BY
Presented to the
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
by
Hon. Peter Wright
GEORGE
BUCHANAN
FAMOUS SCOTS SERIES
Tke following Volxmti art now ready: —
THOMAS CARLYLE. By HECTOR C. MACPHEBSON.
ALLAN RAMSAY. By OLIPHANT SMEATON.
HUGH MILLER. By W. KEITH LEASK.
JOHN KNOX. By A. TAYLOR INNES.
ROBERT BURNS. By GABRIEL SETOUN.
THE BALLADISTS. By JOHN GEDDIE.
RICHARD CAMERON. By Professor HERKLESS.
SIR JAMES Y. SIMPSON. By EVE BLANTYRE SIMPSON.
THOMAS CHALMERS. By Professor W. GARDEN BLAIKIE.
JAMES BOSWELL. By W. KEITH LEASK.
TOBIAS SMOLLETT. By OLIPHANT SMEATON.
FLETCHER OF SALTOUN. By G. W. T. OMOND.
THE BLACKWOOD GROUP. By Sir GEORGE DOUGLAS.
NORMAN MACLEOD. By JOHN WELLWOOD.
SIR WALTER SCOTT. By Professor SAINTSBURY.
KIRKCALDY OF GRANGE. By Louis A. BARBE.
ROBERT FERGUSSON. By A. B. GROSART.
JAMES THOMSON. By WILLIAM BAYNE.
MUNGO PARK. ByT. BANKS MACLACHLAN.
DAVID HUME. By Professor CALDERWOOD.
WILLIAM DUNBAR. By OLIPHANT SMEATON.
SIR WILLIAM WALLACE. By Professor MURISON.
ROBERT LOUIS STEVENSON. By MARGARET MOVES
BLACK.
THOMAS REID. By Professor CAMPBELL FRASER.
POLLOK AND AYTOUN. By ROSALINE MASSON.
ADAM SMITH. By HECTOR C. MACPHERSON.
ANDREW MELVILLE. By WILLIAM MORISON.
JAMES FREDERICK FERRIER. By E. S. HALDANE.
KING ROBERT THE BRUCE. By A. F. MURISON.
JAMES HOGG. By Sir GEORGE DOUGLAS.
THOMAS CAMPBELL. By J. CUTHBERT HADDEN.
GEORGE BUCHANAN. By ROBERT WALLACE.
Completed by J. CAMPBELL SMITH.
GEORGE
BUCHANAN
BY» ROBERT
WALLACE
COMPLETED BY : 3
CAMPBELL- SMITH
FAMOUS
SCOTS:
SERIES
PUBLISHED BY W
OLIPHANT ANDERSON
VFERRIER'EDINBVRGH
AND LONDON ^ <S»
The designs and ornaments of this
volume are by Mr. Joseph Brown,
and the printing from the press of
Messrs. T. and A. Constable, Edinburgh.
PRE FACE
THE concluding chapter of the book I intended to serve
the purpose of prologue and epilogue, but on reflection
I find that readers both in and out of Scotland may
desire to be told a little more about Robert Wallace,
M.A., D.D., and M.P., a collocation of titles of honour,
so far as I know, unexampled. He was a minister of
the Church of Scotland from the summer of 1857 to
the autumn of 1876 ; was in succession the minister of
Newton-on-Ayr, of Trinity College Church, Edinburgh,
and of Old Greyfriars', Edinburgh, in which last he
succeeded Dr. Robert Lee, as also in the leadership of
the Liberal Party of the Church of Scotland. The
degree of D.D. was conferred upon him by the Uni-
versity of Glasgow, pretty much, it was believed, through
the influence of Dr. Caird, the most eloquent preacher
and one of the most profound theologians of our day.
After Dr. Wallace became editor of the Scotsman he
resigned his chair of Church History, his church, and
even his licence to preach, and he left in abeyance the
title of D.D., and became in his time, as a barrister-at-
law, plain Mr. Robert Wallace. But the degree of a
university is, I believe, indelible, and he will always be
Dr. Wallace to me. His degree of M.A., like mine, was
conferred by the University of St. Andrews in April
1853 after four years' study, during which we attended
simultaneously every Humanity class. He was first in
vi FAMOUS SCOTS
every literary class, and by far the best classical scholar
of my day. Dr. Alexander, the venerable professor of
Greek, who had taught for thirty years, pronounced
him the best student he had ever taught.
His splendid classical attainments, the erudition
necessary to the chair of Church History, his extensive
and distinguished practice as a debating gladiator in
Church Courts, especially the General Assembly,
perhaps even his experience in the solid, stolid, non-
mercurial House of Commons, all fitted him, as few
men have been fit, to do justice to the life, labours,
and supreme European culture of George Buchanan.
To equal fitness I do not pretend. To the best of
my ability I have tried to complete the unfinished task
of my friend, with whom I at intervals interchanged
ideas since the beginning of our college career in
October 1849. I am not sure he would have agreed
with all I say in the last chapter. For the views
expressed therein I alone am responsible.
From one error in fact and a doubtful assumption as to
Buchanan's relation to Montaigne, the ' representative '
sceptic, I have been saved by Dr. P. Hume Brown, the
author of the best life of Buchanan, whose knowledge
of the history of Buchanan and his contemporaries is
probably unrivalled. He read the proof-sheets, and
for his friendly, disinterested attention Dr. Wallace's
representatives and I are greatly obliged to him, as all
readers ought to be, for they have the assurance that
the most enlightened eye on the subject of Buchanan
examined what they are expected to believe.
J. CAMPBELL SMITH.
DUNDEE, December 1899.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
PAGE
PRELIMINARY AND GENERAL 9
CHAPTER II
CHARACTERISTICS 26
CHAPTER III
CHARACTERISTICS (continued) 48
CHAPTER IV
FURTHER CHARACTERISTICS 66
CHAPTER V
BUCHANAN AND CALVINISM 89
CHAPTER VI
BIOGRAPHICAL FACTS in
EPILOGISTIC 138
INDEX 147
Vil
GEORGE BUCHANAN
CHAPTER I
PRELIMINARY AND GENERAL
ON the 2ist July 1683, Lord William Russell was
beheaded in Lincoln's Inn Fields, because Charles u.,
F.D., who never said a foolish thing, and never did
a wise one, thought it would help to keep alive the
Stuart doctrine of the Divine right of kings. On the
same day, the political writings of George Buchanan
and one John Milton were, by decree of the learned
and loyal University of Oxford, publicly burned in front
of their Schools by the common hangman, because
they were regarded as the most formidable and danger-
ous defences of the principles on account of which it
had been considered judicious to kill Lord William
Russell, and perhaps also in token that if Buchanan
and Milton had not been dead they might have been
burned too, along with their books. It is comforting
to reflect that this same decree was subsequently burned
io FAMOUS SCOTS
with the same publicity — and by the same common
hangman, one would hope.
At the time, however, the Oxford transaction, in
view of the sycophancy, obscurantism, and other
degrading characteristics of the then University, was the
highest compliment that could have been paid to
Buchanan and Milton, and especially to Buchanan.
For Buchanan was substantially a century before Mil-
ton, who, like the rest of the Roundheads, was inspired
by Buchanan's principles and greatly assisted by his
arguments. Dryden, indeed, declared that Milton stole
his Defence of the People of England from Buchanan's
DC Jure Regni apud Scotos; but that was only 'Glorious
John's' inglorious way of making himself contro-
versially disagreeable. Milton put his own genius and
experience into Buchanan's idea, and produced an
essentially original work. But what although he had
not? Milton was fighting a great battle, and was
entitled, or rather bound, to use the best weapons,
wherever he could get them. The anti-plagiarising
spirit is often a mere form of vanity. If the Royal
Artillery declined to plagiarise from Armstrong and
Krupp, and insisted on making all their ammuni-
tion themselves, I should tremble for the defence of
the country. Not the less, however, does Buchanan
amply merit the title of ' Father of Liberalism,' since
GEORGE BUCHANAN n
the principles which he successfully floated in unpro-
pitious times undoubtedly produced the two great
English, the American, and the first French Revolu-
tions, with all their continuations and consequences.
Let it be noted that the distinction which Buchanan
achieved in this matter was not merely that of the
political philosopher and thinker. The publication of
the De Jure, at the time and under the circumstances
in which it appeared, was a blow of the utmost con-
sequence, delivered in the great politico-theological
struggle with which he was contemporary. It was like
one of Knox's famous sermons, which were not mere
religious meditations, but political events of the most
immense influence, present and future. The Reforma-
tion, particularly in Scotland, was, in its inception and
establishment, a political, quite as much as a religious
revolution, of which Buchanan was not simply an
interested but recluse critic and dilettante spectator.
He thought profoundly about what he saw going on,
but he also threw his thoughts into the fight that was
raging round him, with bombshell results, arxi the
effects of what he thought and did upon the fortunes of
the great struggle for popular liberty against usurping
ascendency — a struggle not even yet concluded — prove
him to have possessed qualities of far-sightedness and
statesmanship of the highest order.
i a FAMOUS SCOTS
In a totally different walk of life he achieved almost
equal distinction. He was a great scholar-poet and
general writer; and when, in this connection, I use the
words 'almost equal,' I am thinking of the question
whether the director of human affairs or the artist in
words and ideas of beauty or human interest is the
greater. Of course, comparison of things or people
generically distinct is scarcely possible. You can hardly
compare a snuff-box and a policeman. But it seems
less difficult to ask whether Caesar or Shakespeare,
Alfred the Great or Alfred Tennyson, was the greater
man. However that may be, there can be no doubt
that Buchanan rose to very great eminence as an intel-
lectual artist, both in prose and verse. He enjoyed an
unsurpassed European reputation among the Renais-
sance magnates of his day. Henri Estienne, for instance,
— Buchanan's Stephanus, our Stephens — said that he
was poetarum nostri saculi facile princeps, meaning
thereby ' easily the first poet of our time,' which is
sufficiently strong. Of course it may be said that
Estienne or Stephens was only a printer. But there
are printers and printers, and Stephanus belonged to
the second class. Anybody who knows anything about
the literary history of the time will understand that such
praise from Estienne implied a very great deal.
Then there were the Scaligers, Julius Caesar /^r, and
GEORGE BUCHANAN 13
Joseph fils, a greater man than his father, in the opinion
of the best judges — himself included, probably. They
were not men easy to please, the Scaligers. Even
Erasmus was not good enough for Julius Caesar, who
used language truly awful about the glory of the priest-
hood and the shame. As for Joseph, there was but
one man alive in his own line for whom he had a vestige
of respect, and that was Casaubon ; and he told him
so, intimating that he might think a good deal of the
compliment, as he, Joseph, was the only man in Europe
who was capable of forming an opinion about him — a
perfectly true if not absolutely humble observation.
But however difficult to please in most cases, the
Scaligers had a sincere and unbounded admiration of
Buchanan — an admiration abundantly shown while he
lived, and when he was gone, expressed, especially by
the younger Scaliger, with a tenderness and beauty
which stamp the tribute with authority and value. His
epitaphium on Buchanan concluded thus : —
' Namque ad supremum perducta Poetica culmen
In te stat, nee quo progrediatur habet.
Imperii fuerat Romani Scotia limes ;
Roman! eloquii Scotia finis erit.'
Anybody with a fair understanding of Latin and
a full understanding of epigram, who reads the last
i4 FAMOUS SCOTS
couplet here, will know that Scaliger was perfectly
qualified to pronounce a judgment in the matter.
For the benefit of the man in the street, it may be
stated that what Scaliger was driving at was that
Buchanan had brought poetry to a pitch of perfection
beyond which it could not go ; and that as Scotland
had in the past been the last line of expansion for the
Roman Empire, so in the future it would, in the person
of Buchanan, be found to have given the highest note
of Roman eloquence. Of course it may be said that
this was only the customary and privileged lie of the
epitaph; but that it was really Scaliger's deliberate
opinion appears from a well-known quotation from
his table-talk, that 'in Latin poetry Buchanan stands
alone in Europe, and leaves everybody else behind.'
Coming to more modern times, it will probably be
admitted that Wordsworth knew good poetry when he
saw it, and he says of one of Buchanan's poems — by
no means his best — that it was equal in sentiment,
if not in elegance, to anything in Horace.
This he said before a pedantic relative pointed out
a false quantity. What he would have felt had he
known this before he read the poem, Schoolmaster only
knows. What the latter potentate would have done
we may partly surmise from what Porson actually
did when some one got him to commence reading
GEORGE BUCHANAN 15
Buchanan's poetry and he stumbled up against a false
quantity, or what he regarded as such. He at once
got up and pitched the volume across the room in
disgust, probably with an accompaniment of expres-
sions not loud but deep. Regarding which behaviour,
two remarks seem natural. The first is that possibly
Buchanan was right and Person wrong. At Eton, as
is well known, Person was a poor quantitarian, and fell
behind in consequence. He may have made up his
leeway afterwards, but not likely, and certainly his
line of scholarship was not in the direction of Latin
Prosody.
But suppose Buchanan were wrong, what then?
Is Shakespeare to be flung into the corner because
many of his lines will not scan ? An indignant critic
of the Agamemnon has discovered, what I believe
is the fact, that in that play ^schylus has violated
Dawes's canon. Yet everybody that can reads the
Agamemnon. Dr. Johnson points out that Milton uses
the hideous solecism vapulandum. Only think of it !
And yet we read Paradise Lost. Perhaps Person did
too, knowing nothing of vapulandum \ Johnson was
no such stickler, for he read and enjoyed Milton,
vapulandum notwithstanding. He had also the high-
est opinion of Buchanan, both as a Latinist and as
'a great poetical genius,' and his authority on such
1 6 FAMOUS SCOTS
matters, being both poet and critic himself, is much
greater than Person's, great though the latter was in
his own department of research. Hallam is inclined to
qualify the almost universal admiration of Buchanan's
poetry, but one begins to doubt Hallam's judgment in
this matter when he finds him preferring Buchanan's
De Sphara to the rest of his poetry. The Sphere may
contain exquisite isolated passages ' equal to Virgil,' as
the enthusiastic Guy Patin maintained, but it is not
properly a poem at all. It is really a versified and
very lame defence of the exploded Ptolemaic Astro-
nomy, totally destitute of the human interest which
inspires so much else that Buchanan wrote. On his
own field of history Hallam is more of an authority,
and here his admiration of Buchanan is unstinted and
unequivocal. He extols the ' perspicuity and power '
of the History of Scottish Affairs, recognises the
' purity ' of its diction, and affirms that few writings of
the Latinists are ' more redolent of the antique air,'
and is almost as emphatic in his eulogy as Dryden,
when the latter says of Buchanan, ' our isle may justly
boast in him a writer comparable to any of the
moderns, and excelled by few of the ancients.' Froude
might be cited to the same effect, but enough has been
said to establish Buchanan's fame and power in the
world of letters.
GEORGE BUCHANAN 17
Of course, care must be taken to distinguish the
precise character of Buchanan's scholarship. He was
not a scholar in the sense that Casaubon, or Porson,
or Liddell and Scott were scholars. That is to say,
he was not a classical antiquarian, or philologist, or
grammarian, although he knew antiquities and such
philology as was going, and had refurbished or even
made a grammar or two as he went along. But he
used these simply as instruments to his main aim as
a scholar, which was to write as good Latin as Virgil,
or Livy, or Horace, or Tacitus. There is nothing
absurd or impossible in such an aim. I have heard
ardent Aberdonians maintain that the late Dr. Melvin
of their city wrote better Latin than Cicero, and, apart
from the matter, I am quite ready to believe it.
That Buchanan as good as accomplished his purpose
we have already seen.
And be it remembered that all this cultivation of a
Latin style was not mere dilettante work on his part.
He and one Sturm of Strasbourg, along with other
Humanists, had formed the design of making Latin
the vernacular of Europe, and actually believed that
it would ultimately become such. Hence they had a
twofold purpose in writing Latin. They desired to
forward this reform of a universal language, and they
wished to be intelligible to a Latin-speaking posterity.
B
1 8 FAMOUS SCOTS
I state this on the authority of Dr. P. Hume Brown,
the well-known author of George Buchanan, Humanist
and Reformer, and I should not advise any one rashly
to contradict Dr. Brown on any Buchanan matter.
He seems to me to have mastered the entire subject,
and to have left very little for subsequent research to
do, unless some lucky ' find ' of new sources should
occur. I have been able to glean nothing from any
quarter that I have not found already known to Dr.
Brown, and recorded by him, unless it be some such
small fact as the presence of Joseph Scaliger in Edin-
burgh in 1566, along with his friend Chastaigner, but
not expressly to see Buchanan ; and other little things
of that sort. I do not pretend to contribute any fresh
Buchanan materials. My object is the humble, but not,
I hope, useless one of boiling down Dr. Brown and
the other scientific biographers, and attempting a brief
popular presentation of what Buchanan was and did.
Another proof of the varied power of Buchanan
is found in the storm he raised as a controversialist,
in the still burning question as to the guilt or
innocence of Mary Queen of Scots. In 1571, four
years after the Scottish people had deposed their
sovereign, Buchanan published a pamphlet, or what
in these days would probably have taken the shape
of a magazine article, with the title Detectio Afaria
GEORGE BUCHANAN 19
Regince> i.e. The Detection or Exposure of Queen Mary,
or as an editor of to-day would have been sure to
head it, The Truth about the Queen. Buchanan's
object in this publication is to vindicate the Scottish
people and their leaders before the public opinion
of Europe for having, after the murder of Darnley,
brought Mary's career as sovereign to a close, as
being not only a public danger, but a public scandal.
That the vigour of the brochure itself, backed up by
Buchanan's immense reputation, went far to make
Mary an impossible factor in European politics, is
beyond question. To the same extent he made him-
self the bete noire of Mary's friends and apologists,
and very brutal and very black they certainly made
him out to be. In more recent times a school of
sentimental historians has arisen, who refuse to see
in Mary either fault or flaw, and recognise in her a
sort of spotless goddess, of irresistible charm, thrown
away upon an unworthy age. Not content with pity
— it would be inhuman not to feel it in any case —
they show how true it is that pity is akin to love,
and falling victims in some degree to the spell which
ruined the unhappy and love-maddened Chastelard,
they conduct a necessarily Platonic flirtation with
their idol's romantic and fascinating memory, across
the separating interval of three hundred years. Had
20 FAMOUS SCOTS
Mary been ugly, or even plain, she would have had
fewer champions.
In vituperation of Buchanan they are not a whit
behind his contemporary assailants. Mr. Hosack, for
instance, one of the most ingenious of Mary's modern
defenders, calmly says, ' Buchanan was without doubt
the most venal and unscrupulous of men.' His usual
way of alluding to the Detectio is ' Buchanan's famous
libel,' varied occasionally by 'the highly coloured
narrative of Buchanan,' or ' the subsequently invented
slanders of Buchanan,' or ' the slanderous narrative of
Buchanan,' or ' the atrocious libel of Buchanan.' Sir
John Skelton, whose treatment of the subject is dis-
tinguished by a literary grace which cannot be claimed
for Mr. Hosack, is on a level with him when he
reaches Buchanan. ' Buchanan's atrocious libel ' is
common form with the Marians, and Sir John has
it. Perhaps his gentlest reference is when he speaks
of 'the industrious animosity of the man who had
been her pensioner,' and when he desires to be
specially severe, he speaks of 'grotesque adventures
invented, or at least adapted, by Buchanan, whose
virulent animosities were utterly unscrupulous, and
whose clumsy invective was as bitter as it was
pedantic.' The present is not the place to inquire
into the truth or falsehood of these statements. They
GEORGE BUCHANAN 21
are adduced merely as a tribute to Buchanan's power.
'Woe unto you when all men shall speak well of
you,' does not logically justify the counter statement,
' Good for you when all men shall speak ill of you ' ;
but when a controversialist has been abused by his
opponents as Buchanan has been, it is at least a
proof that he has been found a formidable antagonist,
either for his ability or veracity, or both, and that
in the direct ratio of the violence with which they
attack him.
One other aspect of Buchanan's varied power seems
to call for some mention. Up to the middle of this
century, a chapbook usually entitled The Witty and
Entertaining Exploits of George Buchanan, sometimes
adding The King's Jester, ran through many editions
original and revised, and had a certain vogue all
over Scotland among a considerable class — not the
most refined, certainly — of the population. It is an
ignorant, coarse, and indecent production, and can
be read only by the historical student for the purpose
of investigating the popular taste of its time. Its
description of Buchanan as the 'Fule' instead of
the tutor of King James, and its placing him at the
English court of James, who did not ascend the
throne of England until Buchanan had been twenty-
one years dead, are sufficient commentary on its
22 FAMOUS SCOTS
historical accuracy. At first sight one might imagine
that it had been put together by an enemy of
Buchanan, but its brutish zeal in holding up Buchanan
as a desperately clever fellow who was continually
turning the tables and raising the laugh against people
who wished to take him off, and who were generally
English, and often English nobles, bishops or other
clergy, show that it was earnest in its admiration
according to its dim and dirty lights.
Buchanan was a humorist, and saw the ludicrous
side of existence with a depth and keenness and
enjoyment very different from the barbarian faculty
which produced the ' merry bourds ' of Knox and
certain of his iconoclastic cronies. Even the prospect
of having soon to leave the world could not make
him utterly solemn, although the circumstances lend
a grim aspect to the humour which may make it dis-
tasteful to wooden seriousness. ' Tell the people who
sent you,' he said to the macer of the Court of Session,
who came to summon him for something objection-
able in some of his writings, 'tell them I am sum-
moned before a higher tribunal.' When good John
Davidson called on him and reminded him of the
usual evangelical consolations, he repaid him with
some original causticity d propos of the Romish doc-
trine of the Mass, which would no doubt delight that
GEORGE BUCHANAN 23
worthy man. He never had much money at any
time, and less than usual at the close; and when,
on counting it up with his attendant, he found that
there was not enough to bury him, he directed it to
be given to the poor. But ' what about the funeral ? '
naturally asked the servitor. 'Well,' Buchanan said,
'he was very indifferent about that,' as he meditated
on the dilemma in which he saw he was placing the
people of Edinburgh, who had not been over kind to
the greatest scholar of the age. 'If they will not
bury me,' he said, ' they can let me lie where I am,
or throw my body where they like.' Of course, as
he knew, they had to bury him, so he could enjoy
his posthumous triumph of wit; but they had their
repartee, denying him a gravestone for a generation
or two.
There is a weird humour in the famous interview
between himself on the one hand and the Melvilles,
Andrew and James, on the other, who had crossed
from St. Andrews to Edinburgh to see him shortly
before he passed away. They found him teaching
his young attendant his a b, ab. Andrew Melville,
amused by the spectacle of the greatest scholar in
Europe engaged in so disproportionate a task, made
a suitable observation. 'Better this than stealing
sheep,' quoth Buchanan, or ' than being idill,' he added,
24 FAMOUS SCOTS
which latter he maintained to be as bad as the stealing
of sheep. Then the conversation wandered to his
History, which was by this time in the hands of the
printer. The Melvilles noticed in the proofs the well-
known and ugly story of Mary's having got Rizzio's
body removed to the tomb of James v. They suggested
that the king might take offence at this reflection on
his mother's memory, and that the publication might
be stopped. 'Tell me,' said the dying historian, 'if
it is true.' They said they thought so. 'Then I will
bide his feud, and all his kin's,' was the answer.
There was, no doubt, a dash of the heroic in this, but
there was a chuckle in it too, as the speaker reflected
that the king who had neglected him, and whom he
had flogged for persistent boyish insolence, according
to the pedagogic fashion of the time, would once more
have his pride humbled at his hands when he was
gone.
No story was better known in Scotland than his
correction of the king, and his now unrepeatable
sarcasm in reply to the Countess of Mar's haughty
demand how he, a mere man of learning, could dare
to lift his hand upon the Lord's anointed. It tickled
the popular mind, and along with other reports of
Buchanan's fun — for it is not to be supposed that his
table-talk with the Scaligers, or even with Knox, was
GEORGE BUCHANAN 25
wholly funereal in character — indeed we know it was
not — formed a sort of Buchanan myth, to which every
witling who thought he had invented a good thing,
and wanted to get it listened to by fathering it on a
well-known name — a device not yet extinct — would
contribute further bulk, although not more ornament.
