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THE   WRITINGS 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON 


VOL.    I. 


1748-1757 


OF  THIS  LETTER-PRESS  EDITION 
COPIES  HAVE  BEEN  PRINTED  FOR  SALE 


NO. 


r£  (lufau*^ 

February,  1889 


THE   WRITINGS 


OF 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON 


COLLECTED    AND    EDITED 


WORTHINGTON   CHAUNCEY   FORD 


VOL.   I. 


i 748-1 757 


NEW  YORK  &   LONDON 

G.    P.    PUTNAM 'S    SONS 

$ty  Knickerbocker  $rtss 

1889 


Press  of 
G.   P.   PUTNAM'S  SONS 

New  York 


\i 


MARY    GARY. 

WASHINGTON'S    FIRST    LOVE. 


From  Marion  liar land's  "Some  Colonial  Homesteads." 


CONTENTS  OF   VOL.  1.  vii 


To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  June  I2th     ...  99 

Deficiency  in  supplies — Movement  of  the  Indians — Intelli 
gence  from  Fort  Duquesne — Promotions  suggested — Peyrouny — 
Court-martial  of  Capt.  Trent — Arrival  of  Capt.  Mackay,  and 
questions  of  rank. 

Journal,  June  I2th-27th.     Indian  Council,  etc.  109 

To  William  Fairfax,  August  nth        .         .         .         .        124 

Resolution  of  the  Virginia  council — Impossibility  of  per 
formance — Want  of  provisions — No  recruiting  money — Little 
dependence  on  traders  for  supplies. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  August  2Oth         .         .         -133 

Army  matters  requiring  attention — Commissions  for  officers 
— Deserters  and  martial  law. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  August  2ist          .         .         .        13 5 

Recommends  Mr.  Wright — Unequal  cost  of  county  musters. 

To  Colonel  William  Fitzhugh,  November  i$th  .  137 

Cannot  return  to  service — Reduction  of  officers. 

1755- 

To  Robert  Orme,  March  i$th     .  .141 

Thanking  the  General  for  appointment,  which  he  accepts. 

To  Robert  Orme,  April  2cl  144 

Condition  of  accepting  appointment. 

To  John  Robinson,  April  2Oth    .  146 

Motive  for  joining  the  expedition — His  losses  at  Fort 
Necessity — Asks  recompense. 

To  William  Byrd,  April  2Oth       .  148 

Reason  for  serving  under  General  Braddock. 

To  William  Fairfax,  April  23d    .  149 

Meeting  of  governors  at  Alexandria. 

To  William  Fairfax,  May  5th      .          .  i$r 

Joins  General  Braddock — Reasons  for  the  route  taken  by 
army. 

To  John  A.  Washington,  May  6th  i$2 

His  journey  to  camp — Relations  with  the  General — The 
horse  Gist, 

To  Major  John  Carlyle,  May  Hth 

Absurdity  of  route  taken  by  army — Delays. 

To  Mrs.  Fairfax,  May  Hth  ]54 

The  General  at  Alexandria— Prospect  of  delay— Is  sent  to 
Williamsburg. 


viii  CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  I. 


To  John  A.  Washington,  May  I4th    .         .         .         .       155 

Little  prospect  of  an  advance — French  engaged  by  Gov. 
Shirley — Relations  with  the  General — Incidents  of  journey — 
Suggests  his  nomination  as  Burgess. 

To  John  A.  Washington,  May  25th    .         .         .         .157 

Character  of  militia — Severe  drought. 

To  William  Fairfax,  June  7th     .         .         .         .         .       161 

Arrival  at  camp — Impatience  of  the  General — Assistance  from 
Pennsylvania — Troops  about  to  march — News  from  the  north. 

To  John  A.  Washington,  June  28th    .         .         .  164 

Is  taken  with  fever  and  compelled  to  leave  the  army — The 
troops  discard  baggage — Council  of  officers — His  opinion  re 
quested,  and  accepted — Position  of  Dunbar's  troops — No  letters 
from  his  friends — News  from  the  army. 

To  Robert  Orme,  June  3<Dth 170 

Advance  of  Dunbar's  regiment — Prospect  of  his  joining  the 
General. 
To  Governor  Innes,  July  I5th 172 

Provision  for  receiving  the  General. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  July  i8th     ....        173 

Braddock's  defeat — Conduct  of  the  Virginia  troops — Cow 
ardice  of  the  regulars — The  killed  and  wounded — Consequence 
of  the  defeat — Dunbar's  hasty  retreat, 

To  John  A.  Washington,  July  i8th    ....       175 

Rumor  of  his  death — On  his  way  to  Mt.  Vernon. 

To  Robert  Jackson,  August  2d 177 

Reflections  on  the  defeat. 

To  Augustine  Washington,  August  2d        .         .         .        178 

Offers  his  services — His  former  experiences — Operations 
suggested. 

To  Mrs.  Mary  Washington,  August  I4th    .         .         .180 

Reasons  for  accepting  a  command. 

To  Warner  Lewis,  August  I4th  .         .         .         .       181 

Unable  to  journey  to  Williamsburg — Is  not  inclined  to  offer 
his  services — Powers  and  responsibilities  of  the  commander — 
Difficulties  to  be  encountered. 

To  John  Robinson,  September  nth    ....       186 

/       Suggestions  for  supplying  troops. 

Tcf  Governor  Dinwiddie,  October  8th  .         .         .        189 

Recruiting,  and  needs  of  the  forces — Lack  of  a  militia  law — 
Money  required. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  /.  ix 


PAGE 


To  Andrew  Montour,  October  loth    .  .         .       191 

Inviting  him  to  join  the  army — Will  reward  him  suitably. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  October  nth        .         .         .        192 

Raising  militia  forces — Orders  disobeyed — Distress  of  the 
inhabitants — Necessity  of  a  military  law — Reported  incursion  of 
Indians — State  of  the  back  settlements — Need  of  a  commissary. 

Advertisement,  October  I3th  or  I4th  .         .         .       202 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  October  I'/th        .         .         .       202 

Necessity  of  conciliating  the  Indians — Methods  adopted  by 
the  French — Progress  of  recruiting. 

To  Lieutenant-Colonel  Adam  Stephen, November  iSth       205 

Obedience  to  be  enforced — Reward  offered  for  the  apprehen 
sion  of  deserters — Commissioners  to  the  Cherokees. 

To    Lieutenant-Colonel   Adam    Stephen,    November 

28th 208 

As  to  provisions — Fort  Cumberland — The  command  of  the 
forces — Negligence  of  recruiting  officers. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  December  5th      .         .         .       211 

Captain  Dagworthy — Want  of  a  mutiny  bill — Supplies  and 
recruiting — Harboring  deserters. 

To    Lieutenant-Colonel    Adam    Stephen,    December 

28th .214 

Shirley's  opinion  on  Dagworthy — Pay  for  recruits. 
1756. 

To  Robert  Hunter  Morris,  Governor  of  Pennsylvania, 

January  5th  ...  .217 

Obtaining  intelligence — Inactivity  of  Pennsylvania — Vigorous 
measures  needed. 

Address   to  the  Officers  of  the  Virginia   Regiment, 

January  8th  .  219 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  January  I4th 

Expedition  against  the  Shawnee  Town — Forts  to  be  con 
structed—Changes  suggested  in  government  of  army — Appoint 
ments. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  January  I4th  224 

Dagworthy's  neglect  of  orders — Proposes  to  visit  Governor 
Shirley — Dagworthy's  pretensions  examined. 

To  Lieutenant-Colonel  Stephen,  February  1st 

Punishment  of  deserters— To  visit  Boston— Directions  to  be 
enforced  in  his  absence. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL,  I. 


To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  February  2d  229 

Want  of  artillery — Commission  for  holding  courts-martial. 

Notes  on  his  Journey  to  Boston  ....       231 

Extracts  from  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette      .         .         .234 
To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  April  /th      ....       234 

Incursion  of  the  enemy — Vigorous  measures  called  for — 
Inhabitants  should  be  called  in — Failure  of  Major  Lewis'  expe 
dition — Death  of  Douville  ;  his  instructions. 

To  Governor  Morris,  April  Qth 239 

Attack  by  French  and  Indians — Union  of  colonies — Resig 
nation  suggested. 

To  John  Robinson,  April  i6th    .....       241 

Timidity  of  inhabitants  prevents  pursuit  of  Indians — A  plan 
for  organizing  army — Marksmen  only  should  be  drafted. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  April  i8th    ....       245 

Representations  against  the  Virginia  troops. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  April  I9th    ....       247 

Defeat  and  death  of  Mercer. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  April  22d      ....       248 

Distress  of  the  inhabitants — Again  urges  vigorous  measures — 
Ashby's  letter  and  reported  move  of  the  Indians. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  April  24th    ....       252 

Alarm  of  the  inhabitants — Militia  called  out — Indians  should 
be  employed — Dishonorable  cabals  in  neighborhood. 
To  John  Robinson,  April  24th 255 

Charges  against  troops — The  proposed  chain  of  forts — 
Reasons  for  a  defensive  campaign — Position  of  Fort  Cumber 
land — Location  of  others. 

To  John  Robinson,  April  2/th    .....       262 

Chain  of  forts  discussed — Fort  proposed  at  Winchester — 
Panic  of  the  people. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  April  27th    ....       264 

Deserted  condition  of  frontier  settlements — Indians  are  use 
ful — A  fort  at  Winchester — Disadvantageous  position  of  Fort 
Cumberland. 

Memms.  Respect'g  the  Militia,  April  and  May  .         ".       269 
To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  May  3d         ....       277 

Indians  have  retired — Militia  should  be  ordered  back — A 
definite  plan  of  operations  should  be  formed — Disposal  of 
forces  a  disadvantage — Mutiny  act  criticised. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  I.  xi 

PACH 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  May  23d        .          .         .          .281 

Desertion  among  militia  ;  two  examples — Associators  ex 
pected — Short  term  of  service  under  new  levies — Progress  in  the 
construction  of  forts. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  June  25th     ....       286 

The  chain  of  forts — Drafts  of  militia — Maryland  builds  a  fort. 

To  Captain  Waggener,  July  I3th         .          .  .290 

Placed  in  command  of  company  to  construct  forts. 

Instructions  for  Captain  Peter  Hog     .                            .       292 
To  Captain  Stewart,  July  22d 293 

Plans  of  forts  enclosed — Location  of  proposed  fort  described — 
Visit  of  Indians. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  August  4th  .       295 

Council  of  officers  on  location  of  forts— Defeat  of  Rutherford 
— Enlistment  of  servants — Weakness  of  regiment — Desertion — 
Re-enlisting — Indians. 

To  John  Robinson,  August  5th  .  307 

Question  of  accounts— Fort  Cumberland  ;  its  disadvantageous 
location — Payment  for  apprehension  of  deserters — Payment  of 
soldiers — Dissatisfaction. 

To  Captain  Waggener,  August  5th     .  .       320 

Distribution  of  forces. 

To  Colonel  Stephen,  August  5th  322 

Allotment  of  troops — Discrepancy  in  returns 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  August  I4th  •       324 

Demand  for  reinforcements— Opinion  of  council  of  war — 
Murders  of  the  inhabitants — Reported  attack  on  Fort  Cumber 
land — Requests  leave  of  absence. 

Address  to  his  Command     . 

To  Lord  Fairfax,  August  29th     .  329 

Position  of  the  back  settlements— His  weakness— Need  of  a 
company. 

To  Colonel  Stephen,  September  6th   . 

Dinwiddie  on  Fort  Cumberland— The  Southern  Indians- 
Loss  of  a  horse,  and  directions  as  to  strays. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  September  8th     . 

As  to  enlisting  servants — Rangers  and  Indians — Deserters- 
Frontiers  should  be  protected. 


xii  CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  I. 


To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  September  23d     .         .         .       345 

Matters  concerning  the  Virginia  regiment — Fort  Cumberland 
— The  new  chain  of  forts — Number  of  troops  required — Regu 
lation  of  publicans. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  September  28th   .         .  351 

Appointment  of  a  commissary — The  new  forts. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  October  loth        .          .          .        354 

Indian   matters — Examination    of    forts — Condition    of    the 
militia. 
To  Major  David  Lewis,  October  iSth         .          .          .        359 

Criticising  his  refusal  to  comply  with  a  request  for  troops. 

To  Lieutenant-Colonel  Stephen,  October  23d     .          .        360 

Dinwiddie  on  Fort  Cumberland — Council  of  officers  ordered — 
Offensive  campaign  to  be  preferred. 

Council  of  War  on  Fort  Cumberland          .         .          .  364 

Remarks  on  the  Council  of  War          ....  368 

Location  of  the  Forts 371 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  November  Qth      .          .          .  373 

Inspection  of  forts — Disadvantages  of  militia — The  garrisons 
— Wretched  state  of  inhabitants — Vigorous  campaign  urged — 
Indians — Rewards  for  taking  up  deserters — Council  on  forts. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  November  24th    .          .         .        383 

Explains  terms  in  letter  which  Governor  criticised. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  December  2d  389 

Effect  of  the  Governor's  orders — Stores  at  Fort  Cumberland — 
Drafts  of  militia. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  December  4th       .          .          .       393 

Wholesale  desertion  ;  the  plot  disclosed. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  December  loth     .          .          .       395 

Capture  of  deserters — Recruiting  servants — Condition  of 
soldiers. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  December  igth    .         .         .       397 

The  Governor's  orders — Matters  relating  to  the  troops — Lord 
Loudoun's  letter  examined. 

To  John  Robinson,  December  iQth     .          .          .          .    -   403 

The  Governor's  orders — Lord  Loudoun  prejudiced — Money 
needed. 

To  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  December,       406 

Assembly  incensed  against  the  regiment — Difficulties  of  his 
position — Is  willing  to  resign — Characters  of  officers. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  /.  xiii 


To  the   Worshipful   the  Speaker  and   Gentlemen  of 

the  House  of  Burgesses         .....       409 

1757- 
To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  January  [i2th]      .         .         .411 

Trial  of  mutineers — Position  of  Mr.  Walker — Works  at  Fort 
Cumberland — Evacuation  of  forts. 

To  the  Earl  of  Loudoun,  [March]        ....       414 

Sketch  of  what  had  been  done  by  Virginia — The  Braddock 
expedition — Troops  poorly  provided  for — Recruiting  and  acts  of 
Assembly — Erection  of  forts — Military  laws  and  regulations — 
The  militia — His  own  position  in  the  army. 

To  Richard  Washington,    Merchant,  London,  April 

15th -431 

His  position  on  the  frontier — The  French  on  the  Ohio,  and 
efforts  of  Virginia — Sends  tobacco  for  sale. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  April  i6th    .  433 

Council  on  Governor's  orders — The  Catawba  Indians — Re 
monstrance  of  troops. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  April  2Qth    . 

Regimental  matters — Martial  law — Indians— Pay  for  servants 
and  deserters  ;  for  troops — The  construction  of  forts — Militia — 
Money  accounts. 
To    John     Robinson,     Speaker    of     the     House     of 

Burgesses,  May  3<Dth     .         .  •       442 

Indian  policy — Captain  Gist. 

To  John  Robinson,  June  loth     .  444 

Departure  of  Indians — Money  and  accounts. 

To  Colonel  Stanwix,  June  I5th  .  447 

Baker's  scout — Affairs  at  Fort  Duquesne— Disposition  of 
troops — Bat-men. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  June  i6th     .  449 

Expected  attack  on  Fort  Cumberland— Militia  ordered  up. 

To  Colonel  Stanwix,  June  2Oth  .  45  * 

Fort  Duquesne— Strength  of  the  French— Spotswood's  party. 

To  Colonel  Stanwix,  June  2ist    . 

Sortie  from  Fort  Duquesne — Error  of  Captain  Dagworthy. 
To  Colonel  Stanwix,  June  28th  . 

On  Capt.  Beale's  proposition — Indian  affairs. 


xiv  CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  I. 


PAGE 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  [July  nth]  ....       458 

Capture  of  deserters — Their  punishment — Promotion  of  Cap 
tain  McNeill  recommended — Return  of  strength — Requests 
leave  of  absence. 

To  Colonel  Stanwix,  July  I5th 462 

Indians — Militia — Deserters — Imprisonment  of  Cherokees — 
Philadelphia  post. 

To  Governor  Sharpe,  July  2Oth 464 

Deserters  from  Virginia — Requests  aid  in  capturing  them. 

General  Instructions  to  All  the  Captains  of  Companies, 

July  2Qth 466 

To  Colonel  Stanwix,  July  3Oth 470 

Imprisonment  of  Cherokees — Drafts — Leave  of  absence — 
Indian  depredations. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  August  2/th         .         .         .       472 

Drafts — Regimental  returns — French  incursions — Recruiting 
— Explains  his  position  and  replies  to  criticism. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  September  I7th   .         .         .       477 

Deserters — Army  returns — Indian  management — Attacks  on 
frontiers — Stores  at  Fort  Cumberland — Commissary. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  September  I7th  .         .         .       483 

Col.  Corbin's  charges. 

To  Captain  William  Peachy,  September  i8th     .         .       487 

The  assertions  of  Colonel  Corbin. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  September  24th  .         .         .       488 

Settlements  deserted. 

To  Mrs.  Mary  Washington,  September  3<Dth       .         .       490 

Marriage  of  Charles  Washington — Orders  cloths. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  October  5th          .         .         .       491 

Supplies — Recruiting  service — Hostile  movements  of  French 
—  Arrival  of  Cherokees  —  Charge  of  ingratitude  answered  — 
French  spies. 

To  Colonel  Stanwix,  October  8th        .         .         .         .       497 

Thefts  by  Hamilton  —  Incursion  of  enemy  —  Defence  of 
country  impossible. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  October  9th          .         .         .       500 

Conduct  of  magistrates  —  Tippling-houses  —  Lewis'  expe 
dition. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  /.  xv 


To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  October  24th        .         .         .       504 

Necessity  of  reinforcements — Captains  Hog  and  Rutherford 
— Indians. 

To    John     Robinson,    Speaker    of     the    House    of 

Burgesses,    October    25th 507 

Situation  of  inhabitants. 

To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  November  5th      .  .510 

Treatment  of  Indians. 


PREFACE. 


IT  would  be  impossible  to  approach  a  collection  of 
the  WRITINGS  OF  WASHINGTON  without  taking  some 
notice  of  the  labors  of  Mr.  Jared  Sparks,  the  earnest, 
conscientious,  and,  it  must  be  added,  often  injudi 
cious  pioneer  in  that  great  task.  It  is  just  to  pay 
first  a  high  tribute  to  his  indefatigable  industry  in 
gathering  the  material,  his  wide  acquaintance  with 
the  sources  of  history  of  the  time,  and  his  extensive 
and  generally  accurate  knowledge  of  the  men  engaged 
in  and  the  affairs  connected  with  the  troublous  period 
of  the  nation's  birth,  with  the  crucial  contest  for  a 
nation's  existence.  He  worked  with  imperfect  instru 
ments,  much  of  almost  vital  importance  to  the  truth 
escaped  his  attention,  while  family  pride  and  individ 
ual  selfishness  shut  him  off  from  manuscript  records 
that  would  in  his  hands  have  added  greatly  to  the 
value  and  rounded  out  more  completely  the  interest 
of  his  work.  It  is  fitting  that  due  acknowledgment 
should  be  made  of  the  great  debt  that  Americans  owe 
to  his  efforts,  and  no  one  is  in  a  better  position  to 
recognize  the  debt  thus  due  than  the  writer,  who  has 
passed  over  much  of  the  same  territory,  encountered 
the  same  difficulties,  and  through  experience  been 


xviii  PREFACE. 


brought  to  a  full  realization  of  the  greatness  of  the  task 
accomplished  by  Mr.  Sparks.  No  small  part  of  the 
results  of  his  labors  has  been  embodied  in  these 
volumes. 

In  spite,  however,  of  all  that  can  be  said  in  praise 
of  Mr.  Sparks'  work,  it  must  be  admitted  that  his 
zeal  led  him  into  a  serious  error  of  judgment,  so 
common  to  hero-worshippers,  not  only  doing  his  own 
reputation,  as  an  editor,  an  injury,  but,  what  is  of 
greater  moment,  conveying  a  distorted  idea  of  Wash 
ington's  personal  character  and  abilities — an  idea  that 
was  rapidly  developed  into  a  cult,  from  which  it  is  still 
difficult  to  break  away,  and  in  which  it  is  dangerous 
to  express  unbelief.  Finding  that  Washington  had, 
at  a  late  period  of  his  life,  carefully  corrected  some 
of  his  earlier  letters,  erasing  and  pruning  liberally, 
and  altering  the  arrangement  of  sentences  and  choice 
of  words,  wherever  his  more  mature  experience 
pointed  out  the  need,  Mr.  Sparks  took  the  same 
liberty  with  the  rest  of  the  letters  and  messages,  and 
produced  what  is  perhaps  a  more  uniform  work  than 
could  otherwise  be  obtained,  but  one  that  is  singu 
larly  colorless  when  examined  to  discover  the  indi 
viduality  of  the  wTriter.  Not  only  did  the  editor 
omit  sentences,  words,  proper  names,  and  even  para 
graphs  without  notice  to  the  reader,  but  he  materi 
ally  altered  the  sense  and  application  of  important 
portions  of  the  letters.  This  has  been  done  upon  no 
well-defined  principles,  no  general  rules  that  could 
account  for  the  expediency  or  necessity  of  a  change 
so  radical  and,  it  must  be  admitted,  often  so  mislead- 


PREFACE.  xix 


ing  and  mischievous.  The  young  colonel  of  the 
Virginia  regiment,  serving  in  the  colonial  wars,  writes 
in  Mr.  Sparks'  volumes  with  the  same  maturity 
of  style  and  thought  as  the  president  of  the  estab 
lished  republic.  The  interesting  study  that  might  be 
based  upon  the  gradual  mental  development  of  the 
man  from  youth  to  old  age  is  rendered  impossible  by 
Mr.  Sparks'  methods  of  treating  the  written  record, 
and  consequently  the  real  character  of  Washington 
as  a  man  is  as  little  known  to-day  as  it  was  to  the 
generation  that  followed  him.  The  patient  antiquary 
can  discover  a  few  inedited  records  of  the  man, 
written  in  the  full  freedom  of  friendly  intercourse  ; 
but  nothing  of  this  nature  appears  in  the  collection 
of  Mr.  Sparks. 

Some  protest  must  be  entered  against  the  whole 
sale  and  indiscriminate  charges  of  interested  motives 
for  his  acts  that  it  is  now  the  fashion  to  bring  against 
Mr.  Sparks.  The  blame  for  many  of  the  changes 
and  omissions  cannot  be  laid  at  his  door.  His  corre 
spondents  often  misled  him,  wilfully  as  well  as  unin 
tentionally  ;  his  copyists  and  proof-readers  were  liable 
to  err  ;  while  in  other  instances  where  he,  depended 
upon  a  printed  version,  the  letters  were  mutilated 
before  they  reached  his  hands,  as  was  the  case  with 
the  correspondence  with  Richard  Henry  Lee,  as  pub 
lished  by  the  Lee  family. 

I  have  been  fortunate  enough  to  find  among  the 
Washington  manuscripts  in  the  Department  of  State 
the  originals  of  two  of  the  earlier  letter-books  of 
Washington,  on  which  Mr.  Sparks  based  his  editorial 


xx  PREFACE. 


work,  and  which  had  been  mislaid  for  so  many  years 
that  their  very  existence  was  denied.  They  contain 
the  original  drafts  of  his  letters,  all  but  a  few  pages 
are  his  own  writing,  and  the  changes  he  made  at  a 
late  period  of  his  life  are  so  distinctive,  both  in 
the  form  of  the  letters  and  the  colors  of  the  ink,  as 
to  make  an  error  of  date  impossible.  It  is  to  be 
regretted  that  these  books  were  not  discovered  until 
after  the  first  pages  of  this  volume  were  printed, 
when  it  was  too  late  to  utilize  this  remarkable  dis 
covery.  I  have,  however,  noted  the  differences  in 
some  of  the  letters  written  during  the  campaign  of 
1758  (Volume  II.  of  this  collection),  and  the  general 
nature  of  the  changes  in  construction  and  language 
can  be  recognized  from  them.  As  a  matter  of 
interest,  a  few  sentences  are  taken  from  the  earlier 
series,  written  during  the  Braddock  campaign  : — 


TO    MRS.    FAIRFAX. 


[As  originally  written.]  [As  corrected  by  Washington.] 

This  I  took  as  a  gentle  rebuke  and  Am    I    to    consider    the   proposed 

polite  manner  of  forbidding  my  cor-  mode  of  communication   as   a  polite 

responding  with  you  and  conceive  this  intimation  of  your  wishes  to  withdraw 

opinion  is  not  illy  founded  when  I  re-  your  correspondence  ?     To  a  certain 

fleet    that    I   have   hitherto    found   it  degree  it  has  that  appearance  ;  for  I 

impracticable  to  engage  one  moment  have  not   been  honored   with  a  line 

of  your  attention.     If  I  in  this  from  you  since  I  parted  with  you  at 

I  hope  you   will   excuse   my  present  Belvoir.     If  this  was  your  object,  in 

presumption   and  lay  the  imputation  what  manner  shall  I  apologise  for  my 

to  elateness  at  my  successful  arrival.  present  disobedience  ;  but  on  the  con- 

If  on  the  contrary  these  are  fearfull  trary,    if   it   was   the   effect    of    your 

apprehensions  only,  how  easy  is  it  to  delicacy,  how  easy  it  is  to  remove  my 

remove  my  suspicion.    7  June,  1755.  suspicion. 


PREFACE.  xxj 


TO    WILLIAM    IJYRD. 

For    I    can    very  truly   say  I    have  For   I  can  truly  say  I  have  no  ex- 
no  expection  of  reward,  hut  the  hope  pectation   of  either    [fee  or   reward], 
of   meriting    the  love  of  my  country,  To  merit    its   esteem,    and   the  good 
and    friendly  regard  of  my  acquaint-  will  of  my  friends,  is  the  sum  of  my 
ance  ;  and  as  to   my  prospect  of  ob-  ambition,    having  no  prospect  of  ob 
taining  a  commission  I  have  none,  as  taining  a  commission,  being  perfectly 
I  am  perfectly  well  assured  that  it  is  well  assured  &c. 
not  in  Gen'l  Braddock's  power  to  give 
such  an  one  as  I  would  accept  of.     20 
April  1755. 

It  would  be  an  ungrateful  task,  as  well  to  the 
reader  as  to  the  editor,  to  attempt  an  exposition  of 
how  Mr.  Sparks  applied,  as  he  thought,  the  same 
methods  to  the  later  correspondence  of  Washington, 
and  of  the  regrettable  consequences.  A  casual 
comparison  between  his  collection  and  the  present 
volumes  will  demonstrate  the  extent  of  the  liberties 
taken  with  the  text.  For  it  has  been  the  wish  of  the 
present  editor  to  return  to  the  originals,  to  give  the 
letters  as  they  were  first  written  by  Washington 
(omitting  of  course  the  rough  drafts),  with  all  their 
uncouth  construction  of  sentences,  curious  use  of 
words,  old  style  of  capitalization,  and  frequent  ab 
breviations,  the  various  spellings  of  proper  names, 
even  of  words  in  ordinary  use,  and  the  awkward 
punctuation,  so  often  calculated  to  confuse  and 
mislead.  In  adopting  this  course  I  may  have  erred 
as  much  in  one  direction  as  Mr.  Sparks  did  in 
another  ;  but  I  can  plead  the  requirements  of  the 
modern  historical  method,  demanding  fulness  and 
accuracy  of  detail  even  to  an  extreme  ;  not  to  mention 
the  serious  obstacles  that  any  middle  course  would 
have  entailed. 


xxii  PREFACE, 


A  difficulty  presented  itself  from  the  outset. 
The  proper  management  of  the  enormous  mass  of 
material  offered  was  of  itself  a  problem  of  no  small 
moment  ;  the  form  in  which  that  material  was  ac 
cessible  made  a  proper  and  satisfactory  solution  the 
more  delicate  and  involved.  I  have  traced,  in  many 
instances,  not  only  the  original  drafts  or  the  original 
letters,  but  copies  of  the  letters,  sometimes  more 
than  one  transcript,  and  again  printed  editions  of 
them,  no  two  of  which  would  agree  exactly  in 
every  detail.  Here  was  the  chief  obstacle  to  my 
work.  For  did  I  print  the  original,  the  variant  draft, 
transcript,  or  printed  copy  could  be  used  as  the  basis 
of  a  charge  of  inaccuracy ;  and  the  same  charge 
would  lie  did  I  use  any  but  the  original  form.  To 
note  all  the  variations  was  out  of  the  question,  not 
merely  because  of  their  number,  but  because  of  their 
comparatively  little  interest  to  any  but  the  anti 
quary.  Some  compromise  was  necessary,  and  after 
a  careful  examination  of  the  material,  I  determined 
to  note  in  my  last  volume  the  source  of  the  printed 
version,  whether  an  original,  a  draft,  a  transcript, 
contemporary  letter-book,  or  a  late  copy  ;  while  in 
notes  appended  to  each  letter,  I  propose  to  give  any 
important  variation  calling  for  such  attention.  Where- 
ever  possible,  the  original  letter  is  used  in  the  text. 

In  following  so  closely,  almost  slavishly,  the 
manuscript  record,  a  notable  lack  of  uniformity  re 
sulted,  and  will  to  many  lend  an  appearance  of  care 
less  editing  to  the  printed  page.  This  will  naturally 
be  more  evident  in  the  earlier  writings  than  in  those 


PREFACE.  xxiii 


of  the  revolutionary  and  subsequent  periods,  when 
the  burden  of  the  correspondence  rested  with  secre 
taries.  To  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution  Wash 
ington  composed  and  wrote  all  his  letters,  and 
carefully  copied  them  himself  into  letter-books.  The 
personal  characteristics  of  the  writer  show  more 
clearly  in  these  earlier  writings,  and  it  is  for  this 
reason  that  I  have  given  so  many  of  that  period,  and 
in  such  fulness.  Pursuing  the  same  idea  I  have 
confined  my  notes,  as  far  as  was  possible  and  con 
sistent  with  clearness,  to  contemporary  records,  and 
generally  to  the  very  words  of  the  writers.  To 
attempt  even  a  general  summary  of  what  has  been 
said,  written,  and  conjectured  on  mooted  incidents  in 
his  life  would  have  swelled  the  notes  to  an  unwieldly 
size.  The  very  full  and  carefully  prepared  notes  in 
the  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America  render 
such  a  task  unnecessary.  Where  I  have  found  a 
contemporary  judgment  of  Washington's  character, 
uncolored  by  personal  hostility  or  partisan  hatred,  I 
have  quoted  it. 

In  thus  confining  myself  as  closely  as  possible  to 
what  Washington  wrote  and  what  those  who  had 
relations  with  him  thought  of  his  capacity,  position, 
and  acts,  no  violence  is  done  to  his  reputation,  noth 
ing  is  taken  that  derogates  from  the  extraordinary 
abilities  that  showed  their  efficiency  in  small  as  well 
as  in  great  affairs.  An  awkward  word  or  phrase,  a 
strong  expression,  or  a  severely  personal  criticism  on 
his  contemporaries  led  to  an  alteration  or  rejection 
by  Mr.  Sparks,  not  only  from  a  wish  to  spare 


xxiv  PREFACE. 


individual  reputations,  but  also  from  an  idea  that  a 
publication  would  detract  from  the  greatness  of  the 
writer.  In  the  present  publication  nothing  of  interest 
or  importance  is  omitted  from  the  record,  but  the  re 
sult  is  not  destructive  of  any  reputations,  and  brings 
Washington  nearer  to  us  in  thought  and  action  than 
before. 

The  most  agreeable  part  of  my  task  now  lies 
before  me,  that  of  acknowledging  the  kind  assistance 
so  liberally  afforded  me  by  the  possessors  of  letters 
of  Washington  and  by  persons  interested  in  American 
history.  Many  as  have  been  the  rebuffs  I  have 
received  in  pursuing  my  researches, — and  I  regret 
that  I  have  been  denied  access  to  some  very  important 
collections  of  Washington  letters, — they  have  been 
far  more  than  compensated  by  the  voluntary  kindness 
of  strangers,  and  by  the  generous  acts  of  friends  and 
fellow-students  of  history  on  both  sides  of  the  ocean. 
Many  difficulties  have  been  made  smooth,  and  much 
of  the  drudgery  involved  has  been  lightened,  by  the 
encouraging  words  and  marks  of  appreciation  of  these 
good  friends.  To  the  rich  deposit  of  Washington 
papers  in  the  Department  of  State,  Washington,  I 
have  had  full  and  free  access  through  the  courtesy  of 
Hon.  Thomas  F.  Bayard.  Mr.  Ainsworth  R.  Spofford 
and  his  assistants  have  freely  placed  before  me  the 
resources  of  the  Library  of  Congress.  Nor  should  I 
omit  to  mention  the  historical  societies  throughout 
the  country,  which  have  rarely  hesitated  to  place  at 
my  disposal  their  rich  collections  of  manuscripts  and 
authorities,  and  afforded  me  every  opportunity  to 


PREFACE.  xxv 


utilize  their  possessions.  Easily  first,  stands  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  to  whose  librarian, 
Mr.  Green,  I  am  especially  indebted  for  favors.  To 
one  and  all  of  these  assistants  I  give  thanks,  reserving 
special  mention  for  the  last  volume,  when  my  burden 
of  indebtedness  will  be  paid  in  full. 

I  have  been  specially  fortunate  in  my  copyist,  to 
whose  industry  and  accuracy  I  gladly  pay  some  tribute. 
Through  the  courtesy  of  Mr.  Justin  Winsor  and  the 
publishers  of  the  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of 
America  I  am  enabled  to  use  some  of  the  maps  and 
illustrations  prepared  for  that  valuable  and  encyclo 
paedic  work. 

WORTHINGTON    CPIAUNCEY    FORD. 
WASHINGTON,  January,  1889. 


THE    WRITINGS  OF 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 


JOURNAL   OF   A    SURVEY,   I748.1 

Fryday,  March  nth,  1747/8.  Began  my  Journey  in  com 
pany  with  George  Fairfax,  Esqr.;  we  travell'd  this  day  40 
miles  to  Mr.  George  Neavels  in  Prince  William  County. 

Saturday,  March  I2th.  This  Morning  Mr.  James  Genn, 
ye  surveyor,  came  to  us  ;  we  travell'd  over  ye  Blue  Ridge 
to  Capt.  Ashbys  on  Shannandoah  River.  Nothing  remark 
able  happen'd. 

Sunday,  March  13.  Rode  to  his  Lordship's  Quarter 
about  4  miles  higher  up  ye  river.  We  went  through  most 
beautiful  Groves  of  Sugar  Trees,  &  spent  ye  last  part  of 
ye  Day  in  admiring  ye  Trees  &  richness  of  ye  Land. 

Monday  I4th.  We  sent  our  baggage  to  Capt.  Hites 
(near  Frederick  Town)  went  ourselves  down  ye  River  about 
1 6  miles  to  Capt.  Isaac  Pennington's  (the  Land  exceeding 
rich  and  fertile  all  ye  way — produces  abundance  of  Grain, 
Hemp,  Tobacco,  &c.)  in  order  to  lay  of[f]  some  Land  on 
Cates  Marsh  &  Long  Marsh. 

Tuesday  I5th.  We  set  out  early  with  intent  to  run 
round  ye  sd.  Land,  but  being  taken  in  a  rain,  &  it  increas- 

1  This  is  the  earliest  manuscript  of  Washington's  that  I  have  found,  except 
his  studies  in  surveying  and  summaries  of  his  reading,  and  is  printed  from  the 
original  in  the  Department  of  State,  Washington.  It  possesses  little  interest 
apart  from  its  early  date.  Lord  Fairfax  claimed  under  a  patent  of  James 
II.  all  of  what  is  now  the  lower  end  of  the  Shenandoah  Valley,  and  it  was  by 
his  directions  that  Washington  surveyed  it.  A  copy  of  one  of  Lord  Fairfax's 
survey  warrants,  issued  to  Washington,  is  printed  in  the  Historical  Magazine. 
March,  1869. 


THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1748 


ing  very  fast  obliged  us  to  return.  It  clearing  about  one 
o'clock  &  our  time  being  too  Precious  to  loose,  we  a  second 
time  ventured  out  &  worked  hard  till  night,  then  returnd 
to  Penningtons.  We  got  our  suppers  &  was  Lighted  into 
a  Room  &  I  not  being  so  good  a  woodsman  as  ye  rest  of 
my  company,  striped  myself  very  orderly  and  went  into  ye 
Bed,  as  they  calld  it,  when  to  my  surprize,  I  found  it  to  be 
nothing  but  a  little  straw  matted  together  without  sheets  or 
any  thing  else,  but  only  one  thread  bear  blanket  with 
double  its  weight  of  vermin,  such  as  Lice,  Fleas,  &c.  I 
was  glad  to  get  up  (as  soon  as  ye  Light  was  carried  from 
us.)  I  put  on  my  cloths  &  lay  as  my  companions.  Had 
we  not  been  very  tired,  I  am  sure  we  should  not  have  slep'd 
much  that  night.  I  made  a  Promise  not  to  sleep  so  from 
that  time  forward,  chusing  rather  to  sleep  in  ye  open  air 
before  a  fire,  as  will  appear  hereafter. 

Wednesday  i6th.  We  set  out  early  &  finished  about  one 
o'clock  &  then  Travelled  up  to  Frederick  Town,  where  our 
Baggage  came  to  us.  We  cleaned  ourselves  (to  get  Rid  of 
ye  Game  we  had  catched  ye  night  before).  I  took  a  Re 
view  of  ye  Town  &  then  return'd  to  our  Lodgings  where 
we  had  a  good  Dinner  prepared  for  us.  Wine  &  Rum 
Punch  in  plenty,  &  a  good  Feather  Bed  with  clean  sheets, 
which  was  a  very  agreeable  regale. 

Thursday  I7th.  Rain'd  till  ten  o'clock  &  then  clearing  we 
reached  as  far  as  Major  Campbells,  one  of  there  Burgesses 
about  25  miles  from  Town.  Nothing  remarkable  this  day 
nor  night,  but  that  we  had  a  Tolerable  good  Bed  [to]  lay  on. 

Friday  i8th.  We  Travelled  up  about  35  miles  to  Thomas 
Barnwickes,  on  Potowmack,  where  we  found  ye  River  so  ex 
cessively  high  by  reason  of  ye  great  Rains  that  had  fallen 
up  about  ye  Allegany  Mountains,  as  they  told  us,  which 
was  then  bringing  down  ye  melted  snow  &  that  it  would 
not  be  fordable  for  several  Days.  It  was  then  about  six 
foot  higher  than  usual  &  was  rising.  We  agreed  to  stay 
till  Monday.  We  this  day  calld  to  see  ye  Fam'd  Warm 


1748]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 


Springs.     We  camped  out  in  ye  field  this  night.     Nothing 
remarkable  happened  till  Sunday  ye  2oth. 

Sunday  2Oth.  Finding  ye  river  not  much  abated  we  in  ye 
evening  swam  our  horses  over  and  carried  them  to  Charles 
Polks  in  Maryland,  for  pasturage  till  ye  next  Morning. 

Monday  2ist.  We  went  over  in  a  Canoe  and  Travelled 
up  Maryland  side  all  ye  Day  in  a  continued  Rain  to  Col. 
Cresaps,  right  against  ye  mouth  of  ye  South  Branch,  about 
40  miles  from  Polks,  I  believe  ye  worst  road  than  ever  was 
trod  by  Man  or  Beast. 

Tuesday  22d.  Continued  Rain  and  ye  Freshes  kept  us 
at  Cresaps. 

Wednesday,  23d.  Raind  till  about  two  o'clock  & 
cleard,  when  we  were  agreeably  surprized  at  ye  sight  of 
thirty  odd  Indians  coming  from  war  with  only  one 
scalp.  We  had  some  Liquor  with  Us  of  which  we  gave  them 
Part,  it  elevating  there  spirits,  put  them  in  ye  humor  of 
Dauncing,  of  whom  we  had  a  War  Daunce.  There  manner  of 
Dauncing  is  as  follows,  viz. :  They  clear  a  Large  Circle  & 
make  a  great  Fire  in  ye  middle.  Men  seats  themselves  around 
it.  Ye  speaker  makes  a  grand  speech,  telling  them  in  what 
manner  they  are  to  daunce.  After  he  has  finishd  ye  best 
Dauncer  jumps  up  as  one  awaked  out  of  a  sleep,  &  Runs 
&  Jumps  about  ye  Ring  in  a  most  cornicle  manner.  He  is 
followed  by  ye  Rest.  Then  begins  there  musicians  to  Play. 
Ye  musick  is  a  Pot  half  full  of  water,  with  a  Deerskin  streched 
over  it  as  tight  as  it  can,  &  a  goard  with  some  'shott  in  it 
to  rattle  &  a  Piece  of  an  horse's  tail  tied  to  it  to  make  it 
look  fine.  Ye  one  keeps  rattling  &  ye  others  drumming  all 
ye  while  ye  others  is  Dauncing. 

Fryday,  25th,  1748.  Nothing  remarkable  on  thursday, 
but  only  being  with  ye  Indians  all  day.  So  shall  slip  it.  This 
day  left  Cresaps  &  went  up  to  ye  mouth  of  Paterson's 
Creek,  &  there  swum  our  horses  over,  got  over  ourselves  in  a 
canoe  &  travelled  up  ye  following  part  of  ye  Day  to  Abram 
Johnstones,  15  miles  from  ye  mouth,  where  we  camped. 


4  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1748 

Saterday,  26.  Travell'd  up  ye  creek  to  Solomon  Hedges, 
Esqr.  one  of  his  Majesty's  Justices  of  ye  Peace  for  ye 
County  of  Frederick,  where  we  camped.  When  we  came 
to  supper  there  was  neither  a  Cloth  upon  ye  Table  nor  a 
knife  to  eat  with  ;  but  as  good  luck  would  have  it,  we  had 
knives  of  our  [own]. 

Sunday,  2/th.  Travell'd  over  to  ye  South  Branch,  at 
tended  with  ye  Esqr.  to  Henry  Van  Metriss,  in  order  to  go 
about  Intended  work  of  Lots. 

Monday,  28th.  Travell'd  up  ye  Branch  about  30  miles 
to  Mr.  James  Rutlidges  Horse  Jockey,  &  about  70  miles 
from  ye  mouth. 

