he had uttered before. But the galleries, 
crowded with representatives of women's organizations and 
a contingent of veteran Marines from Chateau-Thierry, who 
had just passed in review before the President, hung on every 
word. The Senator was frequently interrupted by applause, 
as when he said it was impossible to isolate the United States 
and that our part in the war had disposed of any charge of 
selfishness that might be leveled against us. 

"You may call me selfish, if you will, conservative or re 
actionary, or use any other harsh adjective you see fit to 
apply," he cried, "but an American I was born, and Ameri 
can I have remained all my life. I can never be anything else 
but an American, and I must think of the United States first, 
and when I think of the United States first in an arrange 
ment like this I am thinking of what is best for the world, 
for if the United States fails the best hopes of mankind fail 
with it. I have never had but one allegiance I cannot di 
vide it now. I have never loved but one flag and I cannot 
share that devotion and give affection to the mongrel ban 
ner invented for a league. . * . 

"Are ideals confined to this deformed experiment upon a 


noble purpose, tainted, as it is, with bargains and tied to a 
peace treaty which might have been disposed of long ago 
to the great benefit of the world if it had not been com 
pelled to carry this rider on its back? 

"We all share these aspirations and desires, but some of 
us see no hope, but rather defeat, for them in this murky 
covenant. For we, too, have our ideals, even if we differ from 
those who have tried to establish a monopoly on idealism. 
Our ideal is our country. . . . 

<6 We would have our country strong to resist a peril from 
the West, as she has flung back the German menace from 
the East. We would not have our politics distracted and em 
bittered by dissensions from other lands. We would not 
have our country's vigor exhausted, or her moral force 
abated, by everlasting meddling and muddling in every 
quarrel great and small, which afflicts the world. Our ideal 
is to make her even stronger and better and finer, because 
in this way alone, as we believe, can she be of the greatest 
service to the world's peace and the welfare of mankind." 

The shouts of the Marines echoed through the Senate as 
he finished his dramatic peroration. Not for years had the 
Senate heard such loud applause. When Senator Williams 
replied to the Senator from Massachusetts he was hissed. 

Two days after his long denunciation of the League, 
Chairman Lodge asked President Wilson for a public con 
ference, and received an immediate acceptance. The date 
was set for 10 A.M. on Tuesday, August 10, in the East Room 
of the White House. 

President Wilson, who already had held private confer 
ences with several Republican Senators and had learned from 
them that, by acceptance of reservations, he might save his 
League, was in a stern, uncompromising mood when the 
Senators marched in. Already he had been thinking of tak 
ing his fight to the people. He was not, even then, a well man, 


It was hardly in that spirit o "accommodation" which he 
had often said was an essential in the conduct of public af 
fairs that he read to them from a prepared statement: 

"Nothing, I am led to believe, stands in the way of the 
ratification . . . except certain doubts in regard to the 
meaning and implication of certain articles of the Cove 
nant of the League of Nations, and I must frankly say that 
I am unable to understand why such doubts should be en 
tertained. . . . There was absolutely no doubt as to the 
meaning ... in the minds of those who participated in 
drafting them, and I respectfully submit that there is noth 
ing vague or doubtful in their meaning/" 

Senator Lodge, who had been insisting that the Covenant 
was not "made in America/* questioned the President closely 
as to other drafts in an effort, it seems, to prove that the 
League was the evil creation of British minds. On the whole, 
the conference was a failure. Wilson was unbending. He had 
set his mind upon the League as it stood in the Treaty and 
was unwilling to have it changed. His supporters, however, 
did not think he could have done otherwise. Among them 
was the New York Times, which said: 

If the President's interpretation ... of the treaty . . . and 
his straightforward replies to the questions of the Senators have 
not removed from their minds all reasonable doubts and mis 
givings, then evidently nothing can . . . and the country will be 
forced to the conclusion that their objections do not lie in the 
treaty or in the League covenant, but somewhere outside. If that 
be true, then the people must deal with the Senatorial obstruc 
tionists, for the President has exhausted the resources of reason 
ing and exposition. 

Shortly after the conference the committee adopted fifty 
amendments to the Treaty. 

August ended as it had begun, in a welter of Senatorial 
words against the Covenant of the League. On September 


3, President Wilson started on his brave but fatal tour which, 
he hoped, would swing public opinion behind him. In the 
next three weeks he was to travel 8000 miles, participate in 
a dozen great parades, and deliver forty-four speeches. As he 
began his historic trek he was met with apathy, but, as he 
proceeded, the warmth of his receptions increased. He swung 
through Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota, to the Northwest. Then 
he moved down the Pacific Coast to Southern California. He 
was on his way home, with but half a dozen speeches left on 
his schedule, when, in Kansas, he broke down. 

The Foreign Relations Committee waited a week after his 
departure from Washington before it brought in its reports, 
two full months after it had received the Treaty. 

Lodge had written to Beveridge a short time before: 

But the votes to defeat the treaty squarely are not there, for 
the simple reason that the League is tied onto the treaty of 
peace, and we cannot get votes to separate them. I am not argu 
ing the right or wrong of it, but telling you what the situation is. 
My business was to unite the Republicans, and they are united 
now on strong and effective reservations. Any that go on will be 
effective, and Mr. Wilson's maneuver will be without result . * . 

There, in a nutshell, was the reason why the Treaty had 
lain so long in committee. But now it was out. Everything, 
it appeared, was at last under control. A reporter asked Sen 
ator Lodge if he had any reply to make to the President's 
castigations of his opponents, and Lodge replied with a 
smile: "No, there is nothing to say at this time, except that 
the treaty situation is better now than it has been for months. 
I can say that reservations will be adopted before the treaty 
is ratified." 

Between September 10 and September 15 the committee 
presented three reports. The majority report, written in part 
by Senator Lodge, caustically answered the charges of de- 


lay with the comment that, in forty-five days (not counting 
holidays and the time it took to print the jreport), the com 
mittee had considered what it had taken the Peace Confer 
ence six months to accomplish. It then attacked the Presi 
dent's "autocratic'* methods. Attached were forty-five pro 
posed amendments and four reservations which, it was obvi 
ous, the President would never accept. 

The minority report, signed by the Democratic members, 
dismissed all amendments, opposed all reservations, and 
urged ratification of the Treaty with the League as it now 
stood. Senator McCumber presented a remarkable separate 
report, which chided the majority for substituting irony and 
sarcasm for argument, for paying too little attention to the 
Treaty itself, and for proposing amendments which would 
isolate us from the rest of the world and keep us from con 
summating "the duties for wMch the war was fought." 

Attached to the majority report was this reservation: 

The United States declines to assume, under the provisions of 
Article 10, or under any other article, any obligation to preserve 
the territorial integrity or political independence of any other 
country, or to interfere in controversies, or to adopt economic 
measures for the protection of any other country . . . against 
external aggression or for the purpose of coercing any other 
country . . . and no mandates shall be accepted by the United 
States . . . except by action of the Congress. . , . 

The three other reservations covered the Monroe Doc 
trine, withdrawal from the League, and domestic questions. 

As October approached Senator Lodge found himself in 
a difficult position. His business, as he had said, was to unite 
the Republicans. It was not an easy task, holding the two 
wings in line. A great deal of pressure was brought to bear 
upon him from both sides. He had to restrain the overzeal- 
ous, he had to prod the reluctant, he had to soothe those 
who stood in between. Particularly vehement were the ir- 


reconcilables, who never knew just how much to trust his 
leadership. In the closed committee room they addressed 
form with violence more than once, and heckled him in words, 
so he plaintively complained, which "no man of my age 
should be obliged to hear." 

He fought stubbornly and, as various amendments which 
he and Senator Fall had introduced were defeated in the 
Senate, the wisdom of his strategy became more apparent. 
The votes on these showed how the land lay. In their defeat 
the majority had been composed of about forty Democrats 
and between fourteen and eighteen mild-reservationist Re 
publicans. The minority had also been split between about 
twenty "organization Republicans" and some twelve or thir 
teen irreconcilables. Thus three Republican groups reser- 
vationists, mild-reservationists, and irreconcilables must 
be brought together to assure the success of any motion. 

As October sped along, further amendments were de 
feated and Lodge's motion to strike the Shantung articles 
from the Treaty was lost. This made it clear to aU Republi 
cans that the time had now come to do what the Wily One 
had long since told Jim Watson they would do accom 
plish by reservations what could not be done directly. 

Lodge himself wanted the Treaty and the League de 
stroyed. But his position as majority leader, the official me 
dium between aU the Republican Senators, committed him 
to caution. And, also, like most of the others of his politi 
cal faith, he wanted to make the League an issue in the 1920 
Presidential campaign. Until Wilson's dangerous illness pre 
cluded the possibility, Lodge was unconvinced that the 
President would not seek a third term. Nineteen hundred 
and twenty was always in the forefront of his mind. He cared 
more about the political regeneration of his party, and the 
maintenance of his own leadership, than anything else. 
Among his close friends there were many who thought that 


he saw himself as the Republican standard bearer. This, 
they said, explained why he fought so hard, and worked so 
valiantly at the tremendously difficult task of keeping the 
various factions in line. 

The irreconcilables, on the other hand, were less obsessed 
with the politics of the situation. Senator Johnson, at least 
during his speaking tour which he undertook to counteract 
Wilson's, may have thought of himself as Presidential tim 
ber, but Borah and Moses and the others wanted nothing 
more than to kill the Treaty. Thus they could afford to be 
firm. They had little to lose and everything to gain. 

Such was the situation as the amendments were beaten 
down in October. The Foreign Relations Committee now 
turned to the task of framing reservations fourteen of 
them. Ten were added to those originally proposed, al 
though the language was somewhat softened. These bore 
Senator Lodge's name. Although he was not the author of 
all of them, he willingly let them be known henceforth as 
the Lodge Reservations. On October 23 Senator Lodge said 
that the reservations would have the same value as amend 

In the meantime President Wilson's illness, following his 
collapse on September 26, had robbed the Democrats of 
leadership. Alarming stories about his physical and mental 
condition spread throughout the country. Although his men 
tal condition then was perhaps not as serious as the alarmist 
press said, there was no denying the fact that he was in 
communicado in the White House, that none saw Imp from 
day to day except Mrs. Wilson, his physician, perhaps his 

Shortly before the reservations were to come up for a final 
vote Stephen Bonsai, who had been an interpreter at Paris 
for Wilson, visited Senator Lodge at the request of Colonel 
House, who was having no more luck than anyone else in 


reaching the side of the sick President. Bonsai had several 
talks with the Senator from Massachusetts, during one of 
which Lodge penciled on a copy of the Covenant certain 
"mild changes, running to less than one hundred words in 
all. He intimated that if President Wilson would accept these 
changes the Treaty could be ratified. Bonsai rushed the docu 
ment to Colonel House, himself ill in New York, who for 
warded it to the White House. There was no answer. House 
always felt that Mrs. Wilson had destroyed the memoran 
dum, which was in Lodge's writing and signed with his 
name; or at least that she had prevented it from reaching her 
husband. It was Bonsai's belief that, when Lodge heard 
nothing from the White House, he took the silence as a per 
sonal affront, his hatred for Wilson increased, and his deter 
mination to defeat the Treaty stiffened. 

Others at this time suspected that Lodge was on the point 
of "surrendering," or that he was, at least, willing to reach 
some kind of agreement with the Democrats which would 
save the League. Senator Hitchcock never had this feeling. 
"I admit," he told Bonsai, "that in some of my unofficial 
cloakroom talks with Lodge he expresses views which even 
to me seem reasonable, but when I ask him to get down to 
cases and state what changes he would suggest, his face 
hardens. I think he would like to induce me to offer changes 
and concessions. Of course, by my instructions, although, 
owing to the President's illness, they are somewhat out of 
date, I am precluded from doing so. So my conviction deep 
ens that whatever may have been his purpose two months 
ago, today Lodge has decided to beat the Treaty and the 
Covenant if he can." 

Senator Hitchcock said that to Bonsai on November 18. 
The next day a letter came from the White House, over Wil 
son's signature, which Hitchcock read to the Democratic 
Senators at a conference which was held just before the 


Senate assembled to vote on Senator Lodge's resolution of 

.... I assume that the Senators only desire my judgment on the 
all-important question of the final vote on the resolution con 
taining the many reservations of Senator Lodge. On that I can 
not hesitate, for, in my opinion, the resolution in that form does 
not provide for ratification, but rather for nullification of the 
treaty. I sincerely hope that the friends and supporters of the 
treaty will vote against the Lodge resolution of ratification. I 
understand the door will then probably be open for a genuine 
resolution of ratification. I trust all true friends of the treaty will 
refuse to support the Lodge resolution. 