In this way an idea of Buchanan as a man of mirth
and facetiousness l would take root and spread in the
public consciousness, and as the people could not get
at the real Buchanan for his Latin, they formed a
picture of him according to their own uncivilised
conceptions. Hence the chapbooks — a hideous reflec-
tion from a cracked and distorted mirror, but still
showing that there was something to reflect.
Such was Buchanan, political thinker, practical
statesman, poet, scholar, historian, controversialist,
humorist, and great in all these diverse directions —
certainly a personality worth knowing in greater detail.
1 When I first heard from one of my early schoolmasters the
mediaeval chestnut, Quid distat inter sotum et Scotum ? — Mensa
tantum. (' What divides a sot (fool) from a Scot ? — Only the table ')
— the reply was credited to Buchanan.
CHAPTER II
CHARACTERISTICS
BUCHANAN'S life, like the lives of most people who
have done anything worth speaking of in their time,
divides itself roughly into two sections — the period
of preparation, and the period of performance. What
I shall call his period of performance, or at all events
chief performance, was from the time when he finally
returned to Scotland, after an absence abroad, with
brief interruptions, of twenty-two years, and spent the
remaining twenty-one years of his life in more or less
intimate occupation with the public affairs of his
country. On the ipth of August 1561, Queen Mary,
then in her nineteenth year, landed at Leith, and
was escorted to Holyrood by her enthusiastic subjects,
by whom she was also serenaded at night in a style
which, as the queen's French retinue thought, showed
more heart than art. Shortly before or after this date,
Buchanan, now fifty-five years old, also appeared in
Scotland, for his final settlement there. It is a curious
20
GEORGE BUCHANAN 27
coincidence that these two persons, eminent alike in
their widely divergent spheres, and destined alternately
to a literary friendship that was pleasant to both, and
a political antagonism that was fatal to one of them,
should have appeared on the scene of their sympathies
and conflicts practically at the same time. I have said
that the division of Buchanan's life into a period of
preparation and a period of performance is a rough
division. By that I mean that what really deserves
to be called performance could not be absolutely
excluded from the preparation period, and that, to
some extent, one stage of the performance period was
often a preparation for the next ; but taken with this
qualification, the division is a sufficiently valid one.
It was, for instance, mainly during the preparation
or foreign period that Buchanan wrote those poems
which stamped him not only as a man of wit and
poetic genius, but as the first Latin stylist in Europe
of his day. During this period, too, he acquired from
classic and other sources those broad and compre-
hensive ideas on the leading questions of the day
which made him the thinker and Humanist as con-
trasted with the mere cleric or scholastic obscurantist.
It was then also that, through observation on the spot,
he was able to comprehend the ' true inwardness ' of
the struggle that was going forward between the old
a8 FAMOUS SCOTS
order of things and the new, and often give practical
advice that was useful. In this period, too, he com-
pleted that thorough study of the Roman and Protest-
ant controversy which ended in determining him to
identify himself publicly with the Protestant side in
the great conflict that was on foot — in itself no incon-
siderable event. All this was undoubtedly perform-
ance of no mean order, but from the Scottish national
point of view, and from the point of view of general
history, on which the special Scottish history exerted
so profound an influence, it was preparatory to the
great work he did in his native land. His Latin and
his various Continental activities are forgotten, but his
Scottish work is still memorable. Yet it was because
he was the great Humanist and unequalled Latinist,
as well as the thinker and experienced observer of
affairs, that he was able to command the ear of learned
and diplomatic Europe, and through them to make
the events that were happening in his country a factor
in the world's history. His foreign performance was
therefore, in reality, a preparation for his crowning
performance at home. I shall not labour the point
of one stage of his performance being preparatory to
another.
Of course I do not mean to say that Buchanan did
all this consciously and systematically ; that he deliber-
GEORGE BUCHANAN 29
ately prepared abroad, and then came and deliber-
ately performed at home. Few men, especially men
of Buchanan's type, shape their lives on such lines of
exact and exhaustive purpose. I leave out of account
the unhappily large class who foolishly, and even
wickedly, throw away their lives, and have hardly ever
tried or desired to make a better of it. I confine
myself to those who do get something out of life for
themselves or society, or both. But I doubt if any,
beyond a small minority even of this class, begin life
with a distinct aim at reaching what they end life by
becoming. There is, of course, the famous case of
Whittington, who set himself in cold blood to become
Lord Mayor of London. But for one Whittington
there have been centuries of Lord Mayors who never
dreamt of the Mansion House when they started
business in the City. The glory and the turtle came
upon them, virtually unsolicited ; and even Whitting-
ton would probably not have addressed himself as he
did to his high achievement, had it not been for the
unique campanula of inspiration caught by his ear
alone. Probably Napoleon early laid his plans for
attaining the mastership of France, possibly of Europe ;
but did Caesar begin life with a determination to
conquer Rome and become its dictator, or Cromwell
with a sketch-plan for cutting off his king's head,
30 FAMOUS SCOTS
cashiering his country's parliament, and making himself
Lord Protector and military despot ?
Millionaires are seldom so of set design. They
begin, most probably, by aiming at a competent for-
tune, but having got that length, the acquired delight in
pulling the strings of an extensive and possibly adven-
turous undertaking, and not mere miserly greed, has
kept them at a task which they find they can perform,
until the millions roll in as a justification of their ideas
and processes. In politics and the professions men
probably set out with a general aim at the best position
and the most money they can make for themselves ; but
very few, I should imagine, of those who have reached
the greatest eminence or prosperity possible to them
said in their youth, ' I mean to be Prime Minister, or
Lord Chancellor, or Archbishop of Canterbury, or
President of the Royal College of Physicians, or of the
Royal Academy.' Buchanan seems to have belonged
to a type of character which does not include either of
the classes of persons just considered. Neither cupidity
nor ambition nor any of the ordinary self-aggrandising
motives seems to have had much, if any, place in his
character. Apostrophising Buchanan in his Funeral
Elegy, Joseph Scaliger says : —
' Contemptis opibus, spretis popularibus auris,
Ventosaeque fugax ambitionis, obis.'
GEORGE BUCHANAN 31
'Despising wealth, spurning the mob's applause, and
shunning vain ambition, thou passest away.'
This was literally true. Buchanan lived from hand
to mouth during the greater part of his career. But
there is no evidence that he ever tried to make a
fortune. He might have prospered in the Church, as
Dunbar was willing to do. But he had ideas of his
own on that subject, and neither gold nor dignities
could tempt him to sell his soul.
Begging Letter- Writer
He was often ' hard up,' but it does not appear to
have depressed his spirits. Indeed, he is never
sprightlier, more epigrammatically witty, or more
genially humorous than when he is what some of
us might call ' begging ' from some wealthy friend who
could appreciate his genius and accomplishments.
Here, for instance, is a ' begging letter ' to Queen
Mary, in the days when they were still friends, and
read Livy, and doubtless indulged in fencing-matches
of wit together : —
' Do quod adest : opto quod abest tibi : dona darentur
Aurea, sors animo si foret sequa meo.
Hoc leve si credis, paribus me ulciscere donis :
Et quod abest, opta tu mihi : da quod adest.'
Which may be literally, or nearly so, according ' to the
32 FAMOUS SCOTS
best of my knowledge and belief,' as the affidavits
say: —
1 To you I give what I do have : for you I wish what you
don't have :
Golden, indeed, would be my gifts, were Fortune equal
to my will.
If you should chance to think this levity, in equal levities
have your revenge :
For me wish you what I don't have : to me give you
what you do have.'
Dr. Hume Brown puts it neatly into rhyme thus : —
' I give you what I have : I wish you what you lack :
And weightier were my gift, were fortune at my back.
Perchance you think I jest ? A like jest then I crave :
Wish for me what I lack, and give me what you have.'
Take another in the same strain : —
' Ad Jacobum, Moraviae Comitem.
' Si magis est, ut Christus ait, donare beatum,
Quam de munifica dona referre manu :
Aspice quam faveam tibi : sis ut dando beatus,
Non renuo fieri, te tribuente, miser.'
' To James, Earl of Moray.
'If, as Christ says, it is more blessed to give than to re-
ceive gifts from a munificent hand, just see what a favour I
am doing you : that you may be blessed in giving, I am
ready to play miserable receiver to your happy donor.'
Or, to cite Dr. Brown again : —
GEORGE BUCHANAN 33
' It is more blest, saith Holy Writ, to give than to receive :
How great, then, is your debt to me, who take whate'er
you give !'
With equally humorous familiarity he sends in an
application, 'Ad Matthaeum Levinise Comitem, Scotiae
Proregem ' (To Matthew, Earl of Lennox, Regent of
Scotland '). I quote only the concluding couplet : —
' Denique da quidvis, podagram modo deprecor unam :
Munus erit medicis aptius ilia suis.'
That is —
' To be brief, give me whatever you like — only, not your
gout. That will be a more appropriate fee for the doctors
who are trying to cure it.'
Or to fall back on Dr. Brown's translation once more : —
' Since I am poor and you are rich, what happy chance is
thine !
My modest wishes, too, you know — one nugget from your
mine !
Only, whatever be your gift, let it not be your gout :
That, a meet present for your leech, I 'd rather go without.'
These are merely samples of many communications,
similar in object and style, which he addressed, at
various periods of his life, to quarters where he thought
they would not be ill-taken. As a rule, he supported
himself by ' regenting ' in colleges, or acting as tutor in
royal or noble families. It was only when he could
C
34 FAMOUS SCOTS
not make a better of it that he asked Society, through
its most likely magnates, to give him something ' to go
on with.' What else could he do? Carlyle's descrip-
tion of Thackeray as ' writing for his life ' could never
have applied to Buchanan. Literature was not yet a
profession or ' bread-study.' It was not till next
century that Milton got ^5 for Paradise Lost; and
even Shakespeare made his money less as a writer
than as a showman. The idea of Buchanan or
Erasmus — a much more importunate beggar than
Buchanan — going into business, say the wine or the
wool trade, would have been absurd. They would
have ruined any house that adopted them in two or
three years, to say nothing of the indecency of allow-
ing intellectual leaders of high genius to be lost in
work which could be much better done by humbler
men. There was nothing else for it, in Buchanan's
case, but to do as he did.
Of course, in this age of contract and commerce, we
are apt to associate an idea of meanness and pitifulness
with the conduct of Buchanan and Erasmus and others
in this matter. Our first feeling is that nobody should
give any other body anything except according to
bargain. Every man should be independent, and if
he asks anything outside a contract, he might as well
go bankrupt at once. He must clearly be a weakling,
GEORGE BUCHANAN 35
and the weak must go to the wall. The feudal senti-
ment, however, amidst which Buchanan lived, was
entirely different, and had a nobler side than ours,
although one does not want feudalism back merely on
that account. Kings and lords took everything to
themselves, in the shape of power and possession, that
they could lay their hands on ; but it was on the
understanding that they were to make a generous use
of what they had appropriated. Noblesse oblige was
still a maxim with vitality in it. The right men
acknowledged it, and acted on it ; the ruffians, as their
manner is, wherever they are placed in life, ignored it.
Patronage was not an act of grace : it was a duty. It
was part of the honourable service to society, by which
the patron's tenure of his prosperity was conditioned.
More particularly must this duty have been recognised
by right-minded possessors of power and wealth who
had felt the influence of the Renaissance, that mighty
and far-reaching effort of the human intellect to assert
its freedom and its varied energies against the narrow-
ing and obscurantist influences of scholasticism, re-
duced to its then existing state of enslavement, often
against its better knowledge and attempts at self-
emancipation, by Ecclesiastical authority, wielding the
weapon of Papal and Conciliar decree, sanctioned by
fire and faggot.
36 FAMOUS SCOTS
Then there was still the tradition of hospitality which
the Old Church, with all its faults, had kept up. In
these contractual days of ours, there is very little
hospitality, as it was defined by the Author of
Christianity. A modern dinner is generally a meet-
ing of creditors, or a combination of clever or stupid
epicureans, the better to amuse or otherwise enjoy
themselves, according to their tastes in meat and
drink, or even conversation. It is often a case of
undisguised ' treating ' on the part of the so-called host,
who wants to use his so-called guests for a purpose,
and whose performance might very appropriately go
into a schedule to some of the Bribery and Corruption
Acts. But in the days of the Old Church, a wandering
or needy scholar would have been welcomed at many,
if not all, of the religious houses, and treated on a very
different footing from our applicants for relief at the
casual wards of one of our workhouses, probably
the only institution resembling Christian hospitality
authorised by modern organised society.
This latter may be a better arrangement, for anything
I know to the contrary. All I say is that it is different
from what was recognised in Buchanan's day. It
would never occur to Buchanan that he was doing
anything inconsistent with self-respect in putting his
position before people like Queen Mary, or Moray, or
GEORGE BUCHANAN 37
Lennox, and asking their temporary aid or a per-
manent office. They had taken over the wealth of
the religious houses; did not their hospitalities pass
with it? They had divided up the country among
themselves and others; were they not honourably
bound to see that a great civilising force like Buchanan
was not extinguished ? Besides, he understood his own
value. A man is not six feet six inches high without
being aware of it. He knew what he was, and what
he had made himself, and what he was worth, and
that he was giving as good as he was getting, or
likely to get. In those days a great master of the
New Learning was an object of the highest admira-
tion, as a sort of intellectual Magician. Moreover,
he was a power, in as far as he was a leader of
contemporary thought and learning.
In these respects Buchanan was an invaluable
acquisition to persons like Mary, or Moray, or
Lennox, or Knox, who must have winked at a good
deal in Buchanan, which he would not have stood
in a less potent ally. In his prime, and even until
his death, no one had an equal command over the
universal ear of cultured Europe. To the rulers of
his time he was worth what, say, fifty friendly editors
of newspapers — including the Times and all the six-
penny weeklies, as far as they are worth anything —
38 FAMOUS SCOTS
would be to a politician of to-day. To Queen Mary
especially, with her refined intellectual tastes and
her ambition to be a figure in the world, it was no
small matter to have the greatest and most brilliant
scholar-poet of the day as a part of her court, whether
he read Livy and exchanged wit with herself, or
officiated as her poet-laureate on great occasions.
As a mere ornament he was worth a considerable
fraction of her best diamond necklace.
I am dwelling on this point because it will save
time and trouble afterwards, and accordingly I ask
further if Edie Ochiltree, in later times, and in a less
feudalistic state of public sentiment, could beg round
the district, without loss of respect, on the strength of
his badge and uniform, testifying to past good service
in his time and station, why should not an eminent
public servant like Buchanan, in a totally different
state of general feeling on such matters, ask society,
through representatives of it who, he knew, should
not and would not treat him roughly, to help him
in prosecuting his shining and useful career? He
had done a good work on the High Street of the
World. He had sung it a song or played it a melody
such as it would hear nowhere else. Was he not
entitled to send round his hat among the listeners?
Is it not what is done by every book-writer of to-day,
GEORGE BUCHANAN 39
who, when the last page is finished, sends out a con-
federate in the shape of a publisher to canvass the
public — for a consideration — with the book in one
hand and the hat in the other? Is it not what is
done, inter alia, by every Parliamentary lawyer, who
goes into the House of Commons to grind his axe,
when the fitting occasion arises, and he says to his
party leader, ' I have fought two general elections for
you. I have spoken for you unnumbered times in the
House and on the platform. I have voted for you,
up hill and down dale, through thick and thin, right or
wrong, and now I will trouble you for that Chancellor-
ship, or that Chief-Justiceship, or that Attorney-
Generalship, or that Puisne or County Court Judgeship
that has just fallen vacant'? Except that Buchanan
and his work were not shams, but realities, the cases
are the same.
Buchanan's enemies say that in accepting mainten-
ance or preferment he sold his independence to the
donors, and when it is answered that he showed any-
thing but want of independence in the case of Queen
Mary and others, whom he subsequently came to
oppose in the public interest, they tack about and
accuse him of the basest ingratitude — in biting the
hand that fed him, as they put it. It is as if in these
days Sir Gorgias Midas, M.P., were to say to some
40 FAMOUS SCOTS
editor who had noticed a speech of his unfavourably,
' Ungrateful scribbler, have I not, over and over again,
dined you and wined you with the best that larder and
cellar can produce, and do you now turn and rend
me?' There have been editors who would have
answered, ' Presumptuous moneybag, I suppose I paid
fully for my dinner with my company, and I am
perfectly free to criticise you as you deserve.'
Buchanan stood equally free in his relations to his
patrons. From the personal point of view, whether
his connection were regarded as an ornament, a
pleasure, or a utility, his alliance was worth his sub-
sidy. From the public point of view it was their
duty, as trustees for the public property and progress,
to maintain a great civiliser like Buchanan in a
position where his powers had scope, while it was
Buchanan's privilege and duty to exercise his creative
and critical capacities in the public interest without
fear or favour. And this, as will be seen, is what
Buchanan substantially did. Knox and Melville
repeatedly reminded Queen Mary and King James
that there was another kingdom in the realm besides
theirs — the kingdom of Christ, to wit — and suggested,
or rather demanded, that their Majesties should not
meddle with officials of this spiritual kingdom like
themselves, the said Knox and Melville. This claim
GEORGE BUCHANAN 41
they rested on a supernatural, and therefore disputable,
basis. But there could be nothing disputable about
the ground Buchanan stood on. He too was a
potentate — of the intellect ; a king of thought, learning,
and poetic might, and in that dominion, when it was
necessary, bore himself with a courage and independ-
ence that have not always been successfully reproduced
by his successors, when confronted with the monarchies
and lordships of material power and glory.
JVb Notoriety Hunter
This discussion arose in our endeavour to determine
Buchanan's character so far as money-making was
concerned. He was no money-maker. Contemptis
opibus — ' despising wealth ' — is, as we have seen, Joseph
Scaliger's account of him, meaning thereby that per-
sonally he did not care for more money than would
maintain the much other than money-making career
which he liked, and had set his heart on, keeping
himself independent by the labour of a scholar, but not
hesitating to ask payment, when he wanted it, from
a society that was morally indebted to him. His
indifference, however, to wealth as a life-object must
not be confounded with the counsel of the ascetic
preacher who urges his hearers to forget the present
42 FAMOUS SCOTS
world in thoughts of the world to come, and wins,
perhaps, a better living by an eloquent and pessimistic
sermon on the text which says that ' the love of money
is the root of all evil.' There is nothing to show that
Buchanan did not hold, with all sensible people, that
there is a sense in which the love of money is the root
of all good, inasmuch as it is the men of strong
cupidity who organise industry and commerce, thereby
laying that foundation of material wealth without
which there can be no superstructure of leisured
thought, learning, or art, acting, it may be, only as
the dray-horses of civilisation — some of them, of
course, are a good deal more — but worthy of all the
corn they consume, although were one desirous of
exchanging ideas, it would not be to their sumptuous
stables that he would resort.
Neither does he appear to have set his heart upon
the ordinary objects of ambition, in the shape of fame
or power. ' Dear is fame to the rhyming tribe.' ' That
dearest wish of every poetic bosom — to be distin-
guished,' said Burns in his preface to the first edition
of his poems, and he, if any one, was entitled to speak.
But in the same preface he also says that to amuse
himself amidst toil, to transcribe the feelings in his
own breast, to find some counterpoise to the struggles
of a world alien and uncouth to the poetic mind — ' these
GEORGE BUCHANAN 43
were his motives for courting the Muses, and in these
he found Poetry to be its own reward.' In other words,
the poet may desire fame and distinction for what he
has done, yet it need not have been the desire of fame
and distinction that made him do it. Buchanan seems
to have been even more self-controlled or more in-
different than this account of matters might imply.
His numerous efforts had won him the highest reputa-
tion, but he had taken no pains to advertise himself.
He had handed his productions here and there to
friends who wished to see them, and it was only the
solicitation of those friends that prevented his consign-
ing to everlasting obscurity some of the brightest
things he, or indeed any one else, ever wrote.
His most famous production as a poet, his version
of the Hebrew Psalms, or rather series of poems based
upon these, was certainly not written for fame. Every
Humanist of eminence was expected to try his hand
upon the Psalms, and when Buchanan found himself
in Portugal under lock and key, at the instance of the
Inquisition, among a set of monks, whom he hits off
as equally good-natured and ignorant, and who had
been told off to instruct him in orthodoxy, he addressed
himself to a classic rendering of the Psalms with the
double purpose of discharging his duty by his Human-
istic Vocation, and doing something that might redeem
44 FAMOUS SCOTS
his time and his temper from the boredom of the un-
congenial society amidst which misfortune had placed
him. There does not seem in all this much of that
passionate desire of distinction to which Burns con-
fesses. It is said, however, that fame was his object
in commencing and carrying on his poem on the Sphere,
which was undoubtedly planned on an elaborate and
extensive scale. If fame was his desire, it was not a
very consuming one, for he was five-and-twenty years
at least over it, and left it unfinished at last, although
goaded by friends to hasten its production.
What does he say on the matter himself? Writing
to Tycho Brahe in 1576, six years before his death,
and more than twenty after he began to work at the
Sphere, he says that bad health had compelled him,
spent scribendi carminis in posterum penitus abjicere, —
'completely to abandon the hope of writing a poem for
posterity.' Three years afterwards, writing to a literary
friend in England, who, like many others, kept dun-
ning him for his promised books, and even for ' copy,'
he says, with respect to his 'astronomical' aims in
poetry, he had not so much voluntarily abandoned
them, as been obliged reluctantly to submit to the
deprivation of them ; neque enim aut nunc libet nugari,
out si maxime vellem per atatem licet. Accessit eo
historic scribenda labor, — ' for neither am I now greatly
GEORGE BUCHANAN 45
disposed for mere trifling, nor, were I never so much
disposed, will my years allow it. Then in addition to
my other difficulties there is the labour of writing my
History'1 \ the plain meaning being that as his years
forbade him to do both the History and the Sphere, he
elected to go on with the History and give up the
Sphere, as a form of nugari or ' dilettantism.'
All this does not look very like a burning eagerness
for posthumous fame, at all events of the kind that
moves a certain class of people to leave money for
hospitals, or almshouses, or learned foundations, to
perpetuate names that would otherwise never have
risen out of obscurity or escaped oblivion. As a
matter of fact, Buchanan knew that he was cele-
brated, but no one had a poorer opinion of the work
that had won him reputation than he had himself,
not from the modesty of merit, as the common form
carelessly puts it, but from the consciousness of merit,
and because he felt that it was in him to do better.
He hated the idea of having more celebrity than he
deserved, and wanted to produce something that would
show he was not an impostor or a quack. In short, he
did not want more fame, but what he thought a better
and honester title to the fame he had. That, however,
is not the passion for fame, but simply self-respect, and
an unselfish anxiety for the good name of those friends
46 FAMOUS SCOTS
who had staked their reputation for taste and judgment
on his ability for turning out the highest class of work.
This is not the love of glory, but something better,
although even if it were, it would not necessarily be
either weak or wrong, provided the subject of it knew
what he was doing in giving a rational scope to a
natural impulse, and that he could and would give
humanity something worth the prize of its praise.
Buchanan himself tells us why he gave up the Sphere
and took up the History. It was primarily to gratify
his friends, who thought that such a work was a want of
the time, more useful and more suitable to Buchanan's
years than poetry ; while he himself assures us, and
there is no reason to doubt his declaration, that he
desired to set before his royal pupil, James vi., the
warnings and the encouragements derivable from the
story of his predecessors on the throne, including his
own ill-advised and ill-fated mother. It was no fault
of Buchanan's if James despised his teacher's counsel,
and, listening to flatterers, took up with the Divine
Right doctrine, by impressing which on his unhappy
son, both through precept and example, he virtually
destined him to jump the life to come from the
scaffold of Whitehall.
Buchanan's friends seem to have tried to tempt him
to undertake the History by representing that no sub-
GEORGE BUCHANAN 47
ject was aut uberius ad laudem, aut firmius ad memories
conservandam diuturnitatem, — 'better fitted to win him
renown or prolong his memory.' It is not on the
strength of such hopes, however, that he describes
himself as working. It was, by his own account, only
the shame of leaving unfinished a task he had engaged
himself to his friends to perform that made him per-
severe at a labour which, he says, in estate Integra
•bermolestus, nunc vero in hac meditatione mortis, inter
mortalitatis metum, et desinendi pudorem, non potest non
lentus esse et ingratus, quando nee cessare licet, nee pro-
gredi lubet, — 'would, even in the flower of my age, have
been a burden, but now, in contemplation of my end,
what between the dread of death interrupting me before
I am done, and the shame there would be in abandon-
ing my undertaking, I neither find myself free to stop,
nor feel any pleasure in going on.' Not much there of
glory for himself, although something of an heroic
devotion to the claims of friendship and the call of
duty !