Tuesday,  29th.  This  Morning  went  out  &  surveyd. 
five  hundred  acres  of  Land,  and  went  down  to  one  Michael 
Stumpe  on  ye  So.  Fork  of  ye  Branch.  On  our  way  shot 
two  wild  Turkies. 

Wednesday,  3Oth.  This  Morning  began  our  Intended 
business  of  Laying  of  [f]  Lots.  We  began  at  ye  Boundary 
Line  of  ye  Northern  10  miles  above  Stumps,  &  run  of[f] 
two  Lots,  &  return'd  to  Stumps. 

Thursday,  3ist.  Early  this  Morning  one  of  our  men  went 
out  with  ye  gun,  &  soon  returned  with  two  wild  Turkies. 
We  then  went  to  our  business  run  of  [f]  three  lots,  &  returned 
to  our  camping  place  at  Stumps. 

Fryday,  April  ye  1st,  1748.  This  Morning  shot  twice  at 
wild  Turkies,  but  killd  none.  Run  of  [f]  three  Lots  &  returnd 
to  camp. 

Saterday,  April  2d.  Last  night  was  a  blowing  rainy 
night.  Our  straw  catch'd  a  Fire,  yt.  we  were  laying  upon.  I 
was  luckily  preservd  by  one  of  our  Men's  awaking  when  it 
was  in  a  [  '  ].  We  run  of[f]  four  lots  this  day  which  reached 
below  Stumps. 

Sunday,  3d.  Last  Night  was  a  much  more  blustering 
night  than  ye  former.  We  had  our  tent  carried  quite  of[f] 
with  ye  wind,  and  was  obliged  to  Lie  ye  Latter  part  of  ye 

1  Word  erased. 


1748]  GEORGE  \VASHINGTOAT. 


night  without  covering.  There  came  several  Persons  to  see 
us  this  day.  One  of  our  men  shot  a  wild  Turkic. 

Monday,  4th.  This  Morning  Mr.  Fairfax  left  us  with 
intent  to  go  down  by  ye  mouth  of  ye  Branch.  We  did  two 
Lots  &  was  attended  by  a  great  Company  of  People,  men 
Women,  &  children,  that  attended  us  through  ye  woods  as 
we  went,  shewing  there  antick  tricks.  I  really  think  they 
seem  to  be  as  ignorant  a  set  of  people  as  the  Indians.  They 
would  never  speak  English  but  when  spoken  to,  they  speak 
all  Dutch.  This  day  our  tent  was  blown  down  by  ye 
violentness  of  ye  wind. 

Tuesday,  5th.  We  went  out  &  did  4  Lots.  We  were 
attended  by  ye  same  Company  of  People,  yt.  we  had  ye 
day  before. 

Wednesday,  6th.  Last  night  was  so  Intolerably  smoky 
that  we  were  obliged  all  hands  to  leave  ye  Tent  to  ye  Mercy 
of  ye  wind  &  Fire.  This  day  was  attended  by  our  afored. 
Company,  up  till  about  12  o'clock.  When  we  finished,  we 
Travelld  down  ye  Branch  to  Henry  Van  Metriss.  On  our 
journey  was  catchd  in  a  very  heavy  rain.  We  got  under 
a  straw  House  until  ye  worst  of  it  was  over,  &  then  con 
tinued  our  Journey. 

Thursday,  7th.  Raind  successively  all  last  night.  This 
morning  one  of  our  men  killd  a  wild  Turkic  that  weight  20 
Pounds.  We  went  &  surveyd  15  Hundred  acres  of  Land 
&  returnd  to  Van  Metriss  about  I  o'clock.  About  two  I 
heard  that  Mr.  Fairfax  was  come  up  &  at  I  Peter  Cassey's, 
about  2  miles  of[f]  in  ye  same  old  field.  I  then  took  my  horse 
&  went  up  to  see  him.  We  eat  our  Dinners  &  walked  down 
to  Van  Metris's.  We  stayed  about  two  hours  &  walked  back 
again,  and  slept  in  Cassey's  House  which  was  ye  first  night 
I  had  slept  in  a  House  since  I  came  up  to  ye  Branch. 

Fryday,  8th.  We  breakfasted  at  Cassey's  &  rode  down 
to  Van  Metris's  to  get  all  our  Company  together,  which 
when  we  had  accomplished,  we  rode  down  below  ye  Trough 
in  order  to  lay  of  Lots  there.  We  laid  of  [f]  one  this  day. 


6  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1748 

The  Trough  is  couple  of  Ledges  of  Mountains,  impassable, 
running  side  &  side  together  for  above  7  or  8  miles  & 
ye  River  down  between  them.  You  must  ride  round  ye 
back  of  ye  Mountain  for  to  get  below  them.  We  camped 
this  Night  in  ye  woods  near  a  wild  Meadow,  where  was  a 
large  stack  of  Hay.  After  we  had  Pitched  our  Tent  & 
made  a  very  large  Fire,  we  pulled  out  our  knapsack,  in  order 
to  Recruit  ourselves.  Every  [one]  was  his  own  cook.  Our 
Spits  was  forked  Sticks,  our  Plates  was  a  large  Chip  ;  as  for 
Dishes,  we  had  none. 

Saterday,  gth.  Set  ye  Surveyors  to  work,  whilst  Mr. 
Fairfax  &  myself  stayed  at  ye  Tent.  Our  Provision  being 
all  exhausted  &  ye  Person  that  was  to  bring  us  a  Recruit 
disappointing  us,  we  were  obliged  to  go  without  untill  we 
could  get  some  from  ye  neighbors,  which  was  not  untill  4 
or  5  o'clock  in  ye  Evening.  We  then  took  leaves  of  ye  Rest 
of  our  Company,  road  down  to  John  Colins  in  order  to  set 
of  [f]  ye  next  Day  homewards. 

Sunday,  loth.  We  took  our  farewell  of  ye  Branch  & 
travelld  over  Hills  and  Mountains  to  Coddys,  on  Great 
Cacapehon,  about  40  miles. 

Monday,  nth.  We  travelld  from  Coddys  down  to 
Frederick  Town,  where  we  reached  about  12  o'clock.  We 
dined  in  Town  and  then  went  to  Capt.  Hites  &  lodged. 

Tuesday,  I2th. — We  set  of[f]  from  Capt.  Hites  in  order  to 
go  over  Wms.  Gap,  about  20  miles,  and  after  riding  about 
20  miles  we  had  20  to  go,  for  we  had  lost  ourselves  &  got 
up  as  high  as  Ashby's  Bent.  We  did  get  over  WTms.  Gap 
that  night,  and  as  low  as  Wm.  West  in  Fairfax  County,  18 
miles  from  ye  Top  of  ye  Ridge.  This  day  see  a  Rattled 
snake,  ye  first  we  had  seen  in  all  our  journey. 

Wednesday,  ye  I3th  of  April,  1748.  Mr.  Fairfax  got  safe 
home  and  I  myself  safe  to  my  Brothers,  which  concludes 
my  journal.1 

1  In  the  same  book  are  his  survey  notes,  two  short  poems,  and  a  few  letters 
written  at  this  time,  two  of  which  are  here  printed. 


1748]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 


TO  

DEAR  RICHARD, 

The  receipt  of  your  kind  favor  of  the  2cl  of  this 
instant  afforded  me  unspeakable  pleasure,  as  I  am 
convinced  I  am  still  in  the  memory  of  so  worthy  a 
friend, — a  friendship  I  shall  ever  be  proud  of  in 
creasing.  Yours  gave  me  the  more  pleasure,  as 
I  received  it  amongst  a  parcel  of  barbarians  and 
an  uncouth  set  of  people.  The  like  favor  often 
repeated  would  give  me  pleasure,  altho'  I  seem  to 
be  in  a  place  where  no  real  satisfaction  is  to  be  had. 
Since  you  received  my  letter  in  October  last,  I  have 
not  sleep'd  above  three  nights  or  four  in  a  bed,  but, 
after  walking  a  good  deal  all  the  day,  I  lay  down 
before  the  fire  upon  a  little  hay,  straw,  fodder,  or 
bearskin,  which  ever  is  to  be  had,  with  man,  wife, 
and  children,  like  a  parcel  of  dogs  and  cats  ;  and 
happy  is  he,  who  gets  the  berth  nearest  the  fire. 
There  's  nothing  would  make  it  pass  off  tolerably 
but  a  good  reward.  A  doubloon  is  my  constant 
gain  every  day  that  the  weather  will  permit  my  going 
out,  and  sometimes  six  pistoles.  The  coldness  of 
the  weather  will  not  allow  of  my  making  a  long  stay, 
as  the  lodging  is  rather  too  cold  for  the  time  of  year. 
I  have  never  had  my  clothes  off,  but  lay  and  sleep  in 
them,  except  the  few  nights  I  have  lay'n  in  Frederic 
Town. 


TO 

DEAR  FRIEND  ROBIN, 

As  it   's   the  greatest  mark  of  friendship   and  es 
teem,    absent  friends    can    shew  each   other,  in  writ- 


8  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1748 

ing  and  often  communicating  their  thoughts,  to  his 
fellow  companions,  I  make  one  endeavor  to  sig 
nalize  myself  in  acquainting  you,  from  time  to  time, 
and  at  all  times,  my  situation  and  employments  of 
life,  and  could  wish  you  would  take  half  the  pains 
of  contriving  me  a  letter  by  any  opportunity,  as 
you  may  be  well  assured  of  its  meeting  with  a  very 
welcome  reception.  My  place  of  residence  is  at 
present  at  his  Lordship's,  where  I  might,  was  my 
heart  disengaged,  pass  my  time  very  pleasantly  as 
there  's  a  very  agreeable  young  lady  lives  in  the 
same  house,  (Colonel  George  Fairfax's  wife's  sis 
ter.)  But  as  that  's  only  adding  fuel  to  fire,  it  makes 
me  the  more  uneasy,  for  by  often,  and  unavoidably, 
being  in  company  with  her  revives  my  former  passion 
for  your  Lowland  beauty  ;  whereas,  was  I  to  live 
more  retired  from  young  women,  I  might  in  some 
measure  eliviate  my  sorrows,  by  burying  that  chaste 
and  troublesome  passion  in  the  grave  of  oblivion  or 
etarnall  forgetfulness,  for  as  I  am  very  well  assured, 
that  's  the  only  antidote  or  remedy,  that  I  ever  shall 
be  relieved  by  or  only  recess  that  can  administer  any 
cure  or  help  to  me,  as  I  am  well  convinced,  was  I 
ever  to  attempt  any  thing,  I  should  only  get  a  denial 
which  would  be  only  adding  grief  to  uneasiness.1 

1  A  curious  memorandum  exists  in  his  MS.,  and,  judging  from  the  hand 
writing,  belongs  to  this  period  :  "  Memorandum  :  to  have  my  coat  made  by  the 
following  directions  :  To  be  made  a  frock  with  a  lapel  breast  ;  the  lapel  to 
contain  on  each  side  six  buttonholes,  and  to  be  about  5  or  6  inches  wide  all 
the  way,  equal,  and  to  turn  as  the  breast  or  the  coat  does  ;  to  have  it  made  very 
long  waisted  and  in  length  to  come  down  to  or  below  the  bent  of  the  knee  ;  the 
waist  from  the  armpit  to  the  fold  to  be  exactly  as  long  or  longer  than  from 
thence  to  the  bottom  ;  not  to  have  more  than  one  fold  in  the  skirt  and  the  top 
to  be  made  just  to  turn  in,  and  three  buttonholes  ;  the  lapel  at  the  top  to  turn 


1753]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  () 

TO    WM.   FAUNTLEROY,  SR. 

May  20,  1752. 

SIR  :  I  should  have  been  down  long  before  this, 
but  my  business  in  Frederick  detained  me  somewhat 
longer  than  I  expected,  and  immediately  upon  my 
return  from  thence  I  was  taken  with  a  violent  pleu- 
rise,  which  has  reduced  me  very  low  ;  but  purpose, 
as  soon  as  I  recover  my  strength,  to  wait  on  Miss 
Betsy,1  in  hopes  of  a  revocation  of  the  former  cruel 
sentence,  and  see  if  I  can  meet  with  any  alteration 
in  my  favor.  I  have  enclosed  a  letter  to  her,  which 
should  be  much  obliged  to  you  for  the  delivery  of  it. 
I  have  nothing  to  add  but  my  best  respects  to  your 
good  lady  and  family. 


JOURNAL    TO    THE    OHIO,   1753. 

For  some  years  trouble  had  been  brewing  between  the  French  and  English 
on  the  Ohio  frontiers  of  the  colonies,  each  nation  laying  claim  to  a  possession 
of  the  soil,  and  seeking  by  every  means  to  monopolize  the  important  fur  trade 
with  the  Indians.  English  governors  were  granting  lands  and  English  traders 
and  settlers  were  pushing  over  the  mountains,  establishing  stations  and  seeking 
the  aid  of  the  Indians, — steps  that  were  regarded  by  the  French  as  encroach 
ments,  and  that  urged  them  to  take  counter  measures  to  establish  and  maintain 
their  claims.  In  1749,  Celeron  de  Bienville  passed  from  La  Chine  to  the  Ohio, 
and  down  as  far  as  the  Great  Miami,  conciliating  the  Indians  with  gifts  or 
gaining  their  assent  to  his  acts  by  threats,  and,  warning  off  English  traders, 
formally  took  possession  of  the  country  in  the  name  of  his  master,  Louis  XV. 
While  these  events  were  taking  place  the  Ohio  Company  was  formed  in  Vir 
ginia,  to  found  a  colony  in  the  region  in  dispute,  and  under  a  crown  grant  pre 
pared  to  take  possession,  sending  a  trader,  Christopher  Gist,  to  select  and  lo- 


as  the  cape  of  the  coat,  and  bottom  to  come  parallel  with  the  buttonholes  ;  the 
last  buttonhole  in  the  breast  to  be  right  opposite  to  the  button  on  the  hip." 

To  encourage  a  military  spirit  and  supply  the  means  of  training  the  militia, 
Virginia  was  divided  in  1751  into  four  districts,  over  each  of  which  was  placed 
an  adjutant-general,  who  held  the  rank  of  major.  Washington  was  one  of 
these  adjutants.  The  salary  appears  to  have  been  ^"100  a  year. 

1  Miss  Betsy  Fauntleroy. 


io  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1753 

cate  the  land.  On  their  side  the  French  constructed  several  forts.  From 
England  the  colonial  governors  received  notice  of  these  encroachments,  and 
were  instructed  to  require  the  subjects  of  any  foreign  powers  trespassing  or 
building  forts  on  the  territory  claimed,  to  desist  from  "  any  such  unlawful  un 
dertakings,"  and  if  this  requisition  should  not  be  obeyed,  to  employ  force.1  It 
was  in  response  to  these  orders  that  Governor  Dinwiddie  sent  Washington  to 
the  Ohio,  and  thus  forestalled  the  action  of  Pennsylvania.  ' '  The  matter  of 
the  requisition  enjoined  by  Lord  Holdernesse's  letter  was  again  taken  into  con 
sideration  and  a  form  agreed  upon  ;  but  several  persons  who  came  to  town 
from  Virginia  reporting  that  Governor  Dinwiddie  had  sent  an  officer  to  the 
French  camp  on  that  errand  ;  and  it  being  uncertain  what  part  the  Assem 
bly  of  this  Province  would  take  in  this  affair,  it  was  agreed  to  postpone  it  till 
it  should  be  known  what  Governor  Dinwiddie  had  done  or  proposed  to  do." — 
Penn.  Col.  Rec.,  V.,  709.  Dinwiddie  wrote  to  Governor  Hamilton  on  No 
vember  24th,  that  he  had  sent  "  a  person  of  distinction  "  to  the  commander  of  the 
French.  Upon  the  publication  of  the  following  journal  copies  were  sent  to  all 
the  colonial  governors. 

ADVERTISEMENT. 

As  it  vvas  thought  adviseable  by  his  Honour  the  Governor  to 
have  t  lie  following  Account  of  my  Proceedings  to  and  from  the 
FRENCH  on  OHIO,  committed  to  Print ;  I  think  I  can  do  no 
less  than  apologize,  in  some  Measure,  for  the  numberless  Imper 
fections  of  it. 

There  intervened  but  one  Day  between  my  Arrival  in  WlL- 
LIAMSBURG,  and  the  Time  for  the  Councils  Meeting,  for  me 
to  prepare  and  transcribe,  from  the  rough  Minutes  I  had  taken 
in  my  Travels,  this  Journal ;  the  writing  of  which  only  was 
sufficient  to  employ  me  closely  the  whole  Time,  consequently  ad 
mitted  of  no  Leisure  to  consiilt  of  a  new  and  proper  Form  to 
offer  it  in,  or  to  correct  or  amend  the  Diction  of  the  old : 
Neither  was  I  apprised,  nor  did  in  the  least  conceive,  when  I 
wrote  this  for  his  Honour  s  Perusal,  that  it  ever  would  be  pub 
lished,  or  even  have  more  than  a  cursory  Reading ;  till  I  was 
informed,  at  the  Meeting  of  the  present  General  Assembly,  that 
it  was  already  in  the  Press. 

There  is  nothing  can  recommend  it  to  the  Public,  but  this. 
Those  Things  vvhich  came  under  the  Notice  of  my  own  Observa- 

1  Holdernesse  to  Governors,  August  28,  1753. 


1753]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON 


ii 


tion,  I  have  been  explicit  and  just  in  a  Recital  of :~  Those 
which  I  have  gathered  from  Report,  I  have  been  particularly 
cautious  not  to  augment,  but  collected  the  Opinions  of  the  several 
Intelligencers,  and  selected  from  the  whole,  the  most  probable 
and  consistent  Account.1 

G.  WASHINGTON. 


Wednesday,  October  31,  1753. 

I  was  commissioned  and  appointed  by  the  Hon 
ourable  Robert  Dinwiddie,  Esq  ;  Governor,  £c.,  of 
Virginia,  to  visit  and  deliver  a  letter  to  the  Com 
mandant  of  the  French  forces  on  the  Ohio,  and  set 
out  on  the  intended  Journey  the  same  day:  The 
next,  I  arrived  at  Fredericksburg,  and  engaged  Mr. 
Jacob  Vanbraam?  to  be  my  French  interpreter  ; 
and  proceeded  with  him  to  Alexandria,  where  we 
provided  Necessaries.  From  thence  we  went  to 
Winchester,  and  got  Baggage,  Horses,  &c ;  and 
from  thence  we  pursued  the  new  Road  to  Wills- 
Creek,^  where  we  arrived  the  i4th  of  November. 

Here  I  engaged  Mr.  Gist*  to  pilot  us  out,  and  also 
hired  four  others  as  Servitors,  Barnaby  Currin  and 
John  Mac-Quire,  Indian  Traders,  Henry  Steward, 

1  The  original  edition  of  this  Journal,  printed  in  1754  by  William  Hunter  at 
Williamsburg,  is  extremely  rare,  "so  rare  (according  to  Mr.  Field)  that  but  two 
copies  are  known  to  exist."  Mr.  Brinley,  of  Hartford,  possessed  a  copy  that 
originally  belonged  to  Mr.  Rich.  Peters,  and  it  was  sold  in  1880,  at  the  disper 
sion  of  his  library,  for  $560.  An  English  edition  was  published  by  T.  Jefferys 
in  London  in  1754,  and  it  is  from  that  edition  that  the  following  reprint  has 
been  made. 

'2  Van  Braam  was  a  Hollander,  and  had  served  under  Laurence  Washington 
in  the  Carthagena  expedition.  He  had  been  fencing-master  to  Washington. 

3  Now  Cumberland,  Md. 

4  Christopher  Gist.     His  journal  will  be  found  in  the  Collections  of  the  Mas 
sachusetts  Historical  Society.     Series  3,  vol.  v.,  p.  IO2. 


12  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1753 

and  William  Jenkins ;  and  in  company  with  those 
persons,  left  the  Inhabitants  the  Day  following.1 

The  excessive  Rains  and  vast  Quantity  of  Snow 
which  had  fallen,  prevented  our  reaching  Mr.  Fra- 
zier  s,  an  Indian  Trader,  at  the  Mouth  of  Tier  tie  Creek, 
on  Monongahela  [River],  till  Thursday,  the  22d.  We 
were  informed  here,  that  Expresses  had  been  sent  a 
few  Days  before  to  the  Traders  down  the  River,  to 
acquaint  them  with  the  French  General's  2  death,  and 
the  Return  of  the  major  Part  of  the  French  Army 
into  Winter  Quarters. 

The  Waters  were  quite  impassable,  without  swim 
ming  our  Horses  ;  which  obliged  us  to  get  the  Loan  of 
a  Canoe  from  Frazier,  and  to  send  Barnaby  Currin 
and  Henry  Steward  down  the  Monongahela,  with  our 
Baggage,  to  meet  us  at  the  Forks  of  Ohio,  about  10 
miles,  there  to  cross  the  Aligany? 

1  Thursday,  15th. — We  set  out,  and  at  night  encamped  at  George's  Creek, 
about  eight  miles,  where  a  messenger  came  with  letters  from  my  son,  who  was 
first  returned  from  his  people  at  the  Cherokees,  and  lay  sick  at  the  mouth  of 
Conogocheague.     But  as  I  found  myself  entered  again  on  public  business,  and 
Major  Washington  and  all  the  company  unwilling  I  should  return,  I  wrote  and 
sent  medicines  to  my  son,  and  so   continued   my  journey,  and  encamped  at  a 
big  hill  on  the  forks  of  Youghiogany,  about  eighteen  miles. 

Friday  i6th. — The  next  day  set  out  and  got  to  the  big  fork  of  said  river, 
about  ten  miles  there. 

Saturday,  lyth. — We  encamped  and  rested  our  horses,  and  then  we  set  out 
early  in  the  morning. 

Sunday,  i8th. — And  at  night  got  to  my  house  in  the  new  settlement,  about 
twenty-one  miles  ;  snow  about  ankle  deep. 

Monday  igth, — Set  out,  cross  Big  Youghiogany,  to  Jacob's  cabins,  about 
twenty  miles.  Here  some  of  our  horses  straggled  away,  and  we  did  not  get 
away  until  eleven  o'clock. 

Tuesday,  2Oth. — Set  out,  had  rain  in  the  afternoon.  I  killed  a  deer ;  trav 
elled  about  seven  miles. 

Wednesday,  2ist. — It  continued  to  rain.      Staid  all  day.  —  Gist. 

2  Pierre  Paul,  Sieur  de  Marin,  who  commanded  the  Duquesne  expedition. 

3  The  Ohio  and  Aligany  are  the  same  River. — Note  in  Original. 


1753]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  I3 


As  I  got  down  before  the  Canoe,  I  spent  some  time 
in  viewing  the  Rivers,  and  the  Land  in  the  Fork  ; 
which  I  think  extremely  well  situated  for  a  Fort,  as  it 
has  the  absolute  Command  of  both  Rivers.  The 
Land  at  the  Point  is  20  or  25  Feet  above  the  common 
Surface  of  the  Water ;  and  a  considerable  Bottom  of 
flat,  well-timbered  land  all  around  it,  very  convenient 
for  Building  :  The  Rivers  are  each  a  Quarter  of  a 
Mile,  or  more,  across,  and  run  here  very  near  at  right 
Angles  :  Aligany  bearing  N.  E.  and  Monongahcla  S. 
E.  The  former  of  these  two  is  a  very  rapid  and 
swift  running  Water;  the  other  deep  and  still,  with 
out  any  perceptible  Fall. 

About  two  Miles  from  this,  on  the  South  East  Side 
of  the  river,  at  the  Place  where  the  Ohio  Company 
intended  to  erect  a  Fort,  lives  Shingiss?  king  of  the 
Delawares :  We  called  upon  him,  to  invite  him  to 
Council  at  the  Loggs-To\vn.2 

As  I  had  taken  a  good  deal  of  Notice  Yesterday  of 
the  Situation  at  the  Forks,  my  Curiosity  led  me  to 
examine  this  more  particularly,  and  I  think  it  greatly 
inferior,  either  for  Defence  or  Advantages  ;  especially 
the  latter  :  For  a  Fort  at  the  Forks  would  be  equally 
well  situated  on  the  Ohio,  and  have  the  entire  Com 
mand  of  the  Monongahela ;  which  runs  up  to  our  Set- 

1  Shingiss,  or  Shingas,  was  a  Delaware  chief,  who  at  first  favored  the  Eng 
lish,  but  afterwards  joined  the  French  and  became  the  terror  of  the  back  settle 
ments.     In  1756  Pennsylvania  offered  a  reward  of  $350  for  his  head. — Penn 
sylvania  Gazette,  January  15,  1756. 

2  The  French  name  of  this  place  was  Chiningue.     The   exact   location    is  a 
matter  of  doubt.     Croghan  places  it  on  the  south  side  of  the  river,  or  left  hand 
in  descending.     It  is  represented  on   the  map  in  Father  Abraham 's  Almanac, 
1761.     There  was  another  Chiningue  (the  Shenango  of  the    English)  on   the 
Allegheny. 


i4  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1753 

tlements  and  is  extremely  well  designed  for  Water 
Carriage,  as  it  is  of  a  deep  still  Nature.  Besides 
a  fort  at  the  Fork  might  be  built  at  a  much  less 
Expence,  than  at  the  other  Place. 

Nature  has  well  contrived  this  lower  Place,  for 
Water  Defence  ;  but  the  Hill  whereon  it  must  stand 
being  about  a  Quarter  of  a  Mile  in  Length,  and  then 
descending  gradually  on  the  Land  Side,  will  render  it 
difficult  and  very  expensive,  to  make  a  sufficient  For 
tification  there. — The  whole  Flat  upon  the  Hill  must 
be  taken-in,  the  Side  next  the  Descent  made  extremely 
high,  or  else  the  Hill  itself  cut  away  :  Otherwise,  the 
Enemy  may  raise  Batteries  within  that  Distance 
without  being  exposed  to  a  single  Shot  from  the 
Fort. 

Shingiss  attended  us  to  the  Z<?^-Town,  where  we 
arrived  between  Sun-setting  and  Dark,  the  25th  Day 
after  I  left  Williamsburg.  We  travelled  over  some 
extreme  good  and  bad  Land,  to  get  to  this  Place.— 

As  soon  as  I  came  into  Town,  I  went  to  Monakatoo- 
.chef  (as  the  Half-king  was  out  at  his  hunting-Cabbin  on 
little  .SV^z^r-Creek,  about  15  Miles  off)  and  informed 
him  by  John  Davison,  my  Indian  Interpreter,  that  I 
was  sent  a  Messenger  to  the  French  General ;  and 
was  ordered  to  call  upon  the  Sachems  of  the  Six 
Nations,  to  acquaint  them  with  it. — I  gave  him  a 
String  of  Wampum,2  and  a  Twist  of  Tobacco,  and 

1  Monacatootha  was  an  Oneida  chief  living  near  the  Ohio.  The  Half-King, 
also  known  as  Thanacrishon,  was  a  Seneca  chief,  owing  allegiance  to  the  Six 
Nations. 

3  A  kind  of  Indian  money  ;  also  given  as  a  Present  or  Mark  of  Friendship. 
— Note  in  the  Original. 


1753]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  15 


desired  him  to  send  for  the  Half-King;  which  he 
promised  to  do  by  a  Runner  in  the  Morning,  and  for 
other  Sachems. — I  invited  him  and  the  other  great 
Men  present  to  my  Tent,  where  they  stay'd  about  an 
Hour  and  return'd. 

According  to  the  best  Observations  I  could  make, 
Mr.  Gist's  new  Settlement  (which  we  pass'd  by)  bears 
about  W.  N.  W.  70  Miles  from  Wzt/s-Creek  ;  Shan- 
apins,  or  the  Forks  N.  by  W.  or  N.  N.  W.  about  50 
Miles  from  that ;  and  from  thence  to  the  Z<?g£y-Town, 
the  course  is  nearly  West  about  18  or  20  Miles  :  so 
that  the  whole  Distance,  as  we  went  and  computed 
it,  is  at  least  135  or  140  Miles  from  our  back  Inhab 
itants. 

25th.  Came  to  Town  four  or  ten  Frenchmen  who 
had  deserted  from  a  Company  at  the  Kuskuskas* 
which  lies  at  the  Mouth  of  this  River.  I  got  the  fol 
lowing  Account  from  them.  They  were  sent  from 
New-Or/eanswith  100  men,  and  8  Canoe-Loads  of  Pro 
visions  to  this  Place  ;  where  they  expected  to  have 
met  the  same  Number  of  Men,  from  the  Forts  on  this 
Side  Lake  Erie,  to  convey  them  and  the  Stores  up, 
who  were  not  arrived  when  they  ran-off. 

I  enquired  into  the  Situation  of  the  French,  on  the 
Mississippi,  their  Number,  and  what  Forts  they  had 
built.  They  informed  me,  That  there  were  four  small 
Forts  between  New  Orleans  and  the  Black- 1  stands? 


•  Shea  piaces  Kuskuskas  on  Big  Beaver  Creek,  and  the  map  in  Father 
Abraham's  Almanac  does  the  same.  It  was  the  chief  town  of  the  Six  Nations. 

2  "  Washington  was  here  evidently  misled  by  the  sound,  and  mistook  Illinois 
for  alsles  Noires,  that  is  Black  Islands.  There  was  no  French  post  called 
Black  Islands,  but  the  name  Illinois,  now  so  familiar  to  us,  was  then  unheard 


16  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1753 

garrrison'd  with  about  30  or  40  Men,  and  a  few  small 
Pieces  in  each.  That  at  New  Orleans,  which  is  near 
the  Mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  there  are  35  Companies, 
of  40  Men  each,  with  a  pretty  strong  Fort  mounting 
8  Carriage  Guns  ;  and  at  the  Black-Islands  there  are 
several  Companies,  and  a  Fort  with  6  Guns.  The  Black- 
Islands  are  about  130  Leagues  above  the  Mouth  of 
the  Ohio,  which  is  about  350  above  New-Orleans. 
They  also  acquainted  me  that  there  was  a  small  pal- 
lisado'd  Fort1  on  the  Ohio,  at  the  Mouth  of  the  Obaish* 
about  60  Leagues  from  the  Mississippi.  The  Obaish 
heads  near  the  West  End  of  Lake  Erie,  and  affords 
the  Communication  between  the  French  on  Missis 
sippi  and  those  on  the  Lakes.  These  Deserters  came 
up  from  the  lower  Shanoah  Town  4  with  one  Brown, 
an  Indian  Trader,  and  were  going  to  Philadelphia. 

About  3  o'Clock  this  Evening  the  Half-King  came 
to  Town.  I  went  up  and  invited  him  with  Davison, 
privately,  to  my  Tent  ;  and  desir'd  him  to  relate  some 
of  the  Particulars  of  his  Journey  to  the  French  Com 
mandant,  and  Reception  there  :  Also  to  give  me  an 
account  of  the  Ways  and  Distance.  He  told  me  that 
the  nearest  and  levellest  Way  was  now  impassable,  by 

in  the  British  colonies.  The  Miamies  and  Illinois  were  known  as  Chicktaghicks 
and  Twightwies,  and  both  together  frequently  under  the  last,  the  more  com 
mon  term." — J.  G.  Shea. 

1  Probably  Vincennes.     It  was  founded  before  1750. 

2  The  name  Ouabache  was  originally  given  by  the  French  explorers  to  the 
Ohio,  but  eventually  was  applied  to  the  branch, 

3  Or  Wabash,  written  by  the  French  Ouabash. — Note  in  the  Original. 

4  "  Shawanoe,  or  as  now  written,  Shawnee.    They  were  called  by  the  French 
Chawanon.     They  were  the  most  restless  of  the  Algonquin  tribes,  having  been 
for  a  longer  or  shorter  period  in  almost  all  the  Atlantic   colonies  from  Florida 
to  New  York."—/.  G.  Shea. 


1753]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  I? 


Reason  of  many  large  mirey  Savannas  ;  that  we  must 
be  obliged  to  go  by  Venango,'1  and  should  not  get  to 
the  near  Fort  under  5  or  6  Nights  Sleep,  good  Trav 
elling.  When  he  went  to  the  Fort,  he  said  he  was 
received  in  a  very  stern  Manner  by  the  late  Com 
mander  ;  who  ask'd  him  very  abruptly,  what  he  had 
come  about,  and  to  declare  his  Business  :  Which  he 
said  he  did  in  the  following  Speech  : — 

Fathers,  I  am  come  to  tell  you  your  own  Speeches  ;  what  your 
own  Mouths  have  declared.  Fathers,  You  in  former  Days,  set  a 
silver  Bason  before  us,  wherein  there  was  the  Leg  of  a  Beaver, 
and  desir'd  all  the  Nations  to  come  and  eat  of  it  ;  to  eat  in  Peace 
and  Plenty,  and  not  to  be  churlish  to  one  another  :  and  that  if 
any  such  Person  should  be  found  to  be  a  Disturber,  I  here  lay 
down  by  the  Edge  of  the  Dish  a  Rod,  which  you  must  scourge 
them  with  ;  and  if  I  your  Father,  should  get  foolish,  in  my  old 
Days,  I  desire  you  may  use  it  upon  me  as  well  as  others. 

Now  Fathers,  it  is  you  who  are  the  Disturbers  in  this  Land,  by 
coming  and  building  your  Towns  ;  and  taking  it  away  unknown 
to  us,  and  by  Force. 

Fathers,  We  kindled  a  fire  a  long  Time  ago,  at  a  Place  called 
Montreal,  where  we  desired  you  to  stay,  and  not  to  come  and  in 
trude  upon  our  Land.  I  now  desire  you  may  dispatch  to  that 
Place  ;  for  be  it  known  to  you,  Fathers,  that  this  is  our  Land, 
and  not  yours. 

Fathers,  I  desire  you  may  hear  me  in  Civilness  ;  if  not,  we 
must  handle  that  Rod  which  was  laid  down  for  the  Use  of  the 
abstreperous.  If  you  had  come  in  a  peaceable  Manner,  like  our 
Brothers  the  English,  we  should  not  have  been  against  your 
trading  with  us,  as  they  do  ;  BUT  TO  COME,  FATHERS,  AND  BUILD 
HOUSES  UPON  OUR  LAND,  AND  TO  TAKE  IT  BY  FORCE,  is  WHAT 

WE  CANNOT  SUBMIT  TO. 

Fathers,  Both  you  and  the  English  are  white,  we  live  in  a 
Country  between  ;  therefore  the  Land  belongs  to  neither  one  nor 

1  Venango  was  at  the  meeting  of  French  Creek  and  the  Alleghany  River. 


1 8  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1753 

t'other  :  But  the  Great  Being  above  allow'd  it  to  be  a  place  of 
Residence  for  us  ;  so  Fathers,  I  desire  you  to  withdraw,  as  I  have 
done  our  Brothers  the  English  :  For  I  will  keep  you  at  Arm's 
length.  I  lay  this  down  as  a  Trial  for  both,  to  see  which  will 
have  the  greatest  Regard  to  it,  and  that  Side  we  will  stand  by  and 
make  equal  shares  with  us.  Our  Brothers,  the  English,  have 
heard  this,  and  I  come  now  to  tell  it  to  you  ;  for  I  am  not  afraid 
to  discharge  you  off  this  Land. 

This  he  said  was  the  substance  of  what  he  spoke  to 
the  General,  who  made  this  Reply. 

Now  my  child,  I  have  heard  your  Speech  :  you  spoke  first,  but 
it  is  my  Time  to  speak  now.  Where  is  my  Wampum  that  you 
took  away,  with  the  Marks  of  towns  in  it  ?  This  wampum  I  do 
not  know,  which  you  have  discharged  me  off  the  Land  with  ;  but 
you  need  not  put  yourself  to  the  Trouble  of  speaking,  for  I  will 
not  hear  you.  I  am  not  afraid  of  Flies,  or  Musquitos,  for  Indians 
are  such  as  those.  I  tell  you,  down  that  River  I  will  go,  and  will 
build  upon  it,  according  to  my  command.  If  the  River  was 
block'd  up,  I  have  Forces  sufficient  to  burst  it  open  and  tread 
under  my  Feet  all  that  Stand  in  Opposition,  together  with  their 
Alliances  ;  for  my  Force  is  as  the  Sand  upon  the  Sea  Shore  : 
therefore,  here  is  your  Wampum,  I  fling  it  at  you.  Child,  you 
talk  foolish  ;  you  say  this  Land  belongs  to  you,  but  there  is  not 
the  Black  of  my  Nail  yours.  I  saw  that  Land  sooner  than  you 
did,  before  the  Shannoahs  and  you  were  at  War  :  Lead  was  the 
Man  who  went  down  and  took  Possession  of  that  River  :  It  is  my 
Land,  and  I  will  have  it,  let  who  will  stand-up  for,  or  say-against 
it.  I  '11  buy  and  sell  with  the  English  (mockingly).  If  People  will 
be  rul'd  by  me,  they  may  expect  kindness,  but  not  else. 

The  Half-King  told  me  he  enquired  of  the  General 
after  two  Englishmen  who  were  made  Prisoners,  and 
received  this  Answer. 

Child,  you  think  it  is  a  very  great  Hardship  that  I  made  Pris 
oners  of  those  two  People  at  Venango.  Don't  you  concern  your- 


1753]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  19 

self  with  it  :  We  took  and  carried  them  to  Canada,  to  get  Intelli 
gence  of  what  the  English  were  doing  in  Virginia. 

He  informed  me  that  they  had  built  two  Forts,  one 
on  Lake  Erie,1  and  another  on  Frcnc/i-Crzek*  near  a 
small  Lake  about  15  Miles  asunder,  and  a  large  Wag 
gon  Road  between  :  They  are  both  built  after  the 
same  Model,  but  different  in  the  Size  ;  that  on  the 
Lake  the  largest.  He  gave  me  a  Plan  of  them,  of  his 
own  drawing. 

The  Indians  enquired  very  particularly  after  their 
Brothers  in  Carolina  Goal. 

They  also  asked  what  sort  of  Boy  it  was  who  was 
taken  from  the  Sout/i-Brznch  ;  for  they  were  told  by 
some  Indians,  that  a  Party  of  French  Indians  had 
carried  a  white  Boy  by  the  Kuskuska  Town,  towards 
the  Lakes. 

26th.  We  met  in  Council  at  the  Long-House,  about 
9  o'clock,  where  I  spoke  to  them  as  follows : 

Brothers,  I  have  called  you  together  in  Council  by  order  of 
your  Brother,  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  to  acquaint  you,  that  I 
am  sent,  with  all  possible  Dispatch,  to  visit,  and  deliver  a  Letter 
to  the  French  Commandant,  of  very  great  Importance  to  your 
Brothers,  the  English  ;  and  I  dare  say,  to  you  their  Friends  and 
allies. 

I  was  desired,  Brothers,  by  your  Brother  the  Governor,  to  call 
upon  you,  the  Sachems  of  the  Nations,  to  inform  you  of  it,  and  to 
ask  your  Advice  and  Assistance  to  proceed  the  nearest  and  best 
Road  to  the  French.  You  see,  Brothers,  I  have  gotten  thus  far 
on  my  Journey. 

His  Honour  likewise  desired  me  to  apply  to  you  for  some  of 
your  young  Men,  to  conduct  and  provide  Provisions  for  us  on  our 

1  Fort  Presque  Isle,  within  the  present  limits  of  Erie. 

2  Fort  le  Boeuf.     It  stood  near  the  present  town  of  Waterford,  Pa. 


20  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1753 

Way  ;  and  be  a  safe-guard  against  those  French  Indians  who  have 
taken  up  the  hatchet  against  us.  I  have  spoke  this  particularly  to 
you  Brothers,  because  his  Honour  our  Governor  treats  you  as 
good  Friends  and  Allies  ;  and  holds  you  in  great  Esteem.  To 
confirm  what  I  have  said,  I  give  you  this  String  of  Wampum. 

After  they  had  considered  for  some  Time  on  the 
above  Discourse,  the  Half-King  got  up  and  spoke  : — 

Now,  my  Brothers,  in  regard  to  what  my  Brother  the  Governor 
has  desired  me,  I  return  you  this  answer. 

I  rely  upon  you  as  a  Brother  ought  to  do,  as  you  say  we  are 
Brothers  and  one  People  :  We  shall  put  Heart  in  Hand  and  speak 
to  our  Fathers  the  French  concerning  the  Speech  they  made  to 
me  ;  and  you  may  depend  that  we  will  endeavour  to  be  your 
Guard. 

Brother,  as  you  have  asked  my  Advice,  I  hope  you  will  be  ruled 
by  it  and  stay  till  I  can  provide  a  Company  to  go  with  you.  The 
French  Speech-Belt  is  not  here,  I  have  it  to  go  for  to  my  hunting 
Cabbin  :  Likewise  the  People  whom  I  have  ordered  in,  are  not 
yet  come,  nor  cannot  till  the  third  Night  from  this  :  till  which 
Time,  brother,  I  must  beg  you  to  stay. 

I  intend  to  send  a  Guard  of  Mingo's l  ShannoaJis  and  Delawares? 
that  our  Brothers  may  see  the  Love  and  Loyalty  we  bear  them. 

As  I  had  Orders  to  make  all  possible  Dispatch,  and 
waiting  here  was  very  contrary  to  my  Inclinations,  I 
thanked  him  in  the  most  suitable  Manner  I  could ; 
and  told  him,  that  my  Business  required  the  greatest 

1  "  The  Mengwi,  Minguas,  or  Mingoes,  were  properly  the  Andastes  or  Gan- 
dastogues,  the  Indians  of  Conestoga,  on  the  Susquehannah,  known  by  the  for 
mer  name  to  the  Algonquins,  and  their  allies,  the  Dutch  and  Swedes,  and  by 
the  latter  to  the  five  nations  and  the  English  of  New  York.  The  Marylanders 
knew  them  as  the  Susquehannas.  Upon  their  reduction  by  the  five  nations  in 
1672  after  a  long  war,  the  Andastes  were  to  a  great  extent  mingled  with  their 
conquerors,  and  a  party  removing  to  the  Ohio,  commonly  called  Mingoes,  was 
thus  made  up,  of  Iroquois  and  Mingoes." — -J.  G.  Shea. 

3  An  Algonquin  nation  (Lenni  Lenape).  Shea  conjectures  that  they  were  a 
branch  of  the  Illinois  migrating  to  the  East. 