That day there were three votes on the Treaty. One was 
for the Treaty with the Lodge Reservations. The Democrats, 
loyal to their leader, joined with the irreconcilables to vote 
this down, 55 to 39. Another was for the Treaty with the 
five reservations which Senator Hitchcock had proposed. 3 
This, too, the Senate rejected, by a vote of 51 to 41. On the 
third vote, which was for the Treaty as it stood, the reser- 
vationists, as Lodge had predicted, joined with the irrecon 
cilables to defeat it, 53 to 38. 

As the final vote was taken, Senator Lodge turned to 
Senator Swanson and said, "The door is closed." 

Closed, yes, but not yet locked. The immediate reaction 
to the Senate's rejection was almost nationwide consterna 
tion and regret. If the Transcript rejoiced, if Senator Borah 
called it the greatest victory since Appomattox, there were 
many millions of people throughout the country who felt, 
with another editor, that the Senate "under the bankrupt 

8 (1) The right of Congress to authorize, or forbid, use of American 
forces for League sanctions; (2) the Monroe Doctrine; (3) equality 
of voting power with Great Britain, including her Dominions; (4) right 
of withdrawal; and (5) exemption of domestic issues from League 
jurisdiction. These were, of course, in the Lodge reservations. 


leadership of Henry Cabot Lodge" had done a shameful 

Soon a demand for some kind of compromise swept the 
country which even Senator Lodge could not ignore. The 
Democratic leaders were correct in their belief that public 
opinion demanded further consideration of the Lodge Reser 
vations. The Treaty was not yet dead. When Senator Lodge 
visited Boston within the fortnight following the final vote 
he found that "a situation had developed . . . which was 
caused by the continued assertion of the friends of the 
League that the reservations had been added and the defeat 
of the treaty brought about by disputes between the two 
parties on what were merely verbal differences. . . " Al 
though he said this belief was false, he came to the conclu 
sion that "it was most desirable to make an effort, at least, 
to come to some agreement between the two sides; that is, 
between the opponents of the reservations and of the treaty 
and those who favored accepting the League substantially 
as it was offered. . . ." 

The special session of Congress ended with the vote on 
the Treaty. The new session met on December 1. It was 
Senator Lodge's contention that the President must with 
draw and then resubmit the Treaty, which would throw it 
again into the hands of the Foreign Relations Committee. 
This scheme, however, was blocked. Lodge then announced 
that he would "stand pat" on the reservations, a warning 
that he was in no compromising mood. When Senator Un 
derwood attempted to form an official bipartisan committee 
of conciliation, composed of ten Senators, Lodge at first 
stood solidly in the way. The middle-grounders, angered at 
his obstruction, were reported to have warned Lodge that 
they would ignore his leadership if he did not hasten a 
compromise, talk of which now filled the press, and that 
they would move over to the Democratic side. 


When the Democrats gathered on January 8 to celebrate 
Jackson Day they received a message from the White House. 
"Personally, I do not accept the action of the Senate of the 
United States as the decision of the nation/' the President 
said. He was not averse to "reasonable interpretations" ac 
companying the act of ratification, but he warned: "We 
cannot rewrite this treaty. We must take it without changes 
which alter its meaning, or leave it, and . . . face the un 
thinkable task of making another and separate kind of treaty 
with Germany." If the Senate would not ratify, then "the 
clear and single way out" was to submit the question to the 
voters of the nation to make the next election "a great 
and solemn referendum. . . ? 

This political solution did not sit well with the Democratic 
politicians, 4 and the pressure for compromise continued. 
Senator Lodge, however, accepted the President's electoral 
challenge, and took the stand that it was the President who 
was unyielding, not himself. But he was forced into a posi 
tion of at least appearing to be willing to talk with the other 
side. Several Democrats thereupon visited him on January 
15, two days after President Wilson had called the first 
session of the Council of the League of Nations, which had 
come into being through the ratification of the Treaty by 
enough of the Allied Powers to put it into effect. 

The meeting resulted in several conferences between 
Senator Lodge and Senator Hitchcock, which a few other 
Senators attended. Rumors soon spread throughout Wash 
ington that Senator Lodge was again on the verge of "sur 
rendering.'* Undoubtedly he had been brought around to 
the point where he was willing to make some kind of 
compromise agreement with the Democrats. But in reach- 

*They were well aware that the great mass of Irish-American, 
German-American, and Italian-American voters were opposed to the 
League. ' 


ing it he had worked himself into a difficult position which, 
in the end, was disastrous. 

Learning of his intentions the irreconcilables Borah, 
Johnson, Knox, McCormick, Sherman, Poindexter, Brande- 
gee, and Moses - haled Lodge before them and laid down 
the law in unmistakable language. For nearly an hour they 
argued with him, telling him to stand firm, and warning 
him that if he did not do so they would drive him from 
his post as party leader. They threatened to reorganize the 
Senate. "You won't be majority leader a day longer," they 

Lodge was desperate. He said he could resign his posi 
tion. They said they would give him no chance to resign. 
"We will make it a public exhibition," they threatened. He 
bowed to their threats and thereafter refused to compromise 
at all on the reservations on Article 10 and the Monroe 

Senator Johnson later declared that on the day of that 
stormy meeting, which took place in his office with sixteen 
bitter-enders present, "we were right at the entrance of the 
League of Nations." But, he said, those sixteen men "called 
the thing off through the then leader of the Republican 
party in this chamber Lodge." 

Several more meetings of the so-called conciliation 
committee, which was composed of Lodge and New, 
representing the Republican regulars, Kellogg and Lenroot, 
representing the middle-grounders, and five Democrats, 
were held. President Wilson then told Senator Hitchcock 
that he was willing to accept the reservations that had been 
prepared bearing Hitchcock's name. These were closely 
akin to the Lodge Reservations, even in phraseology. But 
they were Democratic reservations not Republican. That 
was their only essential difference. Senator Lodge explained 
it: 'The Democrats are simply trying to make some change, 


great or small, so that they may say the reservations are 
theirs/' Neither the Republicans nor the Democrats neither 
Lodge nor Wilson were willing to run the risk of giving 
the other side any chance to claim the victory. 

The conferences ended on January 30, four days after 
Senator Lodge had said, "There can be no compromise of 

There had been none, nor was there to be any. There 
was no move in this direction from President Wilson. On 
February 9 the Senate voted to reconsider the Treaty and 
referred it once more to the committee. The next day it 
was reported back, with a new set of reservations adopted 
as a result of the bipartisan conferences. 

There followed a month of oratory, arguments, bickering, 
quibbling, during which the petulant Wilson charged the 
reservationists with being nullifiers. Early in March the 
Borah contingent forced Senator Lodge to accept an amend 
ment to the latest draft of the reservations, across the face 
of .which Wilson scrawled the single word "Disapproved/' 
On March 19 the Treaty came up for vote. 

On that fateful day, twenty-three Democrats deserted 
President Wilson and joined with thirty-four Republicans 
to ratify the Treaty. Twenty-four Democrats remained faith 
ful and joined with fifteen irreconcilables to vote against 
ratification. The fifty-seven Senators who voted for the 
Treaty, with its amendments and reservations, were not 
enough to win. Sixty-four votes were needed to complete 
the Constitutional two thirds. The Treaty had failed again. 
This time the door was closed and locked. 

That afternoon when Senator Lodge returned to his home 
he was met at the door by Corinne Roosevelt Robinson, 
the sister of his old friend. He * went into his library with 
a very heavy brow," she later recalled. "He said, 'Just as I 
expected to get my Democrats to vote with my Republicans 


on going into the League, a hand came out of the White 
House and drew back those Democrats, and prevented our 
going into the League with reservations.' " 

But his own daughter did not think that he had ever 
meant to do that. She said: "My father hated and feared 
the Wilson league and his heart was really with the irrecon- 
cilables. But it was uncertain whether this league could be 
beaten straight out this way, and the object of his reserva 
tions was so to emasculate the Wilson league that if it did 
pass it would be valueless and the United States would be 
honorably safeguarded. My father never wanted the Wilson 
league, and when it was finally defeated he was like a man 
from whom a great burden was lifted." 

Heavy-browed or lighthearted as Lodge might be, the 
ultimate defeat of the Treaty of Peace and the League of 
Nations was his. He could not disown it if he would. And 
that he never tried to do. Before his death he wrote his 
own version of the long and desperate struggle, but he did 
not live to see it in print. "Lodge from his grave," Mark 
Sullivan wrote in 1926, "is still emitting undying hate 
against his rival in the shape of a book conceived as a self- 
justification but unable to avoid being partly an apologia 
pro vita sua and partly a last thrust of malevolence." 

In 1915 Lodge had wanted a League of Nations. When 
it came, it was the gift of a Democratic President, the gift 
of a man whom his closest friend deeply hated and for 
whom he himself had built up a hatred equally intense. 
For that reason, and because he wanted to bring back his 
party into power, he fought to the bitter end. 



This Is the End 

THE AUTUMN of 1919 had seen much unrest in the nation. 
In Boston the policemen went on strike. Out of this situa 
tion there arose a new national figure in Calvin Coolidge. 
Immersed though he was in the fight against the League, 
Senator Lodge had watched what was going on in "my 
city" with close attention. He feared that "if the American 
Federation of Labor succeeds in getting hold of the police 
in Boston it will go all over the country, and we shall be 
in a measurable distance of Soviet government by labor 


Governor Coolidge, braced by Murray Crane, took his 
famous stand on the side of law and order. When Lodge 
came to Boston to attend the Republican State Convention, 
which renominated Coolidge, lie was loud in his praise of 
the Governor's stand. At this convention, however, he came 
into a headlong collision with Crane. From the beginning 
the former Senator had been one of the League's stanchest 
supporters. He had not changed his attitude now. 

Murray Crane, even then a sick man, threw his challenge 
at Lodge. The latter tried to force the convention towards 
an anti-League stand. But Crane, still powerful in party 
councils, won. In a midnight meeting of the bosses he forced 
an endorsement of the League to be written into the Re 
publican platform. The rebuke to Lodge did not go un 
noticed, The two party leaders had openly split 


Now, in March 1920, with the League nothing more than 
the "shattered hulk" that Lodge called it, all attention was 
turned to the approaching national conventions, forerunners 
of that "solemn referendum" which President Wilson had 

In the Republican ranks four men stood out as possible 
Republican candidates: Leonard Wood, whose campaign 
was to be managed by Senator Moses, the irreconcilable; 
Senator Hiram Johnson; Governor Frank Lowden of Illinois; 
and Senator Warren G. Harding. The so-called Senate cabal, 
of which Lodge, the party leader, was an intimate member, 
generally favored Harding. 

Around Thanksgiving time, however, Lodge had talked 
with Governor Coolidge, whose name had already been 
mentioned as a Presidential possibility, and had said he 
would like to present his name to the convention. He also 
told Frank Stearns, Coolidge's closest mentor, that he was 
"for the Governor, not merely as a favorite son, but really 
for him for the nomination for the Presidency of the United 
States." On November 26 he told the Transcript that he 
favored Coolidge, thus becoming the first prominent Repub 
lican to endorse him. 

By early spring, however, Lodge's ardor had cooled. 
Coolidge, in his laconic way, had not encouraged the cam 
paign in his behalf, and had issued no statement indicating 
whether he was seeking the office or not. Lodge rather sus 
pected that Coolidge thought his chances at the convention 
limited. He did not, however, turn his back on the Governor, 
although his sympathies appeared now to be with General 
Leonard Wood, who regarded himself as heir to the Theo 
dore Roosevelt tradition. 

In March the Herald announced confidently that Senator 
Lodge would present Coolidge's name at Chicago in June. 
But those "on the inside" knew that he was trying hard to 


escape the rash commitment he had made four months 
earlier. It was not strange that he should try to do so. Cool- 
idge, as everyone knew, was to all intents and purposes 
Murray Crane's man. And Crane, even after the March 
defeat, was still fighting for the League. 

On the twelfth of that month Senator Lodge, surrounded 
by members of his family and a few close friends, quietly 
celebrated his seventieth birthday in the library of his 
Massachusetts Avenue home. He was now an old man, an 
elder statesman indeed. But age sat lightly on him. He had 
enjoyed the fight against Wilson and it had not aged or 
wearied him. He looked forward to the coming convention. 
Who knew but that perhaps it would be the last he would 
attend? Certainly at none of all those others where he had 
played a great or small part had he ever occupied the 
prominent place in the spotlight that was to be his in June. 

In the inner Republican circle, Lodge was maneuvering 
with all his old-time wile to steal the show. He had little 
difficulty in wresting the temporary chairmanship from 
Beveridge. Once that was accomplished he set out to make 
himself permanent chairman. Not only did he want this for 
its power and prestige but, once in the chair, he would be 
relieved of having to nominate Coolidge. Lodge was assured 
of the post when the Senate junto picked Jim Watson of 
Indiana to head the platform committee. National Chair 
man Hays was also from Indiana. The post Lodge coveted 
would have to go to another state. Lodge knew, when he 
left for Chicago, that the post would be his. 