CHAPTER III
CHARACTERISTICS — (continued)
Did not seek power
SCALIGER'S ascription to Buchanan of a spirit superior
to the temptations of wealth and fame seems thus
fairly well justified ; but what of his further claim that
he was insensible to ambition? He rose to be the
foremost Latin poet and man of letters, or indeed poet
and man of letters of any kind in his day, and to the
highest positions, political, ecclesiastical, educational,
in his native land. Did he reach all this without
aiming at it ? Did it all come upon him unsolicited ?
Substantially, it would seem, that was so. The key to
his plan of life, I believe, is to be found in the beginning
of the short autobiography which he wrote (1580) in
the third person, two years before his death, not from
motives of egotism, but at the request of friends.
He is stating how he came to be sent to the University
of Paris when about fourteen, and then he says, ibi
cum studiis litcrarum, maxime carminibus scribendis^
48
GEORGE BUCHANAN 49
operam dedisset, partim natures impulsu, partim neces-
sitate (quod hoc unum studiorum genus adolescentia
proponebatur\ etc., — 'devoting himself there to literary
studies, and chiefly to writing verses, partly from natural
impulse and partly from necessity, that being the only
sort of study open to youthful learners.'
That is really Buchanan in a nutshell. He followed
the bent of his genius, and did not pick and choose his
work, but performed, to the best of his ability, the task
placed before him by Destiny. He lived up to his
nature and his Fate, did with his might what his hand
found to do, then took up the next undertaking that
came along, and handled it in the same fashion. He
waited upon 'time and the hour' rather than sought
to force its hand — a very good way, if not indeed the
best way, to confront life and its problems, for those
who are wise enough and strong enough to do it. He
made himself master of the spirit, ideas, and style of
the great writers and thinkers of classic antiquity, be-
cause it was the work that lay nearest to his hand, and
because he liked it — passionately — and could not rest
until it was all and easily his own, and not because he
thought he could make it pay, whether in money or
reputation, or both. Except in the case of the unlucky
and unfinished Sphere, he did not sit down to compose
poetry deliberately and in cold blood, at the rate of so
D
5o FAMOUS SCOTS
many scores or hundreds of lines before breakfast or
dinner, as certain ' poets ' are said to have done, or do.
His best work of this kind was struck out of him like
the fire from the flint, by the demand of the occasion,
or the suggestion of friends, or an inspiration or impulse
that came upon him at the moment.
It was the request of James v. (1537) that led to his
becoming the most powerful satirist of his time and
country, much above Lyndsay, at least on a level with
Dunbar, and second only to Burns. His ' Psalms '
were written (1550-51) to kill time while imprisoned
in a Portuguese monastery. His Elegies, Epigrams,
Tragedies, Masques, Addresses (1530-66) were thrown
off in answer to the call of the moment and the circum-
stances. The Detectio Regince ( 1 569-7 1) was composed
at the desire of the great anti-despotic and reforming
party to which he belonged. The ' Admonition to the
Trew Lordis ' and the ' Chameleon ' were political tracts
for the times designed to stimulate the flagging zeal of
the friends of freedom. The DC Jure (1570-79) was
inspired by a present and a foreseen necessity of making
Liberty impregnable as against the reactionaries of
Absolutism. The History was undertaken and com-
pleted (1569-82) less for a scientific than for a patriotic
and politico-paideutic purpose, to set his country and
its constitution in a true light before the world, and to
GEORGE BUCHANAN 51
help in moulding its future king into the constitutional
ruler of a free people.
He held many appointments, and executed many
commissions, not a few of them of the highest re-
sponsibility and dignity, but most of them sought him,
not he them. Lord Cassilis had him for tutor-com-
panion (1532-37). King James v. engaged him as
tutor for one of his children (1538-39). The King of
Portugal employed him to aid in founding and conduct-
ing his College at Coimbra, and did his best, though
in vain, to retain him in his kingdom (1547-52). The
famous Mare'chal de Brissac chose him to mould the
mind of his son, and sometimes had him at a Council
of War (1555-60). Queen Mary attached him to her
Court, and as we have seen, read Livy with him, and,
no doubt, much else (1562). The General Assembly
of the Reformed Church of Scotland chose him, though
a layman, as their Moderator (1567), he having already
sat four years as a member and aided them in drawing
up their First Book of Discipline. He was appointed
by Regent Moray Principal of St. Leonard's College,
St. Andrews (1566), to reorganise its curriculum and
constitution. He was selected as Secretary to the
Commission sent by the Scots Government to deal
with the high questions at issue between Queens
Elizabeth and Mary (1568-69). The Scots Parliament
52 FAMOUS SCOTS
chose him to the extremely responsible office of Tutor
to the youthful King James vi. (1570), and continued
him in that position nominally until his death (1582).
He sat as a member of the Scots Parliament (1570-78)
in virtue of his keepership of the Privy Seal, and did
secretarial work for it, which nobody else was qualified
to do, while at the same time assisting the General
Assembly in revising their Book of 'Policy.' This
keepership he may have solicited — he subsequently
resigned it — although there is no proof of that, but all
the other appointments came to him, and engaged his
best ability as they passed him in procession.
Sir James Melville backs Scaliger
This view of Buchanan's character and scheme of
life is confirmed by the remarkable and elaborate
account of him given, in his own Memoirs, by Sir
James Melville of Halhill (1545-1617), a professional
courtier and diplomatist who had served on the Con-
tinent in important missions and affairs, and had been
a confidential servant both to Queen Mary and her son
James vi. He is describing the guardians of the boy-
king at Stirling (1570-78), and after having highly
eulogised the Governor, he proceeds : ' The Laird
of Dromwhassel, his Maiestie's maister of houshald,
was ambitious and greedy, and had gretest cair how
GEORGE BUCHANAN 53
till advance himself and his friendis. The twa abbots
[Cambuskenneth and Dryburgh] were wyse and modest;
my Lady Mar was wyse and schairp, and held [i.e. kept]
the King in great aw ; and sa did Mester George
Buchwhennen. Mester Peter Young1 was gentiller,
and was laith till offend the King at any tym, and used
himself wairily, as a man that had mynd of his awin
weill, be keeping of his Maiestie's favour. Bot Mester
George was a stoik philosopher, and looked not far
before the hand; a man of notable qualities for his
learning and knawledge in Latin poesie, mekle maid
accompt of in other contrees, plaisant in company,
rehersing at all occasions moralities short and fecfull,
whereof he had aboundance, and invented wher he
wanted.
' He was also of gud religion for a poet, bot he was
easily abused, and sa facill that he was led with any
company that he hanted for the tyme, quhilk maid him
factious in his auld dayes; for he spak and wret as
they that wer about him for the tym infourmed him.
For he was become sleperie and cairles, and followed in
many thingis the vulgair oppinion, for he was naturally
populaire, and extrem vengeable against any man that
had offendit him, quhilk was his gretest fault. For he
1 He was Buchanan's assistant, and called the king's ' Pedagogue,'
Buchanan being called ' Master. '
54 FAMOUS SCOTS
wret dispytfull invectives against the Erie of Monteith,
for some particulaires that was between him and the
Laird of Buchwhennen ; and became the Erie of
Morton's gret ennemy, for ane hackney of his that
chancit to be tane fra his saru[v]and during the civil
troubles, and was bocht be the Regent ; wha had na
will to part with the said horse, he was sa sur of foot
and sa easy, that albeit Mester George had oft tymes
requyred him again, he culd not get him, and wher he
had bene the Regentis gret frend of before, he becam
his deadly ennemy, and spak evil of him fra that tym
fourth in all places and at all occasions. Dromwhassel
also, because the Regent kepit all the casualtes1 to him-
self, and wald let nathing fall till v[u]thers that wer
about the King, becam also his ennemy, and sa did
they all that wer about his Maiestie.'
Melville was scarcely the man to take the measure
of Buchanan on the more important side of his
character, but he may be trusted to have given an
honest view of him according to his lights — which, in
some serious respects, were darkness — as well as of
the impression which Buchanan had made on better
judges of remarkable men than was the worthy Sir
1 Certain emoluments arising to the feudal superior (in this case
the king) ; which, as they depend on uncertain events, are termed
casualties.
GEORGE BUCHANAN 55
James himself. The latter's preface is a charming
piece of naivete. He tells us that though a courtier
he had dealt faithfully and not flatteringly with
'princes,' but had not found it a paying procedure,
and hints that if he had it to do over again, he
might sail on the opposite tack. He had advised
the Laird of Carmichael to do so, who profited
greatly by the advice, both for himself and his friends,
but did not show much gratitude to his counsellor, as
the latter complains — rather unreasonably, one would
say, since, if you corrupt a man's morale^ you must
not be disappointed if he treats you accordingly.
Perhaps Sir James recovers his honest standing by
the honest simplicity with which he confesses his
leanings to dishonesty, like the M. de Bussy whom
he quotes as also bewailing, too late, the honesty of
his courtier career, but excusing himself on the ground
that he could not help it, as it was his ' nature to.'
All the more trustworthy, however, is probably the
distinction Sir James draws between Peter Young and
Buchanan. ' Mester Peter ' was evidently no Nathanael
in his critic's view, and his subsequent good fortune,
as attested by history, shows that his character had
been accurately enough diagnosed. There is no
reason to doubt, accordingly, that Sir James is equally
correct in describing Buchanan as one who 'looked
56 FAMOUS SCOTS
not far before the hand.' That is, he was not a cal-
culating person, and set his duties above his interests ;
did his work to the best of his ability, and took his
reward if, as, and when it came, but was really less
anxious about securing the reward than about doing
the work as it ought to be done.
A Faithful Mentor
His whole connection with James makes this plain.
It begins with his Genethliacon or Birthday Ode, in
which, after apostrophising the infant prince as the
hope of all who desired the unity and consequent
tranquillity of the two kingdoms, he addresses the
feliccs felici prole parentes (' parents to be felicitated on
an offspring born to a felicitous career'), and under
guise of a sketch, in verse of Virgilian elevation and
beauty, of the standard of character up to which they
should train their child, lays down with ' faithful ' out-
spokenness the lines of duty on which their own lives
should run, and warns them of the ruin which neglect
of his counsel would bring. It is not, except in style,
a courtly production. Darnley probably could not,
but Mary certainly both could and would see the
poet's drift, and happy would it have been for both
had they avoided the faults against which the poet
directed his pointed admonition.
57
If James turned out 'the wisest fool in Christen-
dom,' the folly was not the fault of Buchanan, but
of James's nature, and perhaps also of flatterers of
the ' Mester Peter Young ' order, who scattered tares
among the wheat of the more worthy sower. At all
events he made James a scholar, if the latter made
himself a pedant; and this implied, in the circum-
stances and the particular case, an exercise of firm
and even stern discipline — of which a famous if not
quite elegant instance has been quoted above, — and
which was better fitted to improve the morale of the
pupil than the fortunes of the disciplinarian. As
Melville puts it, Buchanan 'held the king in awe,'
an awe which James felt and resented to the last,
although, to do him justice, he also plumed himself
on his training by an unrivalled scholar. Three works
remarkable for their political teaching — his Baptistes,
his De Jure Regni, and his History — Buchanan dedi-
cated to James, in prefaces as remarkable as the works
themselves. All three books were mainly, the second
entirely, motived by the idea which Buchanan seems
to have regarded as constituting and directing his true
mission in life, namely, the unspeakable value of •
liberty, the constant possibility and deadly evil of
tyranny, and the corresponding and always pressing
duty of forestalling this possibility and resisting
58 FAMOUS SCOTS
this evil by abundant proclamation and practice of
the doctrine that legitimate political sovereignty exists
only for the good and by the will of the people — a
principle, of course, entirely subversive of the despotic
doctrine of the Divine right of kings, so prevalent
in usurpationist quarters in that day, and anticipatory
of the modern and accepted democratic ' platform ' of
' Government of the People, by the People, for the
People.'
This is not the stage at which to describe the books
themselves — it is their prefaces that make them rele-
vant at present, — but a word to indicate their general
character is necessary. The Baptistes was written
(1540-41) when Buchanan was comparatively a young
man, thirty-four or thirty-five, and was 'regenting'
in a great secondary school or gymnasium at Bordeaux,
called the College de Guyenne, organised and presided
over by one Andr£ de Gouve"a, a famous Portuguese
Humanist and educator of the day. This Baptistes
was simply a dramatic reproduction of the story of
John the Baptist and his tragic end, the dramatis
persona being King Herod, Queen Herodias, the
latter's dancing daughter, Malchus the high priest,
Gamaliel, and the unlucky John himself. It was
composed, Buchanan tells us in the dedicatory pre-
face and in his autobiography (1574), in accordance
GEORGE BUCHANAN 59
with the rules of the college, and intended by him
to win the students, who acted it, from the silly
'mysteries' of the monks to the imitation of classic
antiquity, and the rising study of religion in its
original documents. But there was something more
intended. It is scarcely necessary to read 'between
the lines ' to find a complete condemnation of absolu-
tist tyranny, and a picture of the misery which it
brings on the tyrant himself as well as on his victims.
This was not the kind of writing to please monarchs of
the period. Nevertheless Buchanan dedicates it ( 1 5 7 6)
to the boy-king, as 'having a peculiar appositeness
to his position,' warning him of 'the agonisings and
wretchedness which await tyrants, even when they seem
to be most flourishing outwardly.'
This lesson, he goes on to say, he thinks ' not only
useful, but absolutely essential,' for his royal pupil to
learn now, so that he may 'early begin to hate' a
fault which 'he ought always to shun.' Moreover,
he 'wishes to place it on record, for the information
of posterity, that if the king should in the future, at
the instigation of evil advisers, or by allowing the
lust of power to overcome the principles of his educa-
tion, act contrary to the warnings now given him,
the blame must be laid, not on his teachers, but on
himself, in not having listened to those who gave
60 FAMOUS SCOTS
him good counsel.' This was not the language of
flattery; and though James was only ten when he was
thus addressed, the precocity of his intelligence would
enable him to understand its import. He was destined,
in a very few years, to be king in fact as he was
now in name, and Buchanan knew that if his charge
turned out other than he was trying to make him —
what actually happened — his own plain speaking would
not be to his advantage. Knowing this, he did his
duty, and had his sovereign for his enemy when the
latter got used to being his own master. The fact
reveals an elevation of character in Buchanan which
cannot be justly forgotten in judging of him in other
connections. It is not surprising that the agents in
Scotland of Cecil, Queen Elizabeth's great minister,
when on the look-out for ' Biencontents,' as they
were called, who might be dealt with in the way of
bribery with a view to forming a strong Elizabethan
party in Scotland, should have secretly reported (15791
King's age thirteen) Buchanan as 'a singular man,' while
of ' Mester Peter Young ' they say that he was ' specially
well affected, and ready to persuade the king to be
in favour of her majestye.'
Three years after dedicating the Baptistes to James
in the style we have seen, he dedicated the De Jure to
him (1579). This was a still bolder and more inde-
GEORGE BUCHANAN 61
pendent proceeding. Without entering, for the present,
into the details of its argument, it may be enough to
remember that, with its doctrine of Sovereignty as
originating from the People, existing for their benefit,
and not autocratic, but bounded by laws to which the
People have consented, the De Jure must have appeared
to Absolutist and 'Divine right people' generally, revolu-
tionary rubbish of the most pernicious description; and
accordingly, in 1584, when Buchanan had been dead
two years, they had it condemned and its publication
and circulation forbidden by express Statute of the
Scots Parliament — the King, of course, assenting, if not
inciting ; while, as we have already seen, the University
of Oxford, later on, paid it the compliment of having it
publicly burned. Buchanan must have, in a general
way, foreseen the possibility of something like this, and
the risk he ran if the King should, in his riper age,
turn upon him and seek to rend him. This, however,
did not deter him from pressing his democratic treatise
on the attention and study of his royal pupil.
He praises him, not in the fulsome and fawning
language of the Dedication literature of the time, but
with evident sincerity and honest, hearty admiration
for the brightness of his abilities, his intellectual
interests, his independence of judgment while in-
quiring into the truth of things and opinions. He
62 FAMOUS SCOTS
congratulates him, too, on his present aversion to
flattery, that ' nurse of Tyranny, and deadliest of
plagues to genuine kingship' — tyrannidis nutricula, et
legitimi regni gravissima pcstis, — and rejoices that he
seems ' instinctively to detest ' — natures quodam instinctu
oderis — ' the courtly solecisms and barbarisms ' — soloe-
tismos et barbarismos aulicos — affected by those self-
chosen ' arbiters of elegance ' — elegantia censores — who
' spice their conversation ' — velut sermonis condimenta —
with ' profuse employment of " Your Majesty," " Your
Lordship," " Your Illustrious Highness," and any other
still more sickening title they can find' — passim
MAJESTATES, DOMINATIONES, ILLUSTRITATES, et si qua
alia magis sunt putida, adspergant. Was there any
latent reference here to ' Mester Peter Young ' and his
courtier ways? Anyhow, Buchanan plainly owns that
he has doubts and fears for James's future. He tells
him of the dangers of evil companionship, and invites
him to the study of the essay thus dedicated to him,
not only as an instructor that will show him the right
and wrong of the subject, but as a Mentor that may
' keep at him ' in importunate and even audacious
fashion, as it may seem for the moment. If he is
faithful to the principles commended to him, there will
be peace in the present for him and his, and lasting
glory in the future. James subsequently thought he
GEORGE BUCHANAN 63
could do better, and threw off his early training ; but,
notwithstanding, or in consequence, he failed alike to
achieve a peaceful career or to transmit a glorious
memory. The citation from the chorus in the Thyestes
of Seneca — who also was tutor to a royal failure,
although James must, of course, be admitted to have
been a brilliant success compared with Nero — in which
the great but ill-starred Roman delineates the Stoic
king, appended to Buchanan's dedication, no doubt
expresses his own view of what James might and should
have been : beginning with —
' Regem non faciunt opes
Non vestis Tyriae color,' etc.
' It is not wealth nor the purple robe that makes a king,' etc.
and ending —
' Rex est, qui metuit nihil,
Rex est, qui cupiet nihil.
Hoc regnum sibi quisque dat.'
' He is a king who has conquered Fear and Desire. Such
a kingship every man may give himself, and none else.'
It is in the same spirit that he dedicates his History
to the King (1582, James sixteen). He knows per-
fectly well how his book is likely to be taken. Writing
(1577) to Sir Thomas Randolph, Queen Elizabeth's
representative at the Scottish court, and Buchanan's
64 FAMOUS SCOTS
quondam pupil at Paris, he says : ' I am occupiit in
wryting of our historic, being assurit to content few,
and to displease many thairthrow.' Among the many
1 displeased,' he could not but foresee that possibly the
young King might be found, on account of the unfavour-
able view which, in common with most historians, he
felt himself obliged to take of the character and career
of the King's own mother, Queen Mary. He must
have felt too that, unless James were all the more
magnanimous, he might take deep offence — as he did,
death alone saving Buchanan from criminal proceed-
ings on account of his ' seditious' writings — at his now
nominal preceptor's contention that by the Constitution
of Scotland the monarchy had, as an historical fact as
well as by a true philosophy, been all along a derivative
and limited, even very limited, one, and anything but
a divinely authorised Absolutism, as maintained by
courtly authorities. Buchanan, however, prefers to
assume that James had enough of the king and the
public man in him to sink private feeling in public duty
and accept truth, however unpleasant ; and accordingly
he dedicates his History to him, urging him to follow
the example of his good predecessors and eschew that
of the bad ones, and more particularly commending
to his notice and imitation the career of the saintly
David i., the ' sair saunt for the crown ' of one of his
GEORGE BUCHANAN 65
successors and descendants, as a ruler who, according
to his lights — some of which, however, especially those
that led to his profuse and corrupting liberality to the
Church, Buchanan, herein endorsing John Major, his
early St. Andrews 'regent' in Logic, emphatically
decries — devoted himself not to pleasure, or the
strengthening of his prerogative, but to what seemed
to him to be the true welfare of his people. In all this,
some of Buchanan's critics have thought him too stern,
and that gentler methods might have won over James
to better thoughts. But truth must always be stern to
those who dislike or fear it. Yet those only are the
real friends of these latter who give them the chance
of profiting by it ; and in so acting by James, come
what might of himself and his personal fortunes,
Buchanan will be thought by most admirers of a high
morale to have stamped himself as a wholly high-
minded and even heroic character.
E
CHAPTER IV
FURTHER CHARACTERISTICS
A Stoic Philosopher
WE are now, perhaps, in a better position to face
Melville's further characterisation of him as a 'Stoik
philosopher, of gud religion for a poet.' That Sir
James knew something about Stoicism, although
perhaps not very deeply, is shown by his apparent
familiarity with the Seneca, whom he quotes in that
remarkable preface of his, although only for a sarcastic
comment upon those foolish political Stoics who, like
Sir James himself, throw away their Stoical honesty
upon unappreciative ' Princes,' and repent of their
Stoicism when too late. That Buchanan had studied
the Stoics goes without saying. He was as familiar
with the metres of Seneca and Boetius as with those of
Horace and Catullus, and he was not the man — not the
pedant or grammarian — to master the form and style
merely of his author without penetrating to his inner
thought. How minutely he had read Cicero appears
66
GEORGE BUCHANAN 67
from his famous emendation in the second Philippic
of patrem tuum, passed over by previous commentators,
into matrem, subsequently parentem tuam — a case in
which even Gibbon would probably have admitted that
a vowel, to say nothing of a diphthong, was vital to truth,
and which gave occasion to Dionysius Lambinus to
flay alive a rival Ciceronic editor, Petrus Victorius by
name, for critical larceny, in having feloniously but
silently appropriated, first, the laurels of Buchanan who
did the good deed, and next, those of him, Lambinus,
who had the sagacity to recognise and adopt Buchanan's
great performance. But Buchanan had doubtless read
Cicero's De Officiis with not less care, and had gathered
from its pages some idea of Stoicism as expounded by
Cicero's own early tutor, Pansetius, probably the most
distinguished of Rome's then professional teachers of
this great ethical system. He must have come across
such a passage as this, where Cicero says : ' What is
called the summum bonum by the Stoics, to live agree-
ably to Nature (conwnienter Natures vivere), has, I con-
ceive, this meaning — always to conform to virtue ; and
as to all other things which may be according to Nature
(secundum naturam) [i.e. other possible bona besides
the summum : as gratifications of appetite, propensity,
ambition, etc.], to take them if they should not be
repugnant to virtue,' — a declaration which Butler, with
68 FAMOUS SCOTS
his supremacy of conscience as part of true Nature,
would have accepted, and in substance, indeed, has
explicitly endorsed. Probably, too, he had noticed the
habitual doctrine of Epictetus, ' this is the great task of
life also, to discern things and divide them, and say,
"Outward things are not in my power; to will is in
my power. Where shall I seek the Good, and where
the Evil ? Within me — in all that is my own. But of
all that is alien to thee, call nothing good nor evil, nor
profitable nor hurtful, nor any such term as these.
What then ? should we be careless of such things? In
no wise. For this, again, is a vice in the Will, and thus
contrary to Nature. But be at once careful, because
the use of things is not indifferent, and steadfast
and tranquil because the things themselves are. . . .
And hard it is, indeed, to mingle and reconcile
together the carefulness of one whom outward things
affect, with the steadfastness of him who regards them
not But impossible it is not; and if it is, it is im-
possible to be happy. . . . Take example of dice-
players. The numbers are indifferent, the dice are
indifferent. How can I tell what may be thrown up ?
But carefully and skilfully to make use of what is
thrown, that is where my proper business begins"'
( Rolleston translation).