1753]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  21 


Expedition,  and  would  not  admit  of  that  Delay.  He 
was  not  well  pleased  that  I  should  offer  to  go  before 
the  Time  he  had  appointed,  and  told  me,  that  he  could 
not  consent  to  our  going  without  a  Guard,  for  Fear 
some  Accident  should  befal  us  and  draw  a  Reflection 
upon  him.  Besides,  says  he,  this  is  a  Matter  of  no 
small  Moment,  and  must  not  be  entered  into  without 
due  Consideration  :  For  now  I  intend  to  deliver  up 
the  T^V^^-Speech-Belt,  and  make  the  Shanoahs 
and  Delawares  do  the  same.  And  accordingly  he 
gave  orders  to  King  Shingiss,  who  was  present,  to 
attend  on  Wednesday  Night  with  the  Wampum  ;  and 
two  Men  of  their  Nation  to  be  in  Readiness  to  set-out 
with  us  next  Morning.  As  I  found  it  was  impossible 
to  get-off  without  affronting  them  in  the  most  egre 
gious  Manner,  I  consented  to  stay. 

I  gave  them  back  a  String  of  Wampum  which  I  met 
with  at  Mr.  Fraziers,  and  which  they  had  sent  with  a 
Speech  to  his  Honour  the  Governor,  to  inform  him,  that 
three  Nations  of  French  Indians,  viz  :  Chippoways, 
Ottoways,  and  Orundaks*  had  taken-up  the  Hatchet 
against  the  English  ;  and  desired  them  to  repeat  it 
over  again  :  But  this  they  postponed  doing  till  they 
met  in  full  Council  with  the  Shannoahs  and  Delaware 
Chiefs. 

2*]th.      Runners  were  now  dispatched  very  early  for 

1  Of  these  tribes  Shea  writes  :  "  The  Chippeways  were  first  known  to  the 
French  as  Otchiboues,  answering  to  the  modern  form  Ojibway  or  Otchipwe. 
They  are  an  Algonquin  tribe,  whose  residence  was  atSault  Ste  Marie.  .  .  . 
The  Ottawas  were  another  Algonquin  tribe  found  on  Lake  Ontario.  They 
formed,  when  first  known,  two  branches,  the  Riskakous  and  Sinagoes,  and 
were  remarkably  errant.  The  Orundaks  are  evidently  the  Adirondacks  of 
New  York  writers,  the  Algonquin  of  the  French." 


22  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1753 

the  Shannoah  Chiefs.  The  Half-King  set  out  him 
self  to  fetch  the  /^7^/z-Speech-Belt  from  his  hunt 
ing  Cabbin. 

i^th.  He  returned  this  Evening,  and  came  with 
Monokatoocha,  and  two  other  Sachems  to  my  Tent, 
and  begged  (as  they  had  complied  with  his  Honour 
the  Governor's  Request,  in  providing  Men,  &c.)  to 
know  on  what  Business  we  were  going  to  the  French  f 
this  was  a  Question  I  all  along  expected,  and  had 
provided  as  satisfactory  Answers  to,  as  I  could  ;  which 
allayed  their  Curiosity  a  little. 

Monokatoocha  informed  me,  that  an  Indian  from 
Venango  brought  News,  a  few  Days  ago,  that  the 
French  had  called  all  the  Mingos,  Delawares,  &c., 
together  at  that  Place  ;  and  told  them,  that  they  in 
tended  to  have  been  down  the  River  this  Fall,  but  the 
Waters  were  growing  cold,  and  the  Winter  advancing, 
which  obliged  them  to  go  into  Quarters  :  But  that  they 
might  assuredly  expect  them  in  the  Spring,  with  a  far 
greater  Number  ;  and  desired  that  they  might  be  quite 
passive,  and  not  to  intermeddle,  unless  they  had  a 
Mind  to  draw  all  their  Force  upon  them  :  For  that  they 
expected  to  fight  the  English  three  Years  (as  they 
supposed  there  would  be  some  Attempts  made  to  stop 
them),  in  which  Time  they  should  conquer  :  But  that 
if  they  should  prove  equally  Strong,  they  and  the 
English  would  join  to  cut  them  all  off,  and  divide  the 
Land  between  them  :  That  though  they  had  lost 
their  General,  and  some  few  of  their  Soldiers,  yet  there 
were  Men  enough  to  reinforce  them,  and  make  them 
masters  of  the  Ohio. 


1753]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  23 


This  Speech,  he  said,  was  delivered  to  them  by  one 
Captain  Joncaire*  their  Interpreter  in  Chief,  living  at 
Venango,  and  a  Man  of  Note  in  the  Army. 

29th.  The  Half-King  and  Monokatoocha  came 
very  early,  and  begged  me  to  stay  one  Day  more  :  For 
notwithstanding  they  had  used  all  the  Diligence  in 
their  Power,  the  Shanoah  Chiefs  had  not  brought 
the  Wampum  they  ordered,  but  would  certainly  be  in 
To-night  ;  if  not,  they  would  delay  me  no  longer,  but 
would  send  it  after  us  as  soon  as  they  arrived. — When 
I  found  them  so  pressing  in  their  Request,  and  knew 
that  returning  of  Wampum  was  the  abolishing  of 
Agreements  ;  and  giving  this  up,  was  shaking-off  all 
Dependance  upon  the  French,  I  consented  to  stay,  as  I 
believed  an  Offence  offered  at  this  Crisis,  might  be  at 
tended  with  greater  ill  Consequence,  than  another 
Day's  Delay.  They  also  informed  me,  that  Shingiss 
could  not  get-in  his  Men  ;  and  was  prevented  from 
coming  himself  by  his  Wife's  Sickness  (I  believe,  by 
Fear  of  the  FrencJi)  ;  but  that  the  Wampum  of 
that  Nation  was  lodged  with  Kustaloga  one  of  their 
Chiefs  at  Venango. 

In  the  Evening  late  they  came  again  and  acquaint 
ed  me  that  the  Shannoahs  were  not  yet  arrived,  but 
that  it  should  not  retard  the  Prosecution  of  our 
Journey.  He  delivered  in  my  Hearing,  the  Speeches 
that  were  to  be  made  to  the  French  by  Jeskakake, 
one  of  their  old  Chiefs,  which  was  giving-up  the  Belt 

1  Chabert  de  Joncaire,  a  half-breed  officer,  son  of  a  French  officer  and  a 
Seneca  squaw,  was  one  of  the  most  useful  instruments  in  the  service  of  the 
French  for  gaining  the  aid  of  the  Indians. 


24  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1753 

the  late  Commandant  had  asked  for,  and  repeating 
near  the  same  Speech  he  himself  had  done  before. 

He  also  delivered  a  String  of  Wampum  to  this 
Chief,  which  was  sent  by  King  Shingiss,  to  be  given 
to  Kustaloga,  with  orders  to  repair  to  the  French, 
and  deliver  up  the  Wampum. 

He  likewise  gave  a  very  large  String  of  black  and 
white  Wampum,  which  was  to  be  sent  up  immediately 
to  the  Six  Nations,  if  the  French  refused  to  quit  the 
Land  at  this  Warning ;  which  was  the  third  and  last 
Time,  and  was  the  Right  of  this  Jeskakake  to  deliver. 

3Oth.  Last  Night  the  great  Men  assembled  to 
their  Council-House,  to  consult  further  about  this 
Journey,  and  who  were  to  go  :  The  Result  of  which 
was,  that  only  three  of  their  Chiefs,  with  one  of  their 
best  Hunters,  should  be  our  Convoy.  The  Reason 
they  gave  for  not  sending  more,  after  what  had  been 
proposed  at  Council  the  26th,  was,  that  a  greater  Num 
ber  might  give  the  French  Suspicions  of  some  bad  De 
sign,  and  cause  them  to  be  treated  rudely :  But  I 
rather  think  they  could  not  get  their  Hunters  in.1 

We  set  out  about  9  o'Clock  with  the  Half-King 
Jeskakake,  White  Thunder,  and  the  Hunter ;  and  trav 
elled  on  the  Road  to  Venango,  where  we  arrived  the 

1  "  Friday,  y>th. — At  night  we  encamped  at  the  murthering  town,  about 
fifteen  miles,  on  a  branch  of  Great  Beaver  Creek.  Got  some  corn  and  dried 
meat.  Saturday,  December  1st. — Set  out,  and  at  night  encamped  at  the  cross 
ing  of  Beaver  Creek  from  the  Kaskuskies  to  Venango,  about  thirty  miles.  The 
next  day  rain  ;  our  Indians  went  out  a  hunting  ;  they  killed  two  bucks.  Had 
rain  all  day.  Monday,  $d. — We  set  out  and  travelled  all  day.  Encamped  at 
night  on  one  of  the  head  branches  of  Great  Beaver  Creek,  about  twenty  two 
miles.  Tuesday,  ^th. — Set  out,  about  fifteen  miles  to  the  town  of  Venango." 
— Gist. 


1753]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  25 


4th  of  December,  without  any  Thing  remarkable  hap 
pening  but  a  continued  Series  of  bad  Weather. 

This  is  an  old  Indian  Town,  situated  at  the  Mouth 
of  French  Creek  on  Ohio ;  and  lies  near  N.  about 
60  Miles  from  the  Z0ggs-Town,  but  more  than  70 
the  Way  we  were  obliged  to  go. 

We  found  the  French  Colours  hoisted  at  a  House 
from  which  they  had  driven  Mr.  John  Frazier,  an 
English  Subject.  I  immediately  repaired  to  it,  to 
know  where  the  Commander  resided.  There  were 
three  Officers,  one  of  whom,  Capt.  Joncaire,  informed 
me,  that  he  had  the  Command  of  the  Ohio :  But  that 
there  was  a  General  Officer  at  the  near  Fort,  where  he 
advised  me  to  apply  for  an  Answer.  He  invited  us  to 
sup  with  them  ;  and  treated  us  with  the  greatest  Com 
plaisance. 

The  Wine,  as  they  dosed  themselves  pretty  plen 
tifully  with  it,  soon  banished  the  Restraint  which  at 
first  appeared  in  their  Conversation  ;  and  gave  a  Li 
cence  to  their  Tongues  to  reveal  their  Sentiments 
more  freely. 

They  told  me,  That  it  was  their  absolute  Design 
to  take  Possession  of  the  Ohio,  and  by  G—  -  they 
would  do  it :  For  that  altho'  they  were  sensible  the 
English  could  raise  two  Men  for  their  one ;  yet 
they  knew  their  Motions  were  too  slow  and  dila 
tory  to  prevent  any  Undertaking  of  theirs.  They 
pretend  to  have  an  undoubted  Right  to  the  River, 
from  a  Discovery  made  by  one  La  Salle  60  Years 
ago  ;  and  the  Rise  of  this  Expedition  is,  to  prevent  our 
settling  on  the  River  or  Waters  of  it,  as  they  had 


26  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1753 

heard  of  some  Families  moving-out  in  Order  thereto. 
From  the  best  Intelligence  I  could  get,  there  have 
been  1500  Men  on  their  Side  Ontario  Lake  :  But 
upon  the  Death  of  the  General  all  were  recalled  to 
about  6  or  700,  who  were  left  to  garrison  four  Forts, 
150  or  there  abouts  in  each.  The  first  of  them  is  on 
French-Creek  near  a  small  Lake,  about  60  Miles  from 
Venango,  near  N.N.W.  the  next  lies  on  Lake  Eriey 
where  the  greater  Part  of  their  Stores  are  kept, 
about  15  Miles  from  the  other.  From  this  it  is  120 
Miles  to  the  carrying  Place  at  the  Falls  of  Lake  Erie 
where  there  is  a  small  Fort x ;  which  they  lodge  their 
Goods  at,  in  bringing  them  from  Montreal,  the  Place 
whence  all  their  Stores  come  from.  The  next  Fort 
lies  about  20  Miles  from  this,  on  6W#rz0-Lake.2  Be 
tween  this  Fort  and  Montreal  there  are  three  others, 
the  first3  of  which  is  near  opposite  to  the  English 
Fort  Oswego.  From  the  Fort  on  Lake  Erie  to 
Montreal  is  about  600  Miles,  which  they  say  requires 
no  more,  if  good  Weather,  than  four  Weeks  Voyage,  if 
they  go  in  Barks  or  large  Vessels,  so  that  they  may 
cross  the  Lake  :  But  if  they  come  in  Canoes  it  will 
require  5  or  6  Weeks,  for  they  are  obliged  to  keep 
under  the  Shore. 

5th.  Rain'd  excessively  all  Day,  which  prevented 
our  Travelling.  Capt.  Joncaire  sent  for  the  Half- 
King,  as  he  had  but  just  heard  that  he  came  with  me  : 
He  affected  to  be  much  concerned  that  I  did  not 
make  free  to  bring  them  in  before.  I  excused  it  in 
the  best  Manner  I  was  capable,  and  told  him,  I  did 

1  Fort  Niagara.  2  Fort  Toronto.  3  Fort  Frontenac. 


1753]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  27 

not  think  their  company  agreeable,  as  I  had  heard 
him  say  a  good  deal  in  Dispraise  of  Indians  in  gen 
eral.  But  another  Motive  prevented  me  from  bring 
ing  them  into  his  Company  :  I  knew  he  was  Interpre 
ter,  and  a  Person  of  very  great  Influence  among  the 
Indians,  and  had  lately  used  all  possible  Means  to 
draw  them  over  to  their  Interest ;  therefore  I  was 
desirous  of  giving  no  Opportunity  that  could  be 
avoided. 

When  they  came  in,  there  was  great  Pleasure  ex 
pressed  at  seeing  them.  He  wondered  how  they 
could  be  so  near  without  coming  to  visit  him  ;  made 
several  trifling  Presents  ;  and  applied  Liquor  so  fast, 
that  they  were  soon  rendered  incapable  of  the  Busi 
ness  they  came  about,  notwithstanding  the  Caution 
which  was  mven.1 

o 

6th.  The  Half-King  came  to  my  Tent,  quite  sober, 
and  insisted  very  much  that  I  should  stay  and  hear 
what  he  had  to  say  to  the  French.  I  fain  would 
have  prevented  his  speaking  any  Thing  till  he  came 
to  the  Commandant,  but  could  not  prevail.  He  told 
me  that  at  this  Place  a  Council  Fire  was  kindled, 
where  all  their  Business  with  these  People  was  to  be 
transacted  ;  and  that  the  Management  of  the  Indian 
affairs  was  left  solely  to  Monsieur  Joncaire.  As  I 
was  desirous  of  knowing  the  Issue  of  this,  I  agreed 

1  Gist  says  that  on  this  day  "our  Indians  were  in  council  with  the  Deia- 
wares,  who  lived  under  the  French  colors,  and  ordered  them  to  deliver  up  to 
the  French  the  belt,  with  the  mark  of  the  four  towns,  according  to  desire  of 
King  Shingiss.  But  the  chief  of  these  Delaware^  said,  '  it  was  true  KingShin- 
giss  is  a  great  man,  but  he  had  sent  no  speech  and,'  said  he,  '  I  cannot  pretend 
to  make  a  speech  for  a  king.'  So  our  Indians  could  not  prevail  with  them  to 
deliver  their  belt." 


28  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1753 

to  stay  :  But  sent  our  Horses  a  little  way  up  French 
Creek  to  raft  over  and  encamp  ;  which  I  knew  would 
make  it  near  Night. 

About  10  o'Clock  they  met  in  Council.  The  King 
spoke  much  the  same  as  he  had  before  done  to  the 
General  ;  and  offered  the  French  Speech-Belt  which 
had  before  been  demanded,  with  the  Marks  of  four 
Towns  on  it,  which  Monsieur  Joncaire  refused  to  re 
ceive  ;  but  desired  him  to  carry  it  to  the  Fort  to  the 
Commander. 

7th.  Monsieur  La  Force,  Commissary  of  the 
French  Stores,  and  three  other  Soldiers  came  over  to 
accompany  us  up.  We  found  it  extremely  difficult 
to  get  the  Indians  off  To-day,  as  every  Stratagem  had 
been  used  to  prevent  their  going-up  with  me.  I  had 
last  Night,  left  John  Damson  (the  Indian  Interpreter 
whom  I  brought  with  me  from  Town),  and  strictly 
charged  him  not  to  be  out  of  their  Company,  as  I 
could  not  get  them  over  to  my  Tent  ;  for  they  had 
some  Business  with  fatstaloga,  and  chiefly  to  know 
the  Reason  why  he  did  not  deliver  up  the  French  Belt 
which  he  had  in  Keeping  :  But  I  was  obliged  to  send 
Mr.  Gist  over  To-day  to  fetch  them ;  which  he  did 
with  great  Persuasion.1 

1  "Friday,  yth. — All  encamped  at  Sugar  Creek,  five  miles  from  Venango. 
The  creek  being  very  high,  we  were  obliged  to  carry  all  our  baggage  over  on 
trees,  and  swim  our  horses.  The  Major  and  I  went  first  over,  with  our  boots 
on.  Saturday,  %th. — We  set  out  and  travelled  twenty-five  miles  to  Cussewago, 
an  old  Indian  town.  Sunday,  qth. — We  set  out,  left  one  of  our  horses  here 
that  could  travel  no  further.  This  day  we  travelled  to  the  big  crossing,  about 
fifteen  miles,  and  encamped.  Our  Indians  went  out  to  look  out  logs  to  make 
a  raft,  but  as  the  water  was  high  and  there  were  other  creeks  to  cross,  we  con 
cluded  to  keep  up  this  side  the  creek.  Monday,  roM. — Set  out,  travelled 


1753]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  29 


At  1 1  o'Clock  we  set  out  for  the  Fort,  and  were 
prevented  from  arriving  there  till  the  nth  by  exces 
sive  Rains,  Snows,  and  bad  Travelling,  through  many 
Mires  and  Swamps.  These  we  were  obliged  to  pass, 
to  avoid  crossing  the  Creek,  which  was  impossible, 
either  by  fording  or  rafting,  the  Water  was  so  high 
and  rapid. 

We  passed  over  much  good  Land  since  we  left 
Venango,  and  through  several  extensive  and  very  rich 
Meadows ;  one  of  which  I  believe  was  near  four 
Miles  in  Length,  and  considerably  wide  in  some 
Places. 

1 2th.  I  prepared  early  to  wait  upon  the  Com 
mander,  and  was  received  and  conducted  to  him  by 
the  second  Officer  in  Command.  I  acquainted  him 
with  my  Business,  and  offered  my  Commission  and 
Letter  :  Both  of  which  he  desired  me  to  keep  till  the 
Arrival  of  Monsieur  Riparti  Captain,  at  the  next 
Fort,  who  was  sent  for  and  expected  every  Hour. 

This  Commander  is  a  Knight  of  the  military  Order 
of  St.  Lewis,  and  named  Legardeur  de  St.  Pierre* 
He  is  an  elderly  Gentleman,  and  has  much  the  Air 
of  a  Soldier.  He  was  sent  over  to  take  the  Command 


about  eight  miles  and  encamped.  Our  Indians  killed  a  bear.  Here  we  had  a 
creek  to  cross,  very  deep  ;  we  got  over  on  a  tree,  and  got  our  goods  over. 
Tuesday,  nth. — We  set  out,  travelled  about  fifteen  miles  to  the  French  fort, 
the  sun  being  set." — Gist. 

1  Legardeur  de  St.  Pierre  had  just  returned  from  an  expedition  towards  the 
Rocky  Mountains  when  he  was  sent  to  succeed  the  dying  Marin.  He  after 
wards  served  under  Dieskau,  and  was  killed  in  the  "  bloody  morning  scout" 
just  before  the  battle  of  Lake  George,  1755.  His  full  name  was  Legardeur  de 
St.  Pierre  de  Repentigny,  the  last  probably  being,  as  Mr.  Shea  suggests,  the 
Riparti  just  mentioned. 


3o  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1753 


immediately  upon  the  Death  of  the  late  General,  and 
arrived  here  about  seven  Days  before  me. 

At  2  o'Clock  the  Gentleman  who  was  sent  for  ar 
rived,  when  I  offered  the  Letter,  &c,  again  ;  which 
they  received,  and  adjourned  into  a  private  Apart 
ment  for  the  Captain  to  translate,  who  understood  a 
little  English.  After  he  had  done  it,  the  Commander 
desired  I  would  walk-in,  and  bring  my  Interpreter  to 
peruse  and  correct  it ;  which  I  did. 

1 3th.  The  chief  Officers  retired,  to  hold  a  Council 
of  War  ;  which  gave  me  an  Opportunity  of  taking  the 
Dimensions  of  the  Fort,  and  making  what  Observa 
tions  I  could. 

It  is  situated  on  the  South  or  West  Fork  of  French 
Creek,  near  the  Water ;  and  is  almost  surrounded  by 
the  Creek,  and  a  small  Branch  of  it  which  forms  a 
Kind  of  Island.  Four  Houses  compose  the  Sides. 
The  Bastions  are  made  of  Piles  driven  into  the 
Ground,  standing  more  than  12  Feet  above  it,  and 
sharp  at  Top  :  With  Port-Holes  cut  for  Cannon,  and 
Loop-Holes  for  the  small  Arms  to  fire  through.  There 
are  eight  6  Ib.  Pieces  mounted,  in  each  Bastion  ;  and 
one  Piece  of  four  Pound  before  the  Gate.  In  the 
Bastions  are  a  Guard-House,  Chapel,  Doctor's  Lodg 
ing,  and  the  Commander's  private  Store  :  Round  which 
are  laid  Plat-Forms  for  the  Cannon  and  Men  to  stand 
on.  There  are  several  Barracks  without  the  Fort,  for 
the  Soldiers  Dwelling ;  covered,  some  with  Bark 
and  some  with  Boards,  made  chiefly  of  Loggs. 
There  are  also  several  other  Houses,  such  as  Stables, 
Smiths  Shop,  &c. 


KURT    I)U    QUKSNK    AND    VICINITY 


From  Father  Abraham*  s  Almanac.  Key:  i,  Monongahela  River;  2,  Fort 
Du  Quesne  ;  3,  the  small  fort ;  4,  Alleghany  River  ;  5,  Alleghany,  Indian  town; 
6,  Shanapins  ;  7,  Yauyaugany  River  ;  8,  Ohio,  or  Alleghany  River  ;  9,  Logs- 
town  ;  10,  Beaver  Creek  ;  n,  Kuskaskies,  the  chief  town  of  the  Six  Nations; 
12,  Shingoes  Town ;  13,  Alleguippes;  14,  Sennakaas;  15,  Tuttle  (Turtle)  Creek ; 
16,  Pine  Creek.  From  the  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,  by 
courtesy  of  the  publishers. 


1753]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  31 

I  could  get  no  certain  Account  of  the  Number  of 
Men  here  :  But  according  to  the  best  Judgment  I 
could  form,  there  are  an  Hundred  exclusive  of  Offi 
cers,  of  which  there  are  many.  I  also  gave  Orders 
to  the  People  who  were  with  me,  to  take  an  exact 
Account  of  the  Canoes  which  were  hauled-up  to  con 
vey  their  Forces  down  in  the  Spring.  This  they 
did,  and  told  50  of  Birch  Bark,  and  i  70  of  Pine ;  be 
sides  many  others  which  were  blocked-out,  in  Readi 
ness  to  make. 

1 4th.  As  the  Snow  encreased  very  fast,  and  our 
Horses  daily  became  weaker,  I  sent  them  off  un 
loaded  ;  under  the  Care  of  Barnaby  Currin,  and  two 
others,  to  make  all  convenient  Dispatch  to  Venango, 
and  there  wait  our  Arrival,  if  there  was  a  Prospect 
of  the  Rivers  freezing  :  If  not,  then  to  continue  down 
to  Shanapins  Town,  at  the  Forks  of  Ohio,  and  there 
to  wait  till  we  came  to  cross  Aliganey ;  intending 
myself  to  go  down  by  Water,  as  I  had  the  Offer  of 
a  Canoe  or  two. 

As  I  found  many  Plots  concerted  to  retard  the 
Indians  Business,  and  prevent  their  returning  with 
me;  I  endeavor'd  all  that  lay  in  my  Power  to  frus 
trate  their  Schemes,  and  hurry  them  on  to  execute 
their  intended  Design.  They  accordingly  pressed  for 
Admittance  this  Evening,  which  at  Length  was  granted 
them,  privately,  with  the  Commander  and  one  or  two 
other  officers.  The  Half-King  told  me,  that  he  of- 
fer'd  the  Wampum  to  the  Commander,  who  evaded 
taking  it,  and  made  many  fair  Promises  of  Love  and 
Friendship  ;  said  he  wanted  to  live  in  Peace,  and  trade 


32  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1753 


amicably  with  them,  as  a  Proof  of  which  he  would 
send  some  Goods  immediately  down  to  the  Logg's- 
Town  for  them.  But  I  rather  think  the  Design  of 
that  is,  to  bring  away  all  our  straggling  Traders  they 
meet  with,  as  I  privately  understood  they  intended 
to  carry  an  Officer,  &c,  with  them.  And  what  rather 
confirms  this  Opinion,  I  was  enquiring  of  the  Com 
mander,  by  what  Authority  he  had  made  Prisoners  of 
several  of  our  English  Subjects.  He  told  me  that 
the  Country  belong'd  to  them  ;  that  no  Englishman 
had  a  Right  to  trade  upon  those  Waters ;  and  that 
he  had  Orders  to  make  every  Person  Prisoner  who 
attempted  it  on  the  Ohio,  or  the  Waters  of  it. 

I  enquir'd  of  Capt.  Riparti  about  the  Boy  who 
was  carried  by  this  Place,  as  it  was  done  while  the 
Command  devolved  on  him,  between  the  Death  of  the 
late  General,  and  the  Arrival  of  the  present.  He  ac 
knowledged,  that  a  Boy  had  been  carried  past  ;  and 
that  the  Indians  had  two  or  three  white  Men's  Scalps 
(I  was  told  by  some  of  the  Indians  at  Venango  Eight) 
but  pretended  to  have  forgotten  the  Name  of  the 
Place  which  the  Boy  came  from,  and  all  the  Particular 
Facts,  though  he  had  question'd  him  for  some  Hours, 
as  they  were  carrying  him  past.  I  likewise  enquired 
what  they  had  done  with  John  Trotter  and  James 
MacClocklan,  two  Pensylvania  Traders,  whom  they 
had  taken,  with  all  their  Goods.  They  told  me,  that 
they  had  been  sent  to  Canada,  but  were  now  returned 
Home. 

This  Evening  I  received  an  Answer  to  his  Honour 
the  Governor's  Letter  from  the  Commandant. 


1753]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 


33 


1 5th.  The  Commandant  ordered  a  plentiful  Store 
of  Liquor,  Provision,  &c.,  to  be  put  on  Board  our 
Canoe  ;  and  appeared  to  be  extremely  complaisant, 
though  he  was  exerting  every  Artifice  which  he  could 
invent  to  set  our  own  Indians  at  Variance  with  us,  to 
prevent  their  going  'till  after  our  Departure.  Pres 
ents,  Rewards,  and  every  Thing  which  could  be  sug 
gested  by  him  or  his  Officers. — I  can't  say  that  ever 
in  my  Life  I  suffered  so  much  Anxiety  as  I  did  in  this 
Affair  :  I  saw  that  every  Stratagem  which  the  most 
fruitful  Brain  could  invent,  was  practised,  to  win  the 
Half-King  to  their  Interest ;  and  that  leaving  him  here 
was  giving  them  the  Opportunity  they  aimed  at. — I 
went  to  the  Half-King  and  press'd  him  in  the  strong 
est  Terms  to  go  :  He  told  me  the  Commandant  would 
not  discharge  him  'till  the  Morning.  I  then  went  to 
the  Commandant,  and  desired  him  to  do  their  Busi 
ness  ;  and  complain'd  of  ill  Treatment  :  For  keeping 
them,  as  they  were  Part  of  my  Company,  was  detain 
ing  me.  This  he  promised  not  to  do,  but  to  forward 
my  Journey  as  much  as  he  could.  He  protested  he 
did  not  keep  them,  but  was  ignorant  of  the  Cause  of 
their  Stay  ;  though  I  soon  found  it  out  :- — He  had 
promised  them  a  present  of  Guns,  &c,  if  they  would 
wait  'till  the  morning. 

As  I  was  very  much  press'd,  by  the  Indians,  to  wait 
this  Day  for  them,  I  consented,  on  a  Promise,  That 
nothing  should  hinder  them  in  the  Morning. 

1 6th.  The  French  were  not  slack  in  their  Inven 
tions  to  keep  the  Indians  this  Day  also  :  But  as  they 
were  obligated,  according  to  Promise,  to  give  the  Pres- 


34  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1753 


ent,  they  then  endeavoured  to  try  the  Power  of  Liquor; 
which  I  doubt  not  would  have  prevailed  at  any  other 
Time  than  this  ;  But  1  urged  and  insisted  with  the 
King  so  closely  upon  his  Word,  that  he  refrained,  and 
set  off  with  us  as  he  had  engaged. 

We  had  a  tedious  and  very  fatiguing  Passage  down 
the  Creek.  Several  Times  we  had  like  to  have  been 
staved  against  Rocks  ;  and  many  Times  were  obliged 
all  Hands  to  get  out  and  remain  in  the  Water  Half 
an  Hour  or  more,  getting  over  the  Shoals.  At  one 
Place  the  Ice  had  lodged  and  made  it  impassable  by 
Water  ;  therefore  we  were  obliged  to  carry  our  Canoe 
across  a  Neck  of  Land,  a  quarter  of  a  Mile  over. 
We  did  not  reach  Venango,  till  the  22d,  where  we  met 
with  our  Horses. 

This  Creek  is  extremely  crooked,  I  dare  say  the 
Distance  between  the  Fort  and  Venango  can't  be  less 
than  130  Miles,  to  follow  the  Meanders.1 

23d.  When  I  got  Things  ready  to  set-off,  I  sent 
for  the  Half  King,  to  know  whether  he  intended  to  go 
with  us,  or  by  Water.  He  told  me  that  White-Thun 
der  had  hurt  himself  much,  and  was  sick  and  unable 
to  walk  ;  therefore  he  was  obliged  to  carry  him  down 

1  "Friday  2ist. — The  ice  was  so  hard  we  could  not  break  our  way  through, 
but  were  obliged  to  haul  our  vessels  across  a  point  of  land  and  put  them  in  the 
creek  again.  The  Indians  and  three  French  canoes  overtook  us  here,  and  the 
people  of  one  French  canoe  that  was  lost,  with  her  cargo  of  powder  and  lead. 
That  night  we  encamped  about  twenty  miles  above  Venango.  Saturday  22nd. — 
Set  out.  The  creek  began  to  be  very  low,  and  we  were  forced  to  get  out  to 
keep  our  canoe  from  oversetting,  several  times  ;  the  water  freezing  to  our 
clothes  ;  and  we  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  the  French  overset,  and  the  brandy 
and  wine  floating  in  the  creek,  and  run  by  them,  and  left  them  to  shift  for  them 
selves." — Gist. 


1753]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  35 

in  a  Canoe.  As  I  found  he  intended  to  stay  here  a 
Day  or  two,  and  knew  that  Monsieur  Joncaire  would 
employ  every  Scheme  to  set  him  against  the  English 
as  he  had  before  done  ;  I  told  him  I  hoped  he  would 
•guard  against  his  Flattery,  and  let  no  fine  Speeches 
influence  him  in  their  Favour.  He  desired  I  might 
not  be  concerned,  for  he  knew  the  French  too  well,  for 
any  Thing  to  engage  him  in  their  Behalf ;  and  that 
though  he  could  not  go  down  with  us,  he  yet  would 
endeavour  to  meet  at  the  Forks  with  Joseph  Campbell, 
to  deliver  a  Speech  forme  to  carry  to  his  Honour  the 
Governor.  He  told  me  he  would  order  the  young 
Hunter  to  attend  us,  and  get  Provision,  &c.  if  wanted. 

Our  Horses  were  now  so  weak  and  feeble,  and 
the  Baggage  so  heavy  (as  we  were  obliged  to  pro 
vide  all  the  Necessaries  which  the  Journey  would 
require)  that  we  doubted  much  their  performing  it ; 
therefore  myself  and  others  (except  the  Drivers, 
who  were  obliged  to  ride)  gave  up  our  Horses  for 
Packs,  to  assist  along  with  the  Baggage.  I  put 
myself  in  an  Indian  walking  Dress,  and  continued 
with  them  three  Days,  till  I  found  there  was  no  Prob 
ability  of  their  getting  home  in  any  reasonable  Time. 
The  Horses  grew  less  able  to  travel  every  Day  ;  the 
Cold  increased  very  fast ;  and  the  Roads  were  becom 
ing  much  worse  by  a  deep  Snow,  continually  freezing  : 
Therefore  as  I  was  uneasy  to  get  back,  to  make 
Report  of  my  Proceedings  to  his  Honour,  the  Gov 
ernor,  I  determined  to  prosecute  my  Journey  the 
nearest  Way  through  the  Woods,  on  Foot. 

Accordingly  I    left    Mr.   Vanbraam   in  Charge  of 


36  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1753 

our  Baggage  :  with  Money  and  Directions  to  Provide 
Necessaries  from  Place  to  Place  for  themselves  and 
Horses,  and  to  make  the  most  convenient  Dispatch 
in  Travelling. 

I  took  my  necessary  Papers  ;  pulled  off  my  Cloaths  ; 
and  tied  myself  up  in  a  Match  Coat.  Then  with 
Gun  in  Hand  and  Pack  at  my  Back,  in  which  were 
my  Papers  and  Provisions,  I  set-out  with  Mr.  Gisty 
fitted  in  the  same  Manner,  on  Wednesday  the  26th. 

The  Day  following,  just  after  we  had  passed  a 
Place  called  the  Murder  ing-Town  (where  we  in 
tended  to  quit  the  Path,  and  steer  across  the  Coun 
try  for  Shannapins  Town)  we  fell  in  with  a  Party  of 
French  Indians,  who  had  lain  in  Wait  for  us.  One 
of  them  fired  at  Mr.  Gist  or  me,  not  15  steps  off, 
but  fortunately  missed.  We  took  this  Fellow  into 
Custody,  and  kept  him  till  about  9  o'clock  at  Night ; 
Then  let  him  go,  and  walked  all  the  remaining  Part 
of  the  Night  without  making  any  Stop  ;  that  we 
might  get  the  Start,  so  far,  as  to  be  out  of  the  Reach 
of  their  Pursuit  the  next  Day,  since  we  were  well  as 
sured  they  would  follow  our  Tract  as  soon  as  it  was 
light.  The  next  Day  we  continued  travelling  till 
quite  dark,  and  got  to  the  River  about  two  Miles 
above  Shannapins.  We  expected  to  have  found 
the  River  frozen,  but  it  was  not,  only  about  50  Yards 
from  each  Shore  ;  The  Ice  I  suppose  had.  broken 
up  above,  for  it  was  driving  in  vast  Quantities.1 

1  "  Wednesday,  26t/i. — The  Major  desired  me  to  set  out  on  foot  and  leave 
our  company,  as  the  creeks  were  frozen,  and  our  horses  could  make  but  little 
way.  Indeed,  I  was  unwilling  he  should  undertake  such  a  travel,  who  had 
never  been  used  to  walking  before  this  time.  But  as  he  insisted  on  it,  I  set 
out  with  our  packs,  like  Indians,  and  travelled  eighteen  miles.  That  night  we 


1753]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  37 

There  was  no  Way  for  getting  over  but  on  a  Raft ; 
Which  we  set  about  with  but  one  poor  Hatchet,  and 

lodged  at  an  Indian  cabin,  and    the   Major  was  much  fatigued.     It  was  very 
cold  ;  all  the  small  runs  were  frozen,  that  we  could  hardly  get  water  to  drink. 

"  Thursday,  27 'th. — We  rose  early  in  the  morning  and  set  out  about  two 
o'clock.  Got  to  Murthering  town,  on  the  south  east  fork  of  Beaver  Creek. 
Here  we  met  with  an  Indian,  whom  I  thought  I  had  seen  at  Toncaire's,  at 
Venango,  when  on  our  journey  up  to  the  French  fort.  This  fellow  called  me 
by  my  Indian  name,  and  pretended  to  be  glad  to  see  me.  He  asked  me  several 
questions,  as  how  we  came  to  travel  on  foot,  when  we  left  Venango,  where  we 
parted  with  our  horses,  and  when  they  would  be  there,  &c.  Major  Washing 
ton  insisted  on  travelling  on  the  nearest  way  to  the  forks  of  Alleghany.  We 
asked  the  Indian  if  he  could  go  with  us,  and  show  us  the  nearest  way.  The 
Indian  seemed  very  glad  and  ready  to  go  with  us.  Upon  which  we  set  out, 
and  the  Indian  took  the  Major's  pack.  We  travelled  very  brisk  for  eight  or 
ten  miles,  when  the  Major's  feet  grew  very  sore,  and  he  very  weary,  and  the 
Indian  steered  too  much  northeastwardly.  The  Major  desired  to  encamp,  to 
which  the  Indian  asked  to  carry  his  gun,  but  he  refused  that,  and  then  the  In 
dian  grew  churlish,  and  pressed  us  to  keep  on,  telling  us  that  there  were  Ottawa 
Indians  in  these  woods,  and  they  would  scalp  us  if  we  lay  out  ;  but  go  to  his 
cabin,  and  we  should  be  safe.  I  thought  very  ill  of  the  fellow,  but  did  not 
care  to  let  the  Major  know  I  mistrusted  him.  But  he  soon  mistrusted  him  as 
much  as  I.  He  said  he  could  hear  a  gun  to  his  cabin,  and  steered  us  more 
northwardly.  We  grew  uneasy,  and  then  he  said  two  whoops  might  be  heard 
to  his  cabin.  We  went  two  miles  further  ;  then  the  Major  said  he  would  stay 
at  the  next  water,  and  we  desired  the  Indian  to  stop  at  the  next  water.  But 
before  we  came  to  water,  we  came  to  a  clear  meadow  ;  it  was  very  light,  and 
snow  on  the  ground.  The  Indian  made  a  stop,  turned  about  ;  the  Major  saw 
him  point  his  gun  toward  us  and  fire.  Said  the  Major,  '  Are  you  shot  ? '  '  No,' 
said  I.  Upon  which  the  Indian  run  forward  to  a  big  standing  white  oak,  and 
to  loading  his  gun  ;  but  we  were  soon  with  him.  I  would  hdve  killed  him  ; 
but  the  Major  would  not  suffer  me  to  kill  him.  WTe  let  him  charge  his  gun  ; 
we  found  he  put  in  a  ball  ;  then  we  took  care  of  him.  The  Major  or  I  al 
ways  stood  by  the  guns  ;  we  made  him  make  a  fire  for  us  by  a  little  run,  as  if 
we  intended  to  sleep  there.  I  said  to  the  Major,  '  As  you  will  not  have  him 
killed,  we  must  get  him  away,  and  then  we  must  travel  all  night."  Upon 
which  I  said  to  the  Indian,  'I  suppose  you  were  lost  and  fired  your  gun.' 
He  said,  he  knew  the  way  to  his  cabin,  and  'twas  but  a  little  way.  '  Well,' 
said  I,  '  do  you  go  home,  and  as  we  are  much  tired,  we  will  follow  your  track 
in  the  morning  ;  and  here  is  a  cake  of  bread  for  you,  and  you  must  give  us 
meat  in  the  morning.'  He  was  glad  to  get  away.  I  followed  him,  and  listened 
until  he  was  fairly  out  of  the  way,  and  then  we  set  out  about  half  a  mile, 
when  we  made  a  fire,  set  our  compass,  and  fixed  our  course,  and  travelled  all 
night,  and  in  the  morning  we  were  on  the  head  of  Piney  Creek." — Cist. 


38  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1753 

finished  just  after  Sun-setting.  This  was  a  whole 
Day's  Work.  Then  set  off ;  But  before  we  were 
Half  Way  over,  we  were  jammed  in  the  Ice,  in  such 
a  Manner  that  we  expected  every  Moment  our  Raft 
to  sink,  and  ourselves  to  perish.  I  put-out  my  setting 
Pole  to  try  to  stop  the  Raft,  that  the  Ice  might  pass 
by  ;  when  the  Rapidity  of  the  Stream  threw  it  with  so 
much  Violence  against  the  Pole,  that  it  jerked  me 
out  into  ten  Feet  Water  :  but  I  fortunately  saved 
myself  by  catching  hold  of  one  of  the  Raft  Logs. 
Notwithstanding  all  our  Efforts  we  could  not  get  the 
Raft  to  either  Shore  ;  but  were  obliged,  as  we  were 
near  an  Island,  to  quit  our  Raft  and  make  to  it. 

The  Cold  was  so  extremely  severe,  that  Mr.  Gist 
had  all  his  Fingers,  and  some  of  his  Toes  frozen  ; 
but  the  water  was  shut  up  so  hard,  that  we  found  no 
Difficulty  in  getting-off  the  Island,  on  the  Ice,  in  the 
Morning,  and  went  to  Mr.  Fraziers.  We  met  here 
with  20  Warriors  who  were  going  to  the  Southward 
to  War,  but  coming  to  a  Place  upon  the  Head  of 
the  great  Kunnaway,  where  they  found  seven  People 
killed  and  scalped  (all  but  one  Woman  with  very 
light  Hair)  they  turned  about  and  ran  back  for  fear 
the  Inhabitants  should  rise  and  take  them  as  the 
Authors  of  the  Murder.  They  report  that  the  Bodies 
were  lying  about  the  House,  and  some  of  them  much 
torn  and  eaten  by  Hogs.  By  the  Marks  which  were 
left,  they  say  they  were  French  Indians  of  the  Otta- 
way  Nation,  &c.,  who  did  it. 

As  we  intended  to  take  Horses  here,  and  it  re 
quired  some  Time  to  find  them,  I  went-up  about 
three  Miles  to  the  Mouth  of  Yaughyaughane  to  visit 


1753]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  39 

Queen  Aliquippa,  who  had  expressed  great  Concern 
that  we  passed  her  in  going  to  the  Fort.  I  made  her  a 
Present  of  a  Matchcoat  and  a  Bottle  of  Rum  ;  which 
latter  was  thought  much  the  best  Present  of  the  Two. 

Tuesday  the  ist  Day  of  January,  we  left  Mr. 
Fraziers  House,1  and  arrived  at  Mr.  Gist's  at  Monon- 
gahela  the  2d,  where  I  bought  a  Horse,  Saddle,  etc  : 
the  6th  we  met  i  7  Horses  loaded  with  Materials  and 
Stores,  for  a  Fort  at  the  Forks  of  Ohio,  and  the  Day 
after  some  Families  going  out  to  settle  :  This  Day 
we  arrived  at  Wills  Creek,  after  as  fatiguing  a  Journey 
as  it  is  possible  to  conceive,  rendered  so  by  excessive 
bad  Weather.  From  the  first  Day  of  December  to 
the  1 5th,  there  was  but  one  Day  on  which  it  did  not 
rain  or  snow  incessantly  :  and  throughout  the  whole 
Journey  we  met  with  nothing  but  one  continued  Series 
of  cold  wet  Weather,  which  occasioned  very  uncom 
fortable  Lodgings  :  especially  after  we  had  quitted 
our  Tent,  which  was  some  Screen  from  the  Inclem 
ency  of  it. 