As temporary chairman he delivered the keynote speech. 
Mark Sullivan, who heard it, said it was filled with "waspish 
malice." A Boston Herald reporter said that it set forth the 
issue of the coming campaign, which could be summed up 
in one word Wilson. To H. L. Mencken, sitting in the 
press section, the speech was "bosh," but it was bosh "de- 


livered with an air bosh somehow dignified by the manner 
of its emission. The same stuff, shoveled into the air by any 
other statesman on the platform, would simply have driven 
the crowd out of the hall, and perhaps blown up the con 
vention then and there. But Lodge got away with it because 
he was Lodge because there was behind it his unescapable 
confidence in himself, his disarming disdain of discontent 
below, his unapologetic superiority." 

As permanent chairman Lodge ran the convention to his 
liking. "He presided over the session from a sort of aloof 
intellectual balcony/* wrote Mencken, "far above the swarm 
ing and the bawling of the common herd. He was there in 
the flesh, but his soul was in some remote and esoteric 
Cathay. ... It was delightful to observe the sardonic glit 
ter in his eye, his occasional ill-concealed snort, his general 
air of detachment from the business before him. For a while 
he would watch the show idly, letting it get more and more 
passionate, vociferous, and preposterous. Then, as if sud 
denly awakened, he would stalk into it with his club and 
knock it into decorum in half a minute. I call the thing a 
club; it was certainly nothing properly describable as a 
gaveL . . . Supporting it was the Lodge voice, and behind 
die voice the Lodge sneer. That voice seemed quite ex 
traordinary in so slim and ancient a man. It had volume, 
resonance, even a touch of music; it was pleasant to hear, 
and it penetrated that fog of vaporized humanity to great 
depths. . . . His delight in the business visibly increased 
as the climax was approached. It culminated in a colossal 
chuckle as the mob got out of hand, and the witches of 
crowd folly began to ride, and the burlesque deliberations 
of five intolerable days came to flower in the half -frightened, 
half -defiant nomination of Harding a tin-horn politician 
with the manner of a rural corn doctor and the mien of a 
ham actor/' 


Mencken, the philosopher, wondered then and we may 
still wonder how one as superior as Lodge, as little given 
to the "puerile hypocrisy" of denying his superiority, how 
one of such breeding, background, traditions, and learning, 
could allow the ineffable Harding to get 'the nomination. 
There was, indeed, a profound irony in the role he played, 
and Mencken, certain that it could not have escaped the 
gentleman from Massachusetts, often detected him "snick 
ering into his beard as the obscene farce unrolled itself 
before him." 

One by one the names of the various aspirants for the 
nomination among them Calvin Coolidge were pre 
sented with the usual ghastly oratory to the convention. 
On the JBrst ballots Senator Lodge voted for General Wood. 
When, after consultation with Senator Smoot, Chairman 
Lodge concluded that Wood and Governor Lowden were 
deadlocked, Lodge, openly disregarding the preponderance 
of "Noes," adjourned the convention until the following 

That night, on the fourth floor of the Blackstone Hotel 
in that famous "smoke-filled room" the Senate cabal, with 
Senator Lodge present throughout the weary hours, sat in 
conspiracy. They were picking their man. Lodge had already 
deserted the cause of the governor of his own state. Earlier 
that week he had said to Henry L. Stoddard: "Nominate a 
man who lives in a two-family house! Never! Massachusetts 
is not for him!" Coolidge's biographer is certain that if Lodge 
had stuck by the man from the two-family house his prestige 
and influence were such that Coolidge would then and there 
have been chosen. But Coolidge was Crane's man, and Crane 
had fought, with all the power at his command, to drive 
the implacable Senators of the resolutions committee to 
pledge their party to the League of Nations. Rather than 
chance losing his control of the Massachusetts machine to 


Crane, Lodge cynically chose Harding, and voted for him 
the next day. 

Once Harding - whom Senator Medill McCormick called 
a man "of ripe experience, of deep learning, and of great 
power" - was safely nominated, Lodge called for nomina 
tions for Vice President. He had already been approached 
by the Oregon delegation, which had asked him to let his 
name be offered for that post. But Lodge had coldly de 
clined. 1 The cabal had settled on Senator Lenroot of Wis 
consin. They felt that he, like Harding, was one of them 
and therefore to be trusted. Once Lenroot's name was 
seconded Senator Lodge left the hall. Judge Wallace 
McCamant, a delegate at large from Oregon, resenting 
the autocratic attitude of Lodge and the other Senators, 
then placed Calvin Coolidge in nomination for "the exalted 
office of Vice President/' A weary convention, barely listen 
ing as other names were offered, shouted "We Want Cool- 
idge!" He was nominated on the first ballot. When he went 
to Marion, Ohio, to notify Harding of his nomination, he 
used the occasion to deliver a withering blast against the 
League and all forms of "internationalism." 

Senator Lodge, although disappointed, was a stanch Re 
publican and supported Calvin Coolidge throughout the 
campaign that resulted in the election of Warren G. Hard 
ing and Calvin Coolidge over James M. Cox and Franldin 
Delano Roosevelt. 

In a way, Senator Lodge's career came to an end with 
the election of Harding. His great fight was done. He had 
beaten the League and played an important part in naming 
the man who, in leading the country back to "normalcy," 
interpreted his election as a complete repudiation of the 
League. Calvin Coolidge may have said, "I doubt if any 

1 Had he accepted, he would have been nominated and become 
President on Harding's death! 


particular mandate was given in the last election on the 
question of the League of Nations and if it was the pre 
ponderant issue." Harding felt otherwise, and those who 
had made his Presidency possible also felt otherwise. A 
World Court? Pious words, uttered by that poker player 
who had taken Senator Albert B. Fall into his cabinet, 
brought about no entrance of America into the World 
Court. Peace with Germany? It became a separate peace. 
Europe went its way; America went its way. The Harding 
era descended into scandal. Senator Lodge never once raised 
his voice in protest. His day of leadership was done. 

In 1922 it became necessary for Senator Lodge once 
again to go before the people of Massachusetts and ask 
them to return him to Washington. His power had so 
lessened that, in his campaign, he had to call upon Calvin 
Coolidge to come to his aid. The Vice President responded, 
for he, too, was a good party man. He went to Pittsfield, in 
the heart of the country which had always been faithful to 
Murray Crane. Coolidge spoke well for the aged Senator. 
On their way home Lodge stepped from the train to buy 
the newspapers. "Coolidge Receives Ovation," the black 
type read. 

Lodge, still slim and immaculate and dignified at seventy- 
two, crumpled the paper and turned to the man beside him. 

"Look at this, will you?" he snorted. "Coolidge receives 
ovation, and it was my meeting!" 

He tore the paper to shreds and tossed them from Tn'm 
and boarded the train. 

But there were those in Massachusetts who still respected 
the old man. There were the Irish, who remembered his 
attacks upon perfidious Albion and upon the League which 
had spurned de Valera; there were the Italians, who re 
membered what he had said about Fiume. There were 
enough voters to whom the name of Henry Cabot Lodge 
was as familiar as the look of their daily paper. 


'1 wish they would accept me as an institution or a monu 
ment for this one time/' he said to a friend. "They will never 
have another chance to do it . . /* 

On election day he received the desperately meager plu 
rality of 7354 votes. His total vote was 50,000 less than that 
cast for the Republican candidate for governor. But they 
were enough to send him back to the Senate, which had 
listened so long to the old, commanding, harsh voice of the 
gentleman from Massachusetts. 

Lodge was growing perceptibly old. The cynicism which 
always had been so much of his character was becoming 
more marked. Those who had listened to his long, scholarly 
oration in December 1920 at Plymouth, where the three 
hundredth anniversary of the landing of the JPilgrims was 
being celebrated, found his words a "masterpiece of sophis 
tication and disillusionment." 

Calvin Coolidge and his friends took control of the state 
machine away from him, although he struggled hard to 
keep his hold upon it. He was made to realize that his race 
had been run. 

On the night of August 1 Warren Gamaliel Harding died. 
A newspaperman telephoned the Lodge home at Nahant. 
Lodge, sleepy-headed, came reluctantly to the telephone. 
"Sir," said the reporter, "I am sorry to disturb you, but 
word has just come through that President Harding has 
died. . . .** He was about to ask if the senior Senator from 
Massachusetts cared to make a statement, when the harsh 
voice cut through: 

"My Godl That means Coolidge is President! 1 " 

But he drew closer to the new President as the days 
passed and for a time was even friendly with him. After 
all, Coolidge was of his own beloved party. On several 
major issues Lodge, however, refused to go along. Lodge 
was pledged to the Bonus Bill for veterans of the World 
War. He had consistently voted for every bill that had ever 


come before Mm to set or increase pensions for veterans 
of America's wars. In fighting for the Bonus Bill he was not 
inconsistent. He even voted to pass this bill over Coolidge's 
veto. For his defiance of Coolidge he won new enemies 
throughout the country. He never apologized for his action; 
he was, indeed, proud of it. Lodge also opposed Coolidge 
on the World Court issue and, as might have been expected, 
on the Japanese Exclusion Act, which Coolidge thought was 
"unworthy of America." 

As the 1924 convention drew near there was much talk 
in the newspapers of a rift between the President and Sen 
ator Lodge. Publicly they met on open terms, although 
Lodge probably had never forgotten what Murray 
Crane had said when Lodge turned up at the ceremonies 
notifying Coolidge of his nomination as Vice President: 
"He has no business here he is not wanted." It was still 

When the Republicans met at Cleveland to nominate 
Coolidge for President, Lodge was pitiable. The familiar 
trim, slim figure seemed to sag. His room at the hotel was 
so wretched that he had to seek refuge with his former 
secretary, Louis A. Coolidge. He was out of everything. 
He was just another delegate with a single vote. He felt 
then to the full the ingratitude of politics. He was deeply 
hurt. His only consolation was that his old Senate colleagues, 
Brandegee, Jim Watson, Charlie Curtis, were out of it all too. 
When Representative Theodore E. Burton, sounding the 
keynote, demanded "a Republican majority in the next Con 
gress made up of members tried and true who will stand 
united," men stood up in the galleries, remembering his vote 
on the Bonus Bill veto, and shouted, "Down with Lodge!" 
and "Put Lodge out!" They waited until the tumult died 
down and then, when their voices could be heard, they 
shouted again, "Put Lodge out!" 

He sat there in the hall, not on the platform, for he was 


not even a member of the lowliest committee, and those 
who saw him said he was as unmoved as a stone. 

After the convention he returned to Nahant There was 
the sea to watch, his book on the Senate and the League of 
Nations to write, to let the animus out of his cramped soul. 
There were memories, of course, of Henry Adams, dead 
since 1918; of Theodore; of the books he had written and 
the books he had meant to write ... of Nannie, who had 
been so dear and close, so great a help to him in that be 
loved library on Massachusetts Avenue. . . . There was his 
bright young grandson, who bore his name, to talk with, 
to plan the future with. . . . And there was the sea, rest 
less like himself, and imperious also. . . . Thirty-one years 
in the Senate, so much history to look back on! That awful, 
desperate fight with Woodrow Wilson, whose funeral he 
had refused to attend, and all that went before. . . . Had 
he been right? Was the victory really his? 

Late in July he was taken ill and removed to the Charles- 
gate Hospital in Cambridge. He rallied quickly and in 
August was back at Nahant. There he remained until the 
trees turned and the sound of approaching winter could 
be heard as the surf rolled in. On October 20 he was oper 
ated upon. On November 9 he suffered a stroke. At 11.14 
o'clock that night Henry Cabot Lodge died. 

The Commonwealth of Massachusetts, by order of its 
General Court, placed a statue to his memory on the grounds 
of the State House. But there are those who feel that his 
real memorial was not a piece of bronze, but the surge of 
death that roared across Europe in the autumn of 1939, the 
catastrophe that we call the Second World War. And that 
he helped cause it himself, that he started the dreadful 
grotesquerie that day when he sat beside Theodore Roose 
velt's bedside plotting the destruction of Woodrow Wilson's 
dream for humanity and turning America back from the 
world, unto herself, 



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Letters of Henry Adams (1858-1891 ) . Edited by Worthing- 

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Baker, Ray Stannard, Woodrow Wilson, Life and Letters. 8 vols. 


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Bemis, Samuel Flagg, A Diplomatic History of the United States. 

Revised ed. 1942 
Bishop, Joseph Bucklin, Presidential Nominations and Elections. 