This seems to me to describe the general temper and
GEORGE BUCHANAN 69
spirit in which Buchanan confronted the vicissitudes
of life. I do not say that in a Register of Religions
like that provided under 6 and 7 Will. iv. c. 85
and amending acts, he would have entered himself as
' G. B., Stoic.' For one thing, he had not the chance,
as only one denomination was allowed. Nor do I
think he ever said in his heart, ' I am a Stoic, and
mean to guide my life by the Stoical system ' ; but all
the same, I believe that eonvenitnter natures vivere,
interpreted in the Stoical sense, sank with gradually
increasing depth into his moral nature as life went on,
and preserved him from Epicurean timidity, levity, and
egotism. Not "that he succeeded perfectly, but he
kept trying to. Stoicism did not, any more than
Christianity, maintain that the concrete Stoic was free
from [sins,^both of omission and commission. Not
Socrates, nor^ even Diogenes — most misunderstood of
men, who attained the high degree of Cynic — would
have been claimed as impeccable, although they came
very near it. It has been said that Buchanan in several
ways allowed the ' outward things that were not in his
power ' get the better of the ' will ' that was, that he
was, for instance, fiery and irritable, for little other
reason, apparently, than that he had Celtic blood in
him, and was bound to be so ; that he was dis-
appointed and soured by his early struggle with
70 FAMOUS SCOTS
poverty, his critics assuming that this must have been
the case, because in his circumstances they would have
been so themselves; that he was a 'good hater* — as if
that were really a fault at all, etc.
Had he been all that his detractors call him, that
would not have unstoicised him, since, as already
said, the system admits that ' no mere man is able to
keep the commandments, but doth daily break them,"
as the Shorter Catechism puts it in questionable
grammar. But his censors have not sufficiently
observed that if he displayed faults of passion, eager-
ness, temper, impatience, it was when he was young ;
and the fair inference is that if he overcame those
tendencies as life proceeded, it was by a persistent
effort of ' will,' repelling the invading influence of the
' outward.' By all accounts his age was not a ' crabbed
age.' Though plain, and even rustic, in appearance —
in the matter of dress he seems to have carried his
superiority to the ' outward ' to a really unstoical
extreme — when he opened his mouth he was a dif-
ferent being, courtly in manner, refined and elegant
in expression, humorous and entertaining, as well as
instructive even to the verge of 'edifying,' in every way
a polite and variously pleasant companion — 'with
nothing of the pedagogue about him but the gown,'
said a keen and competent observer, who knew him
GEORGE BUCHANAN 71
well. 'Plaisant in company,' says the slightly garru-
lous Sir James, ' rehersing at all occasions moralities
short and fecfull, whereof he had aboundance, and
invented wher he wanted ' — a combination, in short, of
wit, wisdom, resource, and pith, anything but a picture
of the snappish old curmudgeon, soured and made ill-
natured by disappointments which he had not wisely
overcome. His letters, too, of which unfortunately we
possess only a few, reveal the same well-ordered and
placid moral interior : full of the purest friendly
devotion, ready always to do a good turn, especially to
merit in obscurity, not insensible to the difficulties and
distresses of life, but rising above them, and achieving
in spite of them not only contentment, but a degree of
light-heartedness. He was long a martyr to gout — a
sore affliction, if sufferers from it may be trusted. But
he took it with a smile. Writing (1577) at seventy-one
to his old friend and pupil Randolph, by that time
Postmaster-General to Queen Elizabeth, he tells him
that he is hard at work on his History, and adds :
' The rest of my occupation is wyth the gout, quhilk
holdis me besy both day and nyt. And quhair ye say
ye haif not lang to lyif [live], I traist [trust] to God to
go before you, albeit I be on fut, and ye ryd the
post. . . . And thus I tak my leif [leave] shortly at
you now, and my lang leif quhen God pleasis.' The
72 FAMOUS SCOTS
fun may not be of a side-splitting character, nor the
seriousness very unctuous, but the man who could en-
counter the gout keeping at him night and day in this
fashion, must have practised keeping the 'outward'
at bay in a considerable variety of situations, and for a
considerable time, and with considerable success.
Alleged Vindictivcness
The fastidious Sir James seems to think that
Buchanan rather stepped down from the high ' Stoik
philosopher ' pedestal in being what he calls ' extrem
vengeable against any man that had offendit him.'
But, as already suggested, Dr. Johnson, who was a
tolerable authority on the higher morality, would have
been rather prejudiced in Buchanan's favour on this
very account, and would probably have wished to
know Sir James's evidence for unfavourably meant
reflection, and would certainly have thought that it
did not amount to much. It may be pardoned in an
old ex-courtier to think it a dreadful thing to have
written 'dispytfull invectives against the Erie of
Monteith.' No doubt, the fact that the subject of the
incriminated ' invectives ' was some 'particulars that
was between him (the " Erie ") and the Laird of Buch-
whennen,' would dispose Buchanan to do his best,
because blood is thicker than water, and when
GEORGE BUCHANAN 73
Buchanan was at his best on an invective, it is likely
enough that the object of it and his friends might
think it ' dispytfull,' if not worse, although unprejudiced
people might find it very good reading. But every-
thing depends on the merits of the 'particulaires,' and
of these Sir James tells us nothing. With every
respect to him and his kidney, an ' Erie ' may be in
the wrong while a ' Laird ' is in the right, and if that
were so in the present instance, it was the part of a
'philosopher,' and especially a 'Stoik' one, to take an
' Erie ' precisely for what he was worth and no more,
as Diogenes, the champion Stoic, in the famous
anecdote, whether vero or ben trovato^ tells Alexander
the Great that, as far as he knew, the only thing he
(the Great) could do for him (the champion) was to
stand out of his light.
Sir James's other instance of Buchanan's 'vengeable-
ness ' is not much more to the point. Perhaps the
story of the requisitioned ' hackney ' that was ' sa sur
of foot and sa easy ' is not true, and merely an instance
of the baseless gossip that so easily gets into circulation
about distinguished people, and people that are not
distinguished as well. But even if the 'said horse'
and Melville's history of it are facts, most people will
be of opinion that Buchanan had grounds of dis-
pleasure. He was deprived of the ' said horse ' — there
74 FAMOUS SCOTS
is no word of a price, but that is immaterial — for
public purposes during the civil wars. When the
public purpose was satisfied, the animal ought to
have been returned to him. In the meantime Morton
had ' bocht ' the beast, apparently from the requisi-
tioner or his donee, and Morton was not the man to
pay too much for him. But when the morally rightful
proprietor applied to have his own back, and that time
after time, he found the Regent of Scotland standing
upon his real or fancied contractual rights. If
Buchanan and Morton were the great friends Melville
says they were, Buchanan was not treated in a friendly
manner. It takes two to make a friendship, and by
the proverb it is ' giff gaff,' not giff and no gaff, that
creates the connection. ' Love me, love my dog,' is
one thing ; but love me, and let me love your horse
a la Aforton, is very much another thing. Loyalty is
tested by conduct in small matters, even more than in
great ones, and in the circumstances stated, it would
not have been wonderful if Buchanan's feeling of
personal liking for Morton, if it ever existed, under-
went a change. It is certain that Buchanan at a
particular point ceased to approve of parts of Morton's
policy, but not for any such trumpery reason as the
one assigned by tattling Sir James. While Knox was
alive, there was a complete solidarity of public action
GEORGE BUCHANAN 75
between him and Morton and Buchanan, to whom
the cause of Protestantism meant the cause of liberty.
Their aim was to strengthen the position of Protestant-
ism in Scotland by the English Alliance, and to
strengthen the position of Elizabeth as fighting the
general battle of Protestantism against the Catholic re-
action of the Continent ; while, even in spite of Eliza-
beth herself, who had an interest in Monarchical
Absolutism as well as in Protestant freedom, they
firmly resisted every attempt to restore Mary, the
champion of the old faith and its political tyranny.
With this view Knox, who was a statesman, and not
the mere crazy fanatic and demagogue that he is
sometimes mistaken for, winked at the moral irregu-
larities of Morton, and would even have joined the
General Assembly in making him an ' Elder,' if he had
not himself, though quite free from scruples, felt that
this would have been putting on rather too much ;
while Buchanan gave him every support in his power,
and as internal evidence shows, wrote for him the
Memorial demanded by Elizabeth at the final London
Conference, in which the right of the Scottish nation
to depose Mary from her regal office is defended on
the same principles and often in the same language
as are employed in the Detectio, the De Jure, the
History, and indeed all through Buchanan's writings.
76 FAMOUS SCOTS
After Knox's death he still pursued the anti-Marian
and pro- Elizabethan policy, but with a difference. To
complete the unity of Scottish and English Protestant-
ism, Morton sought to reduce the Scottish Church to
the same level with the English — that is, to make it
Episcopal and Erastian. When he made this proposal
he was fully aware of the opposition on which he had
to reckon ; for although he made very light of the other
Presbyterian clergy, and indeed told some of them who
kept boring him beyond endurance that he might have
some of them ' hanged ' if they did not take care, he knew
that in Knox he met a man who was not afraid of him,
or any one, or anything else, and who was the one man
in Scotland who was a stronger man than himself.
But when Knox was gone, he had the stage to him-
self, and began to develop his views, apparently
seeking to use Buchanan as a tool for carrying them
into execution. James Melville, in his entertaining
diary, tells us that when Andrew his uncle returned
from abroad, Morton sent Buchanan to him to try
whether the influence of an old master over an old
pupil and lifelong friend could not prevail on Andrew
to assist him in more or less Anglicising the ' Kirk.'
The idea of getting Andrew Melville to assent to
Episcopacy and Erastianism, or any modification of
them, was of course utterly futile and ludicrous. You
GEORGE BUCHANAN 77
might as well have tried to marry fire and water. To
Buchanan himself the proposal would not appear *
unreasonable in itself. He was not an ecclesiastic, but
a scholar and thinker to whom the struggle between
Presbyterian and Prelate would appear a sectarian
squabble, but his interview with his severely Puritanical
pupil undoubtedly convinced him that Morton's
scheme for turning the Scottish into a branch of the
Anglican church would simply defeat itself. It would
rend and desolate the ecclesiastical life of Scotland — as
was too amply proved by the Scottish history of the
seventeenth century, — and paralyse it for the time as
a power in resisting the efforts of the avowed or tacit
Catholic League to crush that element of liberty in
the Protestant revolt, which to Buchanan was its most
valuable characteristic. This, and not ' the said horse,'
was unquestionably the explanation of Buchanan's
growing antagonism to Morton. If ' the said horse '
was not a myth, it might, taken in conjunction with the
abortive Melville negotiation, lead Buchanan to think
that Morton was just a little too much disposed to con-
vert his friends into useful instruments for his own
purposes — an impression which would be greatly
deepened when he noticed Morton's great and increas-
ing anxiety to get the young King, Buchanan's special
charge, into his power, Buchanan's opposition to which
78 FAMOUS SCOTS
project, for which Melville (Sir James) expressly
vouches, contributed ultimately to Morton's downfall.
But that Buchanan, from the alleged 'hackney'
period, and from ' hackney ' causes, ' spak evil ' of
Morton ' in all places and at all occasions,' is not
only incredible when we remember the high character
and intellectual tastes of the man, but inconsistent
with the facts of the situation. If Buchanan had
desired to abuse Morton in a vindictive spirit, he had
the amplest opportunity in his History. But what
are the facts? There is not a word of depreciation,
but many of praise, more or less direct. He does
full justice to Morton's great powers and wise foresight,
and in accordance with a rule which he held ought
to be applied to public men, screens his defects. He
describes him exactly as he was, a fearless and skilful
military leader, and a sagacious, firm, and patriotic
statesman. He even goes out of his way a little to
state facts in Morton's favour, recording the energy
and self-sacrifice which he once and again displayed
in rising from a sick-bed of very serious prostration
and redeeming a dangerous crisis to which he knew
no one else was equal, and in relating the last negotia-
tions which Morton conducted with Elizabeth and her
council pays a due compliment to his diplomatic dex-
terity and merit. Detractors have said that he stopped
GEORGE BUCHANAN 79
in his History when on the threshold of Morton's
Regency, because he did not wish to advertise an
adversary. But it was really death, not animosity, that
stayed the narrator's hand. By a weird prescience,
Buchanan forecast the hour of his exit from time to
a nicety, if such a term may be employed in such a
connection. He worked up to within a month of his
death ; and then, when asked whether he meant to go
on with his work, he said he had now another work
to do ; and when further asked what that was, he said
it was the work of ' dying,' to which he addressed
himself in the fashion we have already seen — a fashion
not unworthy of a 'Stoik philosopher.'
Not so Facile
It is of course a pity that we do not possess an
account and criticism of Morton's singularly able and
interesting rule in Scotland by so original a con-
temporary observer as Buchanan. That it would, in
all respects, have been favourable, is not likely, for
the reasons already noticed. That it would have been
consciously unjust is incredible in the light of such
treatment of Morton by Buchanan as we have, much
of which must have been written after Morton's violent
and unjust execution. Indeed, one could almost wish
8o FAMOUS SCOTS
to be sure that the 'hackney' story was true, as it
would show how superior the ' Stoik philosopher ' can
rise to petty and personal considerations when he has
to discharge the high function of narrator and judge
of public events. That his delineation of men and
events would have been conspicuously able is as
certain as any such matter can be, notwithstanding
good Sir James's remark that 'in his auld dayes he
was become sleperie and cairless, and followed in
many things the vulgair oppinion, for he was naturally
populaire,' etc. There is no sign of this alleged fall-
ing off into sleepiness and carelessness in Buchanan's
History. The last chapter is as well thought out and
written as the first. You may think him wrong, but
you can have no doubt about the distinctness of his
explanation of the sequence of events and the motives
and aims of historic characters, while the style in no
respect falls below the unsurpassed standard of prose
Latinity maintained throughout the entire work. One
grows a little suspicious of Sir James's judgment when
his reasons for it are considered. Buchanan had
come, he says, to 'follow in many things the vulgair
oppinion, for he was naturally populaire ' ; that is to
say, he was democratic in spirit. Of course he was.
He felt it to be his mission in life to oppose Regal
Absolutism in behalf of public liberty, and never let
GEORGE BUCHANAN 81
slip an opportunity of maintaining that all sovereignty
originated from the people, and was justifiable only
as it subserved their advantage. The courtly Sir
James did not like this. He was a good deal of what
Thackeray has immortalised as a 'Snob.' He might
very well be called Sir 'Jeames,' and when he says
Buchanan had been 'maid factious,' we must not
forget that the ' faction ' Sir J. had in his eye was the
'faction' of Liberty against Tyranny, and how far
that can be justly called a faction will be settled by
different critics according to their different tastes.
With his soreness on this point, it is not surprising
that he should describe Buchanan as 'easily abused,
and sa facill that he was led with any company that
he hanted for the tyme,' and that ' he spak and wret
as they that were about him for the tym informed him.'
That is to say, Buchanan did not belong to Sir J.'s 'set,'
which is not surprising. The Democratic old scholar
and thinker was not likely to sympathise with the
kind of people whom the courtier naturally regarded
as the 'elite of society and the salt of the earth. Knox
and Scaliger, Moray and Mar, Randolph and Ascham,
Melville and Scrymgeour, Beza and Tycho Brahe, were
among his correspondents or intimates ; and if Buchanan
thought that 'information' derived from persons of
that stamp was pn'ma facie trustworthy, it was no more
F
82 FAMOUS SCOTS
than the rules of evidence permitted and justified.
It is barely conceivable that they sought to 'abuse'
him and succeeded, but specific proof of this is
necessary in such a case, and is not forthcoming.
That Buchanan was ' sa facill that he was led with
any company that he hanted for the tyme ' is rendered
utterly incredible by the facts. It is one of the most
remarkable circumstances in Buchanan's career that
he mixed with people of the most opposite and irrecon-
cilable characters and positions, while preserving his
independence of both. There was, for instance, a
time when he was equally at home with Maitland and
Moray, and what is more wonderful still, with Knox
and Mary. On the very same day when he had been
reading Livy and turning verses with Mary at Holy-
rood, he might be discussing Calvin and the political
situation with Knox in his High Street house; and
what is more, each of them knew it. To my mind
this does not point to 'facility,' but to dominancy.
The 'Stoik philosopher' was quietly their master,
because he was his own. He was not moved by their
inter-personal attractions and repulsions, but passion-
lessly contemplated them as interesting life-' forces,'
that he had to take as they came along, and in
his calm judicial presence they bowed their more
vehement heads. That is as probable an ex-
GEORGE BUCHANAN 83
planation as any of a very striking psychological
phenomenon.
' Gud Religion '
' He was also of gud religion for a poet,' says Sir
James, when adding the last item to the creditor
side of his profit and loss account of Buchanan's
qualities. 'Gud religion for a poet' is good, and
characteristic of the times which said Ubi tres media,
duo athei, — 'Three Physicists,1 two Atheists.' Human-
ists, and still more Humanist poets, were also suspect,
and for the same reason. The rebellion against
Scholasticism, the resuscitation of the old Pagan
spirit in thought and art and science, involved a
staggering blow to Ecclesiastical Faith. Men whose
minds were steeped in the literature of ancient Greece
and Rome could not take sympathetically, I will not
say, to Christianity, but to the dogmatic system of the
Church, and even to much of its ethical teaching.
' Humanity,' in the sense of ' the humanities,' really
meant the antithesis of Divinity. The Renaissance
was a wakening up of the human intellect, an assertion
of 'private judgment' in every possible sphere of its
exercise, and in innumerable instances the Humanist
1 This covers the meaning more accurately than 'Physicians.'
84 FAMOUS SCOTS
created a faith and a code of morals for himself,
although for comfort and convenience he might con-
ceal his spiritual interior from the view of the ignorant
and the unenlightened. In many an instance he held
that there was one law for the men who understand,
and another for the ' vulgar ' who cannot understand.
Popes and priests were often at heart Humanists of
the most 'advanced' type, pushing the right of
' private judgment ' to its furthest limit, discarding the
public creed, and in morals, exercising, in favour of
their appetites, that dispensing power which 'private
judgment,' the Pope's successor in so many awakened
intellects, carried over with it, at all events extensively
into practice, while simultaneously a silent outward
conformity with the established system was carefully
maintained.
Not that it did not sometimes betray itself. It is
a Roman dignitary who is credited with the famous
remark about the profit brought in by 'this fable
of Christ ' ; and everybody remembers how horrified
poor Luther was in Rome when he heard the priests
at Mass saying panis es, panis manebis, — ' bread thou
art, and bread thou shalt remain.' The open licentious-
ness of many Church dignitaries of those days is too
notorious for special mention. ' Private judgment '
may be a primary human right and a duty owing by
GEORGE BUCHANAN 85
reason to itself of the highest order ; but to cast off
in its favour an inveterate obedience to authority, is
a psychological problem surrounded with the greatest
difficulty and danger, and unless when under the
control of an adequately strong judgment and will,
may cause much wreckage of faith and conduct. I
do not think that Buchanan suffered much in this
way — certainly not so much as many others among
the leaders and supporters of the Reformation ; while
any damage he sustained was amply compensated by
his gains. Knox and other Reformers — I speak of
Scotland — were driven by the violence of the recoil
involved in their assault on the Catholic and Feudal
system into extreme positions, necessarily harmful to
themselves, and bequeathing legacies of disadvantage
to their successors.
They needed, through polemical necessities, an
authority equal to that of Rome, which they had
overthrown, and this drove them into placing Scripture
in a position which the speculative and historical
criticism of the last two centuries has made highly
uncomfortable for many people of intelligence, includ-
ing Broad Churchmen, whom it has driven into crypto-
scepticism, and Evangelicals and Ritualists, whom it
has moulded into wilful believers. Their denuncia-
tion and destruction of ' idolatry ' and every rite ' not
86 FAMOUS SCOTS
appointed in the Word,' with the necessity they lay
under of maintaining a high standard of Biblical
morality as a proof that Antinomian licence was not
the necessary result of Justification by Faith, engaged
them in a war against Art, Literature, and Natural
Beauty and Pleasure, which, while it stamped the
national consciousness with a grave, deep, and serious
habit of regarding life, which is of the greatest value,
produced also an immense amount, not yet exorcised,
of official Pharisaism, popular hypocrisy, and practical
pessimism, with all its miserable consequences. These
were unfortunate results of the great rebellion against
authority and claim of 'private judgment,' apparently
suggested, in part at least, by self-defence; while the
Nicene and Predestinarian dogmas were put forward
with an emphasis and detail which would not be
attempted in the present day, but were very seasonable
in times when immaculate and even strained orthodoxy
was both weapon and armour in a degree that does
not prevail now.
Knox, it must be remembered, did not discourage
the belief that he could predict the future and had
a good deal of the ' second-sight ' in him. He had a
powerful political instinct, and he and his chief
associates knew that if they went 'too far' in their
destructions, the alarm would be taken, and the life
GEORGE BUCHANAN 87
and death struggle in which they were engaged would
for them be lost for ever ; and every man of any depth
of thought or feeling is aware that the 'doctrines of
grace,' in their inner, perhaps mystical, interpretation,
and apart altogether from the stupendous metaphysical
and historical setting assigned them in systems of
Christian dogma, have a consoling, strengthening, and
guiding influence on that vast body of serious, simple,
if often practically powerful natures, to whom Criticism
is neither a necessity nor a possibility. Such a
union of accommodation and exaggeration need not
be construed as of set purpose propositional in form,
and deliberate in execution. In the transition from
authority to private judgment initiated by Humanism
and the Renaissance generally, special Reformation
exigencies may be conceived as leading to such a
union, so that in thought and action it was only semi-
conscious and instinctive, and there was little time
for the minutiae of introspective scrutiny. On the
ethical side, however, there was no Renaissance loosen-
ing among the mass of the leading Reformers. The
value of the controversial mendacities propagated
about the morals of Knox may be judged of by the
fact that the coryphaeus of the revilers maintained that
he won his second wife by magic ! As a rule they
kept the ten commandments, and especially the
88 FAMOUS SCOTS
seventh, rigidly. They failed a good deal on the
new one of Charity. They preached the 'Gospel*
with technical accuracy, but they mostly practised the
' Law,' and if Paul had returned among them, he would
probably have re-edited his Epistle to the Romans,
with up-to-date applications, as indeed he might have
to do still.
CHAPTER V
BUCHANAN AND CALVINISM
IN Buchanan's case, the revolt from authority seems
to have produced different effects. As regards dogma,
it appears to have led him into an attitude of mind
that was mainly negative. He had none of the
' Evangelical ' fervour which marked the utterances of
Knox, Luther, Calvin though to a less degree, and
the Reforming preachers of Scotland. He never
preached, in the popular sense of the word, although
as Principal of St. Leonard's and 'doctor in the
schools' he could easily have had himself 'called'
and ordained, if he had been animated by any
zeal for the function. He could not have written
such letters as Knox wrote, full of pious sentiment
and sympathy, in phraseology that was absolutely
unctuous, to Mrs. Bowes, and Mrs. Locke, and other
women, who leant on him for a sort of semi-priestly
or confessorial guidance. He was a critic, not a senti-
mentalist. You may read his whole works through,
prose and poetry both, without knowing that he laid
90 FAMOUS SCOTS
any stress on the Calvinism of the Scottish Church,
except on its destructive side. Indeed, much of his
literary work was done before he openly and formally
broke with Rome, which he was in no hurry to do.
He satirises the clergy, especially the monks, and
ridicules such doctrines as those of Indulgences and
Transubstantiation, the latter especially in the Francis-
canus, where it is stated with a grossness and extra-
vagance of literalism which would probably be
disowned by the highest order of Catholic dogmatist.
As the Franciscanus was published, after revision and
completion, in his Protestant days, this may have been
an addition of the period ; but nowhere, in anything
he wrote during the Protestant part of his career, does
he emphasise, or almost even allude to, such doctrines
as Justification by Faith, the Incarnation, the Atone-
ment, Election, and Reprobation, or any of the positive
dogmatic propositions most prominently characteristic
of Scottish Protestantism.
Not a Ztalot
It is remarkable that in his History he associates the
Reformers less with Evangelium than withZjforto-f. They
are the vindices libertatis — ' the champions of liberty ' —
quite as much or oftener than the Evangelii profcssores
— 'the professors of the Evangel,' — from which it might
GEORGE BUCHANAN 91
seem that for Buchanan, not the least valuable aspect
of Protestantism lay in its being a struggle for liberty
— a view in which a good many other people will be
ready to concur. Queen Mary, in her later years,
protesting against Buchanan's appointment as her son's
. tutor, described him, in writing, as an 'Atheist'; but
that was in the sense in which Athanasius described
Arius as an atheist, and is said to have seized an oppor-
tunity of striking him in the jaw in that capacity, to
show what he thought of it and him. Arius, however,
constantly professed himself a believer in 'God, the
Father Almighty,' under, of course, 'heretical' modifi-
cations ; but Athanasius thought that a wrong God —
that is, a God that was not God, according to Athan-
asius— was no God, and spoke and acted accordingly.