On  the  nth  I  got  to  Belvoir :  where  I  stopped 
one  Day  to  take  necessary  Rest ;  and  then  set  out 
and  arrived  in  Williamsburgh  the  i6th;  when  I 
waited  upon  his  Honour  the  Governor  with  the  Let 
ter  I  had  brought  from  the  French  Commandant ; 
and  to  give  an  Account  of  the  Success  of  my  Pro 
ceedings.  This  I  beg  leave  to  do  by  offering  the  fore 
going  Narrative  as  it  contains  the  most  remarkable 
Occurrences  which  happened  in  my  Journey. 

I  hope  what  has  been  said  will  be  sufficient  to 
make  your  Honour  satisfied  with  my  Conduct ;  for 

1  "  And  at  night  encamped  at  Jacob's  cabins." — Gist. 


40  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1753 

that  was  my  Aim  in  undertaking  the  Journey,  and 
chief  Study  throughout  the  Prosecution  of  it.1 

1  The  intentions  of  the  French  being  thus  announced  by  the  results  of  Wash 
ington's  mission  to  the  Ohio,  Dinwiddie,  with  the  advice  of  his  Council,  deter 
mined  to  send  at  once  2  companies  of  100  men  each  to  protect  the  frontier  from 
French  encroachments.  The  command  of  one  company  to  be  raised  among  the 
traders  on  the  frontier  was  given  to  Captain  William  Trent,  an  Indian  trader, 
and  friend  and  business  partner  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  while  the  other — raised 
in  Frederick  and  Augusta  counties — was  given  to  Washington.  "  Having  all 
things  in  readiness,"  the  instructions  to  Washington  read,  "  you  are  to  use  all 
expedition  in  proceeding  to  the  Fork  of  Ohio  with  the  men  under  command,  and 
there  you  are  to  finish  and  complete  in  the  best  manner  and  as  soon  as  you  pos 
sibly  can,  the  Fort  which  I  expect  is  there  already  begun  by  the  Ohio  Company. 
You  are  to  act  on  the  defensive,  but  in  case  any  attempts  are  made  to  obstruct 
the  works  or  interrupt  our  settlements  by  any  persons  whatsoever,  you  are  to 
restrain  all  such  offenders  and  in  case  of  resistance  to  make  prisoners  of,  or  kill 
and  destroy  them." 

Dinwiddie  confidently  expected  assistance  from  the  other  colonies,  and  noti 
fied  the  royal  governors  of  what  had  been  done. 

The  efforts  of  Governor  Dinwiddie  to  arouse  some  enthusiasm  in  the  neigh 
boring  colonies  over  the  aggressions  of  the  French  were  without  avail.  The 
western  country  was  almost  unknown,  and  no  other  colony  felt  the  danger  of 
the  neighborhood  of  the  French  or  even  the  violation  of  sovereignty  which 
their  movements  implied.  The  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  denied  that  the 
French  encroachments  and  fortifications  on  the  Ohio  were  within  his  Majesty's 
dominions,  and  the  Assembly  of  New  York  coolly  told  Lieutenant  Governor 
De  Lancey,  that  the  French  fort  "  may,  but  does  not  by  any  evidence  or  infor 
mation  appear  to  us  to  be  an  invasion  of  any  of  his  Majesty's  colonies."  New 
York,  however,  gave  ,£5,000  currency  in  aid  of  Virginia. 

In  a  summarized  statement  of  what  had  been  done  by  Pennsylvania  on  In 
dian  affairs  occurs  the  following  note  :  ' '  The  presents  sent  to  Logs  Town 
shew'd  our  wealth  &  good-nature,  but  evidenc'd  at  ye  same  time  the  weak 
ness  of  our  measures,  since  in  consequence  of  a  free  consent  given  at  that  treaty 
by  the  Indians  to  build  store  houses  on  the  Ohio,  no  other  force  sent  than  about 
30  half-starved,  ordinary  men,  under  a  very  improper  commander,  Capt. 
Trent ;  who  when  building  a  small,  ill  construct'd  house  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Monongealo.  The  Govt.  of  Virginia  sent  Mr.  Washington  to  .summon  ye 
French  Commander  on  the  River  B  ....,&  on  his  haughty  answer,  raised 
a  few  forces,  expecting  ye  Province  of  Pennsylvania  wou'd  have  either  sent 
men,  or  given  a  large  sum  to  enlist  such  as  wou'd  enter  Volunteers,  but  found 
that  instead  of  affording  assistance,  they  fell  into  disputes  with  their  Gov'r,  & 
seemed  to  espouse  the  French  claims  to  those  Countries." — Penn.  Archives, 
ii.,  238. 

Dinwiddie  called  a  special  session  of  the  Assembly  in  February  and  laid  an 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  4I 

TO    DINWIDDIE,    LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR    OF    VIRGINIA. 
HONBLE.  SIR,  ALEXANDRIA,  7  March,  1754.' 

In  my  last  by  Mr.  Stewart,  I  slightly  mentioned  the 
objection  many   had    against   enlisting,    to    wit,    not 

account  of  the  movements  of  the  French  before  it.  After  a  session  of  nine 
days,  "with  great  persuasions,  many  arguments  and  much  trouble"  on  the 
part  of  the  Governor,  it  voted  to  borrow  ,£10,000  to  protect  the  English  on  the 
Mississippi  ;  but  by  insisting  on  the  precedents  of  the  Canada  expedition,  so 
4 '  clogged  "  the  bill  with  unreasonable  regulations  and  encroachments  on  the 
prerogative  that  it  was  only  through  necessity  that  the  Governor  gave  his  assent. 
The  Assembly,  distrusting  the  Governor,  retained  control  over  the  expenditure 
of  the  money  by  constituting  a  committee  for  the  purpose,  composed  of  William 
Nelson,  Thomas  Nelson,  Philip  Grymes,  and  Peter  Randolph,  Esquires,  John 
Robinson,  Esquire,  Charles  Carter,  Carter  Burwell,  Benjamin  Waller,  Richard 
Bland,  James  Power,  William  Digges,  Dudley  Digges,  John  Page,  and  John 
Chiswell,  gentlemen,  or  any  nine  of  them.  (vi.  Hening,  418.} 

With  this  aid  Dinwiddie  determined  to  raise  a  force  of  three  hundred  men, 
divided  into  six  companies,  and  appointed  Colonel  Joshua  Fry  to  the  command 
of  the  whole.  He  was  further  encouraged  by  receiving  instructions  from  the 
Earl  of  Holdernesse,  then  Secretary  of  State,  placing  at  his  disposal  two  inde 
pendent  companies  from  New  York  and  one  from  North  (an  error  for  South) 
Carolina,  to  be  marched  against  the  French.  Dinwiddie  could  call  out  the 
militia,  but  was  unable  to  march  them  outside  of  the  province  ;  there  was 
therefore  an  advantage  in  employing  these  independent  companies,  which  were 
paid  by  the  king  and  were  not  subject  to  colonial  regulations.  To  encourage 
enlistments  the  Governor  issued  a  proclamation  granting  200,000  acres  of  land 
on  the  Ohio,  free  of  quit  rent  for  fifteen  years,  to  be  divided  among  the  officers 
and  soldiers  who  should  engage  in  the  present  expedition.  This  grant  involved 
Virginia  in  a  controversy  with  Pennsylvania,  there  being  great  doubt  as  to  the 
boundaries  of  the  provinces,  and  consequently  of  the  possession  of  the  territory. 
Dinwiddie  waived  for  the  present  the  matter  of  quit  rents,  allowing  Pennsylvania 
to  collect  them  ;  and  it  was  not  until  August,  1779,  that  the  controversy  was 
determined. 

Joshua  Fry  was  born  in  England,  educated  at  Oxford,  and  came  to  Virginia 
early  in  the  eighteenth  century.  He  was  connected  with  William  and  Mary 
College,  afterwards  presiding  Justice  of  Albemarle  County,  and,  with  Peter 
Jefferson,  prepared  a  map  of  Virginia  that  was  held  in  high  repute.  In  1752 
he  participated  in  some  negotiations  with  the  Indians,  and  in  1754  received  the 
command  of  the  Virginia  forces.  Dinwiddie  described  him  as  "  a  man  of  good 
sense  and  one  of  our  best  mathematicians."  To  Hamilton,  March  21,  1754. 

1  The  letters  written  previously  to  this  date  have  been  lost.  Dinwiddie 
acknowledged  a  letter  of  the  7th.  Mr.  Sparks  dates  it  the  gth. 


42  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

knowing  who  was  to  be  paymaster  or  the  times 
for  payment.  It  is  now  grown  a  pretty  general 
clamor  ;  and  some  of  those,  who  were  among  the 
first  enlisters,  being  needy,  and  knowing  it  to  be 
usual  for  his  Majesty's  soldiers  to  be  paid  once  a 
week,  or  at  most  every  fortnight,  are  very  importu 
nate  to  receive  their  due,  I  have  soothed  and  quieted 
them  as  much  as  possible,  under  pretence  of  receiv 
ing  your  Honour's  instructions  in  this  particular  at 
the  arrival  of  the  colonel. 

I  have  increased  my  number  of  men  to  about  25, 
and  dare  venture  to  say,  I  should  have  had  several 
more,  if  the  excessive  bad  weather  did  not  prevent 
their  meeting  agreeable  to  their  officers'  commands. 

We  daily  experience  the  great  necessity  for  cloath- 
ing  the  men,  as  we  find  the  generality  of  those, 
who  are  to  be  enlisted,  are  of  those  loose,  idle  per 
sons,  that  are  quite  destitute  of  house  and  home,  and, 
I  may  truly  say,  many  of  them  of  cloathes  ;  which 
last  renders  them  very  incapable  of  the  necessary 
service,  as  they  must  unavoidably  be  exposed  to  in 
clement  weather  in  their  marches,  &c.,  and  can  expect 
no  other  than  to  encounter  almost  every  difficulty, 
that  's  incident  to  a  soldier's  life.  There  are  many 
of  them  without  shoes,  others  want  stockings,  some 
are  without  shirts,  and  not  a  few  that  have  scarce  a 
coat  or  waistcoat  to  their  backs.  In  short,  they  are 
as  ill  provided  as  can  well  be  conceived  ;  but  I  really 
believe  every  man  of  them,  for  their  own  credit's 
sake,  is  willing  to  be  cloathed  at  their  own  expense. 
They  are  perpetually  teazing  me  to  have  it  done,  but 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  43 


I  am  not  able  to  advance  the  money,  provided  there 
was  no  risque  in  it,  which  there  certainly  is,  and  too 
great  for  me  to  run  ;  tho'  it  would  be  nothing  to  the 
country,  as  a  certain  part  of  their  pay  might  be 
deducted  and  appropriated  to  that  use.  Mr.  Carlyle, 
or  any  of  the  merchants  here,  would  furnish  them 
with  proper  necessarys,  if  there  was  a  certainty  of 
any  part  of  their  pay  stopt  to  reimburse  the  expense. 
But  I  must  here  in  time  put  a  kirb  to  my  requests, 
and  remember  that  I  ought  not  to  be  too  importu 
nate  ;  otherwise  I  shall  be  as  troublesome  to  your 
Honour,  as  the  soldiers  are  to  me.  There  is  nothing 
but  the  necessity  of  the  thing  could  urge  me  to  be 
thus  free  ;  but  I  shall  no  more  exagerate  this  affair 
to  your  Honour  as  I  am  well  assured,  whatever  you 
think  for  the  benefit  or  good  of  the  expedition,  you 
will  cause  to  have  done. 


TO  RICHARD    CORBIN.1 

March,  1754.* 

DEAR  SIR, 

In  a  conversation  with  you  at  Green  Spring, 
you  gave  me  some  room  to  hope  for  a  commis 
sion  above  that  of  major,  and  to  be  ranked  among 

1  Richard  Corbin,  of  "  Laneville,"  King  and  Queen  County,  had  held  many 
important  offices  in  the  colonial  government,  and  was  at  this  time  a  member 
of    the  Governor's    council.      He    was   connected    by    ties    of    friendship   and 
affinity  with  the  Washington  family.     See  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington,  2d 
ed.,  vol.  i.,  p.  3. 

2  I   am  inclined  to  place  this  letter  early  in   March,   as  on  the  ist  of  the 
month  Dinwiddie  could  say  that  he  had  commissioned  Col.  Fry  as  commander 
of  the  expedition.     The  appointment  must  have  been  known  in  Alexandria  a 
few  days  later,  and  would  have  forestalled  such  an  application. 


44  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

the  chief  officers  of  this  expedition.  The  command 
of  the  whole  forces  is  what  I  neither  look  for,  expect, 
nor  desire  ;  for  I  must  be  impartial  enough  to  con 
fess,  it  is  a  charge  too  great  for  my  youth  and  inex 
perience  to  be  entrusted  with.  Knowing  this,  I  have 
too  sincere  a  love  for  my  country,  to  undertake  that 
which  may  tend  to  the  prejudice  of  it.  But  if  I 
could  entertain  hopes,  that  you  thought  me  worthy 
of  the  post  of  lieutenant-colonel,  and  would  favor  me 
so  far  as  to  mention  it  at  the  appointment  of  officers, 
I  could  not  but  entertain  a  true  sense  of  the  kindness. 
I  flatter  myself,  that,  under  a  skilful  commander, 
or  man  of  sense,  (whom  I  most  sincerely  wish  to 
serve  under,)  with  my  own  application  and  diligent 
study  of  my  duty,  I  shall  be  able  to  conduct  my  steps 
without  censure,  and,  in  time,  render  myself  worthy 
of  the  promotion,  that  I  shall  be  favored  with  now.1 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

ALEXANDRIA,  20  March,  1754. 

SIR, 

I   was   favored  with   your  letter  by  Mr.    Stewart, 
enclosing   a   lieutenant-colonel's  commission,2  and  I 

1  The  reply  was  :   "  DEAR  GEORGE  :  I  enclose  you  your  commission.     God 
prosper  you  with  it.     Your  friend,  RICHARD  CORBIN." 

2  Some  entries  in  an  account  book  found  among  the  Washington  AfSS.,  will 
show  the  various  military  positions  he  held  in   1754  and  1755,  and  the  pay  at 
tached  to  each.     1754,  February  24th,  to  pay  as  captain,  from  January  I5th, 
at  Ss.  per  day  ;  to  pay  as  major  till  March  2Oth,  at  IQS.  per  day  ;  to  pay  as 
lieutenant-colonel  till  June  ist,  at  I2s.  bd.  per  day  ;  to  pay  as  colonel  to  Sep 
tember  1st,  at  IS-?,  per  day.     1755.    To  pay  as  colonel  in  Virginia  regiment,  at 
30^.  per  day. 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  45 


hope  my  future  behaviour  will  sufficiently  testify  the 
true  sense  I  have  of  this  kindness. 

At  present  there  are  about  seventy-five  men  at 
Alexandria,  near  fifty  of  whom  I  have  enlisted.  The 
others  have  been  sent  by  Messrs.  Poison,  Mercer, 
and  Waggener z  to  this  place.  Very  few  officers  have 
repaired  hither  yet,  which  has  occasioned  a  fatiguing 
time  to  me,  in  managing  a  number  of  self-willed,  un 
governable  people.  I  shall  implicitly  obey  your  com 
mands,  and  march  out  with  all  expedition.  Major 
Carlyle  is  now  preparing  wagons  for  the  conveyance 
of  provisions,  which  till  now  could  not  move,  on  ac 
count  of  the  heavy  roads. 

I  doubt  not  but  your  Honor  has  been  informed 
before  this  of  Mr.  Vanbraam's  ill  success  in  Augusta, 
by  the  express,  who  was  sent  from  thence  for  that 
purpose.2 

Major  Muse's  promotion,  and  Messrs.  Rose  and 
Bently's  declining,  will  occasion  a  want  of  officers  ; 
in  which  case  I  would  beer  leave  to  mention  Mr. 

o 

Vanbraam  for  a  command,  who  is  the  oldest  lieuten 
ant,  and  an  experienced  soldier.  Unless  the  officers 
come  in,  I  shall  be  obliged  to  appoint  him  to  that 
office,  till  I  have  your  Honor's  further  directions.  It 
would  be  conferring  a  very  great  obligation  on  him, 
were  you  to  confirm  the  appointment.  I  verily  be 
lieve  his  behaviour  would  not  render  him  displeasing 
to  you.  I  have  given  Captain  Stephen  orders  to  be 

1  Sketches  of  these  may  be  found  in  Dinwiddie  Papers,  i.,  114. 

2  Vanbraam,  acting  as  Washington's  lieutenant,  had  been  sent  to  Augusta 
County  to  receive  the  fifty  recruits  to  be  raised  in  that  county  by  Col.  Patten, 
the  County  Lieutenant. 


46  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

in  readiness  to  join  us  at  Winchester  with  his  com 
pany,  as  they  were  already  in  that  neighbourhood,  and 
raised  there. 

I  have  nothing  further  to  add  at  present,  but  my 
sincere  thanks  for  the  indulgent  favors  I  have  met 
with,  and  I  am  your  Honor's  most  obedient,  &C.1 


JOURNAL,  MARCH-APRIL,   1754. 

To  preserve  the  continuity  of  the  story  I  have  embodied  such  of  Washing 
ton's  letters  as  written  during  his  march  to  the  Ohio,  into  a  translation  of  a 
journal  which  the  French  captured  at  Fort  Necessity.  This  journal  is  incom 
plete,  and  is  not  printed  as  Washington  wrote  it,  as  the  original  is  lost  and  the 
only  form  in  which  it  is  accessible  is  through  a  French  translation  and  faulty 
renderings  into  English  from  that  translation.  To  defend  its  position,  for  no 
formal  declaration  of  war  had  yet  been  made,  and  to  prove  the  English  to  be 
the  aggressors,  the  French  government  published  this  Journal  and  other  papers 
found  at  Fort  Necessity,  together  with  a  number  of  state  and  private  instruc 
tions  and  reports,  in  Memoire  contenant  le  precis  des  faits,  avec  leurs  pieces 
justicatives  pour  servir  de  response  aux  observations  envoydes  paries  ministres 
d' Angleterre  dans  les  cours  de  r Europe"  (1756).  It  has  been  many  times  re 
printed  in  English,  but,  as  Sparks  says,  the  translation  is  "  uncouth  in  its 
style  and  faulty  in  its  attempts  to  convey  the  sense  of  the  original."  I  have 
compared  the  following  with  the  French  and  believe  it  to  be  the  most  accurate 
translation  yet  made. 

On  the  3 1st  March,  I  received  from  his  Honour  a  Lieu 
tenant  Colonel's  commission  in  the  Virginia  regiment, 
whereof  Joshua  Fry,  Esquire,  was  Colonel,  dated  the  I5th, 
with  orders  to  take  the  troops,  which  were  at  that  time 
quartered  at  Alexandria  under  my  command,  and  to  march 
with  them  towards  the  Ohio,  there  to  aid  Captain  Trent  in 
building  Forts,  and  in  defending  the  Possessions  of  his 
Majesty  against  the  attempts  and  hostilities  of  the  French?' 

1  Colonel  Washington  marched  from  Alexandria  on  the  2d  of  April,  with  two 
companies  of  troops,  and  arrived  at  Will's  Creek  on  the   2Oth,  having  been 
joined  on  the  route  by  a  detachment  under  Captain  Stephen. 

2  "  My  order  to   the  commander  in  chief  is  to  be  on  the    defensive,  but  if 
opposed  by  the  enemy  to  desire  them  to  retire  ;   if  they  should  still  persist,  to 
repel  force  by  force." — Dinwiddie  to  Gov.  Hamilton,  April  27,  1754. 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON".  47 


April  the  2d.  Every  thing  being  ready,  we  began  our 
march  according  to  our  orders,  the  2d  of  April,  with  two 
companies  of  foot,  commanded  by  Captain  Peter  Hog,  and 
Lieutenant  Jacob  Vanbraam,  five  subalterns,  two  sergeants, 
six  corporals,  one  drummer,  and  one  hundred  and  twenty 
soldiers,  one  surgeon,  one  Swedish  gentleman,  who  was  a 
volunteer,  two  wagons,  guarded  by  one  lieutenant,  sergeant, 
corporal  and  twenty-five  soldiers. 

We  left  Alexandria  on  Tuesday  noon  and  encamped 
about  four  miles  from  Cameron?  having  travelled  six  miles. 

[From  the  3d  of  April,  to  the  igth  of  said  month,  this  journal  contains  only 
the  march  of  the  troops,  and  union  with  a  detachment  which  was  brought  by 
Captain  Stephen^\ 

The  I Qth  we  met  an  express  who  had  letters  from  Captain 
Trent,  at  the  Ohio,  demanding  a  reinforcement  with  all 
possible  speed,  as  he  hourly  expected  a  body  of  eight  hun 
dred  French.  I  tarried  at  Job  PcarsalVs  for  the  arrival  of 
the  troops,  where  they  came  the  next  day.  When  I  re 
ceived  the  above  express,  I  despatched  a  messenger  to 
Colonel  Fry  to  give  him  notice  of  it. 

The  2Oth,  I  came  to  the  house  of  Colonel  Cresap  to  dis 
pose  the  detachment,  and  on  my  route,  had  notice  that  the 
fort  was  taken  by  the  French.  Two  days  later  that  news 
was  confirmed  by  Mr.  Ward,  the  ensign  of  Captain  Trent, 
who  had  been  obliged  to  surrender  to  a  body  of  more  than 
one  thousand  French,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Con- 
trecceur,  who  came  from  Venango  (in  FrencJi,  Presqu'  isle), 
with  Sixty  Battoes,  and  Three  Hundred  Canoes,  and  eigh 
teen  Pieces  of  artillery,  which  were  set  up  against  the  Fort. 
Contrecceur  afterwards  sent  him  a  summons  to  withdraw. 

Mr.  Ward  also  informed  me,  that  the  Indians  remained 
always  steadfastly  attached  to  our  Interest.  He  brought 
with  him  two  young  Indians  of  the  Mingo  nation  that  they 
might  have  the  Satisfaction  of  seeing  that  we  were  march 
ing  with  Troops  to  their  Succour. 

1  Baron  Cameron  had  one  of  the  large  estates  in  the  northern  neck  of  Virginia. 


48  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

He  also  delivered  me  the  following  Speech,  which  the 

Half -King  sent  to  me. 

FORT-OHIO,  April  i&thy  1754. 

A  Speech  from  the  Half-King,  Escruniat  and  Collier,  for  the 
Governors  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania. 

My  Brethren  the  -English,  the  Bearer  will  inform  you  how  we 
have  been  treated  by  the  French.  We  waited  a  long  Time,  think 
ing  they  would  come  and  attack  us  ;  we  now  see  how  they  wish 
to  use  us.  We  are  now  ready  to  fall  upon  them,  waiting  only  for 
your  assistance.  Take  Courage  ;  and  come  as  soon  as  possible  ; 
you  will  find  us  as  ready  to  fight  as  you  are  yourselves. 

We  have  sent  these  two  young  Men  to  see  if  you  are  ready  to 
come,  and  if  so,  they  are  to  return  to  us,  to  let  us  know  where 
you  are,  that  we  may  join  you.  We  should  be  glad,  if  the  Troops 
belonging  to  the  two  Provinces  could  meet  together  in  the  Fort, 
which  is  in  the  way.1  If  you  do  not  soon  come  to  our  Assistance, 
we  are  intirely  undone,  and  I  think  we  shall  never  meet  again.  I 
say  it  with  a  Heart  full  of  Grief.  A  Belt  of  Wampum. 

The  Half-King  addressed  me  personally  the  following 
Speech  : 

I  am  ready,  if  you  think  it  proper  to  go  to  both  the  Governors, 
with  these  two  young  Men,  for  I  have  no  longer  any  Dependence 
on  those  who  have  been  gone  so  long,  without  returning  or  send 
ing  any  Message.  A  Belt  of  Wampum. 

April  2$d.  A  Council  of  War  held  at  Wills-Creek,  to 
consult  upon  the  News  brought  by  Mr.  Ward. 

Upon  a  review  of  the  News  brought  by  Ensign  Ward, 
the  Summons  of  Captain  Contrecceur^  commander  of  the 
French  troops,  and  the  speeches  of  the  Half-King,  and 
other  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations ;  it  appeared  that  Mr.  Ward 
was  forced  to  surrender  the  said  fort,  the  I7th  instant,  to 
the  French,  who  were  above  one  thousand  strong,  and  had 
eighteen  pieces  of  artillery,  some  of  which  were  nine 
Pounders ;  and  also  that  the  Detachment  of  the  Virginia 
regiment,  amounting  to  One  Hundred  and  Fifty  Men,  com- 

1  Fort  du  Che  mi  n. 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  49 


manded  by  Colonel  Washington  had  Orders  to  reinforce 
Captain  Trent's  Company,  and  that  the  aforesaid  Garrison 
consisted  only  of  Thirty-three  effective  Men. 

It  was  thought  impracticable  to  march  towards  the  fort 
without  sufficient  strength  ;  and  being  strongly  urged  by 
the  Indians,  and  particularly  by  the  Speeches  of  the  Half- 
King,  the  President  gave  his  Opinion,  that  it  would  be 
proper  to  advance  as  far  as  Red-Stone-Creek  (in  French,  the 
creek  de  La  roche  rouge ' ) ;  on  Monongahela,  (in  French, 
Mah-Engueule),  about  Thirty-seven  Miles  on  this  Side  of 
the  Fort,  and  to  raise  a  Fortification,  clearing  a  Road  broad 
enough  to  pass  with  our  Artillery  and  our  Baggage,  and 
there  to  await  fresh  Orders. 

This  Opinion  was  accepted,  for  the  following  Reasons  : 

1st,  That  the  Mouth  of  Red-stone  is  the  first  convenient 
Place  on  the  river  Monongahela. 

2d,  That  magazines  there  for  the  stores  of  the  Company 
are  ready  to  receive  our  Ammunition  &  supplies ;  and  our 
heavy  artillery  may  be  sent  by  Water  whenever  it  was 
agreed  to  attack  the  Fort. 

3d,  Further,  that  will  preserve  our  troops  from  the  evil 
Consequences  of  Inaction,  and  encourage  our  allies  the  In 
dians  to  remain  in  our  Interests.  Whereupon,  I  determined 
to  send  Mr.  Ward  to  the  Governor,  with  one  of  the  young 
Indians  and  an  Interpreter  :  I  thought  proper  also  to  ac 
quaint  the  Governors  of  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  with 
the  News  ;  and  I  sent  away  the  other  Indian  to  the  Half- 
King,  with  the  Speeches  inclosed  in  the  following  Letter  : 

TO    HORATIO    SHARPS,    GOVERNOR    OF    MARYLAND. 

WILL'S  CREEK,  24  April,  1754. 

May  it  please  Your  Excellency, 

It  is  with  the  greatest  concern  I  acquaint  you,  that 
Mr.  Ward,  ensign  in  Captain  Trent's  company,  was 

1  Red-stone  Creek  is  now  Brownsville,  Pa. 


5o  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

obliged  to  surrender  his  small  fortress  in  the  Forks 
of  Monongahela,  at  the  summons  of  Captain  Contre- 
cceur,  commander  of  the  French  forces  who  fell  down 
from  Venango  with  a  fleet  of  360  canoes  and  battoes, 
conveying  upwards  of  one  thousand  men,  eighteen 
pieces  of  artillery,  and  large  stores  of  provisions  and 
other  necessaries — Mr.  Ward,  having  but  an  incon 
siderable  number  of  men  (not  exceeding  30,  and  no 
cannon  to  make  a  proper  defence,)  was  forced  to  give 
up  the  fort  on  the  1 7th  instant — They  suffered  him 
to  draw  out  his  men,  arms,  and  working  tools,  and 
gave  leave  that  he  might  retreat  to  the  inhabitants 
with  them.  I  have  heard  of  your  excellency's  great 
zeal  for  his  majesty's  service,  and  for  all  our  interests 
on  the  present  occasion  ;  therefore  I  am  persuaded 
you  will  take  proper  notice  of  the  Indians'  moving 
speech  and  think  their  unshaken  fidelity  worthy  your 
consideration. 

1  I  have  arrived  thus  far  with  a  detachment  of  159 
men  ;  col.  Fry  with  the  remainder  of  the  regiments 
and  artillery  is  daily  expected.  In  the  mean  time  we 
shall  advance  slowly  across  the  mountains,  making 
the  roads  as  we  march  fit  for  the  carriage  [of]  the 
great  guns  &c.  and  are  designed  to  proceed  as  far  as 
the  mouth  of  Red  Stope  Creek  which  enters  the 
Monongahela  about  37  miles  above  the  fort  (the 
French  have  taken)  from  whence  wre  have  water  car 
riage  down  the  river  ;  there  is  a  store  house  built  by 
the  Ohio  Company  at  the  place,  which  for  the  present 
may  serve  as  a  receptacle  for  our  ammunition  and 
provisions. 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  51 

1  Besides  the  French  herein  mentioned,  we  have 
credible  information  that  another  party  are  coming 
up  Ohio.  We  also  have  intelligence  that  600  of  the 
Chippoways  and  Ottoway  Indians  are  marching  down 
Scioto  Creek  to  join  them. 

I  ought  first  to  have  begged  pardon  of  your  excel 
lency  for  this  liberty  of  writing,  as  I  am  not  happy 
enough  to  be  ranked  among  those  of  your  acquaint 
ance.  It  was  the  glowing  zeal  I  owe  my  country 
that  influenced  me  to  impart  these  advices  and  my 
inclination  prompted  me  to  do  it  to  you  as  I  know 
you  are  solicitous  for  the  public  weal  and  warm  in 
this  interesting  cause — that  should  rouse  from  the 
lethargy  we  have  fallen  into  the  heroick  spirit  of 
every  free-born  English  man  to  attest  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  our  king  (if  we  don't  consult  the  benefit 
of  ourselves)  and  resque  from  the  invasions  of  a 
usurping  enemy,  our  Majesty's  property,  his  dignity, 
and  land. 

I  hope  Sir,  you  will  excuse  the  freeness  of  my 
expressions,  they  are  the  pure  sentiments  of  the 
heart  of  him  who  is  with  all  imaginable  regard  and 
due  respect,  &c. 

N.  B. — I  herewith  have  enclosed  for  your  Excel 
lency's  perusal  a  copy  of  the  Summons  from  the 

1  Of  this  letter  only  the  two  paragraphs  marked  l  are  given  in  the  Precis  des 
Faits.  The  entire  letter  was  printed  in  the  Baltimore  Repository  for  March, 
1811,  and  again  in  the  Magazine  of  American  History,  in  1881.  A  letter  of 
similar  import  was  sent  to  Governor  Hamilton,  of  Pennsylvania,  which  was  im 
mediately  laid  before  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania.  A  bill  was  then  pending 
for  a  grant  of  ten  thousand  pounds  for  the  King's  use,  but  the  Governor  was 
compelled  to  reject  it  because  it  proposed  to  tax  the  proprietary  estate. —  Votes 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly,  vol.  iv.,  p.  313. 


52  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 


French  officers,  and  also  the   Indian's  speech  which 
was  delivered  to  and  brought  by  Mr.  Ward. 


TO  GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

WILL'S  CREEK,  15  April,  1754. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

Captain  Trent's  ensign,  Mr.  Ward,  has  this  day 
arrived  from  the  Fork  of  the  Monongahela,  and 
brings  the  disagreeable  account,  that  the  fort,  on  the 
1 7th  instant,  was  surrendered  at  the  summons  of 
Monsieur  Contrecoeur  to  a  body  of  French,  consist 
ing  of  upwards  of  one  thousand  men,  who  came  from 
Venango  with  eighteen  pieces  of  cannon,  sixty  bat- 
teaux,  and  three  hundred  canoes.  They  gave  him 
liberty  to  bring  off  all  his  men  and  working-tools, 
which  he  accordingly  did  the  same  day.1 

1  The  position  occupied  by  Captain  Trent's  men  was  at  the  junction  of  the 
Monongahela  and  Allegany  Rivers  (now  Pittsburg),  which  had  been  visited  by 
Major  Washington  on  his  mission  from  the  governor  of  Virginia  to  the  French, 
and  which  he  described  in  his  Journal  as  well  situated  for  a  fort.  (See  p.  13.) 
The  Ohio  Company  had  already  a  small  establishment  there.  When  Contre- 
cceur  appeared  before  the  fort,  very  little  progress  had  been  made  in  the  work. 
Captain  Trent  was  absent  at  Will's  Creek,  and  Lieutenant  Frazier  was  at  his 
residence  ten  miles  distant.  Ensign  Ward,  therefore,  was  left  in  the  command. 
His  whole  number  of  men  amounted  only  to  forty-one.  Contrecoeur  approached 
within  a  short  distance  of  the  fort,  halted  his  troops,  and  sent  in  an  officer  with 
a  summons,  allowing  Ensign  Ward  an  hour  to  consider  the  subject,  and  direct 
ing  him  then  to  repair  to  the  French  camp  with  his  determination  in  writing. 
He  immediately  counselled  with  the  Indians,  and  the  Half-King  advised  him 
to  inform  the  French  that  he  was  not  an  officer  of  rank,  nor  invested  with  pow 
ers  to  answer  their  demands,  and  to  request  them  to  wait  the  arrival  of  the  chief 
commander.  He  went  accordingly  with  this  reply  to  the  French  camp,  accom 
panied  by  the  Half-King  ;  but  Contrecoeur  refused  to  wait,  and  demanded  an 
immediate  decision,  saying  that  he  should  otherwise  take  possession  of  the  fort 
by  force.  Hereupon  a  capitulation  was  agreed  to,  and  Ensign  Ward  marched 
off  his  men  the  next  day,  and  ascended  the  Monongahela  to  the  mouth  of  Red- 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  53 


Immediately  upon  this  information  I  called  a  coun 
cil  of  war,  to  advise  on  proper  measures  to  be  taken 
in  this  exigency.  A  copy  of  their  resolves,  with  the 
proceedings,  I  herewith  enclose  by  the  bearer,  whom 
I  have  continued  express  to  your  Honor  for  more 
minute  intelligence. 

Mr.  Ward  has  the  summons  with  him,  and  a  speech 
from  the  Half-King,  which  I  also  enclose,  with 
the  wampum.  He  is  accompanied  by  one  of  the 
Indians  mentioned  therein,  who  were  sent  to  see 
where  we  were,  what  was  our  strength,  and  to  know 
the  time  to  expect  us  out.  The  other  young  man  I 
have  prevailed  upon  to  return  to  the  Half-King  with 
the  following  speech  : 

"  Sachems,  Warriors  of  the  Six  United  Nations,  Shawanese,  and 
Delawares,  our  friends  and  brethren.  I  received  your  speech  by 
the  Buck's  brother  [Mr.  Ward],  who  came  to  us  with  the  two 
young  men  five  sleeps  after  leaving  you.  We  return  you  thanks 
from  hearts  glowing  with  affection  for  your  steadfast  adherence 
to  us,  for  your  kind  speech,  and  for  your  wise  counsels  and  direc 
tions  to  the  Buck's  brother. 

"  The  young  man  will  inform  you  where  he  met  a  small  part  of 
our  army  advancing  towards  you,  clearing  the  road  for  a  great 
number  of  our  warriors,  who  are  immediately  to  follow  with  our 
great  guns,  our  ammunition,  and  our  provisions. 

"  I  could  not  delay  to  let  you  know  our  hearts,  and  have  sent 
back  one  of  the  young  men  with  this  speech  to  acquaint  you  with 
them.  I  have  sent  the  other,  according  to  your  desire,  to  the 

stone  Creek.     Contrecceur  invited  him  to  supper  the  evening  of  the  capitula 
tion,  and  treated  him  with  much  civility. 

A  full  narrative  of  the  particulars  was  given  under  oath  by  Ensign  Ward  to 
Governor  Dinwiddie,  who  communicated  it  to  the  English  government.  The 
original  is  now  in  the  Plantation  Office,  where  it  was  examined  by  the  editor. — 
Sparks. 


54  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

governor  of  Virginia,  with  the  Buck's  brother,  to  deliver  your 
speech  and  wampum,  and  to  be  an  eyewitness  of  the  prepara 
tions  we  are  making  to  come  in  haste  to  support  you,  whose  in 
terest  is  as  dear  to  us  as  our  lives.  We  resent  the  usage  of  the 
treacherous  French,  and  our  conduct  will  henceforth  plainly  show 
you  how  much  we  have  it  at  heart. 

"  I  cannot  be  easy  without  seeing  you  before  our  forces  meet 
at  the  fork  of  the  roads,  and  therefore  I  have  the  greatest  desire 
that  you  and  Escruniat,  or  one  of  you,  should  meet  me  on  the 
road  as  soon  as  possible  to  assist  us  in  council. 

"  To  assure  you  of  the  good  will  we  bear  you,  and  to  confirm 
the  truth  of  what  has  been  said,  I  herewith  present  to  you  a  string 
of  wampum,  that  you  may  thereby  remember  how  much  I  am 
your  brother  and  friend."  l 

I  hope  my  proceedings  in  these  affairs  will  be 
satisfactory  to  your  Honor,  as  I  have,  to  the  utmost 
of  my  knowledge,  consulted  the  interest  of  the  ex 
pedition  and  good  of  my  country  ;  whose  rights,  while 
they  are  asserted  in  so  just  a  cause,  I  will  defend  to 
the  last  remains  of  life. 

Hitherto  the  difficulties  I  have  met  with  in  march 


1  This  was  signed,  "Your  friend  and  brother,  Washington,  or  Conotocarius." 
The  French  editor  of  the  Precis  added  this  note  :  "  Vrai-semblement  c'est  un 
nom  sauvage  qu'  avoit  pris  M.  Washington,  pour  plaire  aux  nations  qu'  il  vou- 
loit  seduire." 

"  This  name  seems  to  come  from  the  Mohawk  Canata,  house  or  village,  and 
Gagarien,  to  devour.  In  Onondaga,  the  terms  are  Ganata,  a  village,  and  Hoga- 
rien,  to  eat.  The  name  would  thus  mean  devourer  of  villages. "  [John  Gilmary 
Shea.]  It  is  difficult  to  explain  why  that  name  should  have  been  given  to 
Washington  thus  early  in  his  career,  and  before  he  had  performed  any  act  to 
warrant  it.  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  the  Indians  had  in  mind  an  ancestor 
of  Washington,  John  Washington,  who  so  severely  punished  the  Susquehan- 
nocks.  In  a  speech  made  to  Washington  in  1790  by  Cornpianter,  an  Indian 
chief,  occurs  the  following  :  "  Father,  when  your  army  entered  the  country  of 
the  Six  Nations,  we  called  you  town  destroyer  ;  and  to  this  day,  when  your 
name  is  heard,  our  women  look  behind  them  and  turn  pale."  Boudinot,  Star 
of  the  West,  93. 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  55 


ing  have  been  greater  than  I  expect  to  encounter  on 
the  Ohio,  when  possibly  I  may  be  surrounded  by  the 
enemy,  and  these  difficulties  have  been  occasioned  by 
those,  who,  had  they  acted  as  becomes  every  good 
subject,  would  have  exerted  their  utmost  abilities  to 
forward  our  just  designs.  Out  of  seventy-four 
wagons  impressed  at  Winchester,  we  got  but  ten  after 
waiting  a  week,  and  some  of  those  so  badly  provided 
with  teams,  that  the  soldiers  were  obliged  to  assist 
them  up  the  hills,  although  it  was  known  they  had 
better  teams  at  home.  I  doubt  not  that  in  some 
points  I  may  have  strained  the  law  ;  but  I  hope,  as 
my  sole  motive  was  to  expedite  the  march,  I  shall  be 
supported  in  it,  should  my  authority  be  questioned, 
which  at  present  I  do  not  apprehend,  unless  some 
busybody  intermeddles.1 

Your  Honor  will  see  by  the  resolves  in  council,  that 
I  am  destined  to  the  Monongahela  with  all  the  dili 
gent  despatch  in  my  power.  We  will  endeavour  to 
make  the  road  sufficiently  good  for  the  heaviest  artil 
lery  to  pass,  and,  when  we  arrive  at  Red-stone  Creek, 
fortify  ourselves  as  strongly  as  the  short  time  will 
allow.  I  doubt  not  that  we  can  maintain  a  posses 
sion  there,  till  we  are  reinforced,  unless  the  rising  of 

1  By  the  militia  law  of  Virginia  the  commander  could  impress  provisions, 
boats,  wagons,  draft-horses,  utensils,  tools,  and  the  like,  necessary  to  facilitate 
military  movements  and  operations.  But  no  article  could  be  impressed  till  its 
value  had  been  appraised,  and  an  estimate  of  the  proper  allowance  for  its  daily 
use  had  been  made  by  two  reputable  persons  under  oath.  A  receipt  for  the 
same  was  then  to  be  given  in  writing  to  the  owner  by  the  commanding  officer. 
— Hening's  Statutes  at  Large ',  vol.  vi.,  p.  114. 

Although  the  troops  now  raised  were  volunteers,  and  enlisted  for  a  special 
purpose,  yet  they  were  regulated  in  every  respect  by  the  militia  laws  of  the  col 
ony,  passed  in  1738  (?)  and  remodelled  in  1748. 


56  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

the  waters  shall  admit  the  enemy's  cannon  to  be  con 
veyed  up  in  canoes,  and  then  I  flatter  myself  we  shall 
not  be  so  destitute  of  intelligence,  as  not  to  get  timely 
notice  of  it,  and  make  a  good  retreat. 

I  hope  you  will  see  the  absolute  necessity  for  our 
having,  as  soon  as  our  forces  are  collected,  a  number 
of  cannon,  some  of  heavy  metal,  with  mortars  and 
grenadoes,  to  attack  the  French,  and  put  us  on  an 
equal  footing  with  them. 