Bonsai, Stephen, Unfinished Business. 1944 
Boston. Fifty Years of Boston, a Memorial Volume. 1930 
Boston Advertiser., files 
Boston Evening Transcript, files 
Boston Globe, files 
Boston Herald, files 
Boston Journal, files 
Boston Post, files 

Bowers, Claude G., Beveridge and the Progressive Era. 1932 
Bridgman, R. L., "Who Runs Massachusetts?'' New England 

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Briggs, L. Vernon, History and Genealogy of the Cabot Family, 

1475-1927. 2 vols. 1927 
Brooks, Van Wyck, The Flowering of New England. 1936 

New England*s Indian Summer. 1940 

Opinions of Oliver Alston. 1941 

Burdette, Franklin L., Filibustering in the Senate. 1940 

Butler, Nicholas Murray, Across the Busy Years. 1939 

"Herbert Spencers The Great Political Superstition;" 

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Butt, Archie, Taft and Roosevelt, the Intimate Papers of Archie 

Butt, Military Aide. 1930 

Ckrk, Champ, My Quarter Century of American Politics. 1920 

Cochran, Thomas C., and Miller, William, The Age of Enterprise: 
a Social Study of Industrial America. 1942 

Cohalan, Daniel K, Senator Lodge Past and Present. 1922 

Colgrove, Kenneth, The American Senate and World Peace. 1944 

Congressional Directory, 1887-1925 

Congressional Record, 1887-1925 

Coolidge, Harold Jefferson (and Robert H. Lord), Life and Let 
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Coolidge, Louis A., "Henry Cabot Lodge." New England His 
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Council on Foreign Relations Survey of American Foreign Rela 
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Cowles, Anna Roosevelt, Letters of Theodore Roosevelt to Anna 

Roosevelt Cowles, 1870-1891. 1924 
Crapo, Henry Rowland, The Story of Wittiam Wallace Crapo 

1830-1926. 1942 

Cullom, -Shelby Moore, Fifty Years of Public Service. 1911 
Curtis, Francis, The Republican Party. 2 vols. 1904 

Darling, H. Maurice, "Who Kept the United States Out of the 

League of Nations?" Canadian National Review. Vol. 10, 

pp. 196-211. 1929 

Davis, Oscar King, Released for Publication. 1925 
Dennis, A. L. P., Adventures of American Diplomacy, 1896-1906. 

Dictionary of American Biography, ed. Allen Johnson and Dumas 

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Henry Cabot Lodge, Vol. XI 

Dodd, William E., Woodrow Wilson and His Work. 1921 
Dunn, Arthur Wallace, From Harrison to Harding. 1922 

Evans, Lawrence Boyd, Samuel W. McCall. 1916 

Fleming, Denna F., The Treaty Veto of the American Senate. 

The United States and the League of Nations, 1918-1920. 


United States and World Organization, 1920-1933. 1938 

Foraker, Joseph B., Notes of a Busy Life. 1926 
Ford, Worthington Chauncey, ed. See Adams, Henry 
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Carl Schurz. 1932 

"Carl Schurz, Henry Cabot Lodge, and the Campaign of 

1884: A Study in Temperament and Political Philosophy." New 
England Quarterly. Vol. V, No. 3, pp. 453-^82, 1932 

Unpublished address to the Massachusetts Historical So 
ciety: "Henry Cabot Lodge as Man of Letters' 

Gardner, Augustus P., Letters. 1918 

Gosnall, Harold F., Boss Platt and the New York Machine. 1924 
Griffin, Solomon B., W, Murray Crane, a Man and Brother. 1926 
Groves, Charles S., Henry Cabot Lodge the Statesman, 1925 


Gwynn, Stephen, ed., Letters and Friendships of Sir Cecil Spring- 
Rice. 2 vols. 1929 

Haines, Lynn, The Senate from 1907 to 1912. 1912 
Hammond, John Hays, The Autobiography of John Hays Ham 
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Handlin, Oscar R., Bostons Immigrants, 1790-1865, A Study in 

Acculturation. 1941 

Harvey, George, Henry Clay Frick the Man. 1928 
Heaton, John L, ed. Cobb of "The World." 1924 
Hendrick, Burton J,, The Life and Letters of Walter Hines Page. 

Hennessy, Michael E., "Social and Political Readjustments, 1889- 

1929." Commonwealth History of Massachusetts. Vol. V, Ch. 

VI, pp. 168-196 

Twenty-five Years of Massachusetts Politics. 1917 

Hill, H. C, Roosevelt and the Caribbean. 1927 

Hoar, George Frisbie, Autobiography of 75 Years. 1903 

House, E. M., and Seymour, Charles, What Really Happened at 

Paris. 1921 

Howden-Smith, Arthur D., Mr. House of Texas. 1940 
Howe, M. A. De W., Boston: The Place and People. 1903. 
George von Lengerke Meyer y His Life and Public Service. 

Portrait of an Independent: Moorfield Storey, 1845-1929, 


Independent, files 

James, Henry, Charles W. Eliot. 1930 

Jessup, Philip C. ? Elihu Root. 1938 

Johnson, Willis Fletcher, George Harvey, a Passionate Portrait. 

Josephson, Matthew, The President Makers, Culture and Poli 
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Journal of the House of Representatives of the Commonwealth 
of Massachusetts for 1880 and 1881 

Kerney, James, The Political Education ofWoodrow Wilson, 1926 
King, E. M., "The Spotlight Beats on Lodge." New York Eve 
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Kohlsaat, H. H., From McKinley to Harding. 1923 

Laferriere, J., "La Resolution Lodge et la Doctrine Monroe? 

Revue Generate de^ Droit International Politique. Vol. XX. 


La Follette, Robert, La Follette's Autobiography. 1913 
Lansing, Robert, The Peace Negotiations, a Personal Narrative. 

1921. 'War Memories" 

Lawrence, David, The True Story of Woodrow Wilson. 1924 
Lawrence, William, Henry Cabot Lodge. 1925 
Lippmann, Walter, 17. S, Foreign Policy: Shield of the Republic. 


Literary Digest, files 
Living Age, files 

Lodge, Henry Cabot, Alexander Hamilton. 1882 
Ballads and Lyrics. 1881 

Boston. 1891 

Certain Accepted Heroes (with Theodore Roosevelt). 1897 

Commencement Addresses, Two. 1915 

The Compulsory Initiative and Referendum and Recall of 

Judges. 1912 

'The Constitution and Its Makers" (Address). 1911 

The Constitution of the United States. 1911 

Daniel Webster. 1883 

Democracy of Abraham Lincoln. 1913 

Democracy of the Constitution and Other Addresses. 1915 

Early Memories. 1913 

A Fighting Frigate. 1906 

"Francis Parkman" (Essay). 1903 

A Frontier Town and Other Essays. 1906 

General Arbitration Treaties with Great Britain and 

France. 1912 
"Gold Policy" (Speech). 1895 

The Life of George Washington. 1889 

Hero Tales (with Theodore Roosevelt). 1895 

Historical and Political Essays. 1892 

"Immigration'* (Speech). 1891 

"Immigration" (Speech). 1908 

"Intervention in Cuba" (Speech). 1898 

"The Last of the Puritans" (Essay). 1878 


Lodge, Henry Cabot, The Leather Industry and Free Hides. 1909 

The Life and Letters of George Cabot. 1877 

A Memoir of Caleb Strong. 1897 

"Monroe Doctrine" (Speech). 1895 

"National Supervision of National Elections" (Speech). 


"Obstruction in the Senate/' North American Review, No 

vember 1893. Vol. CLVII, p. 253 ff. 

One Hundred Years of Peace. 1913 

Oration Before Boston City Council. 1879 

"Our Blundering Foreign Policy.'* Forum, March 1895. Vol. 

XIX, pp. 8-17 
'The Pilgrims o Plymouth" (Address). 1920 

Poems and Dramas of George Cabot Lodge (Ed.). 1911 

"Protection of American Citizens" (Speech). 1897 

"Protection and Free Trade" (Speech). 1894 

"The Question of Canal Tolls" (Speech). 1914 

"Reciprocity with Canada and Affairs in the Philippines" 

(Speeches). 1903 

"Restriction of Immigration" (Speech). 1896 

The Senate and the League of Nations. 1925 

A Short History of the English Colonies in America. 1881 

Speeches. 1895 

Speeches and Addresses. 1909 

Speech at Symphony Hall. 1911 

The Story of the Revolution. 1898 

Studies in History. 1884 

"The Sugar Schedule" (Speech). 1912 

"Theodore "Roosevelt" (Memorial Address). 1919 

"Timothy Pickering* (Essay). 1878 

War Addresses. 1917 

"War Revenue" (Speech). 1912 

The War with Spain. 1899 

"Washington's Principles of Neutrality" (Speech). 1916 

"Charles Francis Adams" (Address). 1916 

Andres Journal (Ed.). 1908 

Essays in Anglo-Saxon Law (Contributor). 1876 

The Federalist (Ed). 1907 

Works of Alexander Hamilton (Ed.). 9 vols. 1884-1885 


Selections from the Correspondence of Theodore Roosevelt 

and Henry Cabot Lodge (Ed.). 1925 

Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr., "Lessons from a Historic Debate." The 

New York Times Magazine, January 30, 1944 
Longworth, Alice Roosevelt, Crowded Hours. 1933 
Loth, David, Woodrow Wilson, the Fifteenth Paint. 1941 
Lynn Item, files 

McAdoo, William G., Crowded 'Years. 1931 

McCall, Samuel W., The Life of Thomas B. Reed. 1914 

McElroy, R L., Grover Cleveland, the Man and the Statesman. 


Marian, Alfred Thayer, Armaments and Arbitration. 1912 
Matthews, Brander, "Henry Cabot Lodge as a Man of Letters." 

New York Times Book Review, June 19, 1921, p. 17 
Millis, Walter, The Martial Spirit, 1931 

The Road to War, 1914-1917. 1935. 

Moors, John F., "President Wilson and Senator Lodge." The 
Public, September 6, 1919 

Morison, Samuel Eliot, The Development of Harvard University, 
1869-1929. 1929 

"Memoir of Edward H. Clement." Massachusetts Historical 

Society Proceedings. Vol. LVI, p. 64 

Morse, John Torrey, Jr., "Henry Cabot Lodge." Harvard Gradu 
ates Magazine. Vol. XXXIII, pp. 439-455. 1925 

"Henry Cabot Lodge." Massachusetts Historical Society 

Proceedings. Vol. LVIII, pp. 99-110. 1925 

Mott, F. L., "History of the North American Review." North 
American Review. Vol. 240, No. 1, pp. 162-165. 1935 

Muzzey, David S., James G. Elaine. 1934 

Myers, William Starr, The Republican Party, a History. 1928 

Nevins, Allan, "Henry Cabot Lodge as Historian." New York 
Times Magazine, December 20, 1919 

Henry White, Thirty Years of American, Diplomacy. 1930 

New York Herald, files 
New York Post, files 
New York Sun, files 
New York Times, files 


New Yorfc Tribune, files 

Nichols, Jeannette Paddock, "The Politics and Personalities of 
Silver Repeal in the U. S." American Historical Review, Oc 
tober 1925. Vol. XLI, pp. 26-53 

Norton, Charles Eliot, "The Public Life and Services of William 
Eustis Russell/' Harvard Graduates Magazine. Vol. V, pp. 177- 
194. 1896 

Notter, Harley, The Origins of the Foreign Policy of Woodrow 
Wilson. 1937 

Outlook, files, especially November 19 and December 20, 1924 

Pepper, Claude, "A Summons Against the 'Kiss of Death/" The 

New York Times Magazine, December 12, 1943 
Perkins, Dexter, The Monroe Doctrine, 1867-1907. 1937 

Hands Off, a History of the Monroe Doctrine. 1941 

Phillips, David Graham, "Menace of Plutocracy." Arena Maga 
zine, March 1906. Vol. 35, pp. 258-264 

Treason of the Senate." Cosmopolitan, September 1906. 

Vol. 41, pp. 528-533 

Political Science Quarterly, articles and reviews 
Pratt, Julian W., Expansionists of 1898, the Acquisition of Hawaii 

and the Spanish Islands. 1936 

Pringle, Henry K, Theodore Roosevelt, a Biography. 1931 
The Life and Times of Wittiam Howard Toft. 2 vols. 1939 

Robinson, Corinne Roosevelt, My Brother, Theodore Roosevelt. 


Roosevelt, Theodore, Autobiography. 1913 
Russell, Charles Edward, Blaine of Maine. 1931 

Schriftgiesser, Karl, The Amazing Roosevelt Family. 1942 

Families. 1940 

Seymour, Charles, American Diplomacy During the World War. 