Buchanan was certainly no atheist in his own sense
and intention, which, it must always be remembered,
was essentially of a deep-sea seriousness, although the
wavelets of wit might often dance and gleam on its
surface. He manifestly held by some Almighty Power
called by him God, Deus, Numen, Providentia ; but
whether this was the God of Mary Stuart, or the
anthropomorphic God of Calvin, or the accommoda-
tion to the popular sense of reverence ascribed by
many people, and not without reason, to Carlyle, might
form a subject of discussion.
92 FAMOUS SCOTS
Bearing on this matter, passing allusion may be made
to the Dirge or Epicedium, as he called it, which
Buchanan wrote on the death of Calvin (1564), an
event which occurred some three years, more or less,
after Buchanan had publicly become a Protestant, when
he was already a member of the General Assembly,
sitting cheek-by-jowl with Knox, and on the Assembly's
judicial committee ; the year when Mary, having been
finally off with the Spanish Don Carlos marriage, was
drawing towards the Catholic Darnley marriage,
which Knox, correctly scenting on the way, was
beginning to anathematise by anticipation, he having
the year before fiercely denounced from the High Kirk
pulpit the Spanish alliance as fatal to Scotland, because
it was an 'infidel' marriage, and 'all Papists are
infidels,' said the uncompromising one, in the true
Athanasian vein, on the head of which he had quar-
relled with Mary and Moray also ; while all the time
Buchanan was, to Knox's knowledge, continuing to act
as Mary's Court poet, and possibly meditating on the
' Pompa ' or masque for her wedding, and getting on
so well with her that she was arranging for giving him
that £500 (Scots) pension from Crossraguel Abbey,
out of which it cost him such excruciating difficulty to
get anything at all, at the same time that he was
helping the General Assembly to revise the Book oj
GEORGE BUCHANAN 93
Discipline, translating Spanish despatches for the Privy
Council, and generally acting as ' handy man ' on the
highest planes all round. This ' Dirge ' is too long for
quotation : a curious attempt to combine the Pagan
spirit and the Calvinistic theology — spiritual elevation
and sarcastic wit in the best poetic form. ' Those who
believe that there are no Manes, i.e. no hereafter, or if
they do, live despising Pluto and the trans-Stygian
penalties, may well deplore their coming fate, while
they leave sorrow to surviving friends. But we have
no such grief over our lost Calvin. He has passed
beyond the stars, and, filled with a draught of Deity
(Nutninis), lives in an eternal and nearer enjoyment
of "God" (Deo). But Death has not taken all of
him from us. We have monuments of his genius and
his fame wherever the Reformed religion has spread.
We have the terror which he struck, and which his
name will continue to strike, into your Popes — your
Clements and Pauls, and Juliuses and Piuses; while
we know that the Pontiff tyrant of fire and sword who
appropriated all the functions of the nether kingdom —
becoming a Pluto in empire, a Harpy in his shameful
extortions, a Fury in his martyr-making fire, a Charon
in his viaticum (Charon naulo\ and a Cerberus in his
mitre (trip lid corona Cerberus) — will have to appropriate
the penalties also of the same lower world, becoming a
94 FAMOUS SCOTS
Tantalus thirsty amidst waters, a Sisyphus rolling
back the ever- recurring stone, a Prometheus with
vultures ceaselessly pecking at his liver, a Danaid
vainly filling her empty bucket, and an Ixion twisted
into a circle on his endless wheel.'
A propos of Calvin's 'draught of Deity,' Buchanan
gives in the course of the poem what seems to be
meant for an explanation of the spiritual work of
'regeneration,' which, I am afraid, would not have
been so satisfactory to Mess John Davidson as some
others of his efforts to propitiate that sound divine.
As the soul animates the body, otherwise a mass of
clay — sic animi Deus est animus — so ' " God " is the
Soul of the soul,' and when the Numinis haustus, the
'draught of Deity,' has been taken, the soul which
before was ' shrouded in darkness, illusioned by empty
appearance, and grasping at mere shadows of the " right
and good,'" sees the 'darkness disappear, the vain
" simulacra " cease, the unveiled face of " truth " reveal
itself in light.' I may be wrong, but this looks to me
more like a Pantheistic theory of ' illumination ' than
the ' regeneration ' of the Calvinistic creeds ! Besides,
there is no word of ' sin,' and the change to at least
an incipient ' holiness ' only from ' illusion ' to ' truth '
(verum). If it be said that this must be assumed, then
a new contradiction of Calvinism arises, since a divine
GEORGE BUCHANAN 95
Soul of the soul cannot will evil, and ' sanctification '
is thus erroneously made out to be an instantaneous
act and not a gradual process. Altogether, and as it
stands, the passage might have been written by one of
those later Stoics, including possibly Aurelius himself,
who seem to have believed in the indwelling Divinity,
and that the souls of good men at death were not im-
mediately reabsorbed into the All, but lived with ' God,'
in some cases a thousand years, in others for ever, or, at
all events, until the ' philosopher's year ' was over, and
the new cycle began to repeat the history of the old.
But there is one omission which, among various
others, seems remarkable. Of the relics enumerated
by Buchanan as left by Calvin, he passes over the
most important of all — Calvin's own body. He makes
no reference to the resurrection. Yet, on orthodox
principles, Calvin's glory and beatitude could not be
complete until that event. If Calvin had been writing
about Buchanan, instead of vice versa, he would not have
forgotten the matter, for he laid great stress upon it.
' He alone,' he says, ' has made solid progress in the
Gospel, who has acquired the habit of meditating con-
tinually on a blessed resurrection.' Buchanan's silence
here and on other points that have been mentioned,
and the scantiness, brevity, for the most part
simply Theistic references he makes to matters of
»l
96 FAMOUS SCOTS
faith, are significant. He clearly was not zealous
about most of those doctrines on which the Reforming
preachers placed the greatest emphasis. His training
and wide intellectual illumination must have stood in
the way of his sympathising with the more violent
among them, probably not excepting Knox himself
occasionally. In this connection one thinks of an-
other illustrious son of the Renaissance, Erasmus,
Buchanan's senior by forty years. After all he had
said and done, the Protestants demanded, with loud
reproaches, that he should publicly join their ranks.
Erasmus would not, perhaps could not. The alternate
violence and unctuousness of the Evangelicals repelled
him as much as the ignorance, and worse, of the monks
disgusted him. With certain reforms in morals, con-
stitution, and discipline, he did not see why the old
Church should not be satisfactorily worked on the
lines of the traditional doctrine and ritual. Probably
he thought that if a man could reconcile himself to the
Nicene dogmas and their consequences, it was not
worth his pains boggling over Transubstantiation. Al-
though any one may see that his heart was in many
things with the Reform movement, he had never directly
and openly denied any dogma. Apparently he was
not prepared in his own mind to do so.
If a man is asked, ' Do you deny that Abracadabra
GEORGE BUCHANAN 97
is Mesopotamia?' he can probably say 'No' quite
conscientiously ; and there can be no doubt that this
attitude of non-denial is widely accepted for positive
faith. The Roman Church, and the Roman Empire
before it, were quite willing to take it so. If a man
would hold his peace, they would let him alone. Eras-
mus condemned the outbreak of Luther, whose faith in
the immense amount of doctrine he left untouched he
perhaps regarded as simply a huge faculty of taking
things for granted, ending in straining at the gnat and
swallowing the camel. For myself, as one of the
crowd, I am glad that with all his blunders and short-
comings, so easy to point out at this distance, Luther
took his own way, and did what he did. Truth is
greater than peace. 'Ye shall know the truth, and
the truth shall make you free,' is the method of
Christianity, unless the Founder of it is mistaken.
The martyrs had faults and weaknesses — say even that
they were mistaken, — but they were men of nobler
spirit, and did more for us and our liberties than
the traditores, the 'traitors' who handed over their
Scriptures to the Praetor rather than face the lions. Up
to a certain point, Buchanan's attitude seems to have
been practically that of Erasmus. He tells us him-
self in his Autobiography, that while a student at the
University of Paris (1526-29, pp. 20-23) ne 'fell into
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98 FAMOUS SCOTS
the spreading flame of the Lutheran sect.' Several years
later (1535-38), while resident in Scotland, he wrote
some satirical verses on the Franciscan monks, which
the brethren took in high dudgeon, very much to
Buchanan's astonishment — boys always are astonished
that frogs should object to the pleasant amusement
of being stoned, — and gave him so much annoyance,
ending in his having to flee the country for his life, as
to make him, in his own words, ' more keenly hostile
to the licentiousness of the clergy, and less indisposed
to the Lutheran cause than before.'
Silent Doubt.
All this time, however, he appears not to have
attacked or denied anything in creed or ritual,
although there cannot be a doubt that he had his
own secret doubts. The relentless persecution of
the monkish enemies he had made for himself at last
brought him before the Inquisition (1548) at Coimbra,
in Portugal, where he was acting as 'Regent* in a
college recently founded by the King; but although
the Inquisitors had him through their hands several
times, they discovered nothing against him that could
properly be called heretical. He was said to have
eaten flesh in Lent, but everybody did it there, when
GEORGE BUCHANAN 99
they could get it. He was said to have given it as his
opinion that on the Eucharistic controversy Augus-
tine's opinions were more favourable to the Lutherans
than to the Church ; but that was merely literary or
historical criticism, not heresy. Two young gentle-
men testified that Buchanan was not at heart a good
Catholic — which was probably true enough, but was
not specific. So they shut him up, as already said, in a
monastery to be taught by monks, who, though good
fellows, did not know anything ; and for want of some-
thing better to do, Buchanan made his famous Latin
paraphrase of the Psalms. What must his Faith have
been during those years? Manifestly, like that of
Erasmus, less a positive assent than an abstinence from
denial. Would he deny Transubstantiation or the
Trinity? No, he was not ready to do anything of
the kind — anyhow, not yet.
It need not be maintained that in all this Buchanan,
or Erasmus either, was merely seeking to save his own
skin. He may have thought that it was best for the
order and edification of society to let things alone.
Probably too, by this time, that spirit of Stoicism,
which I have shown reason for believing sank
deeper into Buchanan's nature as time went on,
was beginning to assert itself. And here, in passing
may I say that the common popular image of the
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Stoic as a gloomy, unbending, sour, cantankerous,
repulsive curmudgeon, is a mistake. There is nothing
in Stoicism to make him so, and as a matter of
fact he was not so. Aurelius was a finished gentle-
man. Seneca had all the culture of his time, and was
the poet of the day. Boetius was a polished courtier.
When Buchanan went over to the Reformers, it was
the smartest epigrammatist going who was joining the
most advanced party and leaving the 'stupid' party
behind. To return. It was a well-known rule of the
Stoics not to quarrel with the popular beliefs, but, if
possible, to utilise them for good, as we see Buchanan
does with the Pagan mythology in his Dirge on
Calvin's death. Socrates, their model wise man,
teaches conformity to the cult of the city where the
sage resides; and everybody will recollect the care
with which, as his trial approached, he arranged that
Esculapius should have the cock that was due him.
Probably Esculapius is still receiving a good deal of
that class of poultry. For a long time — indeed until
he was fifty-five, the last five of which he spent in
carefully scrutinising and balancing theological contro-
versies, and examining the whole situation — Buchanan
followed the lines of Erasmus, used the cult of the
Roman Esculapius to go on with, pending eventuali-
ties. But when the termination of the Guisian
GEORGE BUCHANAN 101
tyranny in Scotland made it safe for him to return,
he had to make up his mind whether he was to side
with the cause of oppression as advocated by the
Church in which he had been born and lived up to
now, or that in which, though unfortunately with
certain drawbacks, a battle was being fought for
liberty to express opinions different from those taught
by the Church. Nobody who knew Buchanan could
doubt what his choice would be.
The transition would be all the easier that in his
new quarters he would find much less to offend his
philosophic reason than in his old ones; but would
there not be an occasional bird to be sacrificed still?
He had been doing it all his Catholic life. Was it
completely over now? That is not likely. But,
however that may be, Buchanan was the least dog-
matic and the most tolerant of all the theologically
instructed men who helped to give Protestantism its
place in Scotland. He might have preached had he
chosen, but as he shrank from priest's orders in the
Catholic Church, so he shrank in the Protestant from
a position in which he would be bound to dogmatise.
He did not frown upon Mary's private Mass, while
Knox denounced it as worse than ten thousand armed
opponents. When he narrates the hanging of a priest,
according to statute, for saying Mass a third time, he
102 FAMOUS SCOTS
does not exult, as was no doubt done by the men of
the 'Congregation,' and possibly by Knox himself,
when they heard of the happy event. There is nothing
about him of the zeal of the renegade, who often
out-Herods Herod in championing his new faith — a
tendency from which Knox was by no means free.
In his History he evidently tries to hold the balance
fair between Catholic and Protestant, and is as just
to Mary of Guise as to Moray. His whole religious
career points to a man who thought profoundly and
inquired anxiously after truth, and was careful to give
expression to his feeling of reverence for the mystery
of being by outward conformity with a creed and ritual
to which he could more or less reconcile his reason.
Well might James Melville (Rev., not Sir) describe
him not only as a ' maist learned and wyse,' but also as
a 'maist godlie' man, although he himself might have
preferred ' spiritual ' as a more comprehensive epithet.
It may be objected that men like Buchanan and
Erasmus did not act honestly in remaining silent and
conforming members of a system which they secretly
regarded as in many vital respects false, and an
imposture upon the world. Of course, it is to be said
for Buchanan that he did ultimately come out of it ;
but then, why not sooner? Why did he not earlier
follow the lead of Luther and Calvin and Knox?
GEORGE BUCHANAN 103
For one thing, it must be remembered that even these
great heroes of veracity had probably their reticences.
At all events, they have left to us the legacy of an
incompletely performed work. Was their outspoken-
ness equal to Christ's? His brought Him to the
cross. It seems to be in the nature of the Ideal that
to make an utterly clean breast of it should be perilous
or fatal to its revealer, and the hero of Truth who
dies in his bed has probably made a good many
compromises with his conscience to achieve that
result. It is all a matter of degree, a comparison of
the well and the very well, of the bad and the too bad.
A good man is a man who tries to be good, and a bad
man is a man who does not care whether he is bad
or good. But man is finite, and there can be nothing
absolute in human life, except perhaps the absolute
fool who thinks there may. Everything depends on
the state of the facts. In these days, for instance,
when historical and speculative criticism has put
Scripture and the supernatural in so very different a
position from that assigned to them by the Reformers,
there is too good reason to believe, especially in the
light of intra-ecclesiastical demands for the revision of
Confessions and Articles, that many of the clergy feel
extremely uneasy in being pledged to dogmas which
they more or less disbelieve. As they could not speak
io4 FAMOUS SCOTS
out without having to face starvation for those
dependent on them, a merciful man might be disposed
to say that while the situation was bad, it was perhaps
not unpardonable, and that the person implicated
might still be regarded as a good and otherwise
honestly intentioned man. But if the inner state of
mind should be one of hopeless antagonism to the
supernatural, one would be disposed to say that it
was ' too bad ' to remain, and that speaking out and
coming out, at any cost, was the duty of the position.
Bearing in mind that Buchanan carried his life in his
hand, and that he had never undertaken the function
of religious teacher, only a very heroic person could
afford to say that he had not done all he dared, and
that he showed himself deeply in earnest about Truth,
when at last he had the opportunity, and really ' was
of gud religion for a poet,' and even for a more hope-
ful character. Buchanan, on the intellectual side of
him, was not merely a poet, but a wit and humorist —
a type of mind not in itself easy to harmonise with
being of 'gud religion.' Perhaps if the Puritans had
not been in so many cases hopelessly wooden, it
might have saved their cause from having so many
joints in its harness open to the shafts of the satirical
sharpshooter, but they would probably not have done
so great and grave a work in the world. Dire, how-
GEORGE BUCHANAN 105
ever, are the fruits of an igneous temperament and a
ligneous intellect, and Praise-God Barebones and Co.
have done an evil turn to a good undertaking. The
capacity and habit of seeing and enjoying the ludicrous
are a temptation to their possessor to forget that life
has its serious aspect also, and in too many instances
this seems to be forgotten. Hence the presumption is
against the laugher until he has become better known.
I recollect once hearing a celebrated preacher give a
highly comical account of his own conversion, and
albeit not given to the frowning mood, I could not
help asking myself whether this could be a serious
man ; and it was not until I read his life that I saw he
knew that there is a time for everything under the
sun, and that he possessed the secret of assigning its
due claim to all views of life. Buchanan, too, had
mastered this power — for it requires an effort of will,
and there must always be an essential difference
between the humorous man's view of religion, and that
of the man who cannot show his teeth by way of
smile, though Nestor swear the jest be laughable.
Buchanan could sparkle when sparkling was in place,
but he could also be depended on when grave or even
grim work was in request.
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Renaissance Morals
Part of the price paid for the enlightenment of the
Renaissance was that in too many instances its breadth
of ethical as well as intellectual outlook was allowed
by its possessor to sink into a practical licentiousness,
open or concealed, that corrupted, or even totally
destroyed, the moral and spiritual faculties. I can-
not see proof of any such results in Buchanan's case.
I think he was careful to secure himself from danger
on this side of his temptations. His bitterest
detractors do not raise a whisper against him here.
But there is a section of his poetry which may best be
characterised as of the Ad JVearam, In Leonoram
(Lenam), Ad Gelliam, Ad Briandum Vattium pro
Lena Apologia order, which has occasioned misgiving
to some of his friends. One biographer, a very com-
petent authority on this period of Scottish history,
says, somewhat severely, that these pieces ought not
to have been written by the man who wrote Francis-
canus — a powerful satire on the vices and hypocrisy
of the monks. I must say that, with every deference
to a critic highly worthy of respect, I am not able to
see it. The Franciscanus was essentially an exposure of
dishonesty, not so much of the vices practised under the
GEORGE BUCHANAN 107
cowl, as of the shameful trickery of using the cowl to
cloak them. As far as honesty and consistency go, there
is no reason why an honest and consistent man should
not have written every word of these ' Lena ' sketches.
Even from an artistic point of view they will stand
inspection. The subject, of course, is a revolting one,
and so is Dame Quickly — but would any man of average
robustness of mind wish Dame Quickly unwritten?
Many people seem to forget that while the real itself
may be unpleasant, the artistic image of the real may
be a delight. We should shrink from Caliban in the
flesh, but Shakespeare throws a charm over him;
Pandemonium is not, I believe, a sweet scene, but
Milton's account of it is sublime; Falstaff was dis-
reputable, but he makes an admirable stage figure;
a corpse is an unlovely object, but Rembrandt's
' Dissectors ' has a fascination.
Probably it was for want of noting this distinction
that the late Principal Shairp, who was a good judge of
a certain class of poetry, lamented that Burns should
have written Holy Willie's Prayer and the Jolly Beggars \
— a remark which led Louis Stevenson, in a compassion-
ating way, to hint that Burns was perhaps too ' burly '
a figure for the Principal's microscope. There is a
good deal of this ' burliness ' in Buchanan's Leonoras,
which in point of graphic power are second only to
io8 FAMOUS SCOTS
the Jolly Beggars, while their savage and even hideous
realism, contrasting with the elegance of the Latin line,
produce a piquant effect from the mere point of view
of art. But I demur to any suggestion that these or
any of Buchanan's so-called 'amorous' poetry are
corrupting or intended to be, or that they exhibit any
gloating over the degrading or the degraded on the
part of the writer. From references in them I believe
they were satires written for the warning of 'college'
youth, and resembled certain passages in the Book of
Proverbs and elsewhere in the Bible, where certain
counsels, highly necessary and practical, are conveyed
in language not deficient either in directness or detail.
They could not possibly scandalise or tempt any one,
being written in Latin. Mr. Podsnap and the ' young
person ' would pass equally scatheless, for they could
not read them. Only men who could construe and
scan Horace could understand them, and these might
be trusted to see their true drift. Then the Ad
Gelliam verses were merely playful little satires upon
ladies who painted, or wore brass rings and glass gems,
which might amuse readers, while producing no effect,
good or evil, upon their subjects. As to the Neara
series, they are not love-poems at all, but epigrams.
There is no passion, sensuous or otherwise, in them.
What show of manufactured emotion there may be is
GEORGE BUCHANAN 109
simply a stage-scaffolding on which to plant and fire off
the epigram. Probably the best known of the series
is the following : —
' Ilia mihi semper praesenti dura Neaera,
Me quoties absum semper abesse dolet ;
Non desiderio nostri, non moeret amore,
Sed se non nostro posse dolore frui' ;
which James Hannay, who was well able to appreciate
this class of work, translated thus : —
' Neaera is harsh at our every greeting,
Whene'er I am absent, she wants me again ;
'Tis not that she loves me, or cares for our meeting,
She misses the pleasure of seeing my pain ' ;
adding that ' Menage used to say that he would have
given his best benefice to have written the lines — and
Menage held some fat ones.' What anchorite could
discover anything exceptionable here, or if he had any
intelligence left, could fail to perceive that it was simply
a case for admiring extreme cleverness of thought and
smartness of phrase? If any one desires to see how
Buchanan could appreciate and address the highest
type of womanhood, let him read such verses as the
Ad Mildredam or the Ad Camillam Morelliam, and
he will see that he was a man with tenderness in him
as well as virility, with grace as well as severity of
speech ; and the fact that in his maturer years he was
no FAMOUS SCOTS
not ashamed to publish the incriminated poetry, showed
that he was not conscious of anything to be ashamed
of, that he knew the poet's dominion was conterminous
with the whole range of things, and no part of it what-
ever exempt from his critical or sympathetic function,
while his fiercest or lightest dealing with the facts of
life is in no way inconsistent with a profound and silent
veneration in presence of the mystery of existence.
CHAPTER VI
BIOGRAPHICAL FACTS
Earlier and Continental
BUCHANAN was born early in February 1506, at Moss
or Mid-Leowen, on the Blane Water, about two miles
south-east of Killearn in Stirlingshire, of a 'family
ancient rather than opulent,' as he tells us in his Auto-
biography^ so that he was delivered from the peasant
or upstart consciousness which, except in the priesthood,
would, in those feudal times, have handicapped him
heavily in the race of life. His real and Scoto-Irish
clan name was Macauslan, but the Macauslan having
acquired the lands of Buchanan in the Lennox, took
the name of his property, and became Buchanan of
that Ilk; and thus it came to pass that our George
ranked as a 'cadet of Buchanan,' as Hannay was
proud and particular to specify. Ancient lineage,
however, is no insurance against misfortune, and the
Buchanans of Moss, never rich, sank into deep poverty.
The father died in George's youth, and the grandfather
111
ii2 FAMOUS SCOTS
who survived him was a waster and became a bankrupt,
and Agnes Heriot, the mother, was left to struggle with
the upbringing of five sons and three daughters — a task
however, which she successfully accomplished, like the
heroine she was, as her most distinguished son grate-
fully commemorates. Having never known wealth or
luxury, perhaps it was easier for Buchanan to reconcile
himself to their opposites in after years. In the Lennox
they talked Gaelic, and Buchanan picked up that speech
to begin with. He would also learn some Scotch or
Northern English from his mother, who came from
Haddingtonshire, and in addition she was careful to
have him sent to the schools in the neighbourhood,
where he could learn the elements of Latin.
For the old Church had not entirely neglected
popular education, as has been shown, in a very inter-
esting way, in Grant's Burgh Schools of Scotland, and
as, indeed, appears on the face of the Reformers' First
Book of Discipline itself (1560). Most of the burghs
maintained schools, both secondary and elementary,
so that the barons and freeholders who were ordered
by the celebrated Act of James iv. (1494) to keep their
heirs at school until they had learned ' perfyt Latyn ' —
then the international language of the educated and
of diplomacy — had abundant opportunity of doing so
had they chosen, although unfortunately they too seldom
GEORGE BUCHANAN 113
chose ; so that the burgh schools were largely recruit-
ing-grounds for the priesthood. There were also
elementary Church schools, in many cases taught by
women, and private adventure schools ; and in these
a considerable number of the children of the poor were
taught at least to read. Accordingly, when it is said
that Knox and the Reformers established the Scottish
Parish School system, a little discrimination must be
exercised. They did not invent popular education —
they found it; but they did invent, on paper, in the
First Book of Discipline, the idea of bringing education
to the people's doors, by securing that there should be
a school wherever there was a ' kirk ' — that is, practically
in every parish; so that 'the youth-head and tender
children shall be nourished and brought up in vertue,
in presence of their friends, by whose good attendance
many inconveniences may be avoyded in which the
youth commonly fall, either by over much libertie
which they have in strange and unknowne places, while
they cannot rule themselves ; or else for lack of good
attendance, and of such necessaries as their tender age
requires.'