Perhaps  it  may  also  be  thought  advisable  to  invite 
the  Cherokees,  Catawbas,  and  Chickasaws  to  march 
to  our  assistance,  as  we  are  informed  that  six  hundred 
Chippewas  and  Ottawas  are  marching  down  Scioto 
Creek  to  join  the  French,  who  are  coming  up  the 
Ohio.  In  that  case  I  would  beg  leave  to  recommend 
their  being  ordered  to  this  place  first,  that  a  peace  may 
be  concluded  between  them  and  the  Six  Nations  ;  for 
I  am  informed  by  several  persons  that,' as  no  good  har 
mony  subsists  between  them,  their  coming  first  to  the 
Ohio  may  create  great  disorders,  and  turn  out  much 
to  our  disadvantage. 

As  I  had  opportunities  I  wrote  to  the  governors  of 
Maryland  and  Pennsylvania,  acquainting  them  with 
these  advices,  and  enclosed  the  summons  and  Indian 
speech,  which  I  hope  you  will  not  think  me  too  for 
ward  in  doing.  I  considered  that  the  Assembly  of 
Maryland  was  to  sit  in  five  days,  that  the  Pennsyl 
vania  Assembly  is  now  sitting,  and  that,  by  giving 
timely  notice,  something  might  be  done  in  favor  of 
this  expedition,  which  now  requires  all  the  force  we 
can  muster. 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  57 


By  the  best  information  I  can  get,  I  much  doubt 
whether  any  of  the  Indians  will  be  in  to  treat  in  May. 
Are  the  Indian  women  and  children,  if  they  settle 
amongst  us,  to  be  maintained  at  our  expense  ?  They 
will  expect  it.1 

This  day,  arrived  the  Men  belonging  to  Captain 
Trent  who  by  your  Orders  had  been  inlisted  as  Mili 
tia-Troops  ;  the  Officers  having  imprudently  promised 
them  Two  Shillings  per  Day,  they  now  refuse  to 
serve  for  less  Pay  ;  Ward  shall  receive  your  Orders 
on  that  Head. 

April  28.  Some  Pieces  of  Cannon  reached  us,  which 
were  taken  to  the  Mouth  of  Patterson  s  River. 

[From  the  2gth  of  April  to  the  nth  of  May,  the  Journal  deals  only  with 
Marches,  and  matters  of  little  Consequence.] 

TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

LITTLE  MEADOWS,  9  May,  1754. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

I  acquainted  you  by  Mr.  Ward  with  the  deter 
mination,  which  we  prosecuted  in  four  days  after 
his  departure,  as  soon  as  wagons  arrived  to  carry 
our  provisions.  The  want  of  proper  conveyances 
has  much  retarded  this  expedition,  and  at  this  time 
unfortunately  delay'd  the  detachment  I  have  the 
honour  to  command.  Even  when  we  came  to  Will's 
Creek,  my  disappointments  were  not  less  than  before  ; 
for  there  I  expected  to  have  found  a  sufficient  num- 

1  In  the  Precis  des  Faits,  the  last  two  paragraphs  of  this  letter  are  wanting, 
but  the  following  sentence  is  inserted  : 

"Nous  sentons  le  grand  avantage  des  transports  par  eau,  c'est  pourquoi  je 
vous  prierois  de  pourvoir  a  un  nombre  de  canots  pour  ce  sujet. 


58  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 


her  of  packhorses  provided  by  Captain  Trent,  con 
formable  to  his  promise  [in  reply]  to  Major  Carlyle's 
letters  and  my  own,  (that  I  might  prosecute  my  First 
intention  with  light,  expeditious  marches  ;)  but  in 
stead  of  that,  there  was  none  in  readiness,  nor  any  in 
expectation  that  I  could  perceive,  which  reduced  me 
to  the  necessity  of  waiting  till  wagons  could  be  pro 
cured  from  the  Branch,  (forty  miles  distant.)  How 
ever,  in  the  mean  time,  I  detached  a  party  of  sixty 
men  to  make  and  amend  the  road,  which  party  since 
ye  25th  of  April,  and  the  main  body  since  the  ist  in 
stant,  have  been  laboriously  employed,  and  have  got 
no  further  than  these  Meadows,  about  twenty  miles 
from  the  new  Store,  where  we  have  been  two  days 
making  a  bridge  across,  and  are  not  done  yet. 

The  great  difficulty  and  labor,  that  it  requires  to 
amend  and  alter  the  road,  prevents  our  marching 
above  2,  3,  or  4  miles  a  day  ;  and  I  fear,  (tho  no  dili 
gence  shall  be  neglected,)  we  shall  be  detained  some 
considerable  time  before  it  can  be  made  good  for  the 
carriage  of  the  artillery  with  Colonel  Fry. 

We  daily  receive  intelligence  from  Ohio  by  one  or 
other  of  the  traders,  that  are  continually  retreating  to 
the  inhabitants  with  their  effects.  They  all  concur, 
that  ye  French  are  reinforced  with  800  men  ;  and  this 
day,  by  one  Kalender,  I  received  an  account,  which 
he  sets  forth  as  certain,  that  there  is  600  men  build 
ing  at  the  Falls  of  Ohio,  from  whence  they  intend  to 
move  up  to  the  lower  Shawnee  Town,  at  ye  mouth  of 
Sciodo  Creek,  to  erect  other  fortresses.  He  like 
wise  says,  that  these  forces  at  ye  Forks  are  erect- 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  59 


ing  their  works  with  their  whole  force  ;  and  as  he 
was  coming  met  at  Mr.  Gist's  new  settlement  Mon 
sieur  La  Force  with  4  soldiers,  who,  under  the  spe 
cious  pretence  of  hunting  deserters,  were  reconnoi- 
tering  and  discovering  ye  country.  He  also  brings  ye 
agreeable  news,  that  the  Half-King  has  received,  and  is 
much  pleased  with,  the  speech  I  sent  them,  and  is 
now  upon  their  march  with  50  men  to  meet  us.  The 
French  clown  the  river  are  sending  presents  and  invi 
tations  to  all  the  neighbouring  Indians,  and  practising 
every  means  to  influence  them  in  their  interest. 

We  have  heard  nothing  from  the  Catawbas,  or  any 
of  the  Southern  Indians,  tho  this  is  the  time  we 
mostly  need  their  assistance.  I  have  not  above  160 
effective  men  with  me,  since  Captain  Trent's  have 
left  us,  who  I  discharged  from  this  detachment,  and 
ordered  them  to  wait  your  Honour's  command  at 
Captain  Trent's  ;  for  I  found  them  rather  injurious 
to  ye  other  men,  than  serviceable  to  ye  expedition, 
till  they  could  be  upon  the  same  establishment  with 
us,  and  come  under  the  regt.  of  the  martial  law. 

May  the  nth.  I  Detached  a  Party  of  Twenty-five  Men, 
commanded  by  Captain  Stephen  and  Ensign  Peyronie,  with 
Orders  to  go  to  Mr.  Gist's,  to  enquire  exactly  where  La 
Force,  and  his  Party  were  ;  and  in  case  they  were  in  the 
Neighborhood,  to  cease  pursuit  and  protect  themselves.  I 
also  ordered  them  to  examine  closely  all  the  Woods  round 
about,  and  should  they  find  any  Frenchman  apart  from  the 
rest,  to  try  to  capture  him  and  bring  him  in,  that  we  might 
obtain  intelligence :  to  make  careful  inquiry  if  it  was  Possi 
ble  to  descend  by  Water  ;  as  also  to  find  out  some  conveni- 


60  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 


ent  Place  near  the  Mouth  of  Red-Stone  Creek,  where  we 
could  build  a  Fort  ;  to  salute  the  Ha  If -King ;  and  to  send 
him  back  under  a  small  Guard  ;  as  also  to  enquire  what 
were  the  Views  and  designs  of  the  French;  what  they  had 
done,  and  what  they  intended  to  do,  and  to  collect  every 
Thing,  which  could  give  us  the  least  Intelligence. 

The  1 2th.  Broke  camp,  and  went  on  a  rising  Ground, 
where  we  halted  to  dry  ourselves,  for  we  had  been  obliged 
to  ford  a  rapid  where  our  shortest  Men  had  Water  up  to 
their  Arm-pits. 

An  Express  came  in  with  Letters  acquainting  us  that 
Colonel  Fry  with  a  Detachment  of  more  than  One  Hundred 
Men  was  at  Winchester,  and  was  to  set  out  in  a  few  Days  to 
join  us  ;  as  also  that  Colonel  Innes  was  marching  with  Three 
Hundred  and  Fifty  Men,  raised  in  Carolina ;  that  it  was  ex 
pected  Maryland  would  raise  Two  Hundred  Men,  and  that 
Pennsylvania  had  raised  Ten  Thousand  Pounds,  (equal  to 
about  Fifty-two  Thousand  Five  Hundred  Livres)  to  pay 
the  Soldiers  of  other  Colonies,  as  that  Province  could  fur 
nish  no  recruits ;  and  that  Governor  Shirley  had  sent  Six 
Hundred  Men  to  harrass  the  French  in  Canada;  I  hope 
that  will  give  them  some  Work  to  do,  and  will  moderate 
their  zeal  in  sending  so  many  Men  to  the  Ohio. 

The  i6th.  Met  two  Traders,  who  told  us  they  were 
retiring  for  fear  of  the  French,  as  Parties  of  them  were  often 
seen  around  Mr.  Gist's.  These  Traders  are  of  Opinion,  as 
well  as  many  others,  that  it  is  not  possible  to  clear  a  road 
for  any  loaded  wagon  to  go  from  hence  to  Red-Stone-Creek. 

The  i /th.  This  evening  Mr.  Ward,  arrived'  with  the 
young  Indian  returning  from  Williamsburg,  and  delivered 
me  a  Letter,  wherein  the  Governor  is  so  good  as  to  approve 
of  my  Proceedings,  but  is  much  displeased  with  Captain 
Trent,  and  has  ordered  him  to  be  tried,  for  leaving  his  Men 
at  the  Ohio ;  with  these  orders  the  Governor  also  informs 
me  that  Captain  Mackay,  with  an  Independent  Company  of 
One  Hundred  Men,  besides  the  Officers,  had  arrived,  and 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  61 

that  we  might  expect  them  daily  ;  and  that  the  Men  from 
New  York  would  join  us  within  ten  Days.1 

This  evening  also  came  two  Indians  from  the  Ohio,  who 
had  left  the  French  Fort  five  Days  ago  :  They  relate  that 
the  French  Forces  are  all  employed  in  building  their  Fort, 
which  is  already  Breast-high,  and  the  Thickness  of  two 
fathoms,  and  filled  up  with  Earth  and  Stone,  &c.  They 
have  cut  down  and  burnt  all  the  Trees  which  were  about  it, 
and  sown  Grain  in  their  place.  They  say  themselves  they 
are  Eight  Hundred.  The  Indians  believe  there  were  only 
Six  Hundred  in  Number.  They  expect  a  greater  Number  in 
a  few  Days  ;  which  will  make  them  One  Thousand  Six  Hun 
dred  strong,  and  then,  they  say,  they  can  defy  the  English. 

The  1 8th.  The  Waters  continuing  very  high,  hindered 
me  from  marching  my  men  and  Baggage,  which  determined 
me  to  place  myself  in  a  Posture  of  Defence  against  any  im 
mediate  Attack  from  the  Enemy,  and  to  go  myself  down  to 
observe  the  river. 

TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 
GREAT  CROSSING  OF  THE  YOUGHIOGANY,  18  May,  1754. 

SIR, 

I  received  your  Honor's  favor  by  Mr.  Ward,  who 
arrived  here  last  night,  just  as  two  Indians  from  the 
Ohio  did;  which  Indians  contradict  the  report  of  the 
French  having  received  reinforcements,  though  they 
agree  that  eight  hundred  men  are  very  shortly  ex 
pected.  Those  that  are  there  are  busily  employed 
in  erecting  the  fort,  which  they  have  removed  to  the 
point  I  recommended  for  the  country's  use,  whose 
walls  they  have  now  made  two  fathoms  thick,  and 
have  raised  it  breast  high. 

They  are  daily  sending  scouts  out,  some  of  which 
about  five  days  ago  was  seen  within  six  or  seven 

1  Dinwiddie  Papers,  I.,  148. 


62  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

miles  of  our  camp  ;  but  as  I  did  not  receive  timely 
notice  of  it,  they  have  escaped,  unless  they  have  fallen 
in  with  a  party  sent  out  about  8  days  ago  to  Red-stone 
[Creek],  to  reconnoitre  the  country  thereabouts,  and 
to  get  intelligence  of  the  motions  of  the  French. 
It  is  imagined  the  Half-King"  will  be  here  in  two  or 

o  o 

three  days,  but  to  hurry  him  I  have  sent  the  Indian, 
that  came  up  with  Mr.  Ward,  with  a  short  speech, 
acquainting  him  with  my  desire  of  his  coming  as 
expeditiously  as  possible,  to  receive  the  speech  which 
your  Honour  sent  by  Mr.  Ward,  and  that  Colonel 
Fry  wrote  me  I  was  to  deliver.  When  he  arrives  I 
will  endeavour  to  send  him  on  [to]  meet  your  Honour 
at  Winchester. 

These  Indians,  and  all  the  traders  that  I  have  been 
able  to  get  any  information  from,  of  late,  agree,  that 
it  is  almost  impracticable  to  open  a  road  that  a 
wagon  can  pass  from  this  to  Red-stone  Creek.  But 
most  of  them  assure  me,  that,  (except  one  place,) 
water  carriage  may  be  had  down  this  river,  which  will 
be  a  most  advantageous  discovery  if  it  proves  so,  as 
it  will  save  40  miles'  land  carriage  over  almost  im 
passable  roads  and  mountains.  The  water  is  now  so 
high,  that  we  cannot  possibly  cross  over  with  our  men, 
which  likewise  secures  us  from  any  immediate  at 
tacks  of  the  enemy.  Therefore  I  have  resolved  to 
go  down  the  river  to  this  fall,  which  is  at  the  Turkey 
Foot,  to  inform  myself  concerning  the  nature  and 
difficulty  attending  this  fall.  In  order  thereto  I  have 
provided  a  canoe,  and  shall,  with  an  officer  and  5  men, 
set  out  upon  this  discovery  to-morrow  morning. 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  63 


Captain  Trent's  men,  who  by  their  refractory  be 
haviour  did  oblige  me  to  separate  them  from  the 
other  soldiers,  have  now  left  the  New  Store  and  dis 
persed,  contrary  to  my  positive  orders  till  they 
received  your  Honour's  commands. 

As  I  shall  have  frequent  communications  with  the 
Indians,  which  is  of  no  effect  without  wampum,  I 
hope  your  Honour  will  order  some  to  be  sent.  In 
deed,  we  ought  to  have  spirit,  and  many  other  things 
of  this  sort,  which  is  always  expected  by  every  Indian 
that  brings  a  message,  or  good  report.  Also  the 
chiefs,  who  visit  and  converse  in  council,  look  for  it. 
If  it  would  not  be  thought  too  bold  in  me,  I  would 
recommend  some  of  the  treaty  goods  being  sent  for 
that  purpose  with  or  after  Colonel  Fry.  This  is  the 
method  the  French  pursue,  and  a  trifle  judiciously 
bestowed,  and  in  season,  may  turn  to  our  advantage. 
If  I  find  this  river  is  navigable,  I  am  convinced  it 
can  but  be  agreeable  to  your  Honour,  building  canoes 
in  order  to  convey  our  artillery  down.  As  the  road 
to  this  place  is  made  as  good  as  it  can  be,  having 
spent  much  time  and  great  labor  upon  it,  I  believe 
wagons  may  travel  now  with  1500  or  1800  weight  on 
them,  by  doubling  the  teams  at  one  or  two  pinches 
only. 

TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 
GREAT  CROSSING  OF  THE  YOUGIIIOGANY,  18  May,  1754. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

I  am  heartily  concerned,  that  the  officers  have  such 
real  cause  to  complain  of  the  Committee's  resolves  ; 


64  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

and  still  more  to  find  my  inclinations  prone  to  second 
their  just  grievances. 

I  have  endeavoured,  as  far  as  I  was  able,  to  see  in 
the  best  light  I  could  the  trifling  advantages  that 
may  accrue ;  yet  nothing  prevents  their  throwing 
down  their  commissions  (with  gratitude  and  thanks  to 
your  Honor,  whose  good  intentions  of  serving  us  we 
are  all  well  assured  of,)  but  the  approaching  danger, 
which  has  too  far  engaged  their  honor  to  recede  till 
other  officers  are  sent  in  their  room,  or  an  alteration 
made  regarding  their  pay,  during  which  time  they 
will  assist  with  their  best  endeavours  voluntarily— 
that  is,  without  receiving  the  gratuity  allowed  by  the 
resolves  of  the  Committee. 

Giving  up  my  commission  is  quite  contrary  to  my 
intention.  Nay,  I  ask  it  as  a  greater  favor,  than  any 
amongst  the  many  I  have  received  from  your  Honor, 
to  confirm  it  to  me.  But  let  me  serve  voluntarily  ; 
then  I  will,  with  the  greatest  pleasure  in  life,  devote  my 
services  to  the  expedition  without  any  other  reward, 
than  the  satisfaction  of  serving  my  country  ;  but  to 
be  slaving  dangerously  for  the  shadow  of  pay,  through 
woods,  rocks,  mountains, — I  would  rather  prefer  the 
great  toil  of  a  daily  laborer,  and  dig  for  a  mainten 
ance,  provided  I  were  reduced  to  the  necessity,  than 
serve  upon  such  ignoble  terms  ;  for  I  really  do  not 
see  why  the  lives  of  his  Majesty's  subjects  in  Virginia 
should  be  of  less  value,  than  of  those  in  other  parts  of 
his  American  dominions  ;  especially  when  it  is  well 
known,  that  we  must  undergo  double  their  hardship. 

I  could  enumerate  a  thousand  difficulties  that  we 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  65 


have  met  with,  and  must  expect  to  meet  with,  more 
than  other  officers  who  have  almost  double  our 
pay  ;  but  as  I  know  you  reflect  on  these  things,  and 
are  sensible  of  the  hardships  we  must  necessarily  en 
counter,  it  would  be  needless  to  enlarge. 

Besides,  as  I  have  expatiated  fully  (and,  perhaps,  too 
warmly)  in  a  letter  to  Colonel  Fairfax,  who,  I  sup 
pose,  will  accompany  you  to  Winchester,  upon  the 
motives  that  occasion  these  my  resolves,  I  shall  not 
trouble  you  with  them  ;  for  the  subject  leads  me  too 
far  when  I  engage  in  it.1 

Another  thing  resolved  by  the  Committee  is,  that 
only  one  sergeant  and  one  corporal  be  allowed  to  a 
company  ;  with  whom  it  is  as  much  impossible  to  do 
the  necessary  duty,  as  it  is  to  conquer  kingdoms  with 
my  handful  of  men. 

Upon  the  whole,  I  find  so  many  clogs  upon  the  ex 
pedition,  that  I  quite  despair  of  success  ;  nevertheless, 
I  humbly  beg  it,  as  a  particular  favor,  that  your 
Honor  will  continue  me  in  the  post  I  now  enjoy,  the 
duty  whereof  I  will  most  cheerfully  execute  as  a  volun 
teer,  but  by  no  means  upon  the  present  pay. 

1  The  Governor  was  at  this  time  in  Winchester,  having  previously  made 
arrangements  for  meeting  there  several  Indian  Chiefs,  to  brighten  the  chain  of 
friendship  by  a  new  treaty,  or  rather  to  give  them  presents  and  exchange  belts 
of  wampum.  He  assigned  this  as  a  reason  why  Virginia  did  not  send  delegates 
to  the  Albany  Convention,  which  was  recommended  by  the  Board  of  Trade,  and 
attended  by  commissioners  from  the  northern  and  middle  colonies,  and  which 
acquired  notoriety  from  the  celebrated  Plan  of  Union  drawn  up  by  Franklin, 
and  adopted  by  the  Convention.  The  attempt  to  treat  at  Winchester  was  a 
failure,  as  two  or  three  subordinate  Chiefs  only  appeared,  though  Washington 
used  his  best  endeavours  to  bring  down  the  Half-King  and  some  of  his  friends. 
They  made  excuses  that  they  were  planting  corn  and  engaged  in  other  affairs  at 
home. — Sparks. 


66  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

I  hope  what  I  have  said  will  not  be  taken  amiss  ; 
for  I  really  believe,  were  it  as  much  in  your  power,  as 
it  is  your  inclination,  we  should  be  treated  as  gentle 
men  and  officers,  and  not  have  annexed  to  the  most 
trifling  pay,  that  ever  was  given  to  English  officers, 
the  glorious  allowance  of  soldier's  diet, — a  pound  of 
pork,  with  bread  in  proportion,  per  day.  Be  the  con 
sequence  what  it  will,  I  am  determined  not  to  leave 
the  regiment,  but  to  be  amongst  the  last  men  that 
quit  the  Ohio,  even  if  I  serve  as  a  private  volunteer, 
which  I  greatly  prefer  to  the  establishment  we  are 
now  upon.  I  am,  &c.r 

The  i Qth.  I  dispatched  the  young  Indian  who  had  re 
turned  with  Mr.  Ward,  to  the  Half-King,  with  the  following 
speech. 

TO   THE   HALF-KING,  &C. 
MY  BRETHREN, 

It  gives  me  great  Pleasure  to  learn  that  you  are  marching  to 
assist  me  with  your  Counsels  ;  be  of  good  Courage  my  Brethren, 
and  march  vigorously  towards  your  Brethren  the  English;  for 
they  come  with  new  forces,  who  will  protect  you  against  your 
treacherous  Enemy  the  French.  My  Friends  whom  I  send  to  you 
will  acquaint  you  of  an  agreeable  Speech  which  the  Governor  of 

1  "  Now,  Col.  Washington,  I  shall  more  particularly  answer  what  relates  to 
yourself,  and  I  must  begin  with  expressing  both  concern  and  surprize  to  find  a 
gentleman,  whom  I  so  particularly  considered,  and  from  whom  I  had  so  great 
expectations  and  hopes,  appear  so  differently  for  himself,  and  give  me  leave  to 
say,  mistakenly,  as  I  think,  concurring  with  complaints,  in  general  so  ill- 
founded.  I  am  sensible  of  your  difficulties,  and  you  may  believe  I  shall  not  let 
your  merit  pass  unnoticed.  I  believe  you  sincerely  attached  to  your  country's 
welfare  and  prosperity,  which,  you  know,  very  much  depends  on  the  success  of 
your  present  expedition,  and  this  I  persuade  myself  will  sweeten  the  toils  ; 
that  you  will  hereafter  reflect  on  with  pleasure,  and  engage  you  to  think  of 
nothing  less  than  resigning  your  command,  or  countenancing  in  any  sort  the 
discontent  that  could  never  be  more  unreasonable  or  pernicious  than  at  present." 
— Dinwiddie  to  Washington,  May  25,  1754. 


i?54]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  67 

Virginia  addresses  to  you  :  He  is  very  sorry  for  the  bad  Usage 
you  have  received.  The  great  Waters  do  not  permit  us  to  go  as 
promptly  to  you  as  we  would  ;  for  that  reason  I  have  sent  the 
young  Man  to  invite  you  to  come  and  meet  us  :  He  can  tell  you 
many  Things  which  he  has  seen  in  Virginia,  and  also  how  well  he 
was  received  by  the  most  influential  ;  they  did  not  use  them  as 
the  French  do,  your  People  who  go  to  their  Fort  ;  they  refuse 
them  Provisions  ;  this  Man  has  had  given  him,  all  that  his  Heart 
could  wish  ;  for  the  Confirmation  of  all  this,  I  here  give  you 
a  Belt  of  Wampum. 

The  2Oth.  Embarked  in  a  Canoe  with  Lieutenant  West, 
three  soldiers,  and  one  Indian;  and  having  followed  the 
river  about  Half  a  Mile,  we  were  obliged  to  come  ashore 
where  I  met  Peter  Stiver,  a  Trader,  who  seemed  to  discour 
age  me  from  seeking  a  Passage  by  Water ;  that  induced  me 
to  alter  the  intention  of  building  Canoes :  I  ordered  my 
People  to  wade,  as  the  Waters  were  shallow  enough  ;  and 
continued  myself  down  the  river  ;  and  finding  that  our  Ca 
noes  \vere  too  small  for  six  Men,  we  stopped  to  make  some 
sort  of  a  boat,  with  which,  together  with  our  Canoes,  we 
gained  Turkey-Foot  (in  French,  Ic  pied  de  ginge)  by  the  Be 
ginning  of  Night.  We  encountered  several  little  Difficul 
ties  about  eight  or  ten  Miles  from  thence,  of  no  great  Con 
sequence,  finding  the  Waters  sometimes  deep  enough  for 
Canoes  to  pass,  and  at  other  times  more  shallow. 

The  2 ist.  We  passed  some  time  in  examining  the  Place, 
which  we  found  very  convenient  for  locating  a  Fort,  being 
at  the  Mouth  of  three  Branches,  and  for  the  most  part 
affording  a  good  foundation  of  tufa  (tuf).  The  Plan,  which 
may  be  here  seen,  is  as  exact  as  I  could  make  it  without 
Mathematical  Instruments. 

We  went  about  two  Miles  to  observe  the  Course  of  the 
River  which  is  very  strait,  has  many  Currents,  is  full  of  rocks 
and  rapid  ;  we  waded  it,  though  the  Water  was  pretty  high  : 
which  made  me  think  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  pass  it 
with  Canoes,  which  could  be  done  now  only  with  difficulty. 


68  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

Besides  this  rapid  we  found  others,  the  Water  being  more 
shallow  and  the  Current  smoother  ;  we  easily  passed  them  ; 
but  afterwards  we  found  little  or  scarce  any  Bottom  :  Moun 
tains  lie  on  both  Sides  of  the  River.  We  descended  the 
river  about  ten  Miles,  when  a  great  rapid  obliged  us  to  stop 
and  to  come  ashore. 

[From  the  22d  to  the  24th,  the  Journal  contains  only  a  description  of  the 
country,] 

TO    COLONEL    JOSHUA    FRY. 

23  May,  1754. 

SIR, 

This  day  I  returned  from  my  discoveries  down  the 
Youghiogany,  which,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  can  never  be 
made  navigable.  We  traced  the  watercourse  near 
thirty  miles,  with  the  full  expectation  of  succeeding 
in  the  much  desired  aim  ;  but,  at  length,  we  came  to 
a  fall,  which  continued  rough,  rocky,  and  scarcely 
passable,  for  two  miles,  and  then  fell,  within  the  space 
of  fifty  yards,  nearly  forty  feet  perpendicular. 

As  I  apprehended  there  would  be  difficulty  in  these 
waters,  I  sent  the  soldiers  forward  upon  the  road, 
when  I  left  the  camp,  which  was  as  soon  as  they 
could  cross  ;  therefore,  no  time  has  been  lost ;  but 
the  roads  are  so  exceedingly  bad,  that  we  proceed 
very  slow. 

By  concurring  intelligence,  which  we  received  from 
the  Indians,  the  French  are  not  above  seven  or  eight 
hundred  strong,  and  by  a  late  account  we  are  in 
formed,  that  one  half  of  them  were  detached  in  the 
night,  without  even  the  Indians'  knowledge,  on  some 
secret  expedition  ;  but  the  truth  of  this,  though  it  is 
affirmed  by  an  Indian  lately  from  their  fort,  I  cannot 
yet  vouch  for,  nor  tell  where  they  are  bound. 


1754]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  69 


I  would  recommend,  in  the  strongest  terms  possi 
ble,  your  writing  to  the  Governor  for  some  of  the 
treaty  goods,  or  any  others  suitable  for  the  Indians. 
Nothing  can  be  done  without  them.  All  the  Indians 
that  come  expect  presents.  The  French  take  this 
method,  which  proves  very  acceptable  ;  besides,  if 
you  want  one  or  more  to  conduct  a  party,  to  discover 
the  country,  to  hunt,  or  for  any  particular  service, 
they  must  be  bought  ;  their  friendship  is  not  so 
warm,  as  to  prompt  them  to  these  services  gratis  ; 
and  that,  I  believe,  every  person,  who  is  acquainted 
with  the  nature  of  Indians,  knows.  The  Indian,  that 
accompanied  me  down  the  river,  would  go  no  further 
than  the  Forks,  about  ten  miles,  till  I  promised  him 
a  ruffled  shirt,  which  I  must  take  from  my  own,  and 
a  match-coat.  He  said  the  French  always  had  Indi 
ans  to  show  them  the  woods,  because  they  paid  well 
for  so  doing  ;  and  this  may  be  laid  down  as  a  standing 
maxim  amongst  them.  I  think  were  the  goods  sent 
out,  and  delivered  occasionally,  as  you  see  cause, 
that  four  or  five  hundred  pounds'  worth  would  do 
more  good,  than  as  many  thousands  given  at  a  treaty. 

I  hope  I  may  be  excused  for  offering  my  opinions 
so  freely,  for  I  can  aver  we  shall  get  no  intelligence, 
or  other  services  from  them,  unless  we  have  goods  to 
apply  to  these  uses.  I  am,  &c. 

The  24th.  This  Morning  an  Indian  arrived  in  Company 
with  the  young  Indian  I  had  sent  to  the  Half-King,  and 
brought  me  the  following  Letter  from  him. 

To  the  forist,  his  Majestie's  Commander  offwerses — to  hom 
this  may  concern  : 


7o  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

On  acc't  of  a  french  armey  to  meat  Mister  Georg  Wassionton 
therfor  my  Brotheres  I  deisir  you  to  beawar  of  them  for  deisin'd 
to  strik  ye  forist  Englsh  they  see  ten  deays  since  they  marchd  I 
cannot  tell  what  nomber  the  half  king  and  the  rest  of  the  chiefs 
will  be  with  you  in  five  dayes  to  consel,  no  more  at  present  but 
give  my  serves  to  my  Brothers  the  English 

The  Half-King 
John  Davison. 

I  examined  those  two  young  Indians  as  best  I  could,  con 
cerning  every  Circumstance,  but  they  did  not  give  me  much 
information. 

They  say  there  are  Parties  of  them  often  out,  but  they 
do  not  know  of  any  considerable  Number  coming  this 
Way.  The  French  continue  raising  their  Fort ;  that  Part 
next  to  the  Land,  is  very  well  inclosed,  but  that  next  to  the 
Water  is  much  neglected,  at  least  is  without  any  Defence ; 
they  have  only  nine  Pieces  of  Cannon,  some  of  them  very 
small,  and  not  one  mounted.  There  are  two  on  the  Point, 
and  the  others  at  some  Distance  from  the  Fort  on  the  Land 
side. 

They  say  that  there  are  many  sick  among  them,  that  they 
cannot  find  any  Indians  to  guide  their  small  Parties  towards 
our  Camp,  these  Indians  having  refused. 

The  same  Day,  at  Two  o'Clock,  we  arrived  at  the  Mead 
ows,  where  we  saw  a  Trader,  who  told  us  that  he  had  come 
that  Morning  from  Mr.  Gist's  where  he  had  seen  two  French 
men  the  Night  before  ;  and  that  he  knew  there  was  a  strong 
Detachment  on  the  march,  which  confirmed  the  Account 
we  had  received  from  the  Half-King:  Consequently  I 
placed  Troops  behind  two  natural  Intrenchments,  where  I 
also  placed  our  Waggons. 

The  25th.  Detached  one  Party  1  to  go  along  the  roads, 
and  other  small  Parties  into  the  Woods,  to  reconnoitre.  I 
gave  the  Horse-men  Orders  to  examine  the  Country  well, 

1  The  French  reads  :   "  Je  detachai  un  parti  a  Chevert." 


1754]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  71 

and  endeavour  to  get  some  News  of  the  French,  of  their 
Forces,  and  of  their  movements,  &c— 

At  Night  all  these  Parties  returned,  without  having  dis 
covered  any  Thing,  though  they  had  been  a  great  way 
towards  the  Place  from  whence  it  was  said  the  Party  was 
coming. 

The  26th.  Arrived  William  Jenkins.  He  had  come  ex 
press  from  Colonel  Fry  with  a  Letter  from  Colonel  Fairfax, 
which  informed  me,  that  the  Governor  himself,  as  also 
Colonels  Corbin  and  Ludwell,  were  arrived  at  Winchester, 
and  were  desirous  to  see  the  Half-King  there,  whereupon  I 
sent  him  a  message. 

TO    GOVERNOR     DINWIDDIE. 

GREAT  MEADOWS,  27  May,  1754. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

The  25th  ultimo,  by  an  express  from  Colonel 
Fry,  I  received  ye  news  of  your  Honour's  arrival  at 
Winchester,  and  advice  of  seeing  the  Half-King  and 
other  chiefs  of  the  6  Nations.  I  have  by  sundry 
speeches  and  messages  invited  him,  Monacatoocha, 
&c,  to  meet  me,  and  have  reason  to  expect  he  is  on 
his  road,  as  he  only  purposed  to  settle  his  people  to 
planting,  at  a  place  up  Yaughyaughgany  chosen  for 
the  purpose.  But  fearing  something  might  have 
retarded  his  march,  I  immediately,  upon  the  arrival 
of  the  express,  despatched  a  messenger  with  a  speech. 
He  is  not  return [ed]  yet.  About  four  days  ago  I 
received  a  message  from  ye  Half-King  of  which  the 

following  is  a  copy  exactly  taken  *  :— 

******* 

This  account  was  received  in  the  evening  by  an 
other  man.  The  French  were  at  the  Crossing  of 

1  This  letter  is  printed  on  pages  69,  70. 


72  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

Youghiogany  about  eighteen  miles  distant.  I  here 
upon  hurried  to  this  place  as  a  convenient  spot.  We 
have,  with  nature's  assistance,  made  a  good  entrench 
ment,  and,  by  clearing  ye  bushes  out  of  these  Mead 
ows,  prepared  a  charming  field  for  an  encounter.  I  de 
tached,  immediately  upon  my  arrival  here,  small  light 
partys  of  horse  (wagon  horses)  to  reconnoitre  the 
enemy,  and  discover  their  strength  and  motion,  who 
returned  yesterday  without  seeing  any  thing  of  them  \ 
nevertheless,  we  were  alarmed  at  night,  and  remained 
under  arms  from  two  o'clock  till  near  sunrise.  We 
conceive  it  was  our  own  men,  as  six  of  them  deserted, 
but  can't  be  certain  whether  it  was  they  or  other  ene 
mies.  Be  it  as  it  will,  they  were  fired  at  by  the  sen 
tries,  but  I  believe  without  damage.  This  morning 
Mr.  Gist  arrived  from  his  place,  where  a  detachment 
of  fifty  men  were  seen  yesterday  at  noon,  commanded 
by  M.  La  Force,  He  afterwards  saw  these  march 
within  five  miles  of  our  camp.  I  immediately  de 
tached  seventy-five  men  in  pursuit  of  them,  who,  I 
hope,  will  overtake  them  before  they  get  to  Red 
stone  Creek,  where  their  canoes  lie.  Mr.  Gist  being 
an  eye-witness  of  our  proceedings  hereupon,  and 
waiting  for  this  without  my  knowing  till  just  now 
that  he  intended  to  wait  upon  your  Honour,  obliges 
me  to  refer  to  him  for  particulars.  As  I  expect  my 
messenger  to-night  from  the  Half-King,  I  shall  write 
more  fully  to-morrow  by  the  express  that  came  from 
Colonel  Fry. 

But  before  I  conclude,  I  must  take  the  liberty  of 
mentioning  to  your  Honor  the  great  necessity  there 
is  for  having  goods  out  here  to  give  for  services  to 


1754]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  73 

the  Indians  ;  they  are  expected,  and  refuse  to  scout  or 
do  any  thing  without,  saying  these  services  are  paid 
well  by  the  French.  I  really  think  were  5  or  600 
pounds  worth  of  proper  goods  sent,  it  would  tend 
more  to  our  interest  than  so  many  thousands  given  in 
a  lump  at  a  treaty.  I  have  been  obliged  to  pay  spirits 
for  what  they  have  already  done,  which  I  cannot  con 
tinue  to  do. 

The  numbers  of  the  French  have  been  greatly  mag 
nified,  as  your  Honour  may  see  by  a  copy  of  the  en 
closed  journal,  who  I  sent  out  to  gain  intelligence.  I 
have  received  letters  from  the  Governors  of  Pennsyl 
vania  and  Maryland,  copies  of  which  I  also  send. 

P.  S.  I  hope  your  Honor  will  excuse  the  haste 
with  which  I  was  obliged  to  use  in  writing  this. 

The  27th.  Mr.  Gist  arrived  early  in  the  Morning,  who 
told  us,  that  Mr.  la  Force  with  Fifty  Men,  whose  Tracks  he 
had  seen  five  Miles  off,  had  been  at  his  Plantation  the  Day 
before,  towards  Noon  ;  and  would  have  killed  a  Cow,  and 
broken  every  Thing  in  the  House,  if  two  Indians  whom  he 
had  left  in  the  House,  had  not  perswaded  them  from  their 
Design  ;  I  immmediately  detached  Sixty-five  Men,  under 
Command  of  Captain  Hog,  Lieutenant  Mercer,  Ensign 
Peyronie,  three  Sergeants,  and  three  Corporals,  with  Instruc 
tions. 

The  French  enquired  at  Mr.  Gist's  what  was  become  of 
the  Half -King?  I  did  not  fail  to  let  the  young  Indians  who 
were  in  our  Camp  know,  that  the  French  wanted  to  kill  the 
Half-King ;  and  that  had  its  desired  effect.1  Upon  the 
spot  they  offered  to  accompany  our  People,  against  the 
French,  and  had  they  found  it  true  that  he  had  been  killed, 
or  even  insulted  by  them,  one  of  them  would  have  promptly 

"II  paroit  que  1'imposture  ne  coute  rien  a  M.  Washington,  ici  il  s'en  fait 
honneur." — French  editor  of  the  Precis. 


74  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

carried  the  News  to  the  Mingo  Town,  and  incited  their 
Warriors  to  fall  upon  them.  One  of  these  young  Men  was 
sent  towards  Mr.  Gist's ;  and  should  he  not  find  the  Half- 
King  there,  he  was  to  send  a  Message  by  a  Dclaivare. 

About  eight  at  Night,  received  an  Express  from  the 
Half-King,  which  informed  me,  that  as  he  was  coming  to 
join  us,  he  had  seen  along  the  Road,  the  Tracks  of  two 
Men,  which  he  had  followed,  till  he  wras  brought  to  a  low 
obscure  Place,  where  he  thought  the  whole  Party  of  French 
was  hidden  :  That  very  Moment  I  sent  out  Forty  Men,  and 
ordered  my  Ammunition  to  be  concealed,  fearing  a  Strata 
gem  of  the  French  to  attack  our  Camp.  I.  left  a  guard  to 
defend  it  and  with  the  rest  of  my  Men,  set  out  in  a  heavy 
rain,  and  in  a  Night  as  dark  as  Pitch  '  ;  along  a  Path  scarce 
broad  enough  for  one  Man  ;  we  were  sometime  fifteen  or 
twenty  Minutes  out  of  the  Path,  before  we  could  come  to  it 
again,  and  so  dark  that  we  would  often  strike  one  against 
another  :  All  Night  long  we  continued  our  march,  and  the 
28th,  about  Sun-rise,  we  arrived  at  \hzlndian  Camp,  where, 
after  holding  a  Council  with  the  Half-King,  it  was  concluded 
to  attack  them  together ;  so  we  sent  out  two  Men  to  dis 
cover  where  they  were,  and  in  what  position,  and  what  Sort 
of  Ground  was  thereabout ;  after  which,  we  formed  our 
selves  for  surrounding  them  and  took  up  our  march  one 
after  the  other,  in  the  Indian  Manner ;  We  were  advanced 
pretty  near  to  them,  as  we  thought,  when  they  discovered 
us  ;  whereupon  I  ordered  my  Company  to  fire,  mine  was 
supported  by  that  of  Mr.  Waggener,  and  my  Company  and 
his,  received  the  whole  Fire  of  the  French,  during  the 
greatest  Part  of  the  Action,  which  only  lasted  a  Quarter  of 
an  Hour,  before  the  enemy  was  routed.2 

1  The  French  word  \s  gaudron. 

2  "  '  Such  was  the  complication  of  political  interests,'  says  Voltaire,   'that  a 
cannon-shot  fired  in  America  could  give  the  signal  that  set  Europe  in  a  blaze.' 
Not  quite.     It  was  not  a  cannon-shot,  but  a  volley  from  the  hunting-pieces  of  a 
few  backwoodsmen,  commanded  by  a  Virginian  youth,  George  Washington. "- 
Parkman,    Wolfe  and  Montcalm,  i.,  I. 


1754]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  75 

We  killed  Mr.  de  Jumonville,  the  Commander  of  that 
Party,  with  nine  others;  we  wounded  one,  and  made 
Twenty-one  Prisoners,  among  whom  were  M.  la  Force,  M. 
Dronillon,  and  two  Cadets.  The  Indians  scalped  the  Dead, 
and  took  most  of  their  Arms,  after  which  we  marched  with 
the  Prisoners  and  the  Guard,  to  the  Indian  Camp,  where 
again  I  held  a  Council  with  the  Half-King ;  and  there  in 
formed  him,  that  the  Governor  was  desirous  to  see  him, 
and  was  waiting  for  him  at  Winchester.  He  answered  that, 
he  could  not  go  just  then,  as  his  People  were  in  too 
imminent  a  Danger  from  the  French,  whom  they  had  just 
attacked  ;  that  he  must  send  Messengers  to  all  the  allied 
Nations,  inviting  them  to  take  up  the  Hatchet.  He  sent  a 
young  Delaware  Indian  to  the  Delaware  Nation,  and  gave 
him  also  a  French  Scalp  to  carry  to  them.  This  Man 
wished  to  have  a  Part  of  the  Presents  which  were  allotted 
for  them,  and  that  the  remaining  Part  might  be  kept  for 
another  Opportunity.  He  proposed  to  go  to  his  own 
Family,  and  to  several  others,  and  conduct  them  to  Mr. 
Gist's,  where  he  desired  Men  and  Horses  should  be  sent  to 
aid  them  to  reach  our  Camp.  After  this  I  marched  on  with 
the  Prisoners.  They  had  informed  me  that  they  had  been  sent 
with  a  Summons  to  order  me  to  depart — a  plausible  Pretence 
to  discover  our  Camp,  and  to  obtain  a  Knowledge  of  our 
Forces  and  our  Situation  !  It  was  so  clear  that  they  were 
come  to  reconnoitre,  that  I  admired  at  their  Assurance,  in 
telling  me  that  they  were  come  as  an  Embassy  ;  for  their 
Instructions  mentioned  that  they  should  get  what  Knowl 
edge  they  could  of  the  Roads,  Rivers,  and  of  all  the 
Country  as  far  as  Potoiumack.  And  instead  of  coming  as  an 
Embassador,  publicly,  and  in  an  open  Manner,  they  came 
most  secretly,  and  sought  after  the  most  hidden  Retreats, 
more  fit  for  Deserters  than  an  Embassador ;  in  such  retreats 
they  encamped,  and  remained  hid  for  whole  Days  together, 
being  no  more  than  five  Miles  from  us.  From  thence  they 
sent  spies  to  reconnoitre  our  Camp  ;  the  whole  Force  re 
traced  their  steps  two  Miles;  they  sent  the  two  Messengers 


76  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [I754 

spoken  of  in  the  Instruction,  to  acquaint  M.  de  Contrecceur 
of  the  Place  we  were  in,  and  of  our  Disposition,  that  he 
might  send  his  Detachments  to  inforce  the  Summons  as 
soon  as  it  should  be  given. 