American Netrtrdlity, 1914-1917. 1934 

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*Power, 1776-1918. 1939 




A-B-C mediation, 265 

Adams, Brooks, 27, 46, 47, 50, 80 

Adams, Mrs. Brooks (Evelyn Davis), 

30, 138 
Adams, Chades Francis, Sr., 27, 48, 

Adams, Charles Francis, Jr., 36, 37, 

76, 89 
Adams, Henry, 14, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, Arkwright Club, 118 

32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 43, Armenia, 288 

44, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50, 52, 53, 55, 

American Federation of Labor, 352 
American Publishers Association, 


American Statesman Series, 36 n., 94 
Ames, Butler, 241, 243, 245 
Ames, Fisher, 10 
Ananias Club, 218 
Arctic Ocean, 136 
Argentina, 265 

56, 73-74, 75, 78, 80, 118, 120, 
121, 138, 139, 140, 146, 148, 154, 
181, 184, 188, 189-190, 191, 192, 
195, 198, 214, 219, 220, 234, 258, 
266, 302, 361 

Adams, John, 4, 7, 11, 96 

Adams, John Quincy, 108, 300 

Adams, Samuel, 7 

Adams family, 190, 199 

Addams, Jane, 226 

Adler, Felix, 226 

Alaska boundary question, 207-210, 

Albania, 336 

Aldrich, Nelson W. (U. S. Senator), 
107, 182, 183, 216, 238-239 

Aldrich, Thomas Bailey, 44, 115 

Algeciras Convention, 221-223 

Allen, William, 49 

Allison, William B. (U. S. Senator), 

Alsace-Lorraine, 288 

Altgeld, John Peter, 164 

Alverstone, Lord, 209 f. 

American Bell Telephone Co., 62, 
218 n. 

American Ephemeris and Nautical 
Almanac, 28 

American Exchange National Bank, 
218 n. 

Arnold, Matthew, 277 

Arthur, Chester A. (U. S. Presi 
dent), 68, 69, 80 

Article Ten (League of Nations 
Covenant), 316 n. 323, 327, 349 

Asiatic Squadron, 174 

Astor family, 193 

Atlantic Monthly, 44, 62, 96 

Augusta, Georgia, 235 

Australia, 290 

Aylesworth, A. B., 209 


Bailey, Dr. Charles A., 283 

Baker, Ray Stannard, 276 n., 320, 


Bancroft, George, 33, 40 
Baptists (in Mass.), 8 
Barrows, Samuel June, 189-190 
Baxman's History of the Popes, 36 
Beacon Hill, 13, 19, 44, 73 
Beacon Street (No. 31), 34, 44, 50, 


Berkshires, the, 119 
Berlin, 31, 173, 293 
Beveridge, Albert J. (U. S. Senator), 

121, 166, 202-203, 225-227, 295, 

308 and n., 320, 341, 354 
Beverly, Mass., 5, 8, 241 
Beverly Farms, Mass*, 52 


Bigelow, William Sturgis, 20, 26, 

173, 273 
Bilbao, Spain, 6 
Blackwood's Magazine, 23 
Blaine, James Gillespie, 37, 41, 51, 

52, 64, 67, 79, 80-91, 93, 111 
Blaine, Walker, 101 
Blake, Admiral, 12 
Bliss, Gen. Tasker H., 299, 337 n. 
Boer State, 148 
Bonsai, Stephen, 344-345 
Booth, Junius Brutus, 26 
Borah, William Edgar (U. S. Sena 
tor), 78, 291, 312, 315, 320, 324, 
327-328, 331, 344 
Boston, Mass., 4, 12 ff., 33, 57, 58, 
61, 72, 129, 156, 169, 194, 209, 
225, 295, 312-313; Latin School, 
21; Mttsemn, 26; Common Coun 
cil, 47; Athenaeum, 60; Brahmins, 
60; Public Library, 190 
Boston American, 229 
Boston Associates, 16 
Boston Dally Advertiser, 48, 83-84, 

89, 91 
Boston Evening Transcript, 42, 77, 

89, 294, 305, 346, 353 
Boston Globe, 96 

Boston Herald, 75, 89, 91, 353, 354 
Boston Manufacturing Co., 16 
Boston Theater, 57 
Boutelle, Charles H., 110, 112 
Bowers, Claude G., 203, 227, 281, 


Bowles, Samuel, 55 
Boyesen, H. H., 36 
"Brain trust," 177 

Brandegee, Frank B. (U. S. Sena 
tor), 317-318, 331, 360 
Brattle Street Church, Cambridge, 


Brazil, 265 

Breckinridge, Henry C., 283 
Breckinridge, W. C. P., 106 
Breed, Amos F,, 65 
Bristow, Benjamin Helm, 49, 50, 51, 


Bristow Club, 50 
British blockade, 274 f.; Empire, 

134; Parliament, 167; press, 144 
Brockton, Mass., Lodge speech at, 

Brooklyn Navy Yard, 100 

Brown, Bill, 61 

Bryan, William Jennings, 158, 160, 

161, 182, 194, 195, 266, 275, 283; 

"cooling-off" treaties, 260 f. 
Bryant, William Cullen, 50 
Buchanan, James, 275 
Budd, E. G., Mfg. Co., 218 n. 
Buffalo Express, 228 
Bull Moose Movement, 281 f . 
Bullitt, William C., 337 
Bullock, Alexander E., 50 
Burdett, Chairman, of Mass. State 

Committee, 118 
Burns, Allen T., 335 
Burton, Theodore E. (U. S. Senator), 

Butler, Ben (Governor of Mass.), 

75 n., 76 ff. 

Butler, Nicholas Murray, 279 n. 
Butt, Archie, 235 


Cabot, Anna Ome, 4 

Cabot, Esther, 4 

Cabot, Francis, 5 

Cabot, George (U. S. Senator), 3, 

4, 6-12, 13, 40, 43, 216, 218- 

219 n., 256, 284 
Cabot, Henry, 11-12, 13, 14, 17, 19, 


Cabot, Mrs, Henry (Anna Blake), 12 
Cabot, John I, 4, 5 
Cabot, John II, 5 
Cabot, Joseph, 5 
Cabot, Sam, 20 
Cabot Brothers, 6 
Cabot family, 4, 5, 16, 39 
Caesar, Julius, 32 
Calumet and Hecla, 218 n. 
Cambridge, Mass., 58 
Cameron, Don (U. S. Senator), 106 
Cameron, Mrs. Don (Elizabeth), 

130, 184 
Cameron, Simon (U. S. Senator), 


Campagna, the, 32 
Canada, 12, 135, 207, 290; Canadian 

fisheries, 10O-101 
Cannon, Joseph G., 104, 232 
Canton, China, 15 
Canton, Ohio, 161, 164 


Capitoline Museum, 32 

Caribbean Sea, 112, 147 

Carlisle, John G., 98-100 

Carnegie Hall, 160, 330 

Carter, Thomas H., 105 

Chamberlain, Joseph, 139, 148, 149 

Chanler, Winthrop, 193 

Charming, Edward, 39 

Charlesgate Hospital, 259, 361 

Charleston Convention, 69 

Charlestown (Mass.) Navy Yard, 97, 
100, 102 

Chase, George H., 58 

Chicago, 80, 81, 84, 212, 229, 232, 
258, 278, 353, 354; Coliseum, 278 

Chicago Junction Railways, 218 n. 

Chickering Hall, Boston, 244 

Chicopee, Mass., 76, 77 

Child Labor laws, 225-227, 280 n. 

Chile, 111, 265 

Chinese Exclusion Act, 1882, 114 

Choate, Rufus, 18 

Christ Church, Cambridge, 30, 273 

Christian Register, 190 

Churchill, Randolph, 230 and n. 

Churchill, Winston, 230 and n. 

Civil Damages Law of Massachu- 

' setts, 59, 61 

Civil War, U. S., 22-24, 31, 41, 57, 
62, 75, 76, 97, 294, 305 

Clarke, James Freeman, 89 

Clayton, Powell, 81-82 

Clayton Anti-Trust Law, 259-260 

Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, 245 

Clemenceau, Georges, 303 

Clement, Edward Henry, 77 

Cleveland, Grover (U. S. President), 
54, 85, 88, 101, 102, 103, 116 n., 
118, 122, 123, 133, 134, 138, 143, 
144, 145, 148, 167, 269 

Coal strike, 205-206 

Cobb, Frank L, 237, 300 

Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, 217 

Collins, Patrick A., 119 

Columbus, Ohio, 255-257 

Commercial Wharf, 13 

Committee on Bills in Third Read 
ing, 61; Liquor Laws, 61; Philip 
pines, 166, 202; Immigration, 
169 n., 223; Civil Service, 169 .; 
Printing, 169 n.; Railroads, 169 n.; 
Foreign Relations, see Foreign 

Relations Committee; Commerce, 

Commonwealth Club, 47, 50 

Congregationalism, 8 

Congressional Government (Wil 
son), 43 

Congressional Record, 125, 259, 268 

Conkling, Roscoe, 51, 64, 68 

Consular service, 131 

Convention Hall, St. Louis, 159 

Converse, Elisha S., 75 

Coolidge, Calvin (U. S. President), 
295, 313, 323, 352, 353-354, 356, 
357 andn., 358, 359, 360 

Coolidge, Louis A., 87, 101, 311, 

Coolidge, T. Jefferson, 162 

Cooper, H. E., 172 

Corrupt Practices Act, 97 

Cox, James Middleton, 357 

Crane, Winthrop Murray (U. S. 
Senator, Governor of Mass,), 155, 
194, 206, 210, 213, 219, 239, 241, 
244, 313, 352, 354, 356, 358 

Crapo, William Wallace, 87 

Crisp, Charles F., 99 

Cuba, 129, 136, 151-153, 160, 162, 
169, 170-172, 178, 245 

Cullom, Shelby Moore (U. S. Sena 
tor), 195 

Cummins, Albert B. (U. S. Senator), 

Curtis, Charles (U. S. Senator, Vice 
President), 326, 360 

Curtis, George William, 42, 80, 81, 
82-83, 102, 120 

Curtis, Dr. Josiah, 1& 

Curwen, Judge, 7 

Cusick, Dr. Lawrence, 2TTS 


Dana, Richard H., 89 

Danish Duchies, 288; Danish islands 

(see Denmark) 
Davis, Charles Henry (U. S. Navy), 


Davis, Constant, 24, 27 
Davis, Cushman K, (U. S, Senator), 

165, 183, 195 
Davis, Daniel, 28 
Davis, Evelyn (Mrs. Brooks Adams), 



Davis, Louisa (Mrs. William Minot), 

Dawes, Henry L. (U. S. Senator), 

87, 90, 119 
Day, William R., 179 
Decker, Karl, 164 
Delmonico's, 80 
de Lome, Dupuy, 174-175 
Democratic Party, 52, 91, 104, 106, 

124, 125, 166, 180-181, 334, 

336 n., 350 

Denmark, 149, 150-151, 179, 247 
de Valera, Eamon, 336 n., 358 
Devonshire Street, Boston, 19 
Dewey, Adm. George, 174, 176, 202 
Dickens, Charles, 21, 26 
Diplomatic Appropriations Bill, 134 
District of Columbia, 225-227 
DixwelTs Latin School, 21-23, 53 
Dodge, Abigail (Gail Hamilton), 

41 ff. 

Doherty, Jim, 61 
Dooley, Mr., 181-182, 204 
Dorchester ( Mass. ) Republican 

Club, 282 

Douglas, Stephen A., 199 
Draper, Eben S., 118-119, 155, 

240, 241-243 
Dresden, 31 

Dunn, Arthur Wallace, 157 n. 
du Pont, Admiral, 28 

Early Memories (Lodge), 294 

Edge, Walter E. (U. S. Senator), 

Edgeworth, Maria, 21 

Edison Uluminating Co., 218 n. 

Edmunds, George F. (U. S. Sena 
tor), 66, 67, 80, 81, 90 

Egypt, 336 

Elections Committee, 98 

Electoral system, 68 

Eliot, Charles William, 25, 26, 27, 
34, 39, 88, 160, 211 

Eliot, John, 18 

Eliot, Samuel, 19 

EUerton family, 12 ff. 

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 46 

Encyclopaedia Britannica, 73 

Essays in Anglo-Saxon Law, 38 

Essex Bridge, 9 

Essex County, Mass., 4, 56, 59, 73, 


Essex Junto, 7, 8, 10, 47 
Evarts, William M., 227 
Everett, Edward, 108 
Everett, Mrs. Edward, 27 
Everett, Dr. William, 89, 108, 109 
Exposition Hall, Chicago, 65, 81; 

Cincinnati, 49 


Vice President), 157, 226, 232 
Falkland Islands, 135 
Fall, Albert B. (U. S. Senator), 318, 

331, 343 
Federal Elections Bill of 1890, 105- 

107, 106 n., 109, 123, 170, 225 
Federal Reserve Bank, bill for, 259 
Federal Trade Commission, 260 
Federalists, 9, 10, 11, 17, 38, 39 
Federated Whig and Republican 

Parties, 65 

Felton's Greek Reader, 24 
Fessenden, Judge, 212 
Fifth Avenue Hotel, 51 
Fighting Frigate, A (Lodge), 219- 

220 n. 