So far the Book of Discipline, at once recognising
an existing educational system, and suggesting, for
reason given, the vital improvement of its national
application ! The whole scheme, indeed, is admirable,
H
ii4 FAMOUS SCOTS
including as it does compulsion, the picking out and,
in the case of the poor, supporting the class of youth
suited for the higher kinds of service to society, while
the others not so gifted ' must be set to some handie
craft, or to some other profitable exercise ' — that is,
technical education, or some other form of practical
training. I have said ' on paper,' but not by way of
sneer, and ought to add in passing, that it was not the
fault of Knox and his associates that it remained to a
great extent merely 'on paper,' instead of being im-
mediately and effectually established. It was the fault
and the disgrace of a different type of men. Knox, as
I have already said, was a politician, and made dexterous
use of the ' Lords of the Congregation ' to secure the
triumph of Protestantism. But these ' Lords of the Con-
gregation ' were politicians also, and made an equally
dexterous use of Knox to fill their own pockets with
Church spoil — I except a few, who were really noble
men. They gave little for parish churches, and nothing
that I ever heard of for parish schools. The whole
thing broke poor Knox's heart. It did not ruffle
Buchanan, although he was probably the greatest
educational enthusiast in Europe at the moment. But
he was really a greater intelligence and a calmer master
of himself than Knox, and probably knew that any one
who expects to find more than twenty-five per cent. — if
GEORGE BUCHANAN 115
so much — of the race as existing at any given moment
worthy of intellectual or moral respect, must either
have had little experience of life, or possess a very low
standard of human excellence.
Not till 1696 was the plan of the Book of Discipline
adumbrated in legislation, and the successors of the
' Lords of the Congregation ' bound by law to provide
a school-house and a salaried teacher in every parish.
But during the whole of the intervening century and
a third, the Presbyterian clergy never ceased in their
efforts, and often their sacrifices, for popular education,
while at the same time fighting a steady battle for liberty
against as mean and cruel a crusade of Absolutist
Monarchy and Ecclesiastical Tyranny as ever was
preached by a ridiculous and pedant Peter against
a self-respecting people. For myself, I fail to find
much of the theology of the Covenanters credible —
although I must say I should like if we could hear
Knox and Melville, or even Cameron and Cargill, on
the existing state of things. I think we should get
some different guidance from what we are receiving
from those blind leaders of the blind who shiveringly
and stammeringly attempt to fill their places. For it
is almost impossible to appraise too highly the service
done by the Covenanters for the cause of liberty and
popular education ; and although they had their very
n6 FAMOUS SCOTS
obvious faults, one is always sorry to think that the
aristocratic and Episcopalian prejudices of Scott should
have led him to hold them up to ridicule, while glad
that a higher and juster view was taken by a greater
Scotsman even than Scott, when, in answer to a con-
temptuous critic of the men of the Covenant, Burns
turned on him with the withering impromptu : —
4 The Solemn League and Covenant
Cost Scotland blood — cost Scotland tears —
But it sealed Freedom's sacred cause —
If thou'rt a slave, indulge thy sneers.' '
We go back to young George Buchanan (1517-19)
at the Catholic local grammar-school of Killearn or
Dumbarton, or wherever else in the neighbourhood
secondary education was to be had. The boy had
shown such aptitude that his uncle, James Heriot, who
is said to have been Justiciar of Lothian, sent him to
the University of Paris, then, though not quite so much
as at an earlier date, enjoying the reputation of the most
notable of any seat of learning in existence. Instead of
1 Burns appears to have afterwards written it down thus : —
' The Solemn League and Covenant
Now brings a smile, now brings a tear ;
But sacred Freedom, too, was theirs :
If thou 'rt a slave, indulge thy sneer.'
The form may be improved, the sentiment could not be.
GEORGE BUCHANAN 117
being required to pass through the preparatory school, he
at once began his studies in the Arts faculty (1520, age
fourteen), his Scottish acquirements having apparently
been sufficient to pass him through whatever entrance
examination was imperative. Here he spent about
two years, working mainly at Latin versification, which,
as his reputation for Latin poetry was to be the
making of him in after years, was perhaps the best
thing he could do, especially as he liked it. At this
point, as evil fate would have it, his uncle died, and
he himself fell ill. But as he was penniless, he had
to struggle home, illness and all, as best he could,
and was not able to move about again for a year or
thereabouts (1523). And then it turned out that a
very singular purpose had entered the mind of the
ill or convalescent student of seventeen.
[Here ends Dr. Wallace's MS.]
That purpose was to enlist as a volunteer in an
army for the invasion of England, to be led by the
Regent Albany, who had supposed wrongs of his own
as well as of the borders to avenge against that old
neighbour and untiring enemy. That army, consist-
ing of French auxiliaries and Scottish recruits, marched
to Melrose and then partly crossed the Tweed by a
n8 FAMOUS SCOTS
wooden bridge, then, holding Flodden in memory,
intimated a mutinous resolution not to cross the
border, then marched down the left bank of the
river, and for three days besieged Wark Castle to
little effect, then made a sudden night-march to
Lauder in a snowstorm, 'which told heavily on man
and beast,' and reduced Buchanan to very bad health
for the rest of the winter. Buchanan, when he came
to write his own life in his old age, had come to
believe that he joined this abortive expedition to
learn the art of war, which, without intentions more
far-seeing than those of a lad of eighteen, he certainly
did, just as Gibbon was educated to understand the
evolution of the phalanx and the legions, by what
he saw, in his two and a half years' captaincy of the
Hampshire Militia, of the evolutions of a modern
battalion. In the spring of 1525 Buchanan appeared
as a ' pauper student ' at the University of St. Andrews,
doubtless specially well qualified both as a student
and as a 'pauper' — which epithet 'pauper,' however,
meant probably nothing more opprobrious than a
youth who required board and education free, like
many a score of St. Andrews students, from poet
Buchanan to poet Fergusson, who about two and a
half centuries later sat at the bursar's free table and
said grace over the too plentiful college rabbits that
GEORGE BUCHANAN 119
were last century procured from the links that now
swarm only with golfers. He was sent there, he tells
in his Autobiography ) to 'sit at the feet of John
Major/ the celebrated logician of that age; but he
did not long sit at his feet as pupil before he felt
in a position to criticise his master as a teacher of
sophistry rather than logic. Next summer, having
taken the St. Andrews B.A. degree, he followed or
accompanied Major to Paris, and there passed through
two years' adversity under pressure of poverty and
the suspicion of not being an orthodox Papist.
Fortune relaxed her frown, and he was admitted to
the College of Ste. Barbe, in which he was Professor
of Grammar for three years. Meanwhile Gilbert
Kennedy, the young Earl of Cassilis, one of the
earliest of Scottish hero-worshippers, had the insight
to appreciate his learning and genius, and the devo-
tion to adhere to him as friend, pupil, and protector
for five years. In 1533, the tutor dedicated to the
pupil his translation of Linacre's Grammar, one of
the items of work done by him during his professor-
ship in the College of Ste. Barbe; and in 1558, after
this pupil, who had held a prominent position among
Scottish nobles, died, probably from poison, at Dieppe,
on his way home from the marriage of Mary Stuart
to the Dauphin, along with the other three Scottish
120 FAMOUS SCOTS
commissioners who had attended it, Buchanan cele-
brated him in emphatic Latin verse that is now better
known than most contemporary epitaphs. Let it be
told, however, to illustrate the cross-threads that run
through the web of life, that Queen Mary, on 9th
October 1564, granted to Buchanan, who had been
her tutor also, and probably the most learned and
intellectual of all her friends, a pension of ^500
Scots, or ^£25 sterling a year, from the Abbey of
Crossraguel; that the then Earl of Cassilis, son of
Buchanan's old pupil, claimed the temporalities of
that abbey as his own, and sometimes stopped tem-
porarily, and often permanently diminished, the pension
which had been granted by the Queen out of the
spoils of the Reformation, tarnishing by pious Pro-
testant greed the brightest page in the history of the
earldom of Cassilis.
After Buchanan's tutorship of the father of this
grasping Protestant was ended, and Buchanan was
proposing to return to his old scholar's life in Paris,
James v. detained him to act as tutor to one of
his natural sons — not the one known afterwards
as the Good Regent, but James Stewart, Prior of
Coldingham. This king, who entertained the idea
that the clergy ought not to disregard the moral
law as if they were royal personages like himself, set
GEORGE BUCHANAN 121
Buchanan to the not uncongenial task, upon which
Dunbar and Sir David Lindsay of the Mount had
previously been engaged, of 'lashing the vices' of
the clergy, and especially of the monks. In the form
of a dream, Somnium, he represented to St. Francis
the reasons of a decent man for refusing to enter this
order of sainthood — reasons which, because of their
truth, might satisfy a saint, but which also, because
of their truth, would likely be disagreeable to sancti-
fied hypocrites and scoundrels. Two palinodes, wear-
ing the aspect of apologies, were seen by those who
understood irony to be rather stinging aggravations
of the original satire. After some months of a mixed
tumult of priestly rage and secular laughter, the royal
love of fun and of virtue again prompted Buchanan
to renew the attack, which he did by beginning
Franciscanus, not published till 1560, and then
dedicated to the Regent Moray and gradually ex-
tended to a thousand Latin lines, which contain the
most polished, skilfully contemptuous exposure of
the arts, ignorance, and vices of the later generations
of the Romish clergy in Scotland. It is still worth
reading by all who enjoy rough, boisterous, coarse
humour, as also by all anti-Papist fanatics, even if
they should renew their Latin studies for nine months
to enable them to understand and utilise it. These
i«2 FAMOUS SCOTS
men, drenched with satire, published and unpublished,
whose craft of various hues was endangered by it, of
course thought that it would be judicious if not just
to burn its author. Cardinal Beaton had him on his
list of heretics, — for what heresy could be so dangerous
as disbelief in the solid, well-fed, red-faced exponents
of infallible truth ? In 1539 he escaped from prison
in Edinburgh1 when his guards were asleep. But
being warned after the King had received the MS. of
The Franciscan that Beaton had offered this fickle
monarch a price for his head, he felt constrained to bid
farewell once more to his native country. He fled
to England, but, as Henry vin. was then busy burn-
ing all shades of believers that did not suit his
personal fancy, Buchanan thought it prudent to trust
his safety and his fortunes once more to Paris. On
arriving there, however, he found that Cardinal Beaton
was there before him as ambassador, so on the invita-
tion of Andrew Gouvda he withdrew to Bordeaux.
There he taught three years at least in the public
schools, and wrote four tragedies for the annual ex-
hibitions of these schools, to wit The Baptist, Medea^
Jepthes, and Alcestis. In the College of Guyenne he
had Gouve'a as a principal, and as a pupil Montaigne,
1 My authority is Herkless's Cardinal Beaton , p. 153.
GEORGE BUCHANAN 123
the celebrated sceptic, who is dogmatic enough to
state in one of his essays that Gouvea was 'without
comparison the chiefest rector in France,' and that
he himself had, as a principal actor, 'undergone and
represented the chiefest parts in the Latin Tragedies of
Buchanan.' When here, Beaton and the Franciscans
harassed him until that fear was dispelled by the
plague raging over Aquitaine and the death of his
fickle patron, the King of Scots.
Next, about 1547, in the wake or under the convoy
of Gouvea, he migrated to Portugal in response to the
invitation of the King to teach in a resuscitation of the
University of Coimbra that was being then worked
out at great expense for education in the liberal arts
and the philosophy of Aristotle. Many of his friends,
eminent for learning, were there before him, and he
expected to find peace in that out of the way corner of
the world. But Gouvea died suddenly, and then all
his enemies ran at him with open mouth. He was
thrown into prison, charged with writing against the
Franciscans and eating flesh in Lent. The Inquisitors
tormented themselves and him for six months without
stateable result; and then, thinking it prudent, and
perhaps honest, to conceal that their toil had been
in vain, they shut him up in a monastery to be con-
verted to the true faith or to be prepared for the
124 FAMOUS SCOTS
fagots. To the great scholar, however, the monks,
though ignorant, behaved not unkindly. They allowed
him the truest literary leisure and quiet he ever had
except perhaps in St. Andrews ; and he devoted it to
the so-called translation of David's Psalms into Latin
verse, which are in truth artistic evolutionary exposi-
tions from Hebrew hints, or splendid blossoms of sacred
poetry grown from the seed given by the poet-king
of Israel to the winds of heaven, in the moments of
inspiration occurring in a life of suffering, of passion,
and of hope. Never elsewhere did the iron fetters of
Buchanan's own environment permit him to soar so
close to the firmament.
When set at liberty, though the King of Portugal
offered him the means of subsistence, he returned to
England. But as affairs were then in disorder under
a young king, he in a short time returned to France
and celebrated the siege of Metz in a Latin poem, not
without the approbation which rewarded all his efforts
in that line of composition. Thereafter the Marshal
de Brissac called him to Italy, and he lived with him
and his son in Italy and France for four years till 1560,
spending much time in writing his poem De Sphara,
and in study of the religious controversies then seeth-
ing through civilised Europe, and carrying it into a
scientific region that rendered a poetic exposition of
GEORGE BUCHANAN 125
the Ptolemaic system a work of futility and utterly
misspent power.
In 1561 he returned to his native country, and there
indicated his Rationalistic leanings to the side of
Protestantism. Nevertheless, the non-Protestant Mary
Stuart, of ever-living memory in the realm of history
and romance, pursued her studies in Livy and other
classics with his help. As formerly mentioned, she
endowed him with a pension of ^500 a year. But in
after years Mary's faults or her misfortunes threw them
into the hostile camps that tore Scotland into con-
fusion and deadly discord. In regard to the murder of
Darnley, he came to the conclusion, on the evidence
of open foes and of professed friends, that she was
guilty. He preferred truth to the beautiful queen, and
it is difficult to comprehend how any man capable
of weighing and scrutinising such evidence as was
accessible to him can blame him.1
1 My non-forensic sympathy, but not my full conviction, goes
with Mr. Hosack and Sir John Skelton in their chivalrous but too
unmeasured defence of Mary. My verdict in regard to her being
' art and part ' in putting an end to that traitor in heart and deed,
the good-for-nothing, faithless fool Darnley, is a hesitant ' Not
Proven ' ; but if otherwise, then a distinct non-hesitant ' served him
right.' Skelton's clever, interesting book upon Maitland of Leth-
ington, Mary's most faithful and capable minister, does not throw
much, if any, light upon Buchanan. In it he is treated as an oppo-
sition pleader, capable rather than scrupulous, who did not know
ia6 FAMOUS SCOTS
Buchanan has been accused of ingratitude to Mary,
his friend as well as his mistress, divinely gifted and
divinely appointed. He may have been compelled to
seem ungrateful through the lying of ill-informed
Reformers and rogues ; but sure am I that his Latin
and other Humanist studies with that most fascinating
and accomplished of women, or at least of queens, gave
him the opportunity of forming an idea of her intel-
lectual powers and unsurpassed personal charms that
no other contemporary in Scotland was mentally and
morally capable of forming, and I don't doubt that
this idea finds sincere expression in his dedication to
her of his version or paraphrase of the Psalms of the
Hebrew poet-king, without any hint whatever of kindred
all the facts, and who was instructed by men who had other
purposes to serve than telling the whole truth, and who probably
did not know it themselves so well as Skelton had opportunities
to come to know it, e.g. in regard to the ' Casket Letters ' — docu-
ments that could be satisfactory to no modern tribunal except a
Dreyfus court-martial. Buchanan's attack, in a pamphlet written
in Scotch, upon Skelton's hero Maitland, entitled The Chameleon,
Skelton sneers at as a ' Dawb ' — not entirely an inaccurate criticism,
for The Chameleon is a caricature, and that, of course, means an
exaggeration of all faults, actual or presumable. But when a
' chameleon ' like Disraeli or Maitland, both of whom have found
in John Skelton an ingenious and eloquent hero-worshipper, is
assailed by satirists in Punch or elsewhere, the only effective con-
demnatory judgment worth stating is that the caricature is not
recognisable by an honest enemy or a free and easy friend. For my
part, I believe that the unvarnished truth, though perhaps not the
whole of it, can be better inferred from Buchanan than from Skelton.
GEORGE BUCHANAN 127
royal frailties, or of tendencies thereto. What Buchanan
must have seen in her when he had the best opportunity
of sight and knowledge stands recorded unalterably in
his noble verse that rolls down the centuries, bearing
an impress of insight and sincerity unequalled in the
poetical portraiture of queens till Tennyson laid his
dedication at the feet of the most illustrious and
fortunate of all her countless descendants. A true
poet I believe to be a true seer, and incapable of false-
hood to the extent that he has had the chance to see.
But a true poet may be deceived. Spenser and Shake-
speare were deceived into uttering gross flatteries about
Queen Elizabeth ; but they were deceived by the dense
atmosphere of lying by which one of the cleverest,
falsest, most hateful of women of all history encom-
passed herself. That Queen Mary should have been
no worse than she was in a world with her royal cousin
and rival flaunting her fictitious moral and physical
beauties at the head of it, and getting prematurely
canonised as the Good Queen Bess, ought certainly
to qualify or blot out for ever all that can be stated
truly and justly in condemnation or even grave censure
of Queen Mary. Therefore let the modest and honest
muse of History cease howling and canting about her
crimes, and try to refrain from lavishing eulogy upon
her kindred in position and in blood — Henry VIIL, the
iz8 FAMOUS SCOTS
Royal Bluebeard, and his inconstant, cruel, deceitful
daughter — a pair of monarchs whose fickle affections
led so many adventurous wives and ambitious wooers to
the scaffold, by processes that involved the partial but
temporary corruption of their country's conscience.
The wants and troubles of his country beset Buchanan
with many a call of duty, and cast upon him loads of
multifarious work, such as perhaps never in the history
of human-kind before were thrown upon the most
accomplished and studious of living men. The tasks
assigned to Buchanan, and the duties imposed upon
him, reflect no inconsiderable honour and credit
upon his lawless, homicidal, half-civilised countrymen.
While still friendly with Queen Mary, he gave effect
to his Reformation convictions, by sitting and working
for years, from 1563 onwards, as a member of the
new-born democratic General Assembly, knowing well
enough that it was an institution that the Queen would
have been happy to see strangled, even before it began
to discuss the scandals of Rizzio and Darnley with
the plain-spoken impudence of a rustic kirk-session
and the arrogance of an infallible tribunal. Buchanan
was one of the Commissioners that revised the Book of
Discipline, and, along with Knox and others, was a
member of a committee appointed to confer regarding
the causes that fell, or that ought to fall, within the
GEORGE BUCHANAN 129
jurisdiction of the Kirk. In 1567, a few days after
the beginning of Mary's imprisonment in Lochleven,
Buchanan filled the chair of the Moderator of the
General Assembly, a position that for generations has
not called for the worldly wisdom and terse, im-
patient talk of a layman, and seldom, if ever, so
much required to be reminded of the limits of its
power and jurisdiction as when Buchanan sat as
its Moderator, and the head of the State was a
captive.
In the previous year, Queen Mary's half-brother,
the Earl of Moray, commendator of the Priory of St.
Andrews, and as such patron of the Principalship of
St. Leonard's College there, appointed Buchanan to
that office, which he held for four years. During these
years St. Leonard's, which in the first year was student-
less, became the best attended of the three St. Andrews
colleges. But the fame of the 'greatest poet of the
age ' could not permanently revive the fortunes of St.
Leonard's, nor did the efforts of the Parliamentary
Commission of 1579, of which Andrew Melville as
well as Buchanan were members. By the time Dr.
Johnson was on his way to the Hebrides, the College
buildings were ruinous and forsaken, including St.
Leonard's Church, of which the Doctor could not see
the inside, because of decent excuses exciting in his
I
1 30 FAMOUS SCOTS
mind the hope that ' Where there is still shame there
may yet be virtue.'1
The Regent Moray, Buchanan's patron and friend,
to whom the Franciscanus was dedicated, was a recog-
nised mainstay of Protestantism, heartily hated by the
allies of the Queen and of the Pope. He was assassin-
ated in Linlithgow on 2oth January 1570, partly to
further their interests and partly to gratify private
revenge. Hamilton of Bothwellhaugh was waiting for
him in the house of his uncle, Archbishop Hamilton,
with small-bore matchlock and lighted match, and the
accident of a crowded street gave him the opportunity
of a deliberate aim. His death was laid at the door
of the Hamiltons, and it stirred the patriotism of
Buchanan to write a political pamphlet, called an
Admonition to the Treiv Lordes, in the vernacular of
1 Sir David Brewster, when Principal of the United College of
St. Leonard and St. Salvador, had a residence close to St.
Leonard's roofless church. In 1853, Sir David told to a breakfast-
party of students, which included Dr. Wallace and the writer, that
his house embraced all that existed of Buchanan's old dwelling-
house, and pointed out one particular part of the ancient outer wall
thick enough to resist the artillery of Buchanan's day. Dr. John-
son's general contempt for Scotland, which did not keep silence
in St. Andrews, could not resist the inspiration of the genius loci
of St. Leonard's so far as to prevent his generously recognising
Buchanan's claim to immortality as being as fair as modern
Latinity can give, and ' perhaps fairer than the instability of verna-
cular languages admit. '
GEORGE BUCHANAN 131
Scotland, directed against the Hamiltons and their
friends — a publication full of practical insight, good
sense, and cogent argument, the work of a wise, earnest,
sagacious man, who in the zeal for the good of his
country forgot that he had the gift of poetic inspiration,
in that respect very unlike his great successor Milton
when he too became a political pamphleteer, more
rhapsodical than relevant. He suspected the Hamil-
tons of a desire to secure the crown, and Buchanan
very much preferred to them Queen Mary and her son,
whose birth he had welcomed as a star of hope for his
country. His birthday ode of welcome, ostensibly
intended for the boy when he grew up, but positively
in the meantime for the guidance and the warning of
his mother, is in substance a serious homily on the duty
of kings to God and the people, from whom their
power came, and whose will and welfare alone justified
its exercise. The essence of the Dejure Regni under-
lies it, an essence never practically intelligible to the
fated House of Stuart. Neither the beautiful, brilliant
Mary nor her erratic but not stupid race could under-
stand the teaching of Buchanan as an exposition of
the law of the King of kings. The fate of that race,
from her flight to England to the flight from Culloden,
has helped the world to understand it. They were
doomed to be born in and live through ages of ignor-
13* FAMOUS SCOTS
ance, superstition, and falsehood, in which few men
arose who could discover and recognise truth and
publish it at their risk for the dark here and the darker
hereafter, as was done by Buchanan. He may not
have been infallible, but he had insight, veracity, and
courage, the like of which will never be exhibited by
his traducers to the end of time. Those who can
believe him guilty of base ingratitude and malicious
falsehood are incapable of discriminating the best
from the worst in human nature and in human
history.
Buchanan's truthfulness and resolute desire to be
impartial can be best inferred in our time from his
History of Scotland, at which he had written for years,
and for which he had collected materials from his boy-
hood. The style of it appears to be an eclectic adapta-
tion of available and appropriate elements from the
styles of Livy, Sallust, and Tacitus. It wants the
special charm of ' Livy's pictured page,' for Scottish
places, deeds, heroes, and tastes did not for Buchanan's
earnest, realistic, dialectical, judicial mind present in-
ducements to poetic word-painting — indeed, it was
after his day, before the fascinations of the picturesque
dawned upon the mind of Scotland, unless it may have
been to some semi-mythical, mist-inspired member of
the tribe of Ossian. The speeches of his History are the
GEORGE BUCHANAN 133
most tersely expressed, forcibly reasoned specimens of
ancient Scottish oratory, assuming, of course, that they
ought to have been delivered, but that they never were.
They want the terse, pregnant suggestiveness of the
orations of Tacitus ; but they may probably appear to
be not less skilfully adapted for the dramatic surround-
ings in which they are supposed to have been delivered.