Besides,  it  was  a  suite  worthy  of  a  Prince  that  this  Am 
bassador  had ;  whereas  he  was  merely  a  petty  French 
Officer  ;  an  Embassador  has  no  Need  of  Spies,  his  Character 
being  always  sacred :  And  since  their  Intention  was  so 
good,  why  did  they  tarry  two  Days,  five  Miles  from  us, 
without  acquainting  me  with  the  Summons,  or  at  least,  with 
something  that  related  to  the  Embassy?  That  alone  would 
be  sufficient  to  raise  the  strongest  Suspicions,  and  we  ought 
to  do  them  the  Justice  to  say,  that  wishing  to  hide  themselves, 
they  could  not  pick  out  better  Places  than  they  had  done. 

The  Summons  is  so  insolent,  and  savors  so  much  of  Gas- 
connade,  that  had  it  been  brought  openly  by  two  Men,  it  was 
too  great  an  Indulgence  to  have  suffered  them  to  return. 

It  was  the  Opinion  of  the  Half -King  in  this  Case  that 
their  Intentions  were  evil,  and  that  it  was  a  pure  Pretence  ; 
that  they  never  intended  to  come  to  us  but  as  Enemies  ; 
and  if  we  had  been  so  Foolish  as  to  let  them  go,  they  would 
never  help  us  more  to  take  other  Frenchmen. 

They  pretend  they  called  to  us  as  soon  as  they  had  dis 
covered  us  ;  it  is  absolutely  False,  for  I  was  then  marching 
at  the  Head  of  the  Company,  and  can  positively  affirm, 
that,  as  soon  as  they  saw  us,  they  ran  to  their  Arms,  with 
out  calling ;  as  I  must  have  heard  them  had  they  so  done. 

TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 
From  our  Camp  at  the  Great  Meadows,  29  May,  1754. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

In  answering  your  Honor's  letter  of  ye  2 5th -by  Mr. 
Burney,1  I  shall  begin  with  assuring  you,  that  nothing 

1  Thomas  Burney  was  a  blacksmith  by  trade,  and  had  lived  some  years 
among  the  Twightwees.  Dinwiddie,  in  November,  1754,  speaks  of  having 
engaged  him  "to  work  at  his  trade  and  be  ready  to  go  messages,"  but  could 
not  "say  much  to  his  character." 


1754]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  77 

was  farther  from  my  intention  than  to  recede,  tho  I 
then  pressed,  and  still  desire,  that  my  services  may  be 
voluntary,  rather  than  on  the  present  pay.  I  am  much 
concerned,  that  your  Honour  should  seem  to  charge 
me  with  ingratitude  for  your  generous,  and  my  un 
deserved  favours ;  for  I  assure  you,  Hon'ble  Sir, 
nothing  is  a  greater  stranger  to  my  breast,  or  a  sin 
that  my  soul  more  abhors,  than  that  black  and  de 
testable  one,  ingratitude,  I  retain  a  true  sense  of 
your  kindnesses,  and  want  nothing  but  opportunity 
to  give  testimony  of  my  willingness  to  oblige,  as  far 
as  my  life  or  fortune  will  extend. 

I  could  not  object  to  the  pay  before  I  knew  it.  I 
dare  say  your  Honour  remembers,  the  first  estimation 
allowed  a  lieutenant-colonel,  15  shillings,  and  a  major 
I2s.  6d.,  which  I  then  complained  very  much  of,  till 
your  Honour  assured  me  that  we  \vere  to  be  fur 
nished  with  proper  necessary,  and  offered  that  as 
a  reason  why  the  pay  was  less  than  British.1  After 
this,  when  you  were  so  kind  [as]  to  prefer  me  to  the 
command  I  now  have,  and  at  the  same  time  acquainted 
me,  that  I  was  to  have  but  12^.  6ci.,  this,  with  some 
other  reasons,  induced  me  to  acquaint  Colonel  Fair 
fax  with  my  intention  of  resigning,  which  he  must 
well  remember,  as  it  happened  at  Bellhaven2;  and  [it] 
was  there  that  he  dissuaded  me  from  it,  and  promised 

1  The  militia  law  of  1748  allowed  officers  and  soldiers  certain  pay  in  tobacco, 
a  colonel  receiving  50,  a  major  40,  and  a  private  1 5  pounds  of  tobacco  a  day. 
This  proved  such  an  awkward  system  that  when  the  troubles  with  the  French 
began,  pay  in  money  was  allowed,  as  follows  :  Colonel,  i^s.;  Lieutenant-Colonel, 
i2s.,6(L;  Major,  ios.;  Captain,  8j./  Lieutenants,  ^s.;  Ensigns,  y.;  Surgeons, 
4-r./  Private,  8d.  and  a  pistole  on  enlisting. 

z  Now  Alexandria. 


78  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

to  represent  the  trifling  pay  to  your  Honour,  who 
would  endeavour  (as  I  at  the  same  time  told  him  that 
the  Speaker  thought  the  officers'  pay  too  small)  to 
have  it  enlarged. 

As  to  the  numbers  that  applied  for  commissions, 
and  to  whom  we  were  preferred,  I  believe,  had  those 
gentlemen  been  as  knowing  of  this  country,  and 
as  sensible  of  the  difficulties  that  would  attend  a  cam 
paign  here  as  I  then  was,  I  conceive  your  Honour 
would  not  have  been  so  troublesomely  solicited  as  you 
were.  Yet  I  do  not  offer  this  as  a  reason  for  quitting 
the  service.  For  my  own  part  I  can  answer,  I  have 
a  constitution  hardy  enough  to  encounter  and  under 
go  the  most  severe  trials,  and,  I  flatter  myself,  reso 
lution  to  face  what  any  man  durst,  as  shall  be  proved 
when  it  comes  to  the  test,  which  I  believe  we  are  on 
the  borders  of. 

There  is  nothing,  Sir  (I  believe),  more  certain  than 
that  the  officers  on  the  Canada  expedition  had  British 
pay  allowed,  whilst  they  were  in  the  service.1  Lieu 
tenant  Waggener,  Captain  Trent,  and  several  others, 
whom  I  have  conversed  with  on  the  head,  and  who 
were  engaged  in  it,  affirm  it  for  truth.  Therefore, 
Honble.  Sir,  as  this  can't  be  allowed,  suffer  me  to 


1  This  Canada  expedition  was  the  one  projected  by  Governor  Shirley,  and 
approved  by  the  British  government,  in  1746,  during  the  previous  war  between 
England  and  France.  The  memorable  capture  of  Louisburg  the  year  preceding, 
effected  mainly  by  colonial  troops  from  Massachusetts,  had  raised  to  a  high 
pitch  the  martial  spirit  of  the  people  ;  and  large  numbers  were  easily  enlisted 
for  this  new  expedition  in  the  northern  and  middle  provinces.  They  were  dis 
banded  the  next  year,  without  having  accomplished  any  thing,  but  were  all  paid 
at  the  same  rate  as  the  troops  on  the  King's  establishment. — Belknap's  History 
of  New  Hampshire,  vol.  ii.,  p.  235. 


1754]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  79 

serve  as  a  volunteer,  which,  I  assure  you,  will-  be  the 
next  reward  to  British  pay  ;  for,  as  my  services,  so  far 
as  I  have  knowledge,  will  equal  those  of  the  best 
officer,  I  make  it  a  point  of  honor  [not]  to  serve  for 
less,  and  accept  a  medium.  Nevertheless,  I  have 
communicated  your  Honor's  sentiments  to  them, 
and,  as  far  as  I  could  put  on  the  hypocrite,  set  forth 
the  advantages  that  may  accrue,  and  advised  them  to 
accept  the  terms,  as  a  refusal  might  reflect  dishonor 
on  their  character,  leaving  it  to  the  world  to  assign 
what  reasons  they  please  for  their  quitting  the  service. 
I  am  very  sensible  of  the  pernicious  consequences 
that  will  attend  their  resigning,  as  they  have  by  this 
gained  some  experience  of  the  military  art,  have  a 
tolerable  knowledge  of  the  country,  being  sent,  most 
of  them,  out  at  different  times  with  parties,  and  are 
now  accustomed  to  the  hardships  and  fatigues  of 
living  as  we  do,  which,  I  believe,  were  it  truly  stated, 
would  prevent  your  Honour  from  many  troublesome 
solicitations  from  others  for  commissions.  This  last 
motive  has  and  will  induce  me  to  do  what  I  can  to 
reconcile  matters,  tho  I  really  believe  there  are  some, 
that  will  not  remain  long  without  an  alteration.  They 
have  promised  to  consider  of  it,  and  give  your 
Honour  an  answer.  I  was  not  ignorant  of  the  allow 
ance  which  Colonel  Fry1  has  for  his  table  ;  but  being 
a  dependent  there  myself,  deprived  me  of  the  pleas- 


1  Colonel  Fry  died  at  Will's  Creek  two  days  after  this  letter  was  written,  and 
the  command  of  the  expedition  devolved  of  course  on  Washington,  as  second 
in  rank.  Reinforcements  were  forwarded,  so  that  the  whole  number  of  troops 
under  his  immediate  command  amounted  to  somewhat  more  than  three  hundred. 


8o  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

ure  of  inviting  an  officer,  or  friend,  which  to  me  would 
be  more  agreeable,  than  the  nick-nacks  I  shall  meet 
with  there. 

And  here  I  cannot  forbear  answering  one  thing 
more  in  your  Honour's  letter  on  this  head,  which, 
(too,)  is  more  fully  expressed  in  a  paragraph  of  Col 
onel  Fairfax's  to  me,  as  follows  ; — "  If,  on  the  British 
establishment,  officers  are  allowed  more  pay,  the  regi 
mentals  they  are  obliged  annually  to  furnish,  their 
necessary  table  and  other  incidents  being  considered, 
little  or  no  savings  will  be  their  portion." 

I  believe  it  is  well  known  we  have  been  at  the  ex 
pense  of  regimentals,  and  it  is  still  better  known,  that 
regimentals,  and  every  other,  necessary,  that  we  were 
under  an  indispensable  necessity  of  purchasing  for 
this  expedition,  were  not  to  be  bought  for  less  Vir 
ginia  currency,  than  British  officers  could  get  for 
sterling  money  ;  which  they  ought  to  have  been,  to 
put  upon  a  parity  in  this  respect.  Then  Colonel 
Fairfax  observes  that  their  table  and  other  inci 
dent  charges  prevent  them  from  saving  much.  If 
they  don't  save  much  they  have  the  enjoyment  of 
their  pay,  which  we  neither  have  in  one  sense  nor  the 
other.  We  are  debarred  the  pleasure  of  good  living  ; 
which,  Sir,  (I  dare  say  with  me  you  will  concur,)  to 
one  who  has  always  been  used  to  it,  must  go  some 
what  hard  to  be  confined  to  a  little  salt  provision  and 
water,  and  do  duty,  hard,  laborious  duty,  that  is  al 
most  inconsistent  with  that  of  a'soldier,  and  yet  the 
same  reductions  as  if  we  were  allowed  luxuriously, 
My  pay,  according  to  the  British  establishment  and 


1754]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  81 

common  exchange,  is  near  22s  per  day  ;  in  the  room  of 
that  ye  Committee  (for  I  can't  in  ye  least  imagine 
your  Honour  had  any  hand  in  it)  has  provided  i2s 
6d,  so  long  as  ye  service  requires  me,  whereas  one 
half  of  ye  other  is  ascertained  to  British  officers 
forever.  Now  if  we  should  be  fortunate  enough  to 
drive  the  French  from  Ohio,  as  far  as  your  Honour 
would  please  to  have  them  sent  to,  in  any  short  time, 
our  pay  will  not  be  sufficient  to  discharge  our  first 
expenses. 

I  would  not  have  your  Honour  imagine  from  this, 
that  I  have  said  all  these  things  to  have  the  pay  in 
creased,  but  to  justify  myself,  and  shew  your  Honour 
that  our  complaints  are  not  frivolous,  but  are  founded 
upon  strict  reason.  For  my  own  part,  it  is  a  matter 
almost  indifferent  whether  I  serve  for  full  pay,  or  as 
a  generous  volunteer.  Indeed,  did  my  circumstances 
correspond  with  my  inclination,  I  should  not  hesitate 
a  moment  to  prefer  the  latter  ;  for  the  motives  that 
lead  me  here  were  pure  and  noble  ;  I  had  no  view  of 
acquisition,  but  that  of  honour,  by  serving  faithfully 
my  king  and  country. 

As  your  Honour  has  recommended  Mr.  Willis,  you 
may  depend  I  shall  with  pleasure  do  all  that  I  can  for 
him.  But  above  all,  Sir,  you  may  depend,  I  shall 
take  all  possible  means  of  procuring  intelligence,  and 
guarding  against  surprises  ;  and  be  assured  nothing 
but  very  unequal  numbers  shall  engage  me  to  submit 
or  retreat.  Now,  Sir,  as  I  have  answered  your 
Honour's  letter,  I  shall  beg  leave  to  acquaint  you 
with  what  has  happened  since  I  wrote  by  Mr.  Gist. 


82  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [I754 

I  then  acquainted  you,  that  I  had  detached  a  party  of 
seventy-five  men  to  meet  fifty  of  the  French,  who,  we 
had  intelligence,  were  upon  their  march  towards  us, 
to  reconnoitre,  and  that  about  nine  o'clock  the  same 
night,  I  received  an  express  from  the  Half-King,  who 
was  encamped  with  several  of  his  people,  about  six 
miles  off,  that  he  had  seen  the  tracks  of  two  French 
men  crossing  the  road,  and  believed  the  whole  body 
were  lying  not  far  off,  as  he  had  an  account  of  that 
number  passing  Mr.  Gist's. 

I  set  out  with  forty  men  before  ten,  and  [it]  was 
from  that  time  till  near  sunrise  before  we  reached  the 
Indians'  camp,  having  marched  in  [a]  small  path, 
through  a  heavy  rain,  and  night  as  dark  as  it  is  possi 
ble  to  conceive.  We  were  frequently  tumbling  one 
over  another,  and  often  so  lost,  that  fifteen  or  twenty 
minutes'  search  would  not  find  the  path  again. 

When  we  came  to  the  Half-King,  I  counselled 
with  him,  and  got  his  assent  to  go  hand-in-hand  and 
strike  the  French.  Accordingly,  himself,  Monaca- 
toocha,  and  a  few  other  Indians  set  out  with  us;  and 
when  we  came  to  the  place  where  the  tracks  were, 
the  Half-King  sent  two  Indians  to  follow  their  tracks, 
and  discover  their  lodgement,  which  they  did  about 
half  a  mile  from  the  road,  in  a  very  obscure  place 
surrounded  with  rocks.  I  thereupon,  in  conjunction 
with  the  Half-King  and  Monacatoocha,  formed  a  dis 
position  to  attack  them  on  all  sides,  which  we  accord 
ingly  did,  and,  after  an  engagement  of  about  fifteen 
minutes,  we  killed  ten,  wounded  one,  and  took 
twenty-one  prisoners.  Amongst  those  that  were 


!754]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  83 

killed  was  Monsieur  Jumonville,  the  commander; 
principal  officers  taken  is  Monsieur  Drouillon  and 
Mons'r  La  Force,  who  your  Honour  has  often  heard 
me  speak  of  as  a  bold  enterprising  man,  and  a  person 
of  great  subtlety  and  cunning.  With  these  are  two 
cadets.1  These  officers  pretend  they  were  coming 
on  an  embassy  ;  but  the  absurdity  of  this  pretext  is 
too  glaring,  as  your  Honour  will  see  by  the  Instruc 
tions  and  Summons  enclosed.  These  instructions 
were  to  reconnoitre  the  country,  roads,  creeks,  &c., 
to  Potomack,  which  they  were  about  to  do.  These 
enterprising  men  were  purposely  choose  out  to  get 
intelligence,  which  they  were  to  send  back  by  some 
brisk  despatches,  with  mention  of  the  day  that  they 
were  to  serve  the  summons  ;  which  could  be  through 
no  other  view,  than  to  get  a  sufficient  reinforcement 
to  fall  upon  us  immediately  after.  This,  with  several 
other  reasons,  induced  all  the  officers  to  believe 
firmly,  that  they  were  sent  as  spies,  rather  than  any 
thing  else,  and  has  occasioned  my  sending  them  as 
prisoners,  tho  they  expected,  or  at  least  had  some 
faint  hope,  of  being  continued  as  ambassadors. 
They,  finding  where  we  were  encamped,  instead  of 
coming  up  in  a  publick  manner,  sought  out  one  of 
the  most  secret  retirements,  fitter  for  a  deserter  than 
an  ambassador  to  encamp  in,  stayed  there  two  or  3 
days,  sent  spies  to  reconnoitre  our  camp,  as  we  are 
told,  tho  they  deny  it.  Their  whole  body  moved 

1  The  two  cadets  were  Jean  Baptiste  Berger  and  Joachim  Parent.  An  ac 
count  of  their  treatment  while  prisoners  is  contained  in  Penn.  Archives, 
second  series,  vi.,  320,  321.  See  also  Dinwiddie  Papers,  ii.,  227. 


84  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1754 


back  near  2  miles,  sent  off  two  runners  to  acquaint 
Contrecceur  with  our  strength,  and  where  we  were 
encamped,  &c.  Now  36  men  would  almost  have 
been  a  retinue  for  a  princely  ambassador,  instead  of 
a  petit.  Why  did  they,  if  their  designs  were  open, 
stay  so  long  within  5  miles  of  us,  without  delivering 
his  ambassy,  or  acquainting  me  with  it  ?  His  waiting 
could  be  with  no  other  design,  than  to  get  [a]  de 
tachment  to  enforce  the  summons,  as  soon  as  it  was 
given.  They  had  no  occasion  to  send  out  spies,  for 
the  name  of  ambassador  is  sacred  among  all  nations ; 
but  it  was  by  the  track  of  these  spies,  that  they  were 
discovered,  and  we  got  intelligence  of  them.  They 
would  not  have  retired  two  miles  back  without  deliv 
ering  the  summons,  and  sought  a  skulking-place 
(which,  to  do  them  justice,  was  done  with  great  judg 
ment),  but  for  some  special  reason.  Besides,  the 
summons  is  so  insolent,  and  savors  so  much  of  gas- 
coigny,  that  if  two  men  only  had  come  openly  to  de 
liver  it,  it  was  too  great  indulgence  to  have  sent  them 
back. 

The  sense  of  the  Half-King  on  this  subject  is,  that 
they  have  bad  hearts,  and  that  this  is  a  mere  pretence  ; 
they  never  designed  to  have  come  to  us  but  in  a  hos 
tile  manner,  and  if  we  were  so  foolish  as  let  them 
go  again,  he  never  would  assist  us  in  taking  another 
of  them.  Besides,  loosing  La  Force,  I  really. think, 
would  lead  more  to  our  disservice,  than  50  other  men, 
as  he  is  a  person  whose  active  spirit  leads  him  into 
all  parleys,  and  brought  him  acquainted  with  all  parts, 
add  to  this  a  perfect  use  of  the  Indian  tongue,  and  ye 


1754]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  85 

influence  with  the  Indians.  He  ingeniously  enough 
confessed,  that,  as  soon  as  he  saw  the  commission 
and  instructions,  that  he  believed,1  and  then  said  he 
expected  some  such  tendency,  tho  he  pretends  to  say 
he  does  not  believe  the  commander  had  any  other 
but  a  good  design.  In  this  engagement  we  had  only 
one  man  killed  and  two  or  three  wounded,  among 
which  was  Lieutenant  Waggener  slightly, — a  most 
miraculous  escape,  as  our  right  wing  was  much  ex 
posed  to  their  fire  and  received  it  all.2  The  Half-King 
received  your  Honour's  speech  very  kind,  but  desired 
me  to  inform  you,  that  he  could  not  leave  his  people 
at  this  time,  thinking  them  in  great  danger.  He  is 
now  gone  to  the  Crossing  for  their  families,  to  bring 
to  our  camp  ;  and  desired  I  would  send  some  men 
and  horses  to  assist  them  up,  which  I  have  accord 
ingly  done  ;  sent  30  men  and  upwards  of  twenty  horses. 
He  says,  if  your  Honour  has  any  thing  to  say,  you 
may  communicate  by  me,  &c.,  and  that,  if  you  have  a 
present  for  them,  it  may  be  kept  to  another  occasion, 
after  sending  up  some  things  for  their  immediate  use. 
He  has  declared  to  [me  he  would]  send  these  French 
men's  scalps,  with  a  hatchet,  to  all  the  nations  of  In 
dians  in  union  with  them,  and  did  that  very  day  give 
a  hatchet,  and  a  large  belt  of  wampum,  to  a  Delaware 

1  That  is,  he  believed  there  was  some  hostile  intention.     La  Force  appears 
not  to  have  seen  the  instructions,  which  were  in  possession  of  M.  Jumonville. 
Whether  he  knew  their  import  before  his  capture  is  doubtful.     The  original 
Summons  and  Instructions  are  printed  among  the  Pieces  Justificative*  affixed 
to  the  Mtmoire  of  the  French  government. — Sparks. 

2  Washington  and  his  soldiers  were  on  the  right,  and  the  Indians  on  the  left. 
—Sparks. 


86  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

man  to  carry  to  Shingiss.  He  promised  me  to  send 
down  the  river  for  all  the  Mingoes  and  Shawanese 
to  our  camp,  where  I  expect  him  to-morrow  with 
thirty  or  forty  men,  with  their  wives  and  children. 
To  confirm  what  he  has  said  here,  he  has  sent  your 
Honor  a  string  of  wampum. 

As  these  runners  went  off  to  the  fort  on  Sunday 
last,1  I  shall  expect  every  hour  to  be  attacked,  and 
by  unequal  numbers,  which  I  must  withstand  if  there 
are  five  to  one ;  or  else  I  fear  the  consequence  will 
be,  that  we  shall  lose  the  Indians,  if  we  suffer  our 
selves  to  be  drove  back.  I  despatched  an  express 
immediately  to  Colonel  Fry  with  this  intelligence, 
desiring  him  to  send  reinforcements  writh  all  imagin 
able  despatch.2 

Your  Honor  may  depend  I  will  not  be  surprised, 
let  them  come  at  what  hour  they  will  ;  and  this  is  as 
much  as  I  can  promise.  But  my  best  endeavours 
shall  not  be  wanting  to  deserve  more.  I  doubt  not, 
but  if  you  hear  I  am  beaten,  but  you  will,  at  the  same 
[time,]  hear  that  we  have  done  our  duty,  in  fighting 
as  long  [as]  there  was  a  possibility  of  hope. 

I  have  sent  Lieutenant  West,  accompanied  with 
Mr.  Splitdorph  and  a  guard  of  20  men,  to  conduct  the 
prisoners  in,  and  I  believe  the  officers  have  acquainted 
him  what  answer  to  return  your  Honour.  Monsieur 
La  Force  and  Monsieur  Drouillon  beg  to  be  recom- 


1  The  two  French  runners  mentioned  above,  who  had  been  sent  to  Fort  Du- 
quesne  by  Jumonville  before  the  attack. 

'2  His  letter  to  Col.  Fry  is  printed  in  Sparks,  Writings  of  Washington,  ii., 
p.  26. 


i?54]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  87 

mended  to  your  Honour's  notice,  and  I  have  prom 
ised  they  will  meet  with  all  the  favour  due  to  im 
prisoned  officers.  I  have  show'd  all  the  respect  I 
could  to  them  here,  and  have  given  some  necessary 
cloathing,  by  which  I  have  disfurnished  myself;  for, 
having  brought  no  more  than  two  or  three  shirts 
from  Will's  Creek,  that  we  might  be  light,  I  was  ill 
provided  to  furnish  them.  I  am,  &c. 

P.  S.  I  have  neither  seen  nor  heard  any  particu 
lar  account  of  the  Twigtwees  since  I  came  on  these 
waters.  We  have  already  begun  a  palisadoed  fort, 
and  hope  to  have  it  up  to-morrow.  I  must  beg 
leave  to  acquaint  your  Honour,  that  Captain  Van- 
braam  and  Ensign  Peyrouny  has  behaved  extremely 
well  since  they  came  out,  and  I  hope  will  meet  with 
your  Honour's  favor. 

TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

Without  date.1 

SIR, 

Since  writing  my  last  I  have  still  stronger  presump 
tion,  indeed  almost  confirmation,  that  they  were  sent 
as  spies,  and  were  ordered  to  wait  near  us,  till  they 
were  truly  informed  of  our  intentions,  situation,  and 
strength,  and  were  to  have  acquainted  their  com 
mander  therewith,  and  to  have  lain  lurking  here  for 
reinforcements  before  they  served  the  summons,  if 
served  at  all. 

I  doubt  not  but  they  will  endeavour  to  amuse  you 
with  many  smooth  stories,  as  they  did  me  ;  but  they 

1  This  letter  was  probably  written  on  the  29th. 


88  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

were  confuted  in  them  all,  and,  by  circumstances  too 
plain  to  be  denied,  almost  made  ashamed  of  their  as 
sertions.  I  dare  say  you  will  treat  them  with  respect, 
which  is  due  to  all  unfortunate  persons  in  their  con 
dition.  But  I  hope  you  will  give  no  ear  to  what  they 
will  have  an  opportunity  for  displaying  to  the  best 
advantage,  having  none  present  to  contradict  their 
reports. 

I  have  heard,  since  they  went  away,  that  they 
should  say  they  called  to  us  not  to  fire  ;  but  that  I 
know  to  be  false,  for  I  was  the  first  man  that  ap 
proached  them,  and  the  first  whom  they  saw,  and 
immediately  upon  it  they  ran  to  their  arms,  and  fired 
briskly  till  they  were  defeated.1 

We  have  heard  of  another  being  killed  by  the  In 
dians,  that  made  his  escape  from  us  ;  so  that  we  are 
certain  of  thirty-three  killed  and  taken.2  I  thought 
it  expedient  to  acquaint  your  Honor  with  the  above, 
as  I  fancy  they  will  have  the  assurance  of  asking  the 
privileges  due  to  an  embassy,  when  in  strict  justice 
they  ought  to  be  hanged  as  spies  of  the  worst  sort, 

1  Drouillon's  statement  of  the  affair  may  be  found  in  Dinwiddie  Papers,  i.,  p. 
225.       The    curious   charge   brought    against    Washington  for  the  killing   of 
Jumonville  long  exercised  French  historians,  and  even  English  writers  found  it 
awkward  to  explain  away.     The  various  accounts  are  summarized  in  Parkman, 

Wolfe  and  Montcalm,  i.,  p,  149,  and  Sparks,  Writings  of  Washington, 
ii.,  p.  447. 

2  It   appears   by   M.    de   Contrecceur's    orders   to    M.    de   Jumonville   (See 
Memoire,  &c.  p.   104)  that  his  party  consisted  of  thirty-five  men,  that  is,  him 
self  and  another  officer,  three  cadets,  a  volunteer,  an  interpreter,  and  twenty- 
eight  soldiers.     Two  of  the  party  had  returned  the  day  before,  whose  tracks 
had  been  seen  by  the  Half-King,  as  he  reported  to  Colonel  Washington,  thus 
leaving  thirty-three,  who  were  engaged  in  the  skirmish.     As  two  cadets  only 
were  taken,  one  of  the  men,  who  returned,  must  have  been  a  cadet. — Sparks. 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  89 

being  authorized  by  their  commander,  at  the  expense 
of  a  character,  which  should  be  sacred  to  all  nations, 
and  never  trifled  with  or  used  in  an  equivocal  way. 
I  am,  &c. 

The  2Qth.  Dispatched  Ensign  Latour  to  the  Half-King, 
with  about  Twenty-five  Men,  and  almost  as  many  Horses  ; 
and  as  I  expected  some  French  Parties  would  continually 
follow  that  which  we  had  defeated,  I  sent  an  Express  to 
.Colonel  Fry  for  a  Reinforcement. 

After  this  the  French  Prisoners  desired  to  speak  with  me, 
and  asked  me  in  what  Manner  I  looked  upon  them,  whether 
as  the  Attendants  of  an  Embassador,  or  as  Prisoners  of 
War :  I  answered  them  that  it  was  in  the  Quality  of  the 
Latter,  and  gave  them  my  Reasons  for  it,  as  above. 

The  30th.  Detached  Lieutenant  West'  and  Mr.  Split- 
dorph,  to  take  the  Prisoners  to  Winchester,  with  a  Guard  of 
twenty  Men. 

Began  to  raise  a  Fort  with  small  Pallisadoes,  fearing  that 
when  the  French  should  hear  the  News  of  that  Defeat,  we 
might  be  attacked  by  considerable  Forces. 

TO    HIS    BROTHER. 

CAMP  AT  GREAT  MEADOW,  31  May,  1754. 

Since  my  last  we  arrived  at  this  place,  where  three 
days  ago  we  had  an  engagement  with  the  French, 
that  is,  a  party  of  our  men  with  one  of  theirs.  Most 
of  our  men  were  out  upon  other  detachments,  so  that 
I  had  scarcely  40  men  remaining  under  my  command, 
and  about  10  or  12  Indians;  nevertheless  we  obtained 
a  most  signal  victory.  The  battle  lasted  about  10  or 
13  minutes,  with  sharp  firing  on  both  sides,  till  the 
French  gave  ground  and  ran,  but  to  no  great  pur- 

1  In  the  French  this  is  Wart,  the  usual  way  of  printing  Ward. 


9o  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

pose.  There  were  12  of  the  French  killed,  among 
whom  was  Mons.  de  Jumonville,  their  commander, 
and  2 1  taken  prisoners,  among  whom  are  Mess.  La 
Force  and  Drouillon,  together  with  two  cadets.  I 
have  sent  them  to  his  honour  the  Governor,  at  Win 
chester,  under  a  guard  of  20  men,  conducted  by 
Lieutenant  West.  We  had  but  one  man  killed,  and 
two  or  three  wounded.  Among  the  wounded  on  our 
side  was  Lieutenant  Waggener,  but  no  danger,  it  is 
hoped,  will  ensue.  We  expect  every  hour  to  be  at 
tacked  by  superior  force,  but,  if  they  forbear  one  day 
longer,  we  shall  be  prepared  for  them.  We  have  al 
ready  got  entrenchments,  and  are  about  a  pallisado, 
which  I  hope  will  be  finished  to-day.  The  Mingoes 
have  struck  the  French  and  I  hope  will  give  a  good 
blow  before  they  have  done.  I  expect  40  odd  of 
them  here  to-night,  which,  with  our  fort  and  some  re 
inforcements  from  Col.  Fry,  will  enable  us  to  exert 
our  noble  courage  with  spirit. 

P.  S.  I  fortunately  escaped  without  any  wound, 
for  the  right  wing,  where  I  stood,  was  exposed  to  and 
received  all  the  enemy's  fire,  and  it  was  the  part 
where  the  man  was  killed,  and  the  rest  wounded. 
I  heard  the  bullets  whistle,  and,  believe  me,  there  is 
something  charming  in  the  sound.1 

1  From  the  London  Magazine,  August,  1754.  "  In  the  express,  which  Major 
Washington  despatched  on  his  preceding  little  victory  (the  skirmish  with  Ju 
monville),  he  concluded  with  these  words, — '  I  heard  the  bullets  whistle,  and, 
believe  me,  there  is  something  charming  in  the  sound.'  On  hearing  of  this  the 
King  said  sensibly, — '  He  would  not  say  so,  if  he  had  been  used  to  hear  many.1 
However,  this  brave  braggart  learned  to  blush  for  his  rhodomontade,  and,  de 
siring  to  serve  General  Braddock  as  aid-de-camp,  acquitted  himself  nobly." 
Walpole,  Memoirs  of  George  the  Second,  i.,  347.  See  also  Gordon,  History,  ii., 
203, 


1754]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  91 

June  the  1st.  Arrived  here  an  Indian  Trader  with  the 
Half-King:  They  said  that  when  Mr.  de  Jumonville  was 
sent  here,  another  Party  had  been  detached  towards  the 
lower  Part  of  the  River,  in  order  to  take  and  kill  all  the 
English  they  should  meet. 

We  are  finishing  our  Fort. 

Towards  Night  arrived  Ensign  To^vers,  with  the  Half- 
King^  Queen  Aliquippa,  and  about  Twenty-five  or  Thirty 
Families,  making  in  all  about  Eighty  or  One  Hundred 
Persons,  including  Women  and  Children.  The  old  King, 
being  invited  to  come  in  to  our  Tents,  told  me  that  he  had 
sent  Monacatoocha  to  Log's-Town,  with  Wampum,  and  four 
French  scalps,  which  were  to  be  sent  to  the  Six  Nations,  to 
the  Wyandotts,  &c.  to  inform  them  that  they  had  attacked 
the  French,  and  to  demand  their  Assistance  to  maintain  the 
first  advantage. 

He  also  told  me  he  had  something  to  say  at  the  Council, 
but  would  stay  till  the  Arrival  of  the  Shawanese  whom  we 
expected  next  Morning. 

The  2d.  Arrived  two  or  three  Families  of  the  Shawanese 
and  Loups :  We  had  Prayers  in  the  Fort. 

The  3d.     The  Half-King  assembled  the  Council,  and  in 
formed  me  that  he  had  received  a  Speech  from  the  Big 
Kettle  (Grand-Chaudiere) 1  in  Answer  to  the  one  he  had 
sent  him. 

TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

FROM  OUR  CAMP,  June  3,  1754. 

HONORABLE  SIR  : 

The  Half-King,  with  about  25  Familys,  cont'g 
near  80  persons,  including  women  and  children,  ar- 
riv'd  here  last  night.  He  has  given  me  some  acc't  of 
the  Twigtwees,  Wyandotts  and  several  other  Na 
tions  of  Indians,  which  I  have  transmitted  to  your 
Honour  by  an  express,  as  you  enquir'd  circumstan- 

1  Probably  Canajachreesa,  or  the  "  Broken  Kettle,"  who  had  been  present  at 
the  conference  at  Carlisle  in  1753. 


92  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

tially  in  your  last,  and  I  was  then  unable  to  give  any 
account  at  all  of  them. 

The  French,  early  in  the  spring,  sent  a  speech  to 
the  Wyandotts,  Twigtwees,  and  their  Allies,  and  de 
sired  them  to  take  up  the  Hatchet  and  start  to  Ohio, 
and  there  cut  of[f]  the  Inhabitants  with  all  the 
English  thereon.  This  the  Big  Kettle  acquainted 
the  Half-King  with,  and  at  the  same  time  assur'd 
him  with  their  good  intentions  of  assisting  the  6  Na 
tions  and  their  Brothers,  the  English,  ag't  the 
French,  and  that  they  only  waited  to  see  us  begin.1 
I  have  enclosed  the  speech  of  the  Chiefs,  to  which 
was  added  another  from  the  Warriors,  informing  that 
they  were  busy  in  councilling  with  the  Chippeways, 
Ottoways,  &c.,  and  striving  to  bring  all  into  the 
same  mind  with  themselves.  They  desire  the  6  Na 
tions,  Virginians  and  Pennsylvanians,  not  to  doubt 
but  that  they  shall  accomplish  their  designs  in  this, 
and  when  they  do,  [I]  will  send  word  thereof. 

Monacatoocha  was  sent  by  the  Half-King  ab't  5 
nights  ago  to  the  Logs  Town,  with  4  French  scalps, 
two  of  which  was  to  be  sent  to  the  Wyandotts,  &c., 
and  the  other  two  to  the  6  Nations,  telling  them  that 
the  French  had  tricked  them  out  of  their  lands,  for 
which,  with  their  Brothers,  the  English,  who  joyn'd 
hand  in  hand,  they  had  let  them  feel  the  wait  of  their 
Hatchet,  which  was  but  trifling  yet,  as  it  only  lay'd  on 
30,  for  that  they  int'd  with  their  Brothers  to  drive 
the  French  beyond  the  Lakes.  Monacatoocha  has 


1  In  Palmer's  Calendar  of  Virginia  State  Papers,  p.  250,  is  printed  what  I 
believe  is  this  reply. 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  93 

orders  to  draw  all  the  Indians  from  Ohio,  and  then 
repair  to  our  Camp. 

I  proposed  to  the  Half-King  sending  their  women 
and  children  into  the  Inhabitants,  for,  as  they  must 
be  supported  by  us,  it  may  be  done  at  less  expense 
there  than  here ;  besides  this,  there  may  another 
good  attend  it,  their  children  may  imbibe  the  princi 
ples  of  love  and  friendship  in  a  stronger  degree, 
which,  if  taken  when  young,  is  generally  more  firm 
and  lasting.  He  told  me  he  would  consider  of  it, 
and  give  answer  when  Monacatoocha  arrived.  I  hope 
this  will  be  agreeable  to  your  Honour,  who  I  wrote  to 
before  on  this  head  without  receiv'g  an  answer.  We 
find  it  very  difficult  procuring  provisions  for  them,  as 
they  [share]  equally  with  our  own  men,  which  is  un 
avoidable  witho't  turning  them  adrift  entirely. 

Montour  would  be  of  singular  use  to  me  here  at 
this  moment,  in  conversing  with  the  Indians,  for  I 
have  no  persons  that  I  can  put  any  dependence  in.  I 
make  use  of  all  the  influence  I  can  to  engage  them 
warmly  on  our  side,  and  flatter  myself  that  I  am  not 
unsuccessful,  but  for  want  of  a  better  acquaintance 
with  their  customs  I  am  often  at  a  loss  how  to  be 
have,  and  should  be  relieved  from  many  anxious 
fears  of  offend'g  them  if  Montour  was  here  to  assist 
me  ;  and  as  he  is  in  the  governm'nt's  employ't  I  hope 
your  Hon'r  will  think  with  me,  his  services  cannot  be 
apply'd  to  so  g't  advantage  as  here  upon  this  oc 
casion.1 

1  Montour  was  a  Canadian,  and  also  an  Indian  trader  and  interpreter.     He 
was  of  Indian  extraction,  and  a  man  of  weight  among  the  Six  Nations. 


94  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

There  was  3  French  Deserters,  met  a  few  days 
[ago]  (one  an  Englishman)  at  Loyal  henning,1  going 
to  Virg'a,  by  one  Crawford,  a  Man  of  veracity,  who 
was  assur'd  by  them,  that  there  was  two  Major  Trad 
ers  confined  in  Irons  at  the  Fort  when  Sieur  De 
Jumonville  was  detached  ;  and  at  the  same  time  that 
he  departed  for  this,  another  Party  of  50  was  sent 
down  Ohio  to  kill  or  take  Prisoners  of  all  the  Eng 
lish  they'd  meet  with.  They  also  assure  us  that 
Jumonville  has  all  chosen  Men  fixed  upon  for  this 
Enterprise.  They  likewise  confirm  the  report  the 
Prisoners  gave,  that  1,100  men  were  now  in  the  Fort, 
and  Reinforce'ts  expected. 

If  the  whole  Detach't  of  the  French  behave  with 
no  more  Resolution  than  this  chosen  Party  did,  I 
flatter  myself  we  shall  have  no  g't  trouble  in  driving 
them  to  the  d—  -  Montreal.  Tho'  I  took  40  Men 
under  my  com'd  when  I  marched  out,  yet  the  dark 
ness  of  the  night  was  so  great,  that  by  wandering  a 
little  from  the  main  body  7  were  lost,  and  but  33 
ingag'd.  There  was  also  but  7  Indians  with  arms, 
two  of  which  were  Boys, — one  Dinwiddie,  your 
Honor's  God  Son,  who  behav'd  well  in  action.  There 
were  5  or  6  other  Indians,  who  served  to  knock  the 
poor,  unhappy  wounded  in  the  head,  and  bereiv'd 
them  of  their  scalps.  So  that  we  had  but  40  men, 
with  which  we  tried  and  took  32  or  3  men,  besides 
others  who  may  have  escaped.  One,  we  have  cer 
tain  acc't  did. 


1  This   place  is    variously    named :     Loyal    Hanna,    Loyal   hannon,    Loyal 
Hannan,  and  Loyal  Manning. 


1754]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  95 

We  have  just  finish'd  a  small  pallisado'd  Fort,  in 
which,  with  my  small  numbers,  I  shall  not  fear  the 
attack  of  500  men. 

There  is  three  separate  strings  of  Wampum,  which 
the  Half-King  has  desired  me  to  send.  One  is  from 
the  Wyandott  Chiefs,  to  confirm  what  they  said; 
another  from  the  Warriors,  to  confirm  theirs  ;  and 
the  other  (white)  is  from  Monacatoocha,  and  since 
writing  the  above,  there  has  arrived  two  Indians 
from  Moskingam,  who  inform  [me]  that  the  Wyan- 
dotts,  &c,  are  ready  to  strike  so  soon  as  they  hear 
the  6  Nation's  and  English  have. 

The  5th.  Arrived  an  Indian  from  the  Ohio,  who  had 
lately  been  at  the  French  Fort.  This  Indian  confirms  the 
News  of  two  Traders  being  taken  by  the  French,  and  sent 
to  Canada ;  he  said  they  have  set  up  their  Pallisadoes,  and 
enclosed  their  Fort  with  exceeding  large  Trees. 

There  are  eight  Indian  Families  on  this  side  the  River, 
coming  to  join  us  :  He  met  one  of  the  French  who  had 
made  his  Escape  from  the  action  of  M.  de  Jumonville's ;  he 
was  without  either  Shoes  or  Stockings,  and  scarce  able  to 
walk ;  however  he  let  him  pass,  not  knowing  we  had  at 
tacked  them. 

The  6th.  Mr.  Gist  is  returned,  and  acquaints  me  of  the 
Death  of  poor  Colonel  Fry,  of  the  safe  Arrival  of  the  French 
Prisoners  at  Winchester,  and  which  gave  the  Governor  great 
satisfaction. 