Fiji Islands, 135 
Filibusters, 124-125, 267 
Fitch, William F., 103 
Fiume, 327, 358 
Florence, Italy, 32 
Foch, Marshal, 296 
Foraker, Joseph B. (U. S. Senator), 


Forbes, John Milton, 83 
Force Bill. See Federal Elections 

Bin of 1890 
Foreign Affairs Committee, 144, 263, 

Foreign Relations Committee, 129, 

145, 151-152, -155, 165, 166 and 

n., 167, 168, 169 n., 170-172, 183, 

195, 196, 201, 223, 247, 252-253, 

260, 263, 264, 312, 333-334, 

336 n., 341-342, 344 
Foss, Eugene Noble (Governor of 

Mass.), 206, 240-244 
Foster, John W. (U. S. Secretary of 

State), 134 
France, 141, 220-221, 251 


Freeman, Lois (Mrs. Daniel Davis), 


Free Soil Party, 17 
Fremont, John C., 17 
French Revolution, 66 
Frick, Henry Clay, 328 
Frontier Town, A (Lodge), 219- 

220 n. 
Frye, William P. (U. S. Senator), 

Fuess, Claude Moore, 44, 53, 65 n., 

90, 281 
Fugitive Slave Act of 1793, 9 

tor), 125, 267 

Gardner, Augustus Peabody 
("Gussy"), 130, 177, 178, 196, 
206-207, 208, 236, 242, 258, 268 

Garfield, James A. (U. S. President), 
66, 67, 68, 69 

General Electric Co., 218 n., 219 

Germany, 149, 220, 274, 282-283, 
287, 302,, 330, 335 

Gladstone, William Ewart, 69, 167 

Gloucester, Mass., 100, 208, 209 

Godkin, E. L., 81 n., 89, 146 

Gold standard, 157-158, 159, 160 

Gompers, Samuel, 231 

Gorman, Arthur P. (U. S. Senator), 

Grab Bill, 1873, 76 

Grand Army camps, 97 

Grant, Ulysses S. (U. S. President), 
41, 49, 64, 65, 67, 68, 103, 150 

Gray, Horace, 203 

Gray, Russell, 20 

Great Britain, 100, 138, 143, 147, 
167-168, 191-192, 207-210, 251, 
261-262, 274; Treaty of, 170, 
335; arbitration with, 247 ff. 

Great Pyramid, 17 

Greenland, 15O-151 

Gresham, Walter Q. (U. S. Secre 
tary of State), 137 

Grey, Sir Edward, 139 

Guam Island, 179 

Guild, Curtis, Jr. (Governor of 
Mass.), 155,230 

Gummere, Samuel, 221 

Gumey, Professor Ephraim W., 27 

Hague Convention, 214-215 
Hale, Eugene (U. S. Senator), 182 
Half Moon Place, Boston, 18 
Hamilton, Alexander, 4, 8, 9, 16, 

84, 93-94, 96 

Hammond, John Hays, 236 and n. 
Hanna, Marcus A. (U. S. Senator), 

122, 154, 155, 156-159, 160, 165, 

169, 193, 201, 210 
Harding, Warren Gamaliel (U. S. 

President), 281, 331, 333, 353, 

355-357, 359 
Harpers Weekly, 120 
Harrison, Benjamin (U. S. Presi 
dent), 14, 101-102, 104, 105, 109, 


Harriman, E. H., 122 
Hartford Convention, 10-11 
Harvard University, 35, 38, 42, 43, 

44, 53, 56, 57, 61, 63, 72, 88, 108, 

111, 121, 130, 140, 146, 160, 173, 

198, 199, 211, 263 
Harvey, George, 328 
Hasty Pudding Club, 25 
Havana, Cuba, 174-175 
Hawaiian Islands, 129, 132-136, 

159, 162, 172, 178, 245; cable to, 

133 ff. 
Hay, John, 118, 121, 161-162, 166, 

179, 181, 189, 191, 192, 195, 196, 

201-202, 207-208, 214, 258, 302 
Hay, Mrs. John, 227 
Hay-Pauncefote treaties, 190-192, 

196, 197, 201 
Hayes, Rutherford B., 49, 52, 53, 

55; Hayes-Tilden contest, 52-^53 
Hays, Will H., 298, 327, 330, 354 
Hazlitt, William, 131 
Hearst, William Randolph, 164, 170, 

174, 175, 229, 231 
Hermessy, Michael E., 96-97, 161 
Hepburn Act, 216-218 and n. 
Herbert, Lord, 208 
Hero Tales of American History 

(Lodge and Roosevelt), 129 
Higginson, Elizabeth, 6 
Higginson, Henry, 146 
Higginson, Mr., 10 
Higginson, Col. T. W n 42, 62-63, 

62 n., 70-71 
Higginson family, 4-5 


Hildreth's History, 39 

Hill, Dr. Thomas, 25 

Hindustan, 288 

Hitchcock, Gilbert M. (U. S. Sena 
tor), 332, 337, 345-346, 348 

Hitt, Robert P., 144 

Hoar, George Frisbie (U. S, Sena 
tor), 81, 83, 87, 90, 106 n., 125, 
153, 158, 171, 181, 182, 210, 213 

Holmes, Oliver Wendell, Sr., 46 

Holmes, Oliver Wendell, Jr., 22, 25, 

Holy Alliance, 338 

Holy Cross College, 200 n. 

Home Market Club, 118 

Hong Kong, 176 

Hoover, Herbert, 310 

Horticultural Society of Boston, 13 

House, Col. Edward Mandell, 299, 
301, 304, 344-345 

House of Representatives, U. S., 97, 
112, 125, 143, 144 

Howard Athenaeum, Boston, 26 

Howells, William Dean, 36, 44, 95 

Huerta, Victoriano, 262-266 

Hughes, Charles Evans, 232, 278, 

281-282, 325 

Hull, Commodore Isaac, 28 
Hungary, 336 


Immigration, 110, 114-117, 245, 

237, 290, 323, 325 
Immigration Commission, 223-224 
Income tax, 239 
Independent Party, 53 
Interior, Department of the, 55 
International Copyright Law, 131 
International Review, 43, 57, 71, 

Interstate Commerce Commission^ 


Ireland, 336 

Irish vote, 127, 336 n., 348 n., 358 
Irreconcilables (Versailles Treaty), 

320, 349 


Jackson, Charles Cabot, 47, 212 

Jamaica, 179 

James, Henry, 30, 36 

James River, 6 

Japan, 172, 173, 202, 223-224, 247,. 

252, 253, 335 

Japanese Exclusion Act, 360 
Jefferson, Thomas (U. S. President), 

10, 38, 96, 137, 147, 277 n., 291 
Jersey, Isles of, 4 
Jette, Sir Louis, 209 
Johns Hopkins University, 43 
Johnson, Andrew (U. S. President), 

Johnson, Hiram W. (U. S. Senator), 

318, 320, 324, 330, 331, 333 f., 

344, 353 


218 n. 

Kelley, Florence, 226 
Kemble, Fanny, 19 
Key West, 174 
Keyes, Lorrin P., 61 
King, E. M., 200 n. 
Kipling, Rudyard, 181 
Kirkland, Elizabeth Cabot, 17 
Kirkland, John Thornton, 17 
Knights of Labor, 98, 121 
Knox, Philander C. (U. S. Senator), 

306, 314-318, 328, 331, 333 
Knox treaties, 256 
Kohlsaat, H. H., 157 and n. 
Korea, 288 
Kruger, President, 148 

Senator), 217, 232, 238 

Lane, Gardiner, 212 

Langdon, Samuel, 12 

Lansdowne, Marquis of, 139, 201 

Lansing, Robert (U. S. Secretary of 
State), 299, 337 

Laughlin, J. Laurence, 38 

Laariex, Sir Wilfrid, 207 

Lawrence, Mass., 16 

Lawrence, William (Bishop of 
Mass.), 90, 219 n., 273 

League of Nations, seed sown, 276- 
277, 279; Lodge on, 303; dis 
cussed by Roosevelt and Lodge, 
304; Lodge speaks on, in Senate, 
306-307; first draft of Covenant, 
307-308; Lodge says it cannot 
pass, 311; "round robin" against, 
317-319; debate in Boston on, 


321-324; new covenant framed, 
324-325; Monroe Doctrine in 
corporated, 325; Article Ten at 
tacked, 327; offered "pitiless 
publicity," 328-329; delivered to 
Senate, 331; attacked by Lodge, 
338 fR; discussed by Lodge and 
Wilson, 340; amendments adopted, 
340; committee reports on, 341- 
342; reservations attached, 342; 
the Lodge Reservations, 344-346; 
compromise fails, 349-350; de 
feated, 350-351; endorsed by Re 
publican Convention, 352, 356 
League to Enforce Peace, 276, 287 
Lee, Fitzhugh, 174 
Lee, George Cabot, 80 
Lee, Henry, 20 
Lee, Col. Henry, 40, 41 
Lee, Joseph, 9 
Lee, Gen. Robert E., 76 
Leland Hotel, Chicago, 65 
Lenroot, Irvine (U. S. Senator) 


Liberal Party, 69 
Liberal Republicans, 41 
Life of Alexander Hamilton 

(Morse), 36 and n. 
Life and Letters of George Cabot 

Lodge, 41-42 

Lincoln, Abraham, 23, 50, 108 
Lincoln, Robert Todd, 80 
Lippmann, Jonas, 284 n. 
Lippmann, Walter, 284 
Liverpool, 12 

Lodge, Constance (Mrs. Constance 

Gardner Williams), 31, 130, 351 

Lodge, Elizabeth Cabot (sister of 

Henry Cabot Lodge, Mrs. Tames), 

18, 21, 24 

Lodge, Henry Cabot, ancestry, 3-12; 
birth, 13; childhood, 18; early 
schooling, 18-19; moves to Bea 
con Street, 19; at Mr. Sullivan's 
school, 19-20; at DixwelTs School, 
21; death of father, 21-22; Civil 
War, 23-24; first European trip, 
24; enters Harvard, 25; meets 
Henry Adams, 26; engaged to 
Miss Davis, 27-28; graduated from 
Harvard, married, 30; spends year 
abroad, 30-33; daughter Con- 


stance bom, 31; advised by Henry 
Adams, 33; assistant editor of 
North American Review, 35; en 
ters Harvard Law School, 35; re 
signs from Review, 37; studies 
Anglo-Saxon Land Law, 37-38; 
receives doctorate, 38; teaches ruV 
tory at Harvard, 38-39; publishes 
Life of George Cabot, 40-41; birth 
of sons, 42; Lowell lecturer, 42; 
co-edits International Review, 43; 
writes for Atlantic Monthly, 44\ 
meets Carl Schurz, 45; associated 
with Boston reformers, 4&-47; 
founds Commonwealth Club, 47; 
supports Bristow, 49-50; attends 
New York reform convention, 51; 
stand on political independence, 
54; appointed to State Board of 
Library Trustees, 56; resigns from 
Harvard, 57; nominated to Massa 
chusetts House of Representatives, 
58; supported by Lynn liquor 
dealers, 59; elected, 60; legisla 
tive career, 60-63; delegate to 
Republican National Convention, 
1880, 65-69; re-elected to House, 
70; writes Alexander Hamilton, 
71; nominated to State Senate, 
campaign, defeat, 72-73; elected 
chairman Republican State Com 
mittee., 75; leads anti-Ben Butler 
campaign, 76-77; against Elaine's 
nomination, delegate to conven 
tion, 1884, 79-82; goes over to 
Blaine, 8&-92- elected Overseer of 
Harvard, 88; nominated for Con 
gress, defeated, 9O-92; edits Ham 
ilton's papers, writes Webster's 
and Washington's biographies, 93- 
96; writes Republican state plat 
form, 96; elected to Congress, 97; 
defends Thobe in election case, 
98-100; early legislative record, 
100; attacks Cleveland's foreign 
policy, 100-101; re-elected, 101; 
Navy Yard charges, 102; advocates 
post office reform, 102-403; puts 
1890 Force BiH throng!* House, 
104-108; advocates lag navy, 110- 
114; advocates immigration restric 
tion, 114-117; perfects 