Young students of Latin, especially in the Aberdeen
region, have found it to be for their interest to read
and re-read Buchanan's History, and it is in the
original that the literary art and linguistic skill of its
author can be best seen. But it is still worth reading,
and is often read in Dr. Watkins' translation, which as
a translation reflects a good deal more credit upon its
author than his old-womanly, newspapery but not dis-
honest attempt at original historical composition shown
in his bringing down of Buchanan's masterly story to
the culmination or extinction of Scottish history in
the visit of George iv. to Edinburgh. The babes
and sucklings of the school of Dry-as-dust assert that
Buchanan is superseded as an historian ; but a man of
Buchanan's powers and opportunities can never be
superseded as a narrator of the history of his own
time.
Buchanan died on the 28th September 1582, a few
days or weeks after his History had been published.
134 FAMOUS SCOTS
He had striven, in spite of old age, ill-health, and
poverty, to accomplish this long-meditated patriotic
task ; and when he had corrected the proofs and given
it to the world, he felt that his last slender tie to life
was broken, and his long, chequered, poorly-paid day's
work was done.
His death took place in Kennedy's Close, the second
close off the High Street of Edinburgh above the
Tron Church, as recorded by 'George Paton,
Antiquary,' upon the rather reliable authority of an
ancient Lord Advocate, Sir James Stewart of Good-
trees.
His last lodging was in ' the first house in the turn-
pike above the tavern,' and occupied some few cubic
feet of space, probably about twelve feet above the
existing causeway blocks of Hunter Square, an entirely
vanished pile of tall, substantial, over-populated
masonry, part of the crest of the High Street once,
standing within a quarter of a mile of the vanished
garden in which Darnley was found dead in his shirt
without mark of violence, still nearer to the site of
the vanished house in which Walter Scott was born,
and to the vacant air-space once filled by Johnny
Dowie's vanished tavern, in which during his Edinburgh
sojourn Robert Burns was wont to make merry with
select friends.
GEORGE BUCHANAN 135
The records of the Commissary Court show that
Buchanan left no property except ;£ioo of his Cross-
raguel pension (gifted by Queen Mary, and withheld as
often and as long as he could by the Earl of Cassilis),
which had been in arrear from the previous Whit-
sunday. His ' Inventar ' exhibits him in his true
character of an ancient philosopher, whether Stoic or
not. The civic authorities of Edinburgh, who from
time immemorial have been ready and willing to bury
scholars, buried his body the day after his death at
the public expense. The ground of Greyfriars, one
of the spoils of the Reformation, was then being
turned into a burying-ground, and Buchanan was the
' first person of celebrity ' buried in it. The exact
spot of his sepulture is, however, in doubt, though a
small tablet was put up by a humble blacksmith to
mark where it is believed to be — a tribute of hero-
worship like to that in Parliament Square which is
supposed to mark the burial-place of Knox.
It is not likely that Buchanan ever asked the Town
Council of Edinburgh for bread, but it is believed that
they gave him a stone — without any inscription, how-
ever, to show for whom it was intended, so that by
1701 it was lost or stolen. His skull also is believed
to be one of the lawful and sacred possessions of the
Edinburgh University. If genuine, it may be a
136 FAMOUS SCOTS
phrenological curiosity. Sir W. Hamilton once used
it at a lecture which was listened to and approved of
by Thomas Carlyle. Sir William demonstrated to
Carlyle's satisfaction that the said skull, supposed to
be Buchanan's, was according to phrenological dogmas
far inferior to that of some ' Malay cut throat ' or other
unredeemed ruffian. Assuming this to be the fact —
and my authority for believing it is a letter of Carlyle
published in Veitch's Life of Sir W. Hamilton — I am
surprised that Mr. Hosack and Sir John Skelton were
not converted to phrenology. But for my part,
believing in the universal but mostly untranslatable
symbolism of Nature, from the ' flower in the crannied
wall ' to the human face and form divine, and believing
only to a limited extent in phrenology as the dark side
of physiognomy that is open to touch rather than to
sight, I should hold that the skull which was inferior
to a Malay's in any respect except thickness could
never be the skull of Buchanan ; and it would not
alter my conviction to feel sure that George Combe
was present at Sir William Hamilton's lecture, and for
the first and only time in their career of phrenological
disputation expressly agreed with him. Whatever
Buchanan's head and face may have been like — and
his portraits impute to him either sleepy, benevolent
dulness, or ferrety, peevish conceit — it is not believable
GEORGE BUCHANAN 137
that his head or face could have ever resembled that
of a Malay or any other kind of savage. So acute a
logician as Sir W. Hamilton ought to have doubted
one of his premises at least, and been able to conceive
it possible that the resetters of dead men's skulls may
be sometimes the victims of outside, as well as inside,
deception.
EPILOGISTIC
THE sudden and untimely death of Dr. Wallace has
left this volume incomplete, and incapable of being
completed as he would have done it Detailed facts
are in part awanting, but they are awanting in every
biography and autobiography, and after the oblivion
of centuries has passed over them, they tend to be
unintelligible and uninteresting as lying remote from
everyday experience. These, however, the inquiring
reader, to his reasonable satisfaction, can find else-
where ; what he will never find elsewhere are Dr.
Wallace's ultimate, deliberate, critical estimates of the
life and work of Buchanan. His book, as it grew
under his nimble pen, grew, probably unconsciously, to
be not so much an articulation of the bare bones of
fact as a narrative of the genesis, evolution, growth,
and vitality of Buchanan's ideas, more especially his
ideas affecting social democratic development, and in
particular his capital heresy, dangerous for himself, but
vital for the race, touching the ' rights of man.'
138
GEORGE BUCHANAN 139
Few men of any country have had such versatility of
talent, and have in life found tasks so varied as George
Buchanan and Robert Wallace. No other Scotsman
known to me, through credible report or in the flesh,
has had the personal experience that would enable him
so well to understand and interpret the personal
experience of George Buchanan. Both were pre-
eminent in the university learning of their respective
eras, which had little in common except Latin;
scholastic logic and metaphysic being the dominating
study of Buchanan's days, as inductive positive science
is of ours. Both were wandering scholars seeking for
fortune, or at least for bread ; each acting as tutor,
schoolmaster, university professor, man of letters,
theologian, politician, and teacher of public men
who were too ignorant or too neglectful of honest
rational principle to be fit to rule in mercy and in
justice ; both were doomed by circumstances or by
conscience to poverty and the discrediting influences
of poverty, though fit to furnish invaluable light and
guidance to their fellow-men. Methinks the pre-
Reformation church was a kinder, less harsh nursing-
mother to the inquiring, doubting, hesitating, satirical
Protestant, than the dry-as-dust nurses of ultra-
Protestantism, agnosticism, atheism, and sincere
worship of nothing except Mammon's golden calf were
i4o FAMOUS SCOTS
to the learned literary man of our day who, afflicted
with distracting doubts himself, and many sorrows,
could still give reasons for his faith in a supreme
Creator and an administrator of the universe accord-
ing to fixed law and unswerving right, and could help
to lift the mind of his age out of a darkness deeper
than Popery — the blackness of atheistic despair. Both
knew about politics as revealed in the wrangling of
churches or religious sects, and the strife of factions
intriguing and fighting for power to govern or to mis-
govern. The politics familiar to Buchanan included
the ethics that prompted and the arts that effected the
murders of Cardinal Beaton, Rizzio, Darnley, Regent
Moray, and Queen Mary, and that often imperilled
his own life. Nevertheless, worn out by his years and
assiduous labours, he died in his bed when his work
was done, a fortnight after his History of his country
was published, and before his old pupil the Scottish
Solomon had time to discover all the treason it con-
tained ; ordered his servant to give his few last coins to
a beggar, and left the care of his funeral to all whom it
might concern on Christian, natural, civic, and sanitary
grounds, ending his long, busy, chequered tenure of
time with that courage and hope which gilds the last
sunset of those who have striven to do right and
never doubted that God is just.
GEORGE BUCHANAN 141
There was no man in Scotland or in Europe that
could have been of so much service to Scotland in
guiding it through the troubles and storms, political,
moral, and religious, of the Reformation as Buchanan,
if the people of Scotland, more especially the feudal
lords of Scotland, had been fit to follow the dictates of
the broadest, most complete worldly wisdom, and of
the clear conscience of one who had spent his years
in study and in poverty, who had lived the life of a
stranger to the entanglements of foolish pleasure and
the illusions of earthly hope, who had the most of his
possible life behind him and eternity in no distant
prospect, and who had no conceivable motive to
applaud murder or to tell lies. Sceptical by innate
constitution, and educated to doubt in the schools of
adversity and experience, personal and historical, he
was not the man to commit himself hastily to faith in
dark dogmas and half-explored truths ; he was the man
to be a cautious, judicious reformer, not the man to
be an impetuous, frantic destroyer, too rash and
unrestrained to discriminate between the entirely and
partially unsound, too just to plunder churchmen, some
of them profligate, in order to enrich feudal lords
skilled in few arts except the arts of war and theft.
Like Erasmus and Beza, he saw that the old order
of society was dissolving; but, like all wise men,
142 FAMOUS SCOTS
he preferred slow and gradual to revolutionary
change.
John Knox, in point of culture and of pure intellect
and reason, was a small man — a rash, daring, half-
educated schoolboy, compared with Buchanan. Know-
ledge and reason are conservative forces, and Knox
could not have been great had he not be«n a destroyer.
His most indelible historical records are the ruins of
cathedrals and other religious houses, 'rooks' nests'
requiring to be pulled down only in the judgment
of blind superstition and rabid fanaticism. For the
ignorance and savagery of the people of Scotland the
Church of Rome was primarily to blame. That Church
required reformation, moral and intellectual; but no
spiritual entity, however corrupt, can be miraculously
reformed by the destruction of Gothic or any other
architecture which took its form under the sincere art
and piety of buried generations. Cardinal Beaton's
mode of burning good true men to support and pre-
serve the divine truth that had vitalised his Church
for centuries was irrational and infernal ; but it was not
very much worse than the mad, destructive fury inspired
by John Knox's ' excellent ' sermons, which, whatever
their merits, can scarcely have emanated from a mind
that had any clear comprehension of the processes by
which spiritual truth makes its way and holds its
GEORGE BUCHANAN 143
power effectively among mankind. Beaton and Knox
were both powerful in their age and characteristic of
it, but they would have found no conspicuous function
in an age that was not in the course of emerging from
the mire of savagery, with all its tendencies to violence
and to vice. Both alike were uncompromising enemies
of individual freedom, and equally bent upon the
suppression of all conscientious opinions that did not
concur with their own. Both were patriots, and of
signal service to Scotland ; but the evil they did so
nearly counterbalances all the good they did (which
might, and would, in time have been done by less un-
scrupulous, ungentle instruments), that it might have
been well had Scotland been liberated by Providence
from the piebald burden of both of them.1
Buchanan as a scholar was a very large inheritor
of the wisdom of many ages, the largest inheritor of
1 Carlyle's estimate of Knox I accept and credit as the estimate
of as penetrating an insight and as true a conscience as ever uttered
the verdicts of history ; but it is the estimate of a mind that could
discover more to approve in the storm than in the sunshine, and
who too readily infers noble motives from splendid results. I
believe all the good he imputes to Knox and his life-battle for truth,
and I don't believe sufficiently in the vileness of human nature to
believe in any of the charges of immorality which rival ecclesiastics
have persisted in relating against him. But for all that, I am not
blind to his human imperfections. I am far from thinking him
to be a perfect man, much less a perfect Christian. His wild joy
and unbridled merriment over the dying miseries of Cardinal
144 FAMOUS SCOTS
that rare kind of wealth of all the Scotsmen of his day.
He was by nature somewhat of a sceptic, the teacher in
Latin — and who can tell what beside? — of Montaigne
— most candid and sincere of sceptics — by necessity a
doubter, as true seekers of truth, especially in dark,
troubled, fermenting ages, cannot help being. He was
a philosopher — a Stoic probably, as most impecunious
philosophers are compelled to be more or less, capable
of bearing the inevitable with patience, and of waiting
to solve difficulties by skill and cautious experiment
rather than by violence or deceit ! What his worldly
wisdom and great intellectual power might have done
for the good of his country opens up a wide field of
conjecture touching the solution of most of the big
problems of his age. Why should the clever, beautiful
Queen Mary not have trusted him as an adviser rather
than Scotch rakes and traitors and Italian fiddlers?
Why should her race, more gifted than most royal
races, have hugged a delusion about the Divine right
of kings along the precipices overhanging death and
ruin ? Why should the Reformers, who had the means
of ascertaining that among them he was a veritable
Beaton and of Mary of Guise would be scarcely in harmony with the
budding benevolence of a half-reformed cannibal. His virtues were
genuine, and not hypocritical, but they were essentially Pagan
virtues — gifts of nature, tested and strengthened, but not acquired,
through his experiences as a notary and an ecclesiastic.
GEORGE BUCHANAN 145
Saul among the prophets, and neither a fanatic nor
a hypocrite, not have utilised his wisdom and his
inspiration of the beautiful and the true to direct the
course and shape the limits of the Reformation, without
proclaiming a barbarian, everlasting divorce between
the power of truth and the beauty of holiness ? Why
should the spiritual force and illumination of every
great man who did not wear fine raiment and fare
sumptuously every day, of the prophets of Judaea and
the sages of Greece and Rome, have been lost upon
their contemporaries and left to find its way and its
expanding efficacy in the slow course of centuries?
Buchanan's lot was the common lot of unendowed,
and therefore unappreciated, genius. The greatest
scholar and writer of his own country in his own time,
one of the most potent of the intellectual aristocracy
of Europe for all time, he was a rustic in dress, a
plain, unpretentious, non-assertive inhabitant of the
European villages called cities, known to him as St.
Andrews and Edinburgh; a man pure of life in a
vicious, half-decent age ; loyal to truth so far as it was
possible for him to discover it among contemporaries
prone to falsehood and ready for the perpetration
of it by forgery or any other effective and not un-
practicable mode, he was esteemed a stranger in his
native land, and not a Solon or a seer except by
K
i46 FAMOUS SCOTS
the more cultured of his own unlettered generation ;
to subsequent vulgar generations he was so unknown
or so forgotten as to fill, in their rude Temple of Fame,
the niche of a mythical court-jester and coarse wit
or witling; nevertheless he holds a title to lasting
remembrance as sure as the story of the Reformation
and the era of the never-to-be-forgotten Mary Stuart
can give; also the unique distinction of being the
greatest master of the Latin language since it died as
a vernacular, and became the immortal medium of
intercommunication for the wide, high, and cold
republic of scholars and thinkers, scattered through
realms of ether and cloudland, and lit by volcanic fire
and spiritual aurora fitfully lifting the night from
peaks of rock and ice.
INDEX
Admonition to Trew Lords, the,
130.
^Eschylus, 15.
Agamemnon, 15.
Arius, 91.
Ascham, Roger, 81.
Atonement, the, 90.
Augustine, 99.
Aurelius, Marcus, 100.
Baptistes, the, 57, 58.
Beaton, Cardinal, 122, 139.
Begging letter-writer, 31.
Beza, 81.
Boetius, 66, 100.
Bordeaux, 58.
Brahe, Tycho, 44, 81.
Brissac, Marshal of, 51.
Brewster, Sir D. , 129.
Brown, P. Hume, 18.
BUCHANAN, GEORGE—
Writings burned by hangman, 9.
Milton and Buchanan's Dejure,
10.
Effect of the De Jure, n.
Relations to the Scaligers, 13.
Wordsworth on Buchanan, 14.
Porson and Buchanan, 15.
Milton's opinion of him, 15.
Hallam's estimate of him, 16.
Froude's opinion of him, 16.
Buchanan's scholarship, 17.
His Detectio Maries Regina, 18.
The Marians and Buchanan, 20.
The chapbook Buchanan, 21.
His humour, 22.
Interview with Melvilles, 23.
The Countess of Mar and, 25.
Division of his life into periods
of preparation and perform-
ance, 27.
Why he became a Protestant,
28.
Joseph Scaliger's elegy on, 31.
Begging letter-writer, 31.
Letters to Mary, Queen of Scots,
32.
Letters to Earl of Moray, 32.
Comparison between Erasmus
and, 35.
Hospitality of Roman Catholic
days, 36.
His influence on cultured
Europe, 38.
Parallel ^between his conduct
and that of to-day, 39.
No loss of self-respect, 40.
No notoriety hunter, 41.
No money grabber, 43.
Did not seek power, 48.
Dates and aims of his works,
SO-
Moderator of General Assembly,
SL
147
148
FAMOUS SCOTS
BUCHANAN, GEORGE, continued—
Various appointments held, 51.
Aids in drawing up First Book
of Discipline, 51.
Appointed Principal of St. Leo-
nard's College, 51.
Secretary to the Scots Commis-
sion re Mary, 51.
Opinion of Sir James Melville
of, 52.
Not to be blamed for James vi. 's
pedantry, 57.
Dedicates his three great works
to the king — Baptistes, De
Jure, and the History, 57.
Examination of the Prefaces to
these, 58-65.
Resembled a Scots Stoic philo-
sopher, 66.
His courtly manners, 70.
Alleged vindictiveness towards
Morton disproved, 72.
His policy regarding Scots
affairs, 76.
Further disproof of Sir J. Mel-
ville's remarks, 80.
His religious views, 83.
The Scots Reformation position,
83-88.
His relations to Calvinism, 89-
96.
Not a zealot, 90.
His views of Evangelium, 90.
His pension, 92.
His dirge upon Calvin, 93.
His period of doubt, 98.
Why he never took orders, 101.
Is Conformity allowable? 104.
Renaissance morals, 106.
Buchanan's amorist poetry, 107.
Biographical facts, HI.
The Roman Catholic Church
and education, 1 12.
Lords of the Congregation and
education, 114.
His early years of educat-on,
116.
Enlists as a volunteer to invade
England, 118.
Life at St. Andrews University,
119.
Proceeds to St. Barbe, 119.
Friendship with Earl of Cassilis,
119.
James v. invites him to write
Frattciscanus, 121.
Leaves him to the vengeance of
Beaton, 122.
Escapes from prison to the Con-
tinent, 122.
Migrates to Portugal : seized
by the Inquisition, 123.
Imprisoned in a monastery,
where he translates the
Psalms, 123.
Returns to Scotland and de-
clares for Protestantism, 124.
Relations between Mary and
Buchanan, 125.
Accused of ingratitude towards
her, 126.
The multifariousness of his
work, 128.
Writes Admonition to the Trew
Lords, 130.
Characteristics of his History of
Seal land, 132.
Buchanan's last days, 133.
His burial-place and property
135-
Legend of his skull, 135.
Characteristics, 136.
Final summing up, 137-145.
Parallel drawn between Dr.
Wallace and Buchanan, 138.
Burns, 107, 116.
INDEX
149
CALVIN, J. , 82, 89, 90, 92, 94, 100.
Cameron, 115.
Cargill, 115,
Carlyle, T., 34, 143.
Casaubon, 13.
Cassilis, Lord, 51, 119, 134.
Catullus, 66.
Chameleon, the, 50, 126.
Chapbooks on Buchanan, 21.
Charles n., 9.
Cicero, 67.
Coimbra, college of, 51, 98.
College de Guyenne, 58.
Congregation, Lords of, 114, 115.
Covenanters, 115.
DARNLEY, 128, 134, 139.
Dawes, Canon, 15.
Detectio Maries Regintz, 18, 50.
Diogenes, 69.
Dionysius, Lambinus, 67.
Dirge, the, 92.
Discipline, Book of , 112.
Divine right, 9, n, 50, 57.
Dryden, John, 10.
Dunbar, William, 121.
EDUCATION in Catholic days,
"3-
Election, doctrine of, 90.
Elizabeth, Queen, 127.
England, invasion of, 118.
Erasmus, 13, 34, 96, 99, 100.
Eucharistic controversy, 99.
Evangelicals, the, 89.
FRANCE, 124.
Franciscanus, the, 50, 90, 98, 106,
121.
GAMALIEL, 58.
General Assembly of Church of
Scotland, 51.
Genethliacon, the, 56.
Gibbon, 67, 118.
Gouvea, Andre" de, 58, 122, 123.
HACKNEY, the, 75.
Hamilton, Sir W., 135.
Hebrew Psalms, 43, 123.
Henry Vin., 127.
Heriot, J., 116.
Herod, King, 58.
Herodias, 58.
History of Scotland, 50, 57, 63,
132.
Horace, 66.
Hosack, 20.
Humanists, 27, 28, 43, 58, 83, 84,
126.
INCARNATION, the, 90.
Indulgences, 90.
Inquisition, the, 43, 98.
JAMES iv., 112.
James V. , 50, 120.
James vi., 46, 52, 56, 76.
Johnson, S. , 15, 129.
Justification by Faith, 86, 90.
KlLLEARN, III.
Knox, J., ii, 37, 40, 75, 76, 81,
85, 92, 101, 102, 114, 115, 141.
LATIN Style, 17, 27, 132.
' Lena' poetry, the, 106.
Lennox, Earl of, 33, 37.
Leo x. , 84.
Lincoln's Inn Fields, 9.
Livy, 31, 51, 132.
Luther, 84.
Lyndsay, Sir D., 50, 121.
MACAUSLAN, in.
Major, John, 65.
FAMOUS SCOTS
Mar, Countess of, 24. 81.
Mary, Queen of Scots, 19. 31, 37, 40,
51, 64, 75, 92, 120, 127, 128, 139.
Mary of Guise, 102.
Melville, Andrew and James, 23,
40, 81, 102, 115.
Melville, Sir James, 52, 80.
Milton, John, 9, 10.
Moderator of Assembly, 51, 128.
Montaigne, 119.
Moray, Earl of, 32, 33, 37, 51, 81,
92, 121, 129, 130, 139.
Morton, Earl of, 73, 74, 75, 79.
Neara pieces, 108.
Nicenc Dogmas, 86.
OXFORD UNIVERSITY, 9.
PAN.STIUS, 67.
Paris, University of, 116.
Paten, Guy, 16.
Pension, 92.
Petrus, Victorinus, 67.
Person, 15.
Portugal, 43. 51, 98, 123.
Prcdestinarianism, 86.
Principal of St. Leonard's, 51.
Private judgment, 86.
RANDOLPH, SirT., 63, 71, 81.
Reformation, Scots, n, 83, 85, 87,
1 20.
Renaissance, the, 83, 87, 96, 106.
Revolutions, English, American,
and French, n.
Kirzio, 128, 139.
Roman Catholic hospitality, 36.
Church, 28, 97, 99, 101.
Russell. Lord William. 9.
ST. ANDREWS, University of ,118,
129.
Sallust, 132.
Scaligers, the, 12, 13, 30, 48, 81.
Scott, Sir W., 116.
Seneca, 63, 67, 100.
Shairp, Principal, 107.
Shakespeare, 12, 15.
Skelton. Sir J., 20, 125.
Skull, Buchanan's, 135.
Socrates, 69, 100.
Stephanus, 12.
Stevenson, R. L., 107.
Stoic philosopher, 53, 63, 66, 69,
73, 82, 100.
TACITUS, 132.
Tennyson, 12, 127.
Thackeray, 34, 81.
Thyutes, the, 63.
Transubstantiation, 90.
WORDSWORTH, W., 14.
YOUNG, Peter, 53, 55, 57, 62.
OPINIONS OF THE PRESS ON THE
'FAMOUS SCOTS' SERIES.
Of THOMAS CARLYLE, by H. C. MACPHERSON,
The British Weekly says : —
' We congratulate the publishers on the in every way attractive appearance of the
first volume of their new series. The typography is everything that could be wished,
and the binding is most tasteful. . . . We heartily congratulate author and pub-
lishers on the happy commencement of this admirable enterprise."
The Literary World says : —
' One of the very best little books on Carlyle yet written, far outweighing in value
some more pretentious works with which we are familiar.'
The Scotsman says : —
'As an estimate of the Carlylean philosophy, and of Carlyle's place in literature
and his influence in the domains of morals, politics, and social ethics, the volume
reveals not only care and fairness, but insight and a large capacity for original
thought and judgment."
The Glasgow Daily Record says : —
' Is distinctly creditable to the publishers, and worthy of a national series such as
they have projected."
The Educational News says : —
' The book is written in an able, masterly, and painstaking manner."
Of ALLAN RAMSAY, by OLIPHANT SMEATON,
The Scotsman says : —
' It is not a patchwork picture, but one in which the writer, taking genuine interest
in his subject, and bestowing conscientious pains on his task, has his materials well
in hand, and has used them to produce a portrait that is both lifelike and well
balanced.'
The People's Friend says : —
' Presents a very interesting sketch of the life of the poet, as well as a well-balanced
estimate and review of his works."