I  am  also  informed  that,  Mr.  Montour,1  is  coming  with  a 
Commission  to  command  Two  Hundred  Indians. 

Mr.  Gist  had  met  a  French  Deserter,  who  assured  him,  that 
there  were  only  Five  Hundred  Men  when  they  took  Mr. 
Ward' 's  Fort,  that  they  were  now  less,  having  sent  Fifteen 


Called  by  the  French  a  "  Canadian  deserter." 


96  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

Men  to  Canada  to  acquaint  the  Governor  of  their  Success : 
That  there  were  yet  about  Two  Hundred  Soldiers,  who  only 
waited  for  a  favourable  Opportunity  to  come  and  join  us. 

The  Qth.  Arrived  the  last  Body  of  the  Virginia  Regi 
ment,  under  the  Command  of  Colonel  Muse,  and  we  learnt 
that  the  Independent  Company  of  Carolina  was  arrived  at 
Wills-Creek. 

The  loth.  I  received  the  Regiment,  and  at  Night  had 
Notice,  that  some  French  were  advancing  towards  us ; 
whereupon  I  sent  a  Party  of  Indians  upon  the  Scout 
towards  Gist's,  in  order  to  discover  them,  and  to  know 
their  Number.  Just  before  Night  we  had  an  Alarm,  but  it 
proved  false. 

TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE.1 

GREAT  MEADOWS,  10  June,  1754. 

HONBLE.  SIR  : 

Yours  of  the  ist  2nd  and  4th  ulto.  I  received  by 
the  post,  and  return  your  Honour  my  hearty  thanks 
for  your  kind  congratulation  on  our  late  success, 
which  I  hope  to  improve  without  risquing  the  impu 
tation  of  rashness,  or  hazarding  what  a  prudent  con 
duct  would  forbid.  I  rejoice  that  I  am  likely  to  be 
happy  under  the  command  of  an  experienced  officer, 
and  man  of  sense.2  It  is  what  I  have  ardently  wished 
for.3  I  shall  here  beg  leave  to  return  my  grateful 

1  Under  date  10  June,  Mr.   Sparks  prints  a  long  letter  from  Washington  to 
Dinwiddie,   another  version  of   which  is  given  in  the  Dinwiddie  Papers.     A 
cursory  examination  proved  that  an  error  had  been  made,   Mr.   Sparks  com 
bining  three  letters  in  one,  and  the  editor  of  the  Dinwiddie  printing  parts  of  two 
as  one.     I  may  not  have  succeeded  in  separating  the  parts  as  they  were  written, 
as  I  have  been  compelled  to  depend  on  internal  evidence  mainly. 

2  James   Innes  came  from   Scotland  and  settled  in  New  Hanover,   N.  C., 
serving   in  the  expedition   of    1740-41   against   Carthagena.     Dinwiddie   had 
intended  to  give  him  the  chief  command  of  this  Ohio  expedition  from  the  first. 

3  Upon  the  death  of  Col.  Fry,  Washington  was  given  the  command  of  the 
Virginia    troops.      Innes  who  had  come  with    about  three  hundred  and  fifty 
men  from  North  Carolina  did  not  reach  Winchester  until  June  30,  but  was 


1754]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  97 

thanks  for  your  favour  in  promoting  me  to  the  com 
mand  of  the  regiment.  Believe  me,  Hon'ble  Sir, 
when  I  assure  you,  my  breast  is  warmed  with  every 
generous  sentiment,  that  your  goodness  can  inspire. 
I  want  nothing  but  opportunity  to  testifie  my  sincere 
regard  for  your  person,  to  whom  I  stand  indebted  for 
so  many  unmerited  favours. 

Your  Honour  may  depend,  I  shall  myself,  and  will 
endeavour  to  make  my  officers,  shew  Captain  Mackay 
all  the  respect  due  to  his  rank  and  merit  ;  but  should 
have  been  particularly  obliged,  if  your  Honour  had 
declared  whether  he  was  under  my  command,  or  in 
dependent  of  it.1  However,  I  shall  be  studious  to 
avoid  all  disputes  that  may  tend  to  publick  prejudice, 
but,  as  far  as  I  am  able,  will  inculcate  harmony  and 
unanimity.  I  hope  Captain  Mackay  will  have  more 
sense',  than  to  insist  upon  any  unreasonable  dis 
tinction  tho'  he  and  his  have  commissions  from 
his  Majesty.2  Let  him  consider,  tho  we  are  greatly 
inferior  in  respect  to  profitable  advantages,  yet  we 

put  in  command  of  the  expedition  by  Dinwiddie  on  Col.  Fry's  death.  He 
found  that  Col.  Washington's  Virginia  regiment  and  Mackay's  South  Carolina, 
41  together  did  consist  but  of  four  hundred  men,  of  which  a 'good  many  were 
sick  and  out  of  order."  The  North  Carolina  troops  disbanded  before  they 
could  join  Washington.  The  pay  of  their  men  was  3-r.  a  day,  and  under  such 
a  charge  the  ^"12,000  appropriated  for  the  expedition  was  soon  exhausted. 

1  Captain  Mackay  commanded  an  Independent  Company  of  one  hundred  men 
from  South  Carolina.     See   Washington's  letter  to  Robert   Sinclair,    6   May, 
1792. — Post. 

2  Dinwiddie   had  written  to  Col.    Fry   in  May  :      "As  the  officers  of  the 
independent  companies   are  gentlemen  of  experience  in  the  art  military,  have 
served  in  several  campaigns,  are  jealous  of  their  own  honor,  and  are  well  rec 
ommended,  I  hope  you  will  conduct  yourself  towards  them  with  prudence,  and 
receive  their  advice  with  candor."     He  admitted  that  it  was  unusual  for  any  of 
the   King's  troops  to  be  subject  to  the  commands  of  an  officer  holding  a  com 
mission  from  a  Governor.     To  Washington  he  wrote  (June  4)  in  similar  terms. 


98  THE   WAITINGS  OF  [1754 

have  the  same  spirit  to  serve  our  gracious  King  as 
they  have,  and  are  as  ready  and  willing  to  sacrifice 
our  lives  for  our  country  as  they.  And  here,  once 
more,  and  for  the  last  time,  I  must  say,  this  will  be  a 
cancer  that  will  grate  some  officers  of  this  regiment 
beyond  all  measure,  to  serve  upon  such  different 
terms,  when  their  lives,  their  fortunes,  and  their 
characters  are  equally,  and,  I  dare  say,  as  effectually 
exposed,  as  those  who  are  happy  enough  to  have 
King's  commissions.  I  have  been  solicitous  on  this 
head,  have  earnestly  endeavoured  to  reconcile  the 
officers  to  their  appointments,  and  flatter  myself  I 
have  succeeded,  having  heard  no  mention  thereof 
latterly.  I  considered  the  pernicious  consequences, 
that  would  have  attended  a  disunion,  and  therefore 
was  too  much  attached  to  my  country's  interest  to  suf 
fer  it  to  ripen,  after  I  received  your  advising  letters. 

I  am  very  thankful  to  you  for  ordering  an  assort 
ment  of  Indian  goods,  which  we  daily  find  still  more 
necessary.  I  shall  take  care,  while  they  are  under 
my  direction,  that  they  are  judiciously  applied,  and 
shall  be  particularly  careful  in  consulting  Mr.  Crog- 
han  and  Mr.  Montour,  by  whom  I  shall  be  advised  in 
all  Indian  affairs  agreeably  to  your  directions.1 

I  shall  with  great  pleasure  wear  the  medal,  which 
you  were  pleased  to  compliment  me  with,  and  shall 
present  the  others  to  Indian  chiefs,  as  I  have  already 
done  one  to  the  Half-King. 

Major    Muse,    with    Captain   Montour,   joined  us 

1  Croghan  was  an  Indian  trader  of  note,  and  had  been  employed  on  public 
affairs  in  the  Indian  country  by  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania. 


1754]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  99 

yesterday,  and  brought  the  wampum  you  sent  to  the 
Half-King,  which  I  presented,  with  the  medal  and 
speech.  He  is  very  thankful  for  the  notice  you  have 
taken  of  him.  Major  Muse  brought  nine  of  the 
swivels,  with  some  powder  and  balls  ;  and  this  day  I 
have  engaged  fifty  or  sixty  horses  to  bring  up  more 
of  the  balls  and  other  stores  from  Will's  Creek,  if 
there  should  be  no  provisions  to  load  them  with. 
The  balls  are  to  be  brought  in  leather  bags  made  for 
the  purpose.  I  hear  that  Captain  Mackay,  who  was 
to  have  brought  the  artillery,  has  marched  without  it, 
as  wagons  could  not  be  procured.  I  shall  write  to 
Mr.  Gist  to  procure  wagons,  if  he  is  obliged  to  go  to 
Pennsylvania  for  them,  to  bring  out  the  artillery,  if 
not,  when  Colonel  Innes  comes  up  we  shall  have 
nothing  in  readiness,  and  shall  let  slip  this  best  sea 
son  for  action. 

TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

[June  12,  1754.]  ' 

We  have  been  extremely  ill  used  by  Major  Car- 
lyle's  deputies,  which  I  am  heartily  sorry  for,  since 
he  is  a  gentleman  so  capable  of  the  business  himself, 
and  has  taken  so  much  pains  to  give  satisfaction. 
He,  I  believe,  has  been  deceived,  and  we  have  suf 
fered  by  those  under  him,  and  by  those  who  have 
contracted  for  provisions.  We  have  been  six  days 
without  flour,  and  there  is  none  upon  the  road  for 
our  relief  that  we  know  of,  though  I  have  by  repeated 
expresses  given  him  timely  notice.  We  have  not 

1  "  Your  letter  without  date  I  received,"  Dinwiddie  wrote  to  Washington  on 
June  2yth.     The  incidents  mentioned  give  the  date  as  the  I2th. 


ioo  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

provisions  of  any  sort  enough  in  camp  to  serve  us 
two  days.  Once  before  we  should  have  been  four 
days  without  provisions,  if  Providence  had  not  sent  a 
trader  from  the  Ohio  to  our  relief,  for  whose  flour  I 
was  obliged  to  give  twenty-one  shillings  and  eight 
pence  per  hundred. 

In  a  late  letter  to  Major  Carlyle,  I  have  complained 
of  the  tardiness  of  his  deputies.  I  likewise  desired, 
that  suitable  stores  of  ammunition  might  be  sent  up 
speedily,  for  till  that  is  done  we  have  it  not  in  our 
power  to  attempt  any  advantageous  enterprise ;  but 
must  wait  its  arrival  at  Red-stone,  for  which  I  shall 
set  off  the  moment  provisions  arrive  to  sustain  us  on 
the  march.  Major  Carlyle  mentioned  a  contract  he 
had  made  with  Mr.  Croghan  for  flour,  likewise  Mr. 
Croghan's  offer  of  furnishing  more  if  required.  I 
have  therefore  desired  to  have  all  that  Mr.  Croghan 
can  furnish. 

The  Indians  are  drawing  off  from  the  River  daily, 
one  of  whom  last  night  brought  news  of  Monaca- 
toocha.  He  went  from  Logstown  about  five  nights 
ago  with  the  French  scalps,  and  four  hatchets,  with 
which  he  intended  to  visit  the  four  tribes  of  Indians 
between  this  and  Lake  Erie,  and  present  to  each 
tribe  a  scalp  and  hatchet,  and  at  the  same  time 
acquaint  them  that  it  was  expected,  as  the  English 
and  Six  Nations  had  hand-in-hand  struck  the  French, 
they  would  join  our  forces.  This  messenger  likewise 
says,  that  Monacatoocha  was  determined  not  only  to 
counsel  with  the  chiefs  of  those  tribes,  but  with  their 
great  warriors  also,  which  is  customary  in  these 


1754]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  101 

cases,  and  was  to  return  as  soon  as  possible,  which 
he  imagined  would  be  in  fifteen  days  ;  but  in  case  he 
should  not  return  in  that  time,  he  left  orders  for  the 
Indians  at  Logstown  to  set  off  for  Red-stone  Creek, 
so  that  they  would  all  meet  at  Red-stone  to  join 
their  brothers  the  English.  He  also  desired  there 
might  be  no  attack  made  against  the  French  fort,  till 
he  should  return,  by  which  time  he  hoped  all  the 
forces  would  be  gathered,  and  then  they  would  make 
a  general  attack  together,  and  gain  a  complete  victory 
at  once. 

The  Half-King  has  sent  messengers  to  other 
places  for  warriors,  who  are  to  meet  us  also  at  Red 
stone  Creek.  Besides  these,  he  has  sent  two  messen 
gers,  by  the  advice  of  Mr.  Croghan,  Mr.  Montour, 
and  myself,  one  to  invite  the  Shawanese  to  come  and 
receive  one  of  their  men,  who  was  imprisoned  in 
Carolina,  and  to  counsel  with  us,  and  the  other  to 
the  Delawares  for  the  same  purpose,  as  we  hear  both 
these  nations  have  accepted  the  hatchet  against  us. 
This  report  was  first  brought  by  an  Indian  sent  from 
Logstown  to  the  Half-King,  and  since  confirmed  by 
nine  French  deserters,  who  arrived  at  our  camp  to 
day.  These  men  farther  say,  that  the  fort  at  the 
Fork  is  completed,  and  proof  against  any  attempts, 
but  with  bombs,  on  the  land  side.  There  were  not 
above  five  hundred  men  in  it,  when  they  left  it,  but 
they  suppose  by  this  time  two  hundred  more  are  ar 
rived.  Nine  hundred  were  ordered  to  follow  them, 
who  might  be  expected  in  fourteen  or  fifteen  days. 

I  was  as  much  disappointed  when  I  met  these  per- 


102  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

sons  to-day,  as  ever  I  was  in  my  life.  By  misunder 
standing  the  scouts  that  brought  me  intelligence,  that 
is,  mistaking  ninety  for  nine,  I  marched  out  at  the 
head  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  men  (the  major  part 
of  the  effective  men  in  the  regiment),  full  with  the 
hope  of  procuring  another  present  of  French  prison 
ers  for  your  Honor.  Judge  then  my  disappointment 
at  meeting  nine  only,  and  those  coming  for  protec 
tion.  I  guarded  against  all  casualties,  that  might 
happen  to  the  camp,  and  ordered  Major  Muse  to  repair 
into  the  fort,  and  erect  the  small  swivels  for  the  defence 
of  the  place,  which  he  could  do  in  an  hour's  time. 

Agreeably  to  your  desire  I  shall  here  mention  the 
names  of  the  gentlemen,  who  are  to  be  promoted. 
Lieutenant  George  Mercer T  will  worthily  succeed  to  a 
captaincy.  Captain  Vanbraam  has  acted  as  captain 
ever  since  we  left  Alexandria.  He  is  an  experienced, 
good  officer,  and  very  worthy  of  the  command  he  has 
enjoyed.  Mr.  James  Towers  is  the  oldest  ensign, 

1  Col.  George,  son  of  John  Mercer,  of  "  Marlboro,"  was  born  June  23,  1733, 
educated  at  William  and  Mary  College,  served  with  Washington  in  the  French 
and  Indian  war  in  1754,  and  was  with  General  Braddock  at  his  fatal  wounding  ; 
promoted  in  1758  to  be  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  the  Second  Virginia  Regiment, 
of  which  Col.  William  Byrd,  of  "  Westover  "  (third  of  the  name  and  title),  was 
commander;  elected  to  the  House  of  Burgesses,  May  18,  1761;  appointed, 
July  4,  1763,  by  the  Ohio  Company  its  agent  to  visit  England  in  its  interests  ; 
remained  in  England  six  years  engaged  in  fruitless  solicitation  and  negotiation  ; 
sent  to  Virginia  in  1765  as  "  stamp  Collector  "  for  the  Crown,  but  finding  on  his 
arrival  how  obnoxious  the  measure  was,  declined  to  serve  ;  appointed  Septem 
ber  17,  1767,  through  the  influence  of  Lord  Hillsborough,  Lieutenant- 
Governor  of  North  Carolina,  but  relinquished  the  office  shortly  afterwards, 
according  to  tradition,  upon  the  death  of  his  wife.  He  had  married  August  8, 
1767,  at  Scarboro,  Mary,  the  daughter  of  Christopher  Neville,  Esq.,  of 
Lincoln,  England.  She  died  at  Richmond,  Virginia,  May  30,  1768.  George 
Mercer  returned  to  England  prior  to  the  Revolution,  and  died  there  in  April, 
1784,  leaving  no  issue. 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  103 

for  whom  you  will  please  to  send  a  lieutenancy.  To 
Captain  Stephen  I  have  already  given  a  major's  com 
mission,  finding  one  blank  among  Colonel  Fry's 
papers.  If  merit,  Sir,  will  entitle  a  gentlemen  to 
your  notice,  Mr.  Peyrouny  may  justly  claim  a  share 
of  your  favor.  His  conduct  has  been  governed  by 
the  most  consummate  prudence,  and  all  his  actions 
have  sufficiently  testified  his  readiness  to  serve  his 
country,  which  I  really  believe  he  looks  upon  Vir 
ginia  to  be.  He  was  sensibly  chagrined,  when  I 
acquainted  him  with  your  pleasure,  of  giving  him  an 
ensigncy.  This  he  had  twelve  years  ago,  and  long 
since  commanded  a  company.  He  was  prevailed  on 
by  Colonel  Fry,  when  he  left  Alexandria,  to  accept  the 
former  commission,  and  assist  my  detachment,  as  I  had 
very  few  officers,  till  we  all  met  on  the  Ohio,  which 
commission  he  would  now  have  resigned,  and  returned 
to  Virginia,  but  for  my  great  dissuasion  to  the  con 
trary.  I  have  promised  to  solicit  your  Honor  to 
appoint  him  adjutant,  and  continue  him  ensign, 
which  will  induce  a  very  good  officer  to  remain  in  the 
regiment.  The  office  of  adjutant,  Sir,  is  most  neces 
sary  to  a  regiment,  in  distributing  the  daily  orders, 
receiving  all  reports,  and  seeing  orders  executed. 
In  short,  an  adjutant  is  an  indispensable  officer. 
Should  you  be  pleased  to  indulge  me  in  this  request, 
I  shall  look  upon  it  in  a  very  particular  light,  as  I 
think  the  personal  merit  of  the  gentleman,  his  knowl 
edge  of  military  duty,  and  his  activity  will  render  him 
highly  worthy  of  the  favor.  An  ensign  is  still  want 
ing,  whom  I  hope  you  will  send,  if  you  know  of  any 


io4  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

one  suitable  for  the  office.  A  young  man  in  the  camp, 
who  came  with  Captain  Lewis,  has  solicited,  but  I 
am  yet  ignorant  of  his  character  and  qualities.  He 
is  a  volunteer,  and  recommended  by  Captain  Lewis. 

In  a  letter  by  Mr.  Ward,  you  acquainted  me,  that 
you  had  given  orders  to  Colonel  Fry  to  examine  into 
the  proceedings  of  Captain  Trent,  and  his  lieutenant, 
Frazier,  by  a  court-martial.  I  shall  be  glad  if  you 
will  repeat  your  orders  and  instructions  to  me,  or 
rather  to  Colonel  Innes  ;  for  an  officer  cannot  be 
tried  by  those  of  his  own  regiment  only,  but  has 
a  right  to  be  heard  in  a  general  court-martial.  Cap 
tain  Trent's  behaviour  has  been  very  tardy,  and  has 
convinced  the  world  of  what  they  before  suspected, 
his  great  timidity.  Lieutenant  Frazier,  though  not 
altogether  blameless,  is  much  more  excusable,  for  he 
would  not  accept  of  the  commission,  till  he  had  a  prom 
ise  from  his  captain,  that  he  should  not  reside  at  the  fort, 
nor  visit  it  above  once  aweek,  or  as  he  saw  necessary.1 

Queen  Aliquippa  desired  that  her  son,  who  is 
really  a  great  warrior,  might  be  taken  into  council, 
as  he  was  declining  and  unfit  for  business,  and  that 
he  should  have  an  English  name  given  him.  I 
therefore  called  the  Indians  together  by  the  advice 
of  the  Half-King,  presented  one  of  the  medals,  and 

1  Complaint  was  made  against  Captain  Trent  for  being  absent  from  his  post 
when  the  French  compelled  his  ensign  to  capitulate. 

Mr.  Frazier  had  lived  for  some  time  in  the  Ohio  country  as  an  Indian  trader. 
He  had  a  house  at  the  mouth  of  the  Creek,  ten  miles  up  the  Monongahela 
from  the  Fork  of  the  Ohio  River,  and  near  the  spot  afterwards  rendered  mem 
orable  by  Braddock's  disastrous  rencounter.  Hence  his  stipulation,  when  he 
accepted  the  commission  to  act  as  lieutenant,  not  to  be  obliged  to  reside  at  the 
fort,  then  about  to  be  constructed  at  the  Fork  of  the  River,  nor  to  visit  it  except 
at  stated  times. — Sparks. 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  105 

desired  him  to  wear  it  in  remembrance  of  his  great 
father,  the  King  of  England,  and  called  him  by  the 
name  of  Colonel  Fairfax,  which  he  was  told  signified 
the  first  of  the  council.  This  gave  him  great  pleasure. 
I  was  also  informed,  that  an  English  name  would  please 
the  Half-King,  which  made  me  presume  to  give  him 
that  of  your  Honor,  and  call  him  Dinwiddie ;  inter 
preted  in  their  language,  the  head  of  all.  I  am,  &c. 

P.S.  These  deserters  corroborate  what  the  others 
said  and  we  suspected.  La  Force's  party  were  sent 
out  as  spies,  and  were  to  show  that  summons  if  dis 
covered,  or  overpowered,  by  a  superior  party  of  ours. 
They  say  the  commander  was  blamed  for  sending  so 
small  a  party. 

Since  writing  the  foregoing,  Captain  Mackay,  with 
the  Independent  Company,  has  arrived,  whom  I  take 
to  be  a  very  good  sort  of  a  gentleman.  For  want  of 
proper  instructions  from  your  Honor,  I  am  much  at 
a  loss  to  know  how  to  act,  or  proceed  in  regard  to 
his  company.  I  made  it  my  particular  study  to  re 
ceive  him  (as  it  was  your  desire)  with  all  the  respect 
and  politeness,  that  were  due  to  his  rank,  or  that  I 
was  capable  of  showing  ;  and  I  do  not  doubt  from 
his  appearance  and  behaviour,  that  a  strict  intimacy 
will  ensue,  when  matters  shall  be  put  in  a  clear  light. 
But  at  present,  I  assure  you,  they  will  rather  impede 
the  service,  than  forward  it ;  for,  as  they  have  com 
missions  from  the  King,  they  look  upon  themselves 
as  a  distinct  body,  and  will  not  incorporate  and  do 
duty  with  our  men,  but  keep  separate  guards,  and 
encamp  separately.  I  have  not  offered  to  control 
Captain  Mackay  in  any  thing,  nor  showed  that  I 


106  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

claimed  a  superior  command,  except  in  giving  the 
parole  and  countersign,  which  must  be  the  same  in 
an  army  consisting  of  different  nations,  to  distinguish 
friends  from  foes.  He  knows  the  necessity  of  this, 
yet  does  not  think  he  is  to  receive  it  from  me.  Then 
who  is  to  give  it  ?  Am  I  to  issue  these  orders  to  a 
company  ?  Or  is  an  independent  captain  to  prescribe 
rules  to  the  Virginia  regiment  ?  This  is  the  question. 
But  its  absurdity  is  obvious. 

It  now  behooves  you,  Sir,  to  lay  your  absolute 
commands  on  one  or  the  other  to  obey.  This  is  in 
dispensably  necessary,  for  nothing  clashes  more  with 
reason,  than  to  conceive  our  small  bodies  can  act  dis 
tinctly,  without  having  connexion  with  one  another, 
and  yet  be  serviceable  to  the  public.  I  do  not  doubt 
that  Captain  Mackay  is  an  officer  of  sense,  and  I  dare 
say  will  do  the  best  for  the  service  ;  but,  Sir,  two 
commanders  are  so  incompatible,  that  we  cannot  be 
as  useful  to  one  another,  or  the  public,  as  we  ought ; 
and  I  am  sincerely  sorry,  that  he  has  arrived  before 
your  instructions  by  Colonel  Innes,  who  I  doubt  not 
will  be  fully  authorized  how  to  act.  But  as  we  have 
no  news  of  Colonel  Innes,  I  have,  in  the  mean  time, 
desired  Major  Carlyle  to  send  this  by  an  immediate 
express  to  you,  who,  I  hope,  will  satisfy  these  doubts. 
1  Captain  Mackay  and  I  have  lived  in  the  most  perfect 
harmony  since  his  arrival,  and  have  reasoned  on  this 

1  It  is  very  probable  that  the  rest  of  the  letter  was  written  at  a  later  date  than 
the  1 2th,  as  Washington  could  hardly  have  written  thus  of  an  experience  of 
Captain  Mackay  of  a  few  hours,  or  even  of  a  day.  One  sentence,  "  we  shall 
part  to  morrow,"  would  show  that  it  was  written  on  the  I5th,  as  on  the  i6th 
Washington  continued  his  march  to  Red  Stone. 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  107 


calmly  ;  and,  I  believe,  if  we  should  have  occasion  to 
exert  our  whole  force,  we  shall  do  as  well  as  divided 
authority  can  do.  We  have  not  had  the  least  warmth 
of  dispute.  He  thinks  you  have  not  a  power  to  give 
commissions,  that  will  command  him.  If  so,  I  can 
very  confidently  say,  that  his  absence  would  tend  to 
the  public  advantage.  I  have  been  particularly  careful 
of  discovering  no  foolish  desire  of  commanding  him, 
neither  have  I  intermeddled  with  his  company  in  the 
least,  or  given  any  directions  concerning  it,  except 
on  these  general — the  word,  countersign,  and  place  to 
repair  to  in  case  of  an  alarm,  none  of  which  he  thinks 
he  should  receive.  I  have  testified  to  him  in  the 
most  serious  manner  the  pleasure  I  should  take  in 
consulting  and  advising  with  him  upon  all  occasions, 
and  I  am  very  sensible,  with  him  we  shall  never  dif 
fer  when  your  Honour  decides  this,  which  I  am  con 
vinced  your  own  just  discernment  and  consideration 
will  make  appear,  the  impossibility  of  a  medium.  The 
nature  of  the  thing  will  not  allow  of  it.1 

It  must  be  known  who  is  to  command  before 
orders  will  be  observed,  and  I  am  very  confident 
your  Honour  will  see  the  absurdity  and  Consider  the 
effects  of  Capt.  Mackay's  having  the  direction  of  the 

"  As  I  am  afraid  of  disputes  from  the  officers  of  the  Independent  Companies, 
to  prevent  that  I  have  ordered  Col.  Innes  to  command  in  chief,  and  you  are  to 
be  second  in  command  ;  have  sent  a  briveate  commission  of  Lieut. -Col.  to 
Capt.  Clarke  to  be  third  in  command,  and  the  same  to  Captain  Mackay  to  be 
fourth  in  command  on  this  expedition,  and  have  desired  Col.  Innes  to  allow 
their  Lieutenants  to  rank  with  our  Captains.  This  is  only  feathers  in  their 
caps  to  prevent  any  ill  blood  in  regard  to  rank." — Dinividdie  to  Washington, 
June  25,  1754.  Capt.  Clarke  was  in  command  of  the  New  York  Independent 
Companies. 


io8  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 


regiment,  for  it  would  certainly  be  the  hardest  thing 
in  life  if  we  are  to  do  double  and  trible  duty,  and 
neither  be  entitled  to  the  pay  or  rank  of  soldiers. 
That  the  first  column  of  the  Virginia  regiment  has 
done  more  for  the  interest  of  the  expedition  than  any 
other  company  or  corps  that  will  hereafter  arrive, 
will  be  obvious  to  them  all.  This,  Hon'ble  Sir, 
Capt.  Mackay  did  not  hesitate  one  moment  to  allow 
since  he  has  seen  ye  work  we  have  done  upon  the 
roads  &c.  We  shall  part  to-morrow.  I  shall  con 
tinue  my  march  to  Red  Stone,  while  the  company 
remains  here  ;  but  this,  Sir,  I  found  absolutely  neces 
sary  for  the  publick  interest.  Capt.  Mackay  says, 
that  it  is  not  in  his  power  to  oblige  his  men  to  work 
upon  the  road,  unless  he  will  engage  them  a  shilling 
sterling  a  day,  which  I  would  not  choose  to  do  ;  and 
to  suffer  them  to  march  at  their  ease,  whilst  our  faith 
ful  soldiers  are  laboriously  employed,  carry's  an  air 
of  such  distinction  that  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  if 
the  poor  fellows  were  to  declare  the  hardship  of  it. 
He  also  declares  to  me  that  this  is  not  particular  to 
his  company  only,  but  that  no  soldiers  subject  to 
martial  law  can  be  obliged  to  do  it  for  less.  I,  there 
fore,  shall  continue  to  endeavour  to  compleat  the 
work  we  have  begun  with  my  poor  fellows ;  we  shall 
have  the  whole  credit,  as  none  others  have  assisted. 
I  hope  from  what  has  been  said,  your  honour  will  see 
the  necessity  of  giving  your  speedy  orders  on  this 
head,  and  I  am  sensible  you  will  consider  the  evil 
tendency  that  will  accompany  Captn.  Mackay's  com 
ing,  for  I  am  sorry  to  observe  this  is  what  we  always 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  109 

hoped  to  enjoy — the  rank  of  officers,  which  to  me, 
Sir,  is  much  clearer  than  the  pay. 

Captn.  Mackay  brought  none  of  the  cannon,  very 
little  ammunition,  about  5  days  allowance  of  flower, 
and  60  beeves.  Since  I  have  spun  a  letter  to  this 
enormous  size,  I  must  go  a  little  further  and  beg 
your  Honour's  patience  to  peruse  it.  I  am  much 
grieved  to  find  our  stores  so  slow  advancing.  God 
knows  when  we  shall  [be]  able  to  do  any  thing  for  to 
deserve  better  of  our  country. 

The  Contents  of  this  letter  is  a  profound  secret. 

The  1 2th.  Two  of  the  Men,  whom  we  had  sent  out 
Yesterday  upon  the  Scout  returned ;  they  discovered  a 
small  Party  of  French  ;  the  others  went  on  as  far  as 
Stuart's.  Upon  this  Advice,  I  thought  it  necessary  to 
March  with  the  greater  Part  of  the  Regiment,  to  find  those 
Ninety  Men,  of  whom  we  had  Intelligence.  Accordingly 
I  gave  orders  to  Colonel  Muse  to  put  away  all  our  Baggage 
and  Ammunition,  and  to  place  them  in  the  Fort,  and  set  a 
good  Guard  there  till  my  Return  ;  after  which  I  marched 
at  the  Head  of  One  Hundred  and  Thirty  Men,  and  about 
Thirty  Indians  ;  but  at  the  Distance  of  half  a  Mile,  I  met 
the  other  Indians,  who  told  me,  there  were  only  nine  De 
serters  ;  whereupon  I  sent  Mr.  Montour,  with  some  few 
Indians,  in  Order  to  bring  them  safe  to  me  ;  I  caused  them 
to  be  drest,  and  they  confirmed  us  in  our  Opinion,  of  the 
Intention  of  M.  de  Jumonville's  Party  ;  that  more  than 
One  Hundred  Soldiers  were  only  waiting  for  a  favorable 
Opportunity  to  come  and  join  us  ;  that  M.  de  Contrecceur, 
expected  a  Reinforcement  of  Four  Hundred  Men  ;  that 
these  reinforcements  should  have  arrived  some  time  before 
la  Force  had  been  defeated  ;  that  the  Fort  was  compleated ; 
that  its  Front  and  Gates  were  covered  by  the  artillery ;  that 


no  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

there  was  a  double  Pallisadoe  next  to  the  Water;  that  they 
have  only  eight  small  Pieces  of  Cannon,  and  know  what 
Number  of  Men  we  are. 

They  also  informed  us,  that  the  Delaware  and  Skazvanese 
had  taken  up  the  Hatchet  against  us ;  whereupon,  I  re 
solved  to  invite  those  two  Nations  to  come  to  a  Council  at 
Mr.  Gisfs.  Sent  for  that  Purpose  Messengers  and  Wampum. 

The  1 3th.  I  Persuaded  the  Deserters  to  write  the  follow 
ing  Letter,  to  those  of  their  Companions  who  had  an  in 
clination  to  desert.1 

The  1 5th.     Set  about  clearing  the  Roads. 

The  1 6th.  Set  out  for  Red-Stone-Creek,  and  were  ex 
tremely  embarrassed,  our  Waggons  breaking  very  often. 

I /th.  Dispatched  an  Express  to  the  Half-King,  to  per- 
swade  him  to  send  a  Message  to  the  Loups  ;  which  he  did 
as  I  intended. 

1 8th.  Eight  Mingoes  arrived  from  Loiston,  who  at  their 
Arrival  told  me  of  a  Commission  they  had,  and  that  a 
Council  must  be  held.  When  we  assembled,  they  told  us 
in  brief,  that  they  had  often  desired  to  see  their  Brethren 
out  in  the  Field  with  Forces,  and  begged  us  not  to  take  it 
amiss,  that  they  were  amongst  the  French,  and  that  they 
complied  with  some  of  their  Customs  ;  notwithstanding 
which  they  were  naturally  inclined  to  fall  upon  them,  and 
other  Words  to  the  same  Purport  :  After  which  they  said, 
they  had  brought  a  Speech  with  them,  and  desired  to  de 
liver  it  with  Speed.  These,  and  other  Discourses  to  the 
same  Purpose,  made  us  suspect  that  their  Intentions  tow 
ards  us  were  not  good  ;  wherefore  I  delayed  giving  them 
Audience  until  the  Arrival  of  the  Half-King,  and  desired 
the  Delawares  to  have  Patience  till  then,  as  I  only  waited 
their  Arrival  to  hold  a  Council,  which  I  expected  would  be 
that  very  Day.  After  the  eight  Mingoes  had  conferred  a 
while  together,  they  sent  me  some  Strings  of  Wampum, 


1  It  is  not  in  the  Journal. 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  in 

desiring  me  to  excuse  their  insisting  on  the  Delivery  of 
their  Speech  so  speedily,  that  they  now  perceived  it  neces 
sary  to  wait  the  Arrival  of  the  Half -King. 

When  the  Half-King  arrived,  I  consented  to  give  them 
Audience. 

A  Council  was  held  in  the  Camp  for  that  Purpose,  the 
Half-King  and  several  of  the  Six  Nations,  Loups  Shawanese, 
to  the  Number  of  Forty,  were  present. 

The  Speaker  of  the  Six  Nations  addressed  the  following 
Speech  to  the  Governor  of  Virginia. 

BRETHREN  : 

We  your  Brothers  of  the  Six-Nations  are  now  come  to  acquaint 
you,  that  we  have  heard  you  threaten  to  destroy  entirely  all  your 
Brethren  the  Indians  who  should  not  join  you  on  the  Road  ; 
wherefore  we  who  keep  in  our  own  Towns,  expect  every  Day  to 
be  cut  in  Pieces  by  you.  We  wish  to  know  from  your  Mouth,  if 
there  be  any  Truth  in  that  report,  and  that  you  would  not  look 
upon  it  as  remarkable,  that  we  are  come  to  enquire  into  it,  since 
you  very  well  know  that  bad  News  commonly  makes  a  deeper 
Impression  upon  us  than  good.  That  we  may  be  fully  satisfied 
by  your  Answers  of  the  Truth  thereof  ;  we  give  you  this  Belt  of 
Wampum. 

We  know  the  French  will  ask  us  at  our  Return,  of  what  Num 
ber  our  Brethren  are,  whom  we  went  to  see  ?  Therefore  we  de 
sire  you,  by  this  Belt,  to  let  us  know  it,  as  also  the  Number  of 
those  whom  you  expect,  and  at  what  Time  you  expect  them,  and 
when  you  reckon  to  attack  the  French,  that  we  rriay  give  Notice 
thereof  to  our  Town,  and  know  also,  what  we  are  to  tell  the 

French. 

ANSWER. 
BRETHREN  : 

We  are  very  glad  to  see  you  ;  and  sorry  that  you  are  disqui 
eted  by  such  Reports  that  :  The  English  intend  to  injure  you,  or 
any  of  your  Allies  ;  this  report,  we  know,  must  have  been  forged 
by  the  French,  always  treacherous,  and  asserting  the  greatest 
Falsehoods  whenever  they  think  they  will  turn  out  to  their  Ad 
vantage  ;  they  speak  well,  promise  fine  Things,  but  all  from  the 


ii2  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

Lips  only  ;  whilst  their  Heart  is  corrupted  and  full  of  venomous 
Poison.  You  have  been  their  Children,  and  they  would  have 
done  every  Thing  for  you  but  they  no  sooner  thought  themselves 
strong  enough,  than  they  returned  to  their  natural  Pride,  and  run 
you  off  from  your  Lands,  declaring  you  had  no  Right  on  the 
Ohio.  The  English  your  real  Friends,  are  too  generous,  to  think 
of  ever  using  the  Six  Nations,  their  faithful  Allies,  in  like  Man 
ner  ;  when  you  made  your  Address  to  the  Governors  of  Virginia 
and  Pennsylvania,  they  (at  your  repeated  Request)  sent  an  Army 
to  Maintain  your  Rights  ;  to  put  you  again  in  the  Possession  of 
your  Lands,  and  to  protect  your  Wives  and  Children,  to  dispos 
sess  the  French,  to  maintain  your  rights,  and  to  assure  that  Coun 
try  to  you  ;  for  those  very  ends  are  the  English  Arms  actually 
employed  ;  it  is  for  the  Safety  of  your  Wives  and  your  Children, 
that  we  fight,  and  as  this  is  the  only  Motive  of  our  Conduct,  we 
cannot  reasonably  doubt  of  being  joined  by  the  remaining  Part 
of  your  Forces,  to  oppose  the  common  Enemy.  Those  who  will 
not  join  us  for  this  purpose,  shall  be  answrerable  for  the  Conse 
quence  ;  we  only  desire  your  Brethren  to  chuse  that  side  which 
seems  most  acceptable  to  them. 

The  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations  are  those  who  are  most  inter 
ested  in  this  War  ;  for  them  it  is  that  we  fight  ;  and  I  should  be 
in  despair  were  the  least  Hurt  to  come  to  them  ;  we  have  engaged 
in  this  War  to  assist  and  protect  you  ;  our  Arms  are  open  to 
receive  you,  and  our  Hands  ready  to  nourish  your  Families 
during  the  War.  The  Governor  of  Virgina  has  often  desired 
they  might  be  sent  to  him,  that  he  might  see  them  in  Person, 
nourish  and  cloath  them  according  to  their  own  Desire  ;  but  as 
you  could  not  determine  to  send  them  to  him,  we  are  ready  to 
share  in  a  friendly  Manner,  all  our  Provisions  with  you,  and  to 
take  such  Measures,  and  give  such  Orders,  that  enough  shall  be 
brought  to  maintain  your  Wives  and  Children.  Such  Conduct 
will  evidently  prove  how  much  more  the  English  love  and  esteem 
their  Allies  the  Six  Nations,  than  the  French  do  ;  as  we  have 
drawn  the  Sword  in  your  Cause,  and  in  your  Defence,  hesitate  no 
longer,  delay  not  one  Moment,  but  put  your  Wives  and  Children 
under  our  Protection  ;  and  they  shall  find  Plenty  of  Provisions  ; 
in  the  meanwhile  set  your  young  Men  and  your  Warriors  to 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  113 

sharpen  their  Hatchets,  to  join  and  unite  with  us  vigorously  in 
our  Battles.  The  Present,  my  Brethren,  which  I  offer  you  is  not 
so  considerable  as  I  could  wish,  but  I  expect  in  a  short  Time  a 
Quantity  of  Goods,  which  are  to  be  at  my  Disposal,  to  reward 
those  who  shall  have  shewn  themselves  brave  and  active  on  this 
Occasion  ;  in  short,  I  shall  recompense  them  most  generously. 

Be  of  good  Courage,  my  Brethren,  deliver  your  Country,  and 
assure  it  to  your  Children  ;  let  me  know  the  Thoughts  of  your 
Hearts  on  this  Affair,  that  I  may  give  an  Account  of  your  Senti 
ments  to  your  great  Friend  and  Brother  the  Governor  of  Virginia. 
To  assure  you  of  my  Sincerity  and  Esteem,  I  present  you  this 
Belt. 

The  2Oth,  The  Council  still  continued. 

When  the  Delaivares  knew  that  they  were  suspected  of 
being  in  the  French  Interest,  they  demanded  the  Reason 
why  they  had  been  sent  for,  and  what  they  should  tell  the 
French  at  their  Return. 

I  answered  them,  it  was  to  let  them  understand,  that  we 
were  to  come  at  their  reiterated  requests  to  assist  them  with 
Sword  in  Hand  ;  that  we  intended  to  put  them  in  the  Pos 
session  of  those  Lands  which  the  French  had  taken  from 
them. 

And  as  they  had  often  demanded  our  Assistance,  as  our 
ancient  and  faithful  Allies,  I  invited  them  to  come  and 
place  themselves  under  our  Protection,  together  with  their 
Women  and  Children. 

Whereupon  the  Indian  Speaker  stretched  out  his  Blanket 
on  the  Floor  and  laid  several  Belts  and  Strings  of  Wampum 
thereon,  in  the  same  order  he  had  received  them  from  the 
French.  This  done,  he  repeated  the  Speeches  of  M.  de 
Contrecoeur  ;  after  which  the  Delaware  Speaker  directed  to 
me  the  following  Speech. 

"  Brethren,  the  Governor  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania;  We 
your  Brethren  the  Delaware*,  remember  perfectly  well  the  Treaty 
of  Loiston,1  where  you  and  your  Uncles  the  Six  Nations,  con- 

1  Probably  Logstown. 


n4  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [i754 

sidering  the  bad  Situation  we  were  in,  for  Want  of  a  Man  to  be 
our  Leader,  you  then  gave  us  a  King.,  and  told  us,  he  should 
transact  all  our  public  Affairs  between  you  and  us  ;  you  gave  us 
a  charge,  not  to  listen  to  every  vain  Report  that  might  be  spread, 
but  to  consult  ourselves,  and  to  do,  what  would  seem  to  us,  to  be 
right :  We  assure  you  that  we  have  given  no  Credit  to  any  of 
those  Reports  nor  ever  shall  ;  but  will  be  guided  by  you  our 
Brethren,  and  by  our  Uncles  the  Six  Nations,  and  will  do  on  all 
Occasions,  what  is  just  and  right,  taking  Advice  from  you  alone  ; 
To  assure  you  of  the  Desire  we  have  to  fulfil  our  Engagements 
with  you,  we  present  you  this  Belt." 