machine," 118-119; elected to 
U. S. Senate, 119-120; stand on 
silver, tariff, and the British, 123- 
127; as "scholar in politics," 120- 
122; 129-131; "rediscovers" Mon 
roe Doctrine, 132 ff.; urges annex 
ation of Hawaii, 133, 134; speech 
in favor of expansion, 134-136; 
part in "Venezuela Affair," 136- 
144; attacks England, 141; for 
eign-policy speech in Senate, 146- 
148; urges purchase of Danish 
West Indies and Greenland, 149- 
151; introduces coastal defense 
bill, discusses Cuban situation, 
151-152; backs Tom Reed for 
President, 139, 153-159; forces 
Republican "gold plank," 156 
158; writes party platform, 159; 
stumps for McKinley, 160; backs 
Roosevelt for Navy post, 162-165; 
against Olney-Pauncefote Treaty, 
166-168; works with Roosevelt for 
Big Navy, 169 ff.; plots seizure of 
Philippines, 175-176; leads Peace 
Treaty ratification, 179-181; re- 
elected to Senate, 184, 240- 
246, 285, 358-359; seeks Vice 
Presidency for Roosevelt, 185 
188; writings, 188; fights with 
Henry Adams, 188-190; Euro 
pean trip, 190; death of mother, 
190; against Hay-Pauncefote 
Treaty, 190-192; mentioned for 
cabinet, 196; defends Senate's 
treaty rights, 201; "investigates'* 
Philippines, 202; suggests O. W. 
Holmes, Jr., for Supreme Court, 
203-204; on "trusts" and coal 
strike, 204-206; attacked by Eu 
gene Foss, 206; on Alaska 
Boundary Commission, 207-210; 
receives honorary Harvard degree, 
211; campaigns for Roosevelt, 
21 Iff.; disagrees with Roosevelt 
on arbitration and railroad rates, 
214-218; his wealth explained, 
218219 and n.; on Algeciras con 
vention, 221; forces through 
Japanese "passport clause," 223- 
224; advocates child labor law, 
225-227; meets Taft, 227; sup- 


ports Taft's candidacy, 228-233; 
suspected by Taft, 235; on Payne- 
Aldrich tariff, 237-239; opposes 
income tax, 239; death of his 
poet son, 239; against arbitration 
treaties, 246-251; his Monroe 
Doctrine "corollary," 252-254; 
"breaks" with Roosevelt, supports 
Taft, 255-258; early liking for 
Woodrow Wilson, 258-259; ill 
ness, 259; against New Freedom 
domestic legislation, 259 ff.; op 
poses Mexican policy, 262-266; 
attacks Ship Purchase Bill, 266; 
resorts to filibuster, 267; for large 
standing army, 268-269; his dual 
stand on Presidency, 270; advo 
cates a league of nations (Union 
College speech), 271-273; death 
of Mrs. Lodge, 273; assails Wil 
son's "meaningless words," 275; 
speaks with Wilson for a league, 
276-277; at 1916 convention, 278- 
282; attacks Wilson on Lusitania 
note, apologizes to Wilson, 282- 
284; enmity for Wilson grows, 
attacks him in Senate, 287-288; 
warns of "amblings to disaster,** 
293; meets Calvin Coolidge, 295; 
joins Roosevelt's anti-Wilson 
cabal, 296-298; disapproves Peace 
Commission, 299; meets with 
dying Roosevelt, 304-305; at 
tacks League in Senate speech, 
306-307; "evil thing with holy 
name," 311; White House parley, 
312, 31^315; Republican "round 
robin," 317-319; debates with A. 
Lawrence Lowell on League, 322 
324; assumes anti-League lead 
ership in Senate, 326; attacks 
Article Ten, 327; warns of "piti 
less publicity," 328-329; attacks 
Shantung settlement, 336; seeks 
Irish vote, 336 n.; cheered in Sen 
ate, 338-339; conference with 
Wilson, 339-340; Lodge reserva 
tions, 344-349; Treaty fails, 350; 
rebuked by Murray Crane, 352; 
favors Harding, 353 ff.; seventieth 
birthday, 354; 1920 keynote 
speech, 354-355; described by 

Mencken, 355-356; dislike for 
Coolidge, 358; for soldier bonus 
bill, 359-360; booed at 1924 con 
vention, 360-361; death, 361 
Lodge, Mrs. Henry Cabot (Anna 
Cabot Mills Davis), 27-28, 30, 
47, 110, 111, 120, 130, 195, 200, 
227; death, 273 
Lodge, George Cabot ("Bay"), 42, 

130, 140, 173, 178, 239 
Lodge, Giles, 12, 17 
Lodge, Mrs. Giles (Mary Langdon), 


Lodge, John Ellerton, Sr., 12, 13, 15, 
17, 19, 21-22, 26; ships of, 20, 

Lodge, Mrs. John Ellerton, Sr. 
(Anna Sophia Cabot), 12, 24, 
Lodge, John Ellerton II, 42, 130, 

140, 173 
Lodge corollary to Monroe Doctrine, 


Lodge "machine," 102 
Lodge Reservations, 344-349 
Logan, John A., 68, 85, 89, 91 
London Chronicle, 141 
Long, John Davis (Governor of 
Mass., vs. Secretary of Navy), 81, 
87, 119, 162, 165, 169, 174, 175- 
176, 189 and n. 
Longfellow, H, W., 46 
Longworth, Nicholas, 258 
Longworth, Mrs. Nicholas (Alice 

Roosevelt), 234, 279-280, 333 
Louisiana Purchase, 10 
Lovering, William C,, 240 
Levering of Lynn, 91, 96, 97 
Lowden, Frank O., 353, 356 
LoweU, Dr. A. Lawrence, 313, 322- 

LoweU, James Russell, 26, 31, 34, 


LoweU, Mass., 16, 75, 241 
LoweH Institute, 42 
Lusitania, 275, 282-284 
Luzon Island, 178-179 
Lydian Sybil (statue), 71 
Lyman, George, 20 
Lynch, John R., 82 
Lynn, Mass., 35, 56, 59, 60, 64, 65, 
69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 90, 99 

Lynn Item, 58, 60, 70, 72 

McCaU, Samuel W,, 104 
McCamant, WaUace, 357 
McCormick, Medill (U. S. Senator), 

318, 328, 357 

McCumber, Porter J. (U. S. Sena 
tor), 317, 331, 332, 342 
Macdonald, James G., 335 
McGeough, James, 61, 71 
McKinley, William (U. S. Presi 
dent), 154-156, 158-161, 165, 
166, 167, 169, 172, 173, 174, 183, 
185, 186, 190, 191, 194, 196-197, 
227, 298 

McKinley tariff, 106-107, 122 ff. 
McNary, Charles L. (U. S. Sena 
tor), 326 
Madison, James (U. S. President), 


Magdalena Bay, 252 
Mahan, Rear Admiral Alfred Thayer, 
110, 111, 112, 113, 132, 151, 172, 

Manila (and battle of), 177-179 
Marion, Ohio, 357 
MarshaU, John, 96 
Massachusetts, 66, 68, 96, 104, 118, 
124, 125, 126, 155, 156, 157, 199 
and n., 208, 231, 232, 240, 242, 
245, 313, 358, 359, 361; Constitu 
tional Convention, 8; Hospital Life 
Insurance Co., 16; State House, 
19, 76, 246, 361; Historical So 
ciety, 40, 44; State Board of Li 
brary Trustees, 56; License Act, 
59; General Court, 60, 62; Su 
perior Court, 62; Supreme Court, 
203; Republican State Committee, 
64, 75, 77, 96, 118; Republican 
State Conventions, 86, 206 
Massachusetts Avenue (No. 1765), 

200, 218 n., 225, 354, 361 
Massachusetts Bay, 242 
Maxwell, Hugh, 61 
Mayflower Hotel, 276 
Mayo, Admiral, 262 
Medford, Mass., 20 
Mellon, Andrew W., S28 
Melrose, Mass., 91 
Mencken, Henry Louis, 354-356 


Merrimack River, 16 

Mexico, 250, 260-266 

Meyer, George von Lengerke, 207, 

2S6, 258 . 

Miller, David Hunter, 308 
Millis, Walter, 152, 176 
Mills, Elijah Hunt, 28 
Milton, John, 152 
Minto, Governor General Lord, 207- 

Monroe, James (U. S. President), 

96, 291, 300 
Monroe Doctrine, 132, 137, 138, 

139-140, 141-142, 145, 149, 150, 

154, 191, 247, 253, 254, 309, 316, 

325, 326, 329, 342 
Mont St. Michel, 140 
Moran, John B., 229-231 
Morgan, John T. (U. S. Senator), 

131, 170 

Moroccan question, 221222 and n. 
Morse, John Torrey, Jr., 36, and n., 

37, 43, 71, 74, 9^-95 
Morton, Oliver (U. S. Senator), 51 
Moscow, 195 
Moses, George H. (U. S. Senator), 

318, 332, 333-334, 344, 353 ' 
Motley, John Lothrop, 21, 33, 39 
Mount Vemon, 95 
Mugwumps, 90, 102, 108 
"Mulligan letters," 51, 91 
Munich, 30 

NAHANT, MASS., 18, 20, 21, 35, 44, 
52, 55, 56, 57, 58, 61, 64, 70, 72, 
84, 90, 99, 120, 132, 136, 178, 
193-194, 197, 218 n., 239, 258, 
273, 361 

Nantucfcet Island, 28 

Nation, 65, 66, 81, 201 

National Defense Act, 1916, 268 

National Guard, 274 

Naval Affairs Committee, 110, 169 

Naval War of 1812, The (Roose 
velt), 111 

Navy U. S. "battleship clause," 11&- 
114; Department, 76, 111, 162, 
164, 165, 174, 175, 177; navy 
yard charges, 102; Pacific Fleet, 
112; Policy Board program, 112 

Neal, George C., 58 

Necker Island, 133 

Negroes, 104-105 

Neutrality, 274 S . 

Nevins, Allan, 94 

New, Harry S. (U. S. Senator), 318, 

331, 333 

Newherry, Truman H. (U. S. Sena 
tor), 318 

Newcomb, Simon, 36 
New England Society, Brooklyn, 114 
New Mexico, 184 
New Orleans, 75 
New Republic, 284 n. 
New York Evening Post, 50, 89, 96, 

200 n. 

New York Journal, 164, 174 
New York Sun, 82, 83, 305, 319 
New York Times, 51, 82, 89, 127, 

153, 157 n., 253, 268 n., 279, 

283 f ., 340 
New York Tribune, 41, 77, 112, 

280 n., 326 
New Zealand, 290 
Niagara Falls, 24 
Nicaragua Canal, 136, 152, 159 
Non-Partisan League, 297 
North American Review, 34 ff., 37, 

49, 124, 135, 137 
Northern Pacific Railroad, 218 n. 


"Obstruction in the Senate" 

(Lodge), 124 

O'Connell, William Cardinal, 336 n. 
Old Granary Burying Ground, 60 
Olney, Richard, 137, 138, 167, 

168, 171-172; Olney-Pauncefote 

Treaty, 166 ff. 
Opium BiU, 280 n. 
Osbome, William Henry, 156 
Osgood, James R., 37 
Ostia, 32 

Otis, Harrison Gray, 284 
Otis Elevator Company, 218 n. 
"Our Blundering Foreign Policy" 

(Lodge), 135 
Outlook, the, 248, 252 
Ovid, 300 
Oyster Bay, L. I., 219, 233 

PACIFIC OCEAN, 112, 135, 175, 177 
Paine, Thomas, 7 


Panama- Canal, 245, 261, 280 
Paris, 30-31, 140, 141, 158, 195, 

301, 320, 325 
Paris Herald, 195 
Parkman, Francis, 33 
Parkman, Hemy, 20, 40 
Parkman, Mrs., school of, 18-19 
Parsons, Theophilus, 10 
"Passport clause," 224 
Payne, Sereno E., 238 
Payne-Aldrich tariff, 237-239 
Peace Conference, 302, 307, 336, 


Peace of Paris, 338 
Peace Society, The, 162 
Peace Treaty of 1898, 179-183 
Peirce, Benjamin, 21, 28 
Penrose, Boies (U. S. Senator), 314, 


Perkins, William E., 47 
Persia, 336 

Pettigrew, Senator, 130 
Philadelphia, 102; 17. S. S. Philadel 
phia, 132-134 
Philippine Islands, 173, 179, 186, 

20^-203, 245 
Philippines, Committee on, 166, 

202 ff. 

"Phossy-jW bill, 280 n. 
Pickering, Timothy, 10, 41 
Pittman, Key (U. S. Senator), 332 
Pittsfield, Mass., 358 
Platt, Orville H. (U. S. Senator), 

Platt, Thomas C. (U. S. Senator), 

156, 164, 165, 186, 188, 193 
Plymouth, Mass., 359 
Poindexter, Miles (U. S. Senator), 

312, 315 
Polk, James K. (U. S. President), 


Pomerene, Atlee, 332 
Populist, 121, 182 
Porcellian Club, 25 
Portland, Maine, 204 
Port Royal, S. C., 174 
Porto Rico, 178-179 
Portsmouth, N. H., peace parley, 221 
Post office reform, 102-103 
Preparedness, 280 ff. 
Prescott, William H., 33, 39 
Prince, Frederick (X, 57 

Pringle, Henry, 236 and n., 237 
Progressive Party, 276, 278, 280 
Prohibitory Party, Mass., 59 
Provident Association of Boston, 34 
Pulitzer, Joseph, 170 
Putnam, Herbert, 190 

QUAY, MATT (U. S. Senator), 106, 

188, 193 

Quincy, Josiah, 80, 89 
Quincy, Mass., 76 

RATJLHOAD rate bill, 215 ff. 