The Edinburgh Dispatch says : —
' The author has shown scholarship and much enthusiasm in his task.'
The Daily Record says : —
1 The kindly, vain, and pompous little wig-maker lives for us in Mr. Smeaton's
pages."
The Glasgow Herald says : —
1 A careful and intelligent study."
Of HUGH MILLER, by W. KEITH LEASK,
The Expository Times says : —
'It is a right good book and a right true biography. . . . There is a very fine
sense of Hugh Miller's greatness as a man and a Scotsman ; there is also a fine
choice of language in making it ours.'
The Bookseller says : —
'Mr. Leask gives the reader a clear impression of the simplicity, and yet the
greatness, of his hero, and the broad result of his life's work is very plainly and
carefully set forth. A short appreciation of his scientific labours, from the com-
petent pen of Sir Archibald Geikie, and a useful bibliography of bis works, complete
a volume which is well worth reading for its own sake, and which forms a worthy
instalment in an admirable series."
The Daily News says : —
' Leaves on us a very vivid impression."
PRESS OPINIONS ON 'FAMOUS SCOTS' SERIES — (ontinued.
Of JOHN KNOX, by A. TAYLOR INNES, Mr. Hay Fleming, in
The Bookman says : —
'A masterly delineation of those stirring times in Scotland, and of that famous
Scot who helped so much to shape them.'
The Freeman says : —
1 It is a concise, well written, and admirable narrative of the great Reformer's life,
and in its estimate of his character and work it is calm, dispassionate, and well
balanced. . . . It is a welcome addition to our Knox literature.
The Speaker says : —
' There is vision in this book, as well as knowledge."
The Sunday School Chronicle says : —
1 Everybody who is acquainted with Mr. Taylor Innes's exquisite lecture on
Samuel Rutherford will feel instinctively that he ts just the man to do justice to the
great Reformer, who is more to Scotland ' than any million of unblameable Scotsmen
who need no forgiveness.' His literary skill, his thorough acquaintance with Scottish
ecclesiastical life, his religious insight, his chastened enthusiasm, have enabled the
author to produce an excellent piece of work. . . . It is a noble and inspiring theme,
and Mr. Taylor Innes has handled it to perfection.'
Of ROBERT BURNS, by GABRIEL SETOUN,
The New Age says : —
' It is the best thing on Burns we have yet had, almost as good as Carlyle's Essay
and the pamphlet published by Dr. Nichol of Glasgow.'
The Methodist Times says : —
' We are inclined to regard it as the very best that has yet been produced. _There
is a proper perspective, and Mr. Setoun does neither praise nor blame too copiously.
... A difficult bit of work has been well done, and with fine literary and ethical
discrimination.'
Youth says : —
' It is written with knowledge, judgment, and skill. . . . The author's estimate
of the moral character of Bums is temperate and discriminating ; he sees and states
his evil qualities, and beside these he places his good ones in their fulness, depth,
and splendour. The exposition of the special features marking the genius of the
poet is able and penetrating.'
Of THE BALLADISTS, by JOHN GEDDIE,
The Birmingham Daily Gazette says : —
' As a popular sketch of an intensely popular theme, Mr. Geddie's contribution to
the " Famous Scots Series " is most excellent.'
The Publishers' Circular says :—
' It may be predicted that lovers of romantic literature will re-peruse the old
ballads with a quickened zest after reading Mr. Geddie's book. We have not had a
more welcome little volume for many a day.'
The f(Tfw Age says : —
' One of the most delightful and eloquent appreciations of the ballad literature of
Scotland that has ever seen the light.'
The Spectator says :—
1 The author has certainly made a contribution of remarkable value to the literary
history of Scotland. We do not know of a book in which the subject has been treated
with deeper sympathy or out of a fuller knowledge.'
PRESS OPINIONS ON 'FAMOUS SCOTS' SERIES — continued.
Of RICHARD CAMERON, by Professor HERKLESS,
The Freeman says : —
' Professor Herkless has made us all his debtors by his thorough-going and
unwearied research, by his collecting materials from out-of-the-way quarters, and
making much that was previously vague and shadowy clear and distinct.'
The Christian News says : —
'This volume is ably written, is full of interest and instruction, and enables the
reader to form a conception of the man who in his day and generation gave his life
for Christ's cause and kingdom.'
The Dundee Courier says : —
'In selecting Professor Herkless to prepare this addition to the " Famous Scots
Series" of books, the publishers have made an excellent choice. The vigorous,
manly style adopted is exactly suited to the subject, and Richard Cameron is pre-
sented to the reader in a manner as interesting as it is impressive. . . . Professor
Herkless has done remarkably well, and the portrait he has so cleverly delineated
of one of Scotland's most cherished heroes is one that will never fade.'
Of SIR JAMES YOUNG SIMPSON, by EVE BLANTYRE SIMPSON,
The Speaker says : —
' This little book is full o_f insight and knowledge, and by many picturesque
incidents and pithy sayings it helps us to understand in a vivid and intimate sense
the high qualities and golden deeds which rendered Sir James Simpson's strenuous
life impressive and memorable.'
The Daily Chronicle says : —
' It is indeed long since we have read such a charmingly-written biography as this
little Life of the most typical and " Famous Scot" that his countrymen have been
proud of since the time of Sir Walter. . . . There is not a dull, irrelevant, or super-
flous page in all Miss Simpson's booklet, and she has performed the biographer's
chief duty — that of selection — with consummate skill and judgment.'
The Leeds Mercury says : —
'The narrative throughout is well balanced, and the biographer has been wisely
advised in giving prominence to her father's great achievement — the introduction of
chloroform — and what led to it.'
Of THOMAS CHALMERS, by W. GARDEN BLAIKIE,
The Spectator says : —
' The most notable feature of Professor Blaikie's book— and none could_ be _more
commendable — is its perfect balance and proportion. In other words, justice is
done equally to the private and to the public life of Chalmers, if possible greater
justice than has been done by Mrs. Oliphant.'
The Scottish Congregationalist says : —
' No one can read the admirable and vivid sketch of his life which Dr. Blaikie has
written without feeling admiration for the man, and gaining inspiration from his
example.'
Of JAMES BOSWELL, by W. KEITH LEASK,
The Spectator says : —
'This is one of the best volumes of the excellent " Famous Scots Series," and one
of the fairest and most discriminating biographies of Boswell that have ever
appeared.'
The Dundee Advertiser says : —
' It is the admirable manner in which the very complexity of the man is indicated
that makes W. Keith Leask's biography of him one. of peculiar merit and interest.
... It is not only a life of Boswell, but a picture of his time— vivid, faithful,
impressive.'
PRESS OPINIONS ON 'FAMOUS SCOTS' SERIES— continued.
The Morning Leader says : —
' Mr. W. K. Leask has approached the biographer of Johnson in the only possible
way by which a really interesting book could have been arrived at— by way of the
open mind. . . . The defence of Boswell in the concluding chapter of his delightful
study is one of the finest and most convincing passages that have recently appeared
in the field of British biography.'
Of TOBIAS SMOLLETT, by OLIPHANT SMEATON,
The Dundee Courier says : —
**• ' It is impossible to read the pages of this little work without being struck not only
by its historical value, but by the fairness of its criticism.'
The Weekly Scotsman says : —
' The book is written in a crisp and lively style. . . . The picture of the great
novelist is complete and lifelike. Not only does Mr. Smeaton give a scholarly
sketch and estimate of Smollett's literary career, he constantly keeps the reader in
conscious touch and sympathy with his personality, and produces a portrait of the
man as a man which is not likely to be readily forgotten.'
The Newsagent and Booksellers' Review says : —
' Tobias Smollett was versatile enough to deserve a distinguished place in any
gallery of gifted Scots, such as the one to which Mr. Smeaton has contributed this
clever and lifelike portrait.'
Of FLETCHER OF SALTOUN, by W. G. T. OMOND,
The Edinburgh Evening News says : —
' The writer has given us in brief compass the pith of what U known about an able
and patriotic if somewhat dogmatic and impracticable Scotsman who lived in stormy
times. . . . Mr. Omond describes, in a clear, terse, vigorous way, the constitution
of the Old Scots Parliament, and the part taken by Fletcher as a public man in the
stormy debates that took place prior to the union of the Parliaments in 1707- This
part of the book gives an admirable summary of the state of Scottish politics and of
the national feeling at an important period.'
The Leeds Mercury says : —
' Unmistakably the most interesting and complete story of the life of Fletcher of
Saltoun that has yet appeared. Mr. Omond has had many facilities placed at his
disposal, and of these he has made excellent use.'
The Speaker says : —
' Mr. Omond has told the story of Fletcher of Saltoun in this monograph with
ability and judgment.'
Of THE BLACKWOOD GROUP, by Sir GEORGE DOUGLAS,
The Scotsman says : —
' In brief compass, Sir George Douglas gives us skilfully blended together much
pleasantly written biography and just and judicious criticism.'
The Weekly Citizen says : —
1 It need not be said that to every one interested in the literature of the first half
of the century, and especially to every Scotsman so interested, "The Blackwood
Group " is a phrase abounding in promise. And really Sir George Douglas fulfils
the promise he tacitly makes in his title. He is intimately acquainted not only with
the books of the different members of the "group," but also with their environment,
social and otherwise. Besides, he writes with sympathy as well as knowledge.'
PRESS OPINIONS ON 'FAMOUS SCOTS' SERIES— continued.
Of NORMAN MACLEOD, by JOHN WELLWOOD,
The Star says : —
' A worthy addition to the " Famous Scots Series " is that of Norman Macleod, the
renowned minister of the Barony of Glasgow, and a man as typical of everything
generous and broadminded in the State Church in Scotland as Thomas Guthrie was
in the Free Churches. The biography is the work of John Wellwood, who has
approached it with proper appreciation of the robustness of the subject.'
The Scots Pictorial says : —
' Its general picturesqueness is effective, while the criticism is eminently liberal and
sound.'
The Daily Free Press says : —
' It is one of the great merits of Mr. Wellwood's book that it is wholly free from
dulness. His attention once secured, the reader is carried irresistibly along till he
has finished the whole of the fascinating story.'
The Daily Chronicle says : —
' Mr. Wellwood is in thorough sympathy with his hero, and has given us in this
little volume a graphic and picturesque sketch of him."
Of SIR WALTER SCOTT, by GEORGE SAINTSBURY,
The Pall Mall Gazette says : —
' Mr. Saintsbury's miniature is a gem of its kind. . . . Mr. Saintsbury's critique of
the Waverley Novels will, I venture to think, despite all that has been written upon
them, discover fresh beauties for their admirers.'
The Morning Leader says : —
' A fresh and charming biography."
The St. James's Gazette says : —
1 Apart from Lockhart, we do not know any one who has given a better picture of
Scott than Mr. Saintsbury, and there is no sounder and more comprehensive estimate
of his work.'
The Scots Magazine says : —
' The little volume is bright, informative reading, and is a worthy addition to a
capital and much-needed series."
Of KIRKCALDY OF GRANGE, by Louis A. BARBE,
The Scotsman says : —
' Mr. Barbe's sketch sticks close to the facts of his life, and these are sought out
from the best sources and are arranged with much judgment, and on the whole with
an impartial mind."
The Glasgow Herald says : —
' A conscientious and thorough piece of work, showing wide and accurate know-
ledge.'
The Speaker says : —
' This scholarly monograph seeks to unravel the seeming contradictions of a great
career, as well as to show that Kirkcaldy of Grange was a sincere patriot.'
The Bookseller says : —
' Mr. Barbe has put together a very instructive and interesting account of his
career.'
PRESS OPINIONS ON 'FAMOUS SCOTS' SERIES — continued.
Of ROBERT FERGUSSON, by DR. A. B. GROSART,
The Westminster Gautte says : —
' One of the most interesting of the " Famous Scots " Series is devoted to " Robert
Fergusson " the poet, to whom "the greater Robert," as he freely acknowledged, was
under so many obligations. Dr. Grosart is perhaps the best living authority on all
that relates to the bard of " The Fanner's Ingle," and he gives many new facts and
corrects a number of erroneous statements that have hitherto obtained currency
respecting him. We have read it with genuine pleasure.'
The British Weekly says :—
'It is a creditable, useful, and painstaking book, a genuine contribution to
Scottish literary history.'
The North British Daily Mail says : —
' The little volume is a thoroughly competent piece of work, and forms a valuable
addition to an excellent series.'
The Weekly Scotsman says : —
' The book will be welcomed as a worthy addition to that wonderfully entertaining
and instructive series of biographies, the " Famous Scots."
Of JAMES THOMSON, by WILLIAM BAYNE,
The Daily News says : —
* A just appreciation of Thomson as poet and dramatist, and an interesting record
of the conditions under which he rose to fame, as also of his friendships with toe great
ones of the eighteenth century.'
Literature says : —
' The story o_f Thomson's claim to the disputed authorship of " Rule Britannia " is
sustained by his country-man with spirit, and in our judgment with success.'
The Publishers' Circular says : —
1 The book is one which every lover of Thomson will welcome, and which students
of poetry cannot well afford to neglect.'
The Spectator says :—
1 This is one of the compactest and best written volumes of the useful series of
biographies to which it belongs.'
Of MUNGO PARK, by T. BANKS MACLACHLAN,
The Leeds Mercury says : —
' We owe to Mr. Maclachlan not only a charming life-story, if at times a pathetic
one, but a vivid chapter in the romance of Africa. Geography has no more wonder-
ful tale than that dealing with the unravelling of the mystery of the Niger.'
The Speaker says : —
' Mr. Maclachlan recounts with incisive vigour the story of Mungo Park's heroic
wanderings and the services which he rendered to geographical research.'
The Kilmarnock Herald says : —
' It is a thrilling story, powerfully told, of one of Scotland's noblest sons.'
The Educational News says : —
' Mungo Park has his record here summarised in such a manner as to win, inform,
and delight.'
PRESS OPINIONS ON 'FAMOUS SCOTS' SERIES— continued.
Of DAVID HUME, by HENRY CALDERWOOD,
The Speaker says :—
' The little book is a virile recruit of the " Famous Scots Series." '
' This monograph is both picturesque and critical.'
The New Age says : —
' To the many students of philosophy in Scotland a special interest will attach to
Professor Calderwood's sketch of David Hume from the fact that it is the last piece
of work done by its lamented author ; and very pleasing it is to note the fairness and
charity of the judgment passed by the most evangelical of philosophers upon the man
who used to be denounced as the prophet of infidelity.'
The Scotsman says : —
1 Fulfils admirably well the purpose of the writer, which was that of presenting in
clear, fair, and concise lines Hume and his philosophy to the mind of his countrymen
and of the world.'
The Publishers' Circular says : —
' This biography is well written, and it will no doubt be considered, as it really is,
one of the best of the " Famous Scots Series." '
Of WILLIAM DUNBAR, by OLIPHANT SMEATON,
The Speaker says : —
' Mr. Smeaton looks narrowly into the characteristics of Dunbar's genius, and does
well to insist on the almost Shakespearian range of his gifts. He contends that in
elegy, as well as in satire and allegory, Dunbar's place in English literature is
amongst the great masters of the craft of letters. '
The Glasgow Herald says : —
' This is a bright and picturesquely written monograph, presenting in readable
form the results of the critical research undertaken by Laing, Schipper, and the
other scholars who during the present century have done so much for the elucidation
of the greatest of our early Scottish poets.'
The Bailie says : —
' A graphic and informed account not only of the man and his works, but of his
immediate environment and of the times in which he lived.'
The Bookman says : —
' The book is an admirable biography, one of the liveliest and most readable in the
series.'
Of SIR WILLIAM WALLACE, by Professor MURISON,
The Speaker says : —
' Mr. Murison is to be congratulated on this little book. After much hard and
discriminative labour he has pieced together by far the best, one might say the only
rational and coherent, account of Wallace that exists."
Mr. William Wallace in the Academy says : —
' Professor Murison has acquitted himself of his task like a patriot.'
' Capital reading.'
The Daily News says : —
' A scholarly and impartial little volume, one of the best yet published in the
" Famous Scots Series." '
The Pall Mall Gazette says :—
' A bright little book which will be much relished north of the Tweed, and also
among those Scottish exiles who are supposed to be pining away their lives south
of it.'
The New Age says : —
'Anyhow, here, at least, we have his life-story — a most difficult tale to tell —
recorded with a painstaking research and in a spirit of appreciative candour which
leave almost nothing to be desired.'
PRESS OPINIONS ON 'FAMOUS SCOTS' SERIES— continued.
Of ROBERT LOUIS STEVENSON, by MARGARET MOVES
BLACK,
The Banffshire Journal says : —
1 The portrait, drawn as it in by a loving hand, is absolutely photographic in its
likeness, and the literary criticisms with which the book is pleasantly studded are
alike careful and judicious, and with most of them the ordinary reader will cordially
agree.'
The Bookman says : —
' This little book is sure to get a welcome.'
The Speaker says :—
'Sense and sensibility are in these pages, as well as knowledge and delicate
discrimination.'
The Outlook says :—
' Certainly one of the most charming biographies we have ever come across. The
writer has style, sympathy, distinction; and understanding. We were loth to put
the book aside. Its one fault is that it is too short.'
The Daily Free Press says : —
' One of the most charming sketches — it is scarcely a biography — of a literary man
that could be found has just been published as the latest number of the " Famous
Scots Series'* — " R. Louis Stevenson," by Miss Black. The excellence of the little
book lies in its artless charm, in its loose and easy style, in its author's evident love
and delight in her subject.'
Of THOMAS REID, by Professor CAMPBELL ERASER,
The North British Daily Mail says : —
' A model of sympathetic appreciation and of succinct and lucid exposition.'
The Scotsman says : —
' Professor Campbell Fraser's volume on Thomas Reid is one of the most able and
valuable of an able and valuable series. He supplies what must be allowed to be a
distinct want in our literature, in the shape of a brief, popular, and accessible
biography of the founder of the so-called Scottish School of Philosophy, written with
notable perspicuity and sympathy by one who has made a special study of the
problems that engaged the mind of Reid.'
The Glasgow Herald says : —
' We do not know any volume of the " Famous Scots Series" that deserves or is
likely to receive a heartier welcome from the educated public than this life and
estimate of Reid by Professor Campbell Fraser. The writer is no amateur, but a
past-master in the subject of Scottish philosophy, and it has evidently been a real
pleasure to him to expiscate quite a number of new facts regarding the professional
and private life of its best representative.'
The Pall Mall Gazette says :—
' The little work is of high excellence — comprehensive in view, clear in exposition,
and exemplary in literary style.'
The Saturday Review says : —
' Mr. Campbell Fraser has added to the " Famous Scots Series " an excellent little
book on Reid and his philosophy, dealing lucidly with the philosopher's relations
with contemporary thinkers and with modern thought.'
Of POLLOK AND AYTOUN, by ROSALINE MASSON,
The Spectator says : —
' One of the most artistically conceived and gracefully written of the series to which
it belongs.'
The Glasgow Herald says : —
' The facts of the two lives are presented by Miss Masson with intelligence and
spirit, and the volume will take a good place among the rest of the series.'
PRESS OPINIONS ON 'FAMOUS SCOTS' SERIES — continued.
Of ADAM SMITH, by HECTOR C. MACPHERSON,
The Speaker says : —
' This little book is written with brains and a degree of courage which is in keeping
with its convictions. It has vision, too, and that counts for righteousness, if any-
where, in political economy.'
The Echo says :—
' Smith's life is briefly and clearly told, and there is a good deal of independent
criticism interspersed amidst the chapters on the philosopher's two principal
treatises. Mr. Macpherson's analysis of Smith's economic teaching makes excellent
reading. '
The Scots Pictorial says : —
' One of the best of an admirable series.'
Mr. Herbert Spencer says : —
' I have learned much from your sketch of Adam Smith's life and work. It pre-
sents the essential facts in a lucid and interesting way. Especially am I glad to see
that you have insisted upon the individualistic character of his teaching. It is well
that his authority on the side of individualism should be put forward in these days
of rampant Socialism, when the great mass of legislative measures extend public
agency and restrict private agency ; the advocates of such measures being blind to
the fact that by small steps they are bringing about a state in which the citizen will
have lost all freedom.'
The Glasgow Herald says : —
1 A sound and able piece of work, and contains a fair and discerning estimate of
Smith in his essential character as the author of the doctrine of Free Trade, and
consequently of the modern science of economics.'
Of ANDREW MELVILLE, by WILLIAM MORISON,
The Spectator says : —
' The story is well told, and it takes one through a somewhat obscure period with
which it is well to be acquainted. No better guide could be found than Mr. Morison."
The Speaker says : —
' The great aspects of his career as Principal of Glasgow and then of St. Andrews
— it has been said that the European renown of the Scottish Universities began with
Melville — are admirably discussed in this virile, and at the same time critical
monograph."
The North British Daily Mail says :—
' Mr. Morison outlines the main facts of Melville's life-work with singular lucidity
and point. He displays a full and accurate knowledge of the ecclesiastical history
of the period, and his judgments are invariably sound. Altogether the book is one
of the best of the series.'
The British Weekly says : —
' Mr. Morison writes with full knowledge of Scottish history, and also with what
is equally important, perfect sympathy with the strong men who made it.'
The Academy says : —
' Mr. Morison has told Melville's story with a care for accurate history.'
Of JAMES FREDERICK FERRIER, by E. S. HALDANE,
The Scotsman says : —
' Ferrier the man, and even Ferrier the professor, Miss Haldane brings near to
us, an attractive and interesting figure."
The Pall Mall Gazette says : —
' His splendid and transcendental thought and fine eloquence were so inspiring
and stimulating, and his personal charm was so fascinating, that a study of the man
must engage the sympathies of every student. The author, who is already known
for admirable work in the philosophical field, has written an excellent'exposition of
Ferrier's views.
I'RESS OPINIONS ON 'FAMOUS SCOTS' SERIES— continued.
Of KING ROBERT THE BRUCE, by Professor MURISON,
The Morning Leader says : —
' Professor Murison has given us a book for which not only Scots, but every man
who can appreciate a record of great day* worthily told will be grateful.'
The Aberdeen Journal says : —
' The story of Bruce is brilliantly told in clear and flexible language, which draws
the reader on with the interest of a novel. Professor Murison is a most impartial
and thoroughly reliable critic, and may be followed with confidence by all who
desire a truthful and unprejudiced picture of this greatest of the Scot*.'
The Leeds Mercury says : —
' A worthy, as it is a necessary, addition to an admirable series.'
The Speaker says : —
' He has sifted for himself State records, official papers, old chronicles, and has
come to his own conclusions without the aid of modern historians. Therein lies the
value of the book : it is a fresh, independent, critical estimate of a man who
emancipated Scotland from a thraldom which was almost worse than death. Brace's
career from first to last is described in these pages with uncompromised fidelity, and
no attempt is made to gloss over the faults of a masterful nature.'
The Morning Leader says : —
' Professor Murison has given us a book for which not only Scots, but every man
who can appreciate a record of great days worthily told, will be grateful.'
Of JAMES HOGG, THE ETTRICK SHEPHERD, by Sir
GEORGE DOUGLAS,
The Scotsman says : —
1 Sir George Douglas has contributed a gracefully written and well-knit biography
of the Ettrick Shepherd to the "Famous Scots" Series. It follows in a spirit of
kindly criticism the steps of Hogg through the shadow and sunshine, the failures
and successes of his career, from the hillsides of Yarrow and Ettrick to the more
slippery places of the world of literature, and back again to the solitude of the
forest ; and it gives us judicious and sympathetic appreciations of bis work in prose
and in verse, much of it already fallen into unmerited neglect.'
The New Age says : —
'A capital biography — full, careful, discriminating, and sympathetic.'
The Daily News says : —
'The story of James Hogg's manly, honourable battle with poverty, and of his
literary achievement, is excellently told by Sir George Douglas.'
The Expository Times says : —
1 The book is accurate, and must have cost research, but it is written in a pleasant
§pssipy manner, quite as if Hogg had flung the flavour of Hogg's writings over his
iographer.'
Saint Andrew says : —
1 We have no hesitation in saying that this valuable and interesting volume will
be welcomed by the Scots people as heartily as any that have preceded it.'
Of THOMAS CAMPBELL, by J. CUTHBERT HADDRN,
The Scotsman says : —
'A very useful, compact, well-digested, and well-written account of Campbell's
career and literary labours.
PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY
DA Wallace, Robert
78? George Buchanan
B9W3