Raleigh, N. C., 255 

Randolph of Roanoke, 300 

Reed, James (U. S. Senator), 312, 
315, 330 

Reed, Thomas Brackett, 101, 103- 
104, 121, 127, 130, 139, 153, 154, 
155, 158, 159 

Reformers, 45, 54 

Remington, Frederic, 164 

Republican Party, 17, 32, 46, 57, 
62, 69, 83, 85, 91, 104, 120, 125, 
128, 143, 158, 167, 168, 182, 
210, 211, 234, 240, 258, 276, 279, 
282, 296, 325, 329, 334, 341, 349 

Reynolds, James B., 229-230 

Rice, Alexander H., Governor of 
Mass., 56, 87 

Rio Grande, 136 

Robinson, Mrs. Douglas (Corinne 
Roosevelt), 304, 350-351 

Robinson, George D. (Governor of 
Mass.), 76-77, 87, 119 

Rock Creek Park, Washington, 78, 

Rockhill, William W., 189-190 

Rogers, John Jacob, 315 

Rome, 31, 32, 190 

Roosevelt, Franklin Delano, 357 

Roosevelt, Quentin, 305 

Roosevelt, Theodore, 78, 79, 80, 81, 
82, 89, 91, 92, 96, 100, 101, 111, 
113, 120, 121, 129, ISO, 131, 133, 
139, 145, 148, 151, 154, 159, 160, 
161, 162-163, 164, 165, 166, 169, 
172, 173, 174, 175, 178, 180, 182, 
184-188, 191, 193, 194, 195, 201, 
202, 211, 212, 216, 218, 228, 229, 
230, 231, 232, 235, 240, 242, 247, 
255, 256, 270, 276, 278, 282, 293, 


294, 295, 298, 301, 304-305, 306, 

324, 361 
Roosevelt, Mrs. Theodore, 185, 187, 

Root, Elihu, 121, 148, 196, 202, 208, 

215, 235, 253, 255, 267, 275, 276, 

301, 324, 325, 330 
Ropes & Gray, law firm, 35 
Rough Riders, 184, 193, 293 
"Round Robin," 317-320, 332 
RoweU, Jonathan H., 105 
Roxbury Latin School, 18 
Russell, Charles Edward, 79 
Russell, William Eustis, 109 
Russia, 221; Russian Revolution, 

294-295; treaty with, 207 

ST. Louis, Mo., 64, 156, 159 

St. Nicholas Hotel, N. Y., 24 

Salisbury, Lord, 138 

Saltonstall, Leverett, 89 

Samoa, 112, 129, 136 

Sandwich Islands, 135 

Sanguilly, Julio, 171 

Santa Cruz, 12 

Santo Domingo, 12, 129 

Saturday Evening Post, 157 n. 

Saugus, Mass., 72, 73 

Schurz, Carl, 45 ff., 55, 56, 64, 79, 

83, 85-86, 89, 132, 172 
Schurz, Mrs. Carl, 46 
Scribners Magazine, 188, 201 
Senate and the League of Nations, 

The (Lodge), 259, 268, 317 n. 
Senate committees of H. C. Lodge, 

listed, 129, 169 n., 237 n. 
Seward, William (U. S. Secretary 

of State), 149-150, 190 
Shakespeare, William, 20, 90, 198 

and n. 

Shantung Settlement, 335-536, 343 
Shaw, Robert Gould, 23 
Sherman, John (U. S. Senator), 66, 

67, 145, 317 
Sherman, William, 66 
Shields, John K. (U. S. Senator), 


Ship Purchase Bill, 266-268 
Shipping Board Act, 268 n. 
Short History of English Colonies 

(Lodge), 42 
Silver Purchase Act of 1890, 122 ff. 

Simpson, "Jerry," 78 

Simpson, Michael Henry, 31-32, 35 

Slav provinces of Austria, 288 

Smalley, George W., 140 

Smith, Adam, 126 

Smith, Marcus A. (U. S. Senator), 

Smoot, Reed (U. S. Senator), 267, 

278-279, 314, 356 
Socialism, 216, 266 
Soldiers* Bonus Act, 359-360 
Southern Hotel, St. Louis, 156, 159 
Sovereignty, 249 ff. 
Spain, 141, 170, 269 
Spanish-American War, 188, 196 
Spanish Main, 147 
Speeches and Addresses (Lodge), 

220 n. 

Spenser, Edmund, 20 
Springfield Republican, 55, 89, 101, 

184, 275 

Spring-Rice, Sir Cecil, 121 
Sprout, Harold and Margaret, 113 n. 
State Street, Boston, 15, 211 
Stearns, Frank, 353 
Stetson, Gushing, 131 
Stevenson, Adlai E. (U. S. Vice 

President), 123 
Stewart, William (U. S. Senator), 


Stimson, Henry L., 258 
Stoddard, Henry L., 356 
Stone, William J. (U. S. Senator), 

107-108, 107 n., 269 
Storey, Moorfield, 46, 50, 80, 86 
Story, William Wetmore, 71 
Studies in History (Lodge), 96 
Submarine warfare, 274 f. 
Sullivan, Mark, 218, 351, 354 
Sullivan, Thomas Russell, 19-21 
Summer Street, Boston, 13, 15, 17 
Sumner, Charles (U. S. Senator), 

21, 22, 46, 105, 108, 120, 245 
Sutherland, Duke of, 139 
Swampscott, Mass., 72 
Swanson, Claude (U. S. Senator), 

319, 332, 346 
Swift, Jonathan, 37 
Symphony Hall, Boston, 244, 246 

227-229, 232, 235, 241, 244, 248, 


251, 254, 256, 258, 270 n., 301, 

315, 324-325, 335; arbitration 

treaties, 246-251 
Taft family, 232, 236 
Talbot, Thomas M., 229 
Tammany Hall, 36, 51, 106, 108- 

109, 119 

Tampico incident, 262 ff. 
Taylor, Bayard, 37 
TeUer, Henry (U. S. Senator), 125 
Temple Club, 15, 17 
Thayer, Silas, 61 
Thobe, George H. (and "Thobe 

case"), 98-100 

Tilden, Samuel J., 37, 52, 53, 54 
T'iUman, Benjamin (U. S. Senator), 

79, 199 and n., 217 
Times, London, 139-140 
Touraine, Hotel, Boston, 241 
Tracy, Benjamin F. (U. S. Secretary 

of the Navy), 111 
Tremont Temple, Boston, 87 
Trentino, 288 
Trinidad, 140 
Trusts, 204-205, 218 
Tuckemuck Island, Massachusetts, 

173, 178, 239, 273 
Tufts CoUege, 283 
Tumulty, Joseph, 307 
Turkey, 159, 288, 302 
Turner, George (U. S. Senator), 

208 n. 

Turpie, David (U. S. Senator), 177 
Twentieth Century Club, Boston, 

UNDERWOOD, OSCAK (U. S. Senator), 

Union Carbide & Carbon stocks, 

218 n. 
Union College speech of Lodge, 


Union League Club, 111 

Union Pacific Railway Co., 51 

United Shoe Machinery Corp., 101 

United States, 111, 132, 160, 167, 

192, 220, 283, 291, 302, 322; 

Senate, 96, 97, 118, 120, 125, 179, 

191, 221, 251, 305; warships 

mentioned (Indiana, 113; Maine, 

174-176; Massachusetts, 113; 

Monocacy, 176; Olympia, 176; 

Oregon, 113); Navy, 111, 117, 
147, 245; War Department, 179; 
Government Bonds, 218 n.; Naval 
Academy, 220; State Department, 
252 n.; Marines, 338-339 


Venezuela (and 'Venezuela Affair*'), 

129, 136, 137, 138, 140, 143, 151 
Vera Cruz, 267 
Versailles, Treaty of, 168, 299, 331- 

332, 335; defeated, 350 
Vienna, 31 


Walker, Speaker, 246 

Wall Street, 15, 211, 213 

Walley, John, 12 

Wanamaker, John, 103 

War CoUege at Newport, R. I., Ill 

War of 1812, 10 

Warren, William, actor, 26 

Warren, Winslow, 89 

Warsaw, 195 

Washburn, Charles G., 75, 270 n. 

Washington, D. C., 75, 76, 121 ff., 

155, 176, 185, 186, 190, 196, 211, 

225-227, 295, 301, 330 
Washington, George, 4, 9, 17, 94-95, 

146, 222, 223, 277 n., 287, 291, 


Washington Sunday Star, 157 n. 
Watson, James E. (U. S. Senator), 

168, 343, 354, 360 
Webster, Daniel, 10, 16, 17, 94, 108, 


Weeks, John W. (U. S. Senator), 
259, 260, 278 
Weems, Parsons, 95 
Wentworth, John, 66 
West Indies, 149, 247 
Whig Party, 17, 19 
Whipple, Sherman L,, 243 
"Whiskey Ring," 49 
White, Andrew D., 90 
White, Henry, 131, 137, 175, 177, 

192, 221, 299, 301, 302-304, 309, 

310-311, 320-322, 327, 334-335, 

336 n. 

White, William Allen, 320 
White "House, 55, 189, 196, 263, 

337, 339 


"White slave" act, 280 n. 

Whittier, John Greenleaf, 108 

Wilde, Oscar, 108 

Wilhelm, Kaiser, of Germany, 148, 

Williams, Mrs. Constance Gardner. 
See Lodge, Constance 

Williams, John Sharp, 309, 329, 332, 
334, 339 

Wilson, Joseph Thomas, 56, 58, 65, 

Wilson, (Thomas) Woodrow (U. S. 
President), 43, 148; elected 
President, 243; 258, 259, 260, 
264, 265, 266, 267, 269, 270 and 
n., 271, 274, 275; addresses 
League to Enforce Peace, 276- 
277, 279 n.; sends Lusttania note, 
283-285; speech to Senate, 286- 
287; severs relations with Ger 
many, 291-292; war message^ 
292; asks return of Democratic 
Congress, 297; appoints Peace 
Commission, 299; sails for Paris, 
300; drafts League Covenant, 307- 

308; invites Congressional inter 
rogation, 312; arrives in Boston, 
312; address in Boston, 313-314; 
returns to Paris, 320; frames new 
covenant, 324 fL; wins over 
French, 325; Fiume issue, 327; 
calls special session of Congress, 
328 ff.; sails for home, 330; de 
livers treaty to Senate, 331; Con 
gressional conference, 339; con 
tinental tour, 341; illness, 343; 
message, 348; funeral, 361 
Wilson, Mrs. Woodrow, 315, 344 
Winchester, Mass., 91, 103 
Wingate, Charles F., 36 
Winthrop Place, Boston, 18-19 
Winthrop Square, Boston, 13 
Wolcott, Huntington, 22 
Wolcott, Roger, 22, 53, 54,. 80 
Woman suffrage, 279-280, 280 n. 
Wood, Leonard, 276, 353, 356 
Woolsey, Theodore Dwight, 50 
World Court, 279, 358, 360 
Wright, Chauncey, 36 
Wright, Silas, 188 


The Gentleman 
from Massachusetts; 

By Karl Sckriftgiesser 

The life of the elder Henry Cabot Lodge may 
serve as a warning to Americans today. In this, the 
first full-dress biography of the Senator from Mas 
sachusetts, one may see how ambition can lead a 
man of scholarship and charm into the career of a 
party politician. 

Under the tutelage of Henry Adams, Lodge 
might have been a leading American historian. If 
he had followed principles rather than politics he 
might have been a leading American statesman. 
But soon after Carl Schurz introduced him to the 
excitement of party politics he assumed the role of 
party boss until the author feels it is not too much 
to say that "the bosses of Tammany Hall could 
have taken lessons from Lodge as he ran the Re 
publican machine. ..." 

While it can safely be said that Americans have 
never been imperialist in nature, the United States 
went through a long period of actual imperial pol 
icy owing largely to the efforts of Henry Cabot 
Lodge, often abetted by his aggressive friend, 
Theodore Roosevelt. It was Lodge who led us 
almost to the brink of war with Britain over Vene- 
2uela and it was again Lodge who gratuitously 
hurled threats at Canada. It was partly because of 
his efforts that we fought Spain, annexed Hawaii, 
and took over the Philippines, Later, when Lodge 
managed to defeat the Versailles Treaty, he was 
aware as he did so that he was defeating the wishes 
of the American people. 

If the peace is destroyed again, it will be by the 
methods Lodge introduced and practised so clev 

Jacket drwiR* k) FJtt tr>/ A. Karr