After  which  they  made  the  following  Discourse  to  the  Six 
Nations. 

"  Uncles,  Thirteen  Days  are  now  past  since  we  have  received 
this  Belt  from  the  Onondago  Council ;  I  do  not  doubt  your  knowl 
edge  of  it  ;  They  exhorted  us  to  remember  old  Times,  when  they 
cloathed  us  with  a  Robe  reaching  down  to  our  Heels  ;  afterwards 
told  us,  to  raise  it  up  to  our  Knees,  and  there  to  make  it  very  fast, 
and  come  to  them  at  the  Head  of  Susquehannah,  where  they  had 
provided  a  Place  for  us  to  live  ;  that  they  had  also  sent  a  Speech 
to  those  of  our  Nation  who  live  near  the  Minnesinks,  inviting 
them  to  go  to  the  Place  by  them  appointed,  that  they  might  live 
with  us  ;  They  also  sent  us  a  Speech,  to  give  us  Notice  that  the 
English  and  French  were  upon  the  point  of  coming  to  an  En 
gagement  on  the  River  Ohio,  and  exhorted  us  to  do  nothing  in 
that  Juncture,  but  what  was  reasonable  ;  and  what  they  would 
tell  us  themselves  ;  lastly,  they  recommended  to  us,  to  keep  fast 
Hold  of  the  Chain  of  Friendship  which  has  so  long  subsisted  be 
tween  us  and  them,  and  our  Brethren  the  English. 

A  Belt. 

Then  the  Delawares  spoke  to  the  Shawanesc  as  follows  :— 

"  Grand-Sons,  by  this  Belt,  we  take  you  between  our  Arms, 
and  fetch  you  away  from  the  Ohio,  where  you  now  are,  to  carry 
you  amongst  us,  that  you  may  live  where  we  live,  and  there  live 
in  Peace  and  Quiet. 

The  Council  after  this  was  adjourned  to  the  next  Morning. 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  115 

The  2 1  st.  We  assembled  very  early,  and  I  spoke  first  to 
the  Delawares  in  the  following  Manner. 

"  Brethren,  By  your  open  and  generous,  Conduct  on  this  Occa 
sion,  You  have  made  yourselves  dearer  to  us  than  ever  ;  we  re 
turn  You  our  Thanks,  that  you  did  not  go  to  Venango,  when  the 
French  first  invited  You  there  ;  their  treating  You  in  such  a 
childish  Manner,  as  we  perceive  they  do,  raises  in  us  a  just  and 
strong  Resentment.  They  call  You  their  Children,  and  speak  to 
You,  as  if  You  in  reality  were  Children,  and  had  no  more  Under 
standing  than  such.  Weigh  well,  my  Brethren,  and  compare  all 
their  Discourse,  and  You  will  find  that  all  it  tends  to,  is  to  tell 
You,  I  am  going  to  open  your  Eyes,  to  unstop  your  Ears,  and 
such  words,  to  no  Purpose,  and  only  proper  to  amuse  Children. 
You  also  observe  Brethren,  that  if  they  deliver  a  Speech,  or  make 
a  Promise,  and  confirm  it  by  a  Belt,  they  imagine  it  binds  them 
no  longer  than  they  think  it  consistent  with  their  Interest  to  stand 
to  it.  They  have  given  one  Example  of  it  ;  and  I  will  make  You 
observe  it,  in  the  Jump  which  they  say  they  have  made  over  the 
Boundaries,  which  you  had  set  them  ;  which  ought  to  stir  You 
up  my  Brethren,  to  just  Anger,  and  lead  you  to  embrace  the 
favourable  Opportunity  that  We  offer  You,  as  we  are  come  at  Your 
Request,  to  assist  You,  and  by  Means  of  which,  You  may  make 
them  Jump  back  again,  with  more  Speed  than  they  advanced. 

A  String  of    Wampum. 

The  French  are  continually  telling  You,  not  to  give  Heed  to  the 
ill  Reports  that  are  told  you  concerning  them  who  are  your 
Fathers.  If  they  did  not  know  in  their  very  Souls,  how  richly 
they  deserve  it  on  your  Account,  why  should  they  suspect  of  be 
ing  accused  ?  Why  should  they  forewarn  You  of  it,  to  hinder 
You  from  believing,  what  is  told  you  concerning  them  ?  As  to 
what  they  say  of  us,  our  Conduct  alone  will  answer  in  our  Behalf  : 
Examine  the  Truth  yourselves  ;  You  know  the  Roads  leading  to 
our  Habitations,  You  have  lived  amongst  us,  You  can  speak  our 
Language  ;  but  in  order  to  justify  ourselves  from  whatever  might 
be  said  against  us,  and  assure  You  of  our  brotherly  Love  ;  we 
once  more  invite  your  old  Men,  your  Wives  and  your  Children, 
to  take  Sanctuary  under  our  Protection,  and  between  our  Arms, 


n6  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

to  be  plentifully  fed,  whilst  your  Warriors  and  young  Men  join 
with  ours,  and  espouse  together  the  common  Cause. 

A  String  of  Wampum. 

Brethren,  we  thank  You  with  all  our  Hearts,  for  having  de 
clared  unto  us,  your  Resolution  of  accomplishing  the  Engage 
ments  which  You  had  entered  into,  at  the  Treaty  of  Loiston,  and 
we  can  do  no  otherwise  than  praise  your  generous  Conduct  with 
Regard  to  your  Grand  Sons  the  Shawanese  j  it  gives  us  infinite 
Pleasure. 

We  are  greatly  obliged  to  the  Council  given  You  by  Onondago, 
charging  You  to  hold  fast  the  Chain  of  Friendship  by  which  we 
are  bound  ;  I  dare  say,  that  had  he  known,  how  nearly  You  are 
interested  in  this  War,  or  that  it  is  for  the  Love  of  You,  and  at 
your  Request,  we  have  taken  up  Arms,  he  would  have  ordered 
you  to  declare  and  to  act  immediately  against  the  Common 
Enemy  of  the  Six  Nations.  In  order  to  assure  you  of  my  Affec 
tion,  and  to  confirm  the  Truth  of  what  I  have  said,  I  present  you 
these  Two  great  Strings. 

After  this,  the  Council  broke  up,  and  those  treacherous 
Devils,  who  had  been  sent  by  the  French  as  Spies,  returned 
though  not  without  some  Tale  ready  prepared  to  amuse  the 
French,  which  may  be  of  Service  to  make  our  own  Designs 
succeed. 

As  they  had  told  me  there  were  Sixteen  Hundred  French, 
and  Seven  Hundred  Indians  on  their  March,  to  reinforce 
those  at  the  Garrison,  I  persuaded  the  Half-King  to  send 
three  of  his  Men  to  inquire  into  the  Truth  of  it,  though  I 
imagined  this  News  to  be  only  Soldiers'  Discourse ;  these 
Indians  were  accordingly  sent  in  a  secret  Manner,  before  the 
Council  broke  up,  and  had  Orders  to  go  to  the  Fort,  and  in 
form  themselves  carefully  from  all  the  Indians  they  should 
meet,  and  if  there  was  any  News  worthy  of  the  trouble,  one 
of  them  should  return,  and  the  other  two  continue  their 
Rout  as  far  as  Venango  and  about  the  Lake,  in  order  to 
obtain  a  perfect  Knowledge  of  every  Thing. 

I    also    perswaded    King  Shingiss  to   send   out   Rangers 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  117 


towards  the  River,  to  bring  us  News,  in  case  any  French 
should  come ;  I  gave  him  also  a  Letter,  which  he  was  to 
send  me  back  again  by  an  Express,  to  prevent  my  being 
imposed  upon  by  a  false  Alarm. 

Though  King  Shingiss,  and  others  of  the  Delawares,  could 
not  be  persuaded  to  retire  to  our  Camp,  with  their  Families, 
through  the  Fear  they  were  in  of  Onondago's  Council,  they 
nevertheless  gave  us  strong  Assurances  of  their  Assistance, 
and  directed  us  in  what  Manner  to  act,  in  order  to  obtain 
our  Desire ;  the  Method  was  this  ;  we  were  to  prepare  a 
great  War-Belt,  to  invite  all  those  Warriors  who  would 
receive  it,  to  act  independently  of  their  King  and  Council ; 
and  King  Shingiss  promised  to  take  privately  the  most  sub 
tile  Methods  to  make  the  Affair  success,  though  he  did  not 
dare  to  do  it  openly. 

The  very  Day  the  Council  broke  up,  I  perswaded  Kaque- 
huston,  a  trusty  Delaware,  to  carry  that  Letter  to  the  Fort 
which  the  French  Deserters  had  written  to  their  Comrades, 
and  gave  him  Instructions  how  he  should  behave  in  his 
Observations,  upon  several  Articles  of  which  I  had  spoken 
to  him ;  for  I  am  certain  the  Fort  may  be  surprized,  as  the 
French  are  encamped  outside,  and  cannot  keep  a  strict 
Guard,  by  Reason  of  the  Works  they  are  about. 

I  also  perswaded  George  another  trusty  Delaware,  to  go 
and  take  a  View  of  the  Fort,  a  little  after  Kaqnehuston,  and 
gave  him  proper  Instructions,  recommending  him  particu 
larly  to  return  with  Speed,  that  we  might  have  fresh  News. 

Immediately  after  the  Council  was  over,  nothwithstand- 
ing  all  that  Mr.  Mont  our  could  do  to  disswade  them,  the 
Delawares,  as  also  the  Half-King,  and  all  the  other  Indians, 
returned  to  the  Great  Meadows  ;  but  though  we  had  lost 
them,  I  still  had  Spies  of  our  own  People,  to  prevent  being 
surprised. 

As  I  was  told,  that  a  Belt  of  Wampum  and  a  Speech 
might  bring  us  back  both  the  Half-King  and  his  young 
Men  :  I  sent  the  following  Speech  by  Mr.  Croghan  :— 


n8  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [i754 

'Tis  but  lately  since  we  were  assembled  together  ;  we  were 
sent  here  by  your  Brother  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  at  your  own 
Request  in  Order  to  succour  you,  and  fight  for  your  Cause  ; 
wherefore  my  Brethren,  I  must  require  that  you  and  your  young 
Men  come  to  join  and  encamp  with  us,  that  we  may  be  ready  to 
receive  our  Brother  Monacatoocha,  whom  I  daily  expect  ;  That 
this  Request  may  have  its  desired  Effect,  and  make  a  suitable 
Impression  upon  your  Minds  I  present  you  with  this  String  of 
Wampum. 

As  those  Indians,  who  were  Spies  sent  by  the  French, 
were  very  inquisitive,  and  asked  us  many  Questions,  to 
know  by  what  Way  we  proposed  to  go  to  the  Fort,  and 
what  Time  we  expected  to  arrive  there :  I  left  off  working 
any  further  at  the  Road,  and  told  them  as  we  intended  to 
keep  on  across  the  Woods  as  far  as  the  Fort,  falling  the 
Trees,  &c.  that  we  were  waiting  here  for  the  Reinforcement 
which  was  coming  to  us,  our  Artillery,  and  our  Waggons  to 
accompany  us  there  ;  but,  as  soon  as  they  were  gone,  I  set 
about  marking  out  and  clearing  a  Road  towards  Red  Stone. 

The  25th.  Towards  Night  came  three  Men  from  the 
Great  Meadows,  amongst  whom  was  the  Son  of  Queen 
Aliquippa.  He  brought  me  a  Letter  from  Mr.  Croghan,  in 
forming  me  what  Pains  he  was  at  to  perswade  any  Indians 
to  come  to  us;  that  in  truth  the  Half-King  was  inclined  and 
was  preparing  to  join  us,  but  had  received  a  Blow  which 
was  a  Hindrance  to  it.  I  thought  it  proper  to  send  Captain 
Montour  to  Fort  Necessity,  in  order  to  try  if  he  could  pos 
sibly,  gain  the  Indians  to  come  to  us. 

The  26th.  Arrived  an  Indian,  bringing  News  that  Mona 
catoocha  had  burnt  his  village,  (Loiston)  and  was  gone  by 
Water  with  his  People  to  Red-Stone,  and  might  be  expected 
there  in  two  Days.  This  Indian  passed  close  by  the  Fort, 
and  assures  us,  that  the  French  had  received  no  reinforce 
ment,  except  a  small  number  of  Indians,  who  had  killed,  as 
he  said,  two  or  three  of  the  Delawares.  I  did  not  fail  to 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  119 


relate  that  Piece  of  News  to  the  Indians  in  its  proper  Col 
ours,  and  particularly  to  two  of  the  Delawares  who  are  here. 
The  27th.  Detached  Captain  Lewis,  Lieutenant  Wag- 
gener,  and  Ensign  Mercer,  two  Serjeants,  two  Corporals, 
one  Drummer,  and  Sixty  Men,  to  Endeavour  to  clear  a 
Road,  to  the  Mouth  of  Red-Stone-Creek  on  Monaungahela. 


The  Journal,  as  printed  in  the  Precis  des  Faits  ends  abruptly  with  the  entry 
made  on  the  27th.  On  the  28th  Mackay  with  the  company  from  South  Caro 
lina  joined  Washington,  but  hearing  that  the  garrison  at  Duquesne  had  been 
reinforced,  a  council  of  war  determined  upon  a  retreat — a  measure  of  no 
little  difficulty  through  the  want  of  horses  to  carry  the  guns,  provisions,  and 
camp  stores.  The  entire  labor  involved  fell  upon  the  Virginia  troops,  those  of 
South  Carolina  holding  aloof  and  refusing  to  assist.  On  July  ist  the  Great 
Meadows  were  reached  and  here  a  halt  was  called  to  allow  the  weary  troops  to 
rest  and  to  allow  reinforcements  to  come  up,  for  the  New  York  companies  after 
"  unaccountable  delay  "  were  reported  to  be  at  Alexandria  and  about  to  march 
for  the  Ohio. 

Meantime  the  garrison  at  Duquesne  had  received  additions,  and  Coulon  de 
Villiers,  a  brother  of  Jumonville,  had  arrived  from  Montreal  with  a  large  force 
of  Indians.  It  was  at  once  determined  to  "  avenge  the  murder  of  Jumonville  " 
and  attack  the  English  whether  found  on  soil  claimed  by  the  French  or  on 
territory  that  was  English  beyond  any  doubt.  The  party  under  the  command 
of  Villiers  reached  Red  Stone  Creek  on  June  3Oth,  and  on  July  2d  the  camp  at 
Gist's  so  recently  abandoned  by  Washington.  From  the  Indian  scouts  the 
position  of  the  English  was  soon  determined,  and  on  the  next  day  the  two 
forces  met.  Washington  had  made  a  small  trench  for  protection,  but  it  proved 
of  little  service  as  his  men  were  exposed  to  a  cross-fire  from  the  French  and 
Indians.  What  followed  is  best  told  in  the  language  of  Govr.  Dinwiddie  : 
"  Immediately  they  [the  French]  appeared  in  sight  of  our  camp,  and  fired  at 
our  people  at  a  great  distance,  which  did  no  harm.  Our  small  forces  were 
drawn  up  in  good  order  to  receive  them  before  their  entrenchments,  but  did  not 
return  their  first  fire,  reserving  it  till  they  came  nigher.  The  enemy  advanced 
irregularly  within  60  yards  of  our  forces,  and  then  made  a  second  discharge, 
and  observing  they  did  not  intend  to  attack  them  in  open  field,  they  retired 
within  their  trenches,  and  reserved  their  fire,  thinking  from  their  numbers  they 
would  force  their  trenches,  but  finding  they  made  no  attempt  of  this  kind,  the 
Colonel  gave  orders  to  our  people  to  fire  on  the  enemy,  which  they  did  with 
great  briskness,  and  the  officers  declare  this  engagement  continued  from  n 
o'clock  till  8  o'clock  at  night,  they  being  without  shelter,  rainy  weather,  and 
their  trenches  to  the  knee  in  water,  whereas  the  French  were  sheltered  all  round 
our  camp  by  trees  ;  from  thence  they  galled  our  people  all  the  time  as  above. 
About  8  o'clock  at  night  the  French  called  out  to  parley  ;  our  people  mistrust- 


120  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [i754 


ing  their  sincerity,  from  their  numbers  and  other  advantages,  refused  it.  At 
last  they  desired  [us]  to  send  an  officer  that  could  speak  French,  and  they  gave 
their  parole  for  his  safe  return  to  them,  on  which  the  Commander  sent  two 
officers  to  whom  they  gave  their  proposals.  .  .  .  From  our  few  numbers 
and  our  bad  situation,  they  were  glad  to  accept  of  them  ;  otherways  were  deter 
mined  to  lose  their  lives  rather  than  be  taken  prisoners.  The  next  morning  a 
party  from  the  French  came  and  took  possession  of  our  encampment,  and  our 
people  marched  off  with  colors  flying  and  beat  of  drum  ;  but  there  appeared  a 
fresh  party  of  100  Indians  to  join  the  French,  who  galled  our  people  much,  and 
with  difficulty  were  restrained  from  attacking  them  ;  however,  they  pilfered  our 
people's  baggage,  and  at  the  beginning  of  the  engagement  the  French  killed  all 
the  horses,  cattle  and  live  creatures  they  saw,  so  that  our  forces  were  obliged  to 
carry  off  the  wounded  men  on  their  backs  to  some  distance  from  the  place  of 
the  engagement,  where  they  left  them  \vith  a  guard  ;  the  scarcity  of  provisions 
made  them  make  quick  marches  to  get  among  the  inhabitants  which  was  about 
60  miles  of  bad  road." — To  the  Lords  of  Trade,  July  24,  1754. 

When  the  French  proposed  the  parley  there  were  but  two  men  in  the  English 
camp  acquainted  with  the  language — Peyroney,  who  was  badly  wounded,  and 
Vanbraam,  who  was  sent  to  complete  the  capitulation.  It  is  certain  that  Van- 
braam  blundered  seriously  in  his  interpretation  of  the  articles,  and  probably 
through  ignorance.  The  following  are  the  articles  as  signed  : 

"  Comme  notre  intention  n'a  jamais  ete  de  troubler  la  paix  et  la  bonne  har- 
monie  qui  regnoit  entre  les  deux  Princes  amis,  mais  seulement  de  venger 
Fassassin  qui  a  ete  fait  sur  un  de  nos  officiers,  porteur  d'une  sommation,  et  sur 
son  escdrte,  comme  aussi  d'empecher  aucun  etablissement  sur  les  terres  du  Roi 
mon  Maitre. 

"  A  ces  considerations,  nous  voulons  bien  accorder  grace  a  tous  les  Anglois 
qui  sont  dans  ledit  fort,  aux  conditions  ce-apres. 

"ARTICLE  I.  Nous  accordons  au  commandant  Anglois  de  se  retirer  avec 
toute  sa  garnison,  pour  s'en  retourner  paisiblement  dans  son  pays,  et  lui  pro- 
mettons  d'empecher  qu'il  lui  soit  fait  aucune  insulte  par  nos  Francois,  et  de 
maintenir,  autant  qu'il  sera  en  notre  pouvoir,  tous  les  sauvages  qui  sont  avec 
nous. 

"ART.  II.  II  lui  sera  permis  de  sortir,  et  d'emporter  tout  ce  qui  leur  ap- 
partiendra,  a  1'exception  de  1'artillerie,  que  nous  nous  reservons. 

"ART.  III.  Que  nous  leur  accordons  les  honneurs  de  la  guerre;  qu'ils 
sortiront  tambour  battant  avec  une  petite  piece  de  canon,  voulant  bien  par-14 
leur  prouver  que  nous  les  traitons  en  amis. 

"  ART.  IV.  Que  si-tot  les  articles  signe's  de  part  et  d'autre,  ils  ameneront  le 
pavilion  Anglais. 

"  ART.  V.  Que  demain  &  la  pointe  du  jour,  un  detachment  Franfois  ira  faire 
defiler  la  garnison  et  prendre  possession  dudit  fort. 

"  ART.  VI.  Que  comme  les  Anglois  n'ont  presque  plus  de  chevaux  ni  bceufs, 
ils  seront  libres  de  mettre  leurs  effets  en  cache,  pour  venir  chercher  lorsqu'ils 
auront  rejoint  des  chevaux  ;  ils  pourront  a  cette  fin  laisser  des  gardiens,  en  tel 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  121 


nombre  qu'ils  voudront,  aux  conditions  qu'ils  donneront  parole  d'honnettr  de  ne 
plus  travailler  a  aucun  etablissement  dans  ce  lieu-ci,  ni  en  de£a  de  la  hauteur 
des  terres.1 

"  ART.  VII.  Que  comme  les  Anglois  ont  en  leur  pouvoir  un  officier,  deux 
cadets,  et  generalement  les  prisonniers  qu'ils  nous  ont  faits  dans  1'assassinat  du 
Sieur  de  Jumonville,  et  qu'ils  promettent  de  les  envoyer  avec  sauvegarde  jus- 
qu'au  Fort  Duquesne,  situe  sur  la  Belle-Riviere  ;  et  que  pour  surete  de  cet 
article,  ainsi  que  de  ce  traite,  Messrs.  Jacob  Vanbraam  et  Robert  Stobo,  tous 
deux  capitaines,  nous  seront  remis  en  otage  jusqu'a  1'arrivee  de  nos  Frangois  et 
Canadiens  cidessus  mentionnes." 

Nous  nous  obligeons  de  votre  cote  a  donner  escorte  pour  ramener  en  surete 
les  deux  officiers  qui  nous  promettent  nos  Fra^ois  dans  deux  mois  et  demi  pour 
le  plus  tard. 

The  admissions  and  contract  contained  in  certain  of  these  articles  could 
hardly  fail  to  displease  the  English  when  they  were  published,  and  the  entire 
blame  was  laid  upon  Vanbraam.  Dinwiddie  went  so  far  as  to  denounce  him 
as  a  "  poltroon,  and  though  an  officer  with  us,  they  say  he  has  joined  the 
French."  One  of  his  fellow  officers,  Adam  Stephen,  also  intimates  evil  inten 
tions  on  the  part  of  the  Dutch  interpreter  ;  but  his  description  of  the  conditions 
under  which  the  articles  were  read — "  it  rained  so  hard,  that  he  could  not  give 
us  a  written  translation  of  them  ;  we  could  scarcely  keep  the  candle  lighted  to 
read  them  by  " — certainly  affords  some  excuse  for  a  misapprehension  on  the 
part  of  the  hearers.  Villiers  boasted  that  he  had  made  the  English  admit 
"  qu'ils  nous  avoient  fait  un  assassin  dans  le  camp  de  mon  frere,"  but  both 
Mackay  and  Stephen  insisted  that  the  word  assassination  had  not  been  read  to 
them  by  Vanbraam. 

After  the  French  government  had  published  the  Precis  des  Faits,  the  atten 
tion  of  Washington  was  called  to  the  articles  of  capitulation  and  his  Journal  as 
printed  in  that  volume.  He  then  wrote  as  follows  : 

"  I  am  really  sorry,  that  I  have  it  not  in  my  power  to  answer  your  request  in 
a  more  satisfactory  manner.  If  you  had  favored  me  with  the  journal  a  few 
days  sooner,  I  would  have  examined  it  carefully,  and  endeavoured  to  point  out 
such  errors  as  might  conduce  to  your  use,  my  advantage,  and  the  public  satis 
faction  ;  but  now  it  is  out  of  my  power. 

' '  I  had  no  time  to  make  any  remarks  upon  that  piece,  which  is  called  my 
journal.  The  enclosed  are  observations  on  the  French  notes.  They  are  of  no 
use  to  me  separated,  nor  will  they,  I  believe,  be  of  any  to  you  ;  yet  I  send  them 
unconnected  and  incoherent  as  they  were  taken,  for  I  have  no  opportunity  to 
correct  them. 

1  In  a  copy  among  the  Washington  papers  this  article  ended  with  the  words 
"pendant  une  annee  a  compter  de  ce  jour."  These  words  also  occur  in  the 
copy  that  was  sent  to  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania.  Of  the  condition  they  im 
posed  Dinwiddie  said  that  it  applied  only  to  the  forces  left  with  their  baggage 
and  sick. 


122  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [I754 


"  In  regard  to  the  journal,  I  can  only  observe  in  general,  that  I  kept  no  regu 
lar  one  during  that  expedition  ;  rough  minutes  of  occurrences  I  certainly  took, 
and  find  them  as  certainly  and  strangely  metamorphosed  ;  some  parts  left  out, 
which  I  remember  were  entered,  and  many  things  added  that  never  were 
thought  of  ;  the  names  of  men  and  things  egregiously  miscalled  ;  and  the  whole 
of  what  I  saw  Englished  is  very  incorrect  and  nonsensical ;  yet,  I  will  not  pre 
tend  to  say  that  the  little  body,  who  brought  it  to  me,  has  not  made  a  literal 
translation,  and  a  good  one. 

"Short  as  my  time  is,  I  cannot  help  remarking  on  Villiers'  account  of  the 
battle  of,  and  transactions  at,  the  Meadows,  as  it  is  very  extraordinary,  and  not 
less  erroneous  than  inconsistent.  He  says  the  French  received  the  first  fire.  It 
is  well  known,  that  we  received  it  at  six  hundred  paces'  distance.  He  also  says, 
our  fears  obliged  us  to  retreat  in  a  most  disorderly  manner  after  the  capitula 
tion.  How  is  this  consistent  with  his  other  account?  He  acknowledges,  that 
we  sustained  the  attack  warmly  from  ten  in  the  morning  until  dark,  and  that  he 
called  first  to  parley,  which  strongly  indicates  that  we  were  not  totally  absorbed 
in  fear.  If  the  gentleman  in  his  account  had  adhered  to  the  truth,  he  must 
have  confessed,  that  we  looked  upon  his  offer  to  parley  as  an  artifice  to  get  into 
and  examine  our  trenches,  and  refused  on  this  account,  until  they  desired  an 
officer  might  be  sent  to  them,  and  gave  their  parole  for  his  safe  return.  He 
might  also,  if  he  had  been  as  great  a  lover  of  the  truth  as  he  was  of  vainglory, 
have  said,  that  we  absolutely  refused  their  first  and  second  proposals,  and 
would  consent  to  capitulate  on  no  other  terms  than  such  as  we  obtained.  That 
we  were  wilfully,  or  ignorantly,  deceived  by  our  interpreter  in  regard  to  the 
word  assassination,  I  do  aver,  and  will  to  my  dying  moment  ;  so  will  every  of 
ficer  that  was  present.  The  interpreter  was  a  Dutchman,  little  acquainted 
with  the  English  tongue,  therefore  might  not  advert  to  the  tone  and  meaning  of 
the  word  in  English  ;  but,  whatever  his  motives  were  for  so  doing,  certain  it  is, 
he  called  it  the  death,  or  the  loss,  of  Sieur  Jumonville.  So  we  received  and  so 
we  understood  it,  until,  to  our  great  surprise  and  mortification,  we  found  it 
otherwise  in  a  literal  translation. 

"  That  we  left  our  baggage  and  horses  at  the  Meadows  is  certain  ;  that  there 
was  not  even  a  possibility  to  bring  them  away  is  equally  certain,  as  we  had 
every  horse  belonging  to  the  camp  killed  or  taken  away  during  the  action  ;  so 
that  it  was  impracticable  to  bring  any  thing  off,  that  our  shoulders  were  not 
able  to  bear  ;  and  to  wait  there  was  impossible,  for  we  had  scarce  three  days' 
provisions,  and  were  seventy  miles  from  a  supply  ;  yet,  to  say  we  came  off  pre 
cipitately  is  absolutely  false  ;  notwithstanding  they  did,  contrary  to  articles, 
suffer  their  Indians  to  pillage  our  baggage,  and  commit  all  kinds  of  irregularity, 
we  were  with  them  until  ten  o'clock  the  next  day  ;  we  destroyed  our  powder 
and  other  stores,  nay,  even  our  private  baggage,  to  prevent  its  falling  into  their 
hands,  as  we  could  not  bring  it  off.  When  we  had  got  about  a  mile  from  the 
place  of  action,  we  missed  two  or  three  of  the  wounded,  and  sent  a  party  back 
to  bring  them  up  ;  this  is  the  party  he  speaks  of.  We  brought  them  all  safe 
off,  and  encamped  within  three  miles  of  the  Meadows.  These  are  circum- 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  123 


stances,  I  think,  that  make  it  evidently  clear,  that  we  were  not  very  appre 
hensive  of  danger.  The  colors  he  speaks  of  as  left  were  a  large  flag  of  immense 
size  and  weight  ;  our  regimental  colors  were  brought  off  and  are  now  in  my 
possession.  Their  gasconades,  and  boasted  clemency,  must  appear  in  the  most 
ludicrous  light  to  every  considerate  person,  who  reads  Villiers'  journal  ;  such 
preparations  for  an  attack,  such  vigor  and  intrepidity  as  he  pretends  to  have 
conducted  his  march  with,  such  revenge  as  by  his  own  account  appeared  in  his 
attack,  considered,  it  will  hardly  be  thought  that  compassion  was  his  motive 
for  calling  a  parley.  But  to  sum  up  the  whole,  Mr.  Villiers  pays  himself  no 
great  compliment  in  saying,  we  were  struck  with  a  panic  when  matters  were 
adjusted.  We  surely  could  not  be  afraid  without  cause,  and  if  we  had  cause 
after  capitulation,  it  was  a  reflection  upon  himself." 

In  August  a  full  account  of  this  engagement  was  laid  before  the  House  of 
Burgesses,  and  a  vote  of  thanks  was  given  to  Washington  and  his  officers — the 
Major  of  the  regiment  and  Captain  Vanbraam  excepted,  the  former  for  coward 
ice,  the  latter  for  his  blunder  in  leading  Washington  to  sign  the  capitulation 
containing  such  awkward  admissions.  Further,  a  pistole  was  granted  to  every 
private  in  the  engagement.  The  thanks  of  the  officers  were  conveyed  by 
Washington,  but  it  was  a  subject  of  mortification  to  them  that  the  governor  de 
clined  to  carry  out  the  stipulations  of  the  article  entered  into  with  the  French. 
Dinwiddie  gave  the  following  reason  for  his  action  in  a  letter  to  the  Board  of 
Trade  :  "  The  French,  after  the  capitulation  entered  into  with  Colonel  Wash 
ington,  took  eight  of  our  people,  and  exposed  them  to  sale,  and,  missing  there 
of,  sent  them  prisoners  to  Canada.  On  hearing  of  this,  I  detained  the  seven 
teen  prisoners,  the  officers,  and  two  cadets,  as  I  am  of  opinion,  after  they  were 
in  my  custody,  Washington  could  not  engage  for  their  being  returned.  I  have 
ordered  a  flag  of  truce  to  be  sent  to  the  French,  offering  the  return  of  their  offi 
cer  and  the  two  cadets  for  the  two  hostages  they  have  of  ours."  This  course  of 
proceeding  was  not  suitable  to  the  principles  of  honor  and  sense  of  equity  en 
tertained  by  Colonel  Washington,  but  he  had  no  further  control  of  the  affair. 

Mr.  Sparks  says  Vanbraam  never  returned  to  Virginia  ;  but  the  editor  of  the 
Dinwiddie  Papers  writes  that  "  he  was  retained  in  captivity  until  the  surrender 
of  Montreal  in  Sept.  1760,  when  he  returned  to  Virginia.  His  services  were 
recognized  in  the  allotment  by  George  Washington,  as  Commissioner  of  Vir 
ginia,  of  9,000  acres  of  land  in  1771  ;  and  in  July  14,  1777,  he  was  made  Major 
of  the  30th  battalion  of  the  6oth  Foot  or  Royal  Americans  then  stationed  in  the 
West  Indies." — Dinwiddie  Papers,  i.,  p.  51,  note.  The  Virginia  Gazette  on 
November  8th,  1760,  announced  the  arrival  in  town  of  Capt.  Vanbraam. 

The  Indian  account  of  these  engagements  differs  somewhat  from  that 
first  given,  but  was  told  by  Scarroyada  in  December,  1754.  In  brief  it 
was  as  follows  :  That  the  governor  of  Virginia  sent  to  the  Half-King  by 
Capt.  Trent  a  belt  of  wampum  with  a  hatchet  in  it,  thus  inviting  the 
Indians  to  join  in  the  war  against  the  French.  "  When  we  got  it  we  put 
it  into  a  private  pocket  on  the  inside  of  our  garment.  It  lay  next  to  our 
breasts.  As  we  were  on  the  road  going  to  council  with  our  brethren,  a 
company  of  French,  in  number  thirty-one,  overtook  us  and  desired  us  to  go  and 


i24  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 


council  with  them  ;  and  when  we  refused  they  pulled  us  by  the  arm  and  almost 
stripped  the  chain  of  covenant  from  off  it,  but  still  I  would  suffer  none  to  go 
with  them.  We  thought  to  have  got  before  them  but  they  passed  us,  and 
when  we  saw  they  endeavored  to  break  the  chain  of  friendship  I  pulled  this  belt 
out  of  my  pocket  and  looked  at  it  and  saw  there  this  hatchet,  and  then  went 
and  told  Col.  Washington  of  these  thirty-one  Frenchmen  and  we  and  a  few  of 
our  brothers  fought  with  them.  Ten  were  killed  and  twenty-one  were  taken 
alive  whom  we  delivered  to  Col.  Washington,  telling  him  that  we  had  blooded 
the  edge  of  his  hatchet  a  little. 

"  Davison  l  said  he  was  in  the  action  and  that  there  were  but  eight  Indians 
who  did  most  of  the  execution  that  was  done.  Col.  Washington  and  the  Half- 
King  differed  much  in  judgment,  and  on  the  Colonel's  refusing  to  take  his  ad 
vice  the  English  and  Indians  separated.  After  which  the  Indians  discovered 
the  French  in  an  hollow  and  hid  themselves,  lying  on  their  bellies  Lehind  a 
hill ;  afterwards  they  discovered  Col.  Washington  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
hollow  in  the  gray  of  the  morning,  and  when  the  English  fired,  which  they  did 
in  great  confusion,  the  Indians  came  out  of  their  cover  and  closed  with  the 
French  and  killed  them  with  their  tomahawks,  on  which  the  French  sur 
rendered." 

"  The  Half-King  complained  very  much  of  the  behaviour  of  Col.  Washing 
ton  to  him  (tho'  in  a  very  moderate  way,  saying  the  Col.  was  a  good-natured 
man  but  had  no  experience),  saying  that  he  took  upon  him  to  command  the 
Indians  as  his  slaves,  and  would  have  them  every  day  upon  the  out  scout  and 
attack  the  enemy  by  themselves,  and  that  he  would  by  no  means  take  advice 
from  the  Indians  ;  that  he  lay  at  one  place  from  one  full  moon  to  the  other 
and  made  no  fortifications  at  all,  but  that  little  thing  upon  the  Meadow,  where 
he  thought  the  French  would  come  up  to  him  in  open  field  ;  that  had  he  taken 
the  Half-King's  advice  and  made  such  fortifications  as  the  Half-King  advised 
him  to  make  he  would  certainly  have  beat  the  French  off ;  that  the  French 
had  acted  as  great  cowards,  and  the  English  as  fools  in  that  engagement ;  that 
he  (the  Half-King)  had  carried  off  his  wife  and  children  so  did  other  Indians 
before  the  battle  begun,  because  Col.  Washington  would  never  listen  to  them, 
but  was  always  driving  them  on  to  fight  by  his  directions." — Weisers  Journal. 
I754- 

TO    WILLIAM    FAIRFAX.2 

ALEXANDRIA,  n  August,  1754. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

Since  my  last  to  you,  I  have  received,  by  Mr.  Split- 
dorph,  the  letter  therein  alluded  to,  of  the   ist  inst. 

1  An  interpreter. 

a  William  Fairfax  was  the  son  of  Henry  Fairfax,  of  Yorkshire,  England,  and 
grandson  of  Thomas  the  fourth  Lord  Fairfax.  His  father  died  when  he  was 
young,  and  he  was  educated  under  the  care  of  his  uncle,  Lord  Lonsdale.  At 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  125 

the  contents  of  which  are  nearly  the  same  with  the  other 
received  from  the  Governour  four  days  before  dated 
the  3d  inst.  The  following  is  an  exact  copy  of  it. 

the  age  of  twenty-one  he  entered  the  army,  and  served  in  Spain.  He  went  also 
to  the  East  Indies,  and  after  his  return  engaged  in  the  expedition  against  Prov 
idence  Island,  at  that  time  in  possession  of  the  pirates.  He  was  appointed 
governor  of  the  Island,  after  its  reduction,  and  married,  in  1724,  the  daughter 
of  Thomas  Walker,  a  major  in  the  army,  who  had  accompanied  the  expedition, 
and  received  the  appointment  of  chief  justice  of  the  Bahama  Islands.  The  cli 
mate  not  agreeing  with  the  health  of  Mr.  Fairfax,  he  removed  to  New  England, 
where  he  resided,  holding  an  office  of  considerable  trust  and  emolument,  till  he 
was  desired  by  his  kinsman,  Lord  Fairfax,  to  remove  to  Virginia,  and  become 
the  agent  for  managing  his  large  tract  of  lands  in  that  colony.  His  first  resi 
dence  was  in  Westmoreland  county,  where  he  remained  several  years  ;  but  he 
afterwards  established  himself  at  Belvoir,  on  the  Potomac  River,  a  little  below 
Mount  Vernon. 

George  William  was  educated  in  England.  On  his  return  to  Virginia  he 
married  the  daughter  of  Colonel  Gary,  of  Hampton,  became  one  of  his  Majesty's 
Council,  and  resided  at  Belvoir  till  the  year  1773,  when,  some  estates  in  York 
shire  having  devolved  to  him,  he  went  to  England.  The  political  troubles, 
which  followed,  induced  him  to  remain.  Part  of  his  property  in  Virginia  was 
sequestered,  by  which  his  income  was  reduced,  and  he  removed  to  Bath,  in 
England,  where  he  lived  in  a  private  manner,  and  during  the  war  contributed 
generously  to  the  relief  of  the  American  prisoners.  He  died  at  Bath,  on  the 
3d  of  April,  1787,  in  the  sixty-third  year  of  his  age.  Thomas,  the  second  son, 
was  an  officer  in  the  navy,  and  was  killed  in  the  East  Indies,  on  board  the  ship 
of  war,  Harwich,  in  an  action  with  the  French  squadron,  26  June,  1746. 
Anne,  the  eldest  daughter  of  William  Fairfax,  was  married  to  Lawrence  Wash 
ington,  and,  after  the  death  of  her  husband,  she  was  married  a  second  time,  to 
George  Lee  of  Virginia.  Sarah,  the  second  daughter,  was  married  to  John 
Carlyle,  a  merchant  of  Alexandria.  Bryan,  the  third  son,  who  afterwards  be 
came  the  eighth  Lord  Fairfax,  married  a  daughter  of  Wilson  Gary,  and  lived  at 
a  place  called  Towlston,  in  Fairfax  county.  He  had  two  sons,  Thomas  and 
Ferdinando,  and  two  daughters.  As  George  William  Fairfax,  who  died  in 
England,  had  no  children,  he  bequeathed  his  estates  in  Virginia  to  Ferdinando, 
the  second  son  of  his  youngest  and  only  surviving  brother.  William,  the 
fourth  son  of  William  Fairfax,  was  educated  in  England.  He  entered  the 
army,  and  was  killed  at  the  famous  siege  of  Quebec.  He  was  a  young  man  of 
much  promise.  It  is  related,  that  when  General  Wolfe  had  landed,  he  saw  young 
Fairfax  sitting  near  the  bank  of  the  river,  and,  touching  him  on  the  shoulder, 
said,  "  Young  man,  when  we  come  to  action  remember  your  name."  Hannah, 
the  youngest  child,  was  married  to  Warner  Washington,  cousin-german  to  Gen 
eral  Washington. — Burnaby's  Tiavels  in  America,  3d  edition,  p.  159. — Sparks. 


i26  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

"  The  Council  met  yesterday,  and,  considering  the  present  state 
of  our  forces,  and  having  reason  to  think  that  the  French  will  be 
reinforced  next  spring,  it  was  resolved,  that  the  forces  should  im 
mediately  march  over  the  Allegany  mountains,  either  to  dispossess 
the  French  of  their  fort,  or  build  one  in  a  proper  place,  that  may 
be  fixed  upon  by  a  council  of  war.  Colonel  Innes  has  my  orders 
for  executing  the  above  affair.  I  am,  therefore,  now  to  order  you 
to  get  your  regiment  completed  to  three  hundred  men,  and  I 
have  no  doubt,  that  you  will  be  able  to  enlist  what  you  are 
deficient  of  your  number  very  soon,  and  march  directly  to  Will's 
Creek  to  join  the  other  forces  ;  and,  that  there  may  be  no  delay, 
I  order  you  to  march  what  companies  you  have  complete,  and 
leave  orders  with  the  officers  remaining  to  follow  you,  as  soon  as 
they  shall  have  enlisted  men  sufficient  to  make  up  their  companies. 
You  know  the  season  of  the  year  calls  for  despatch.  I  depend 
upon  your  former  usual  diligence  and  spirit  to  encourage  your 
people  to  be  active  on  this  occasion.  Consult  with  Major  Carlyle 
what  ammunition  which  may  be  wanted,  that  I  may  send  it  up 
immediately.  I  trust  much  to  your  diligence  and  despatch  in 
getting  your  regiment  to  Will's  Creek  as  soon  as  possible. 

"  Colonel  Innes  will  consult  you  in  the  appointment  of  officers 
for  your  regiment.  Pray  consider,  if  practicable,  that,  to  send  a 
party  of  Indians  &c  to  destroy  the  corn  at  the  fort  and  Logstown 
would  be  of  great  service  to  us,  and  a  considerable  disappoint 
ment  to  the  enemy.  I  can  say  no  more,  but  to  press  the  despatch 
of  your  regiment  to  Will's  Creek,  and  that  success  may  attend  our 
arms  and  just  expedition,  is  the  sincere  desire  of,  sir,  yours  &c." 

Thus,  Sir,  you  will  see  I  am  ordered,  with  the  ut 
most  despatch,  to  repair  to  Will's  Creek  with  the 


1  While  Washington  was  encamped  at  the  Great  Meadows,  Mr.  Fairfax  wrote 
to  him  :  "I  will  not  doubt  your  having  public  prayers  in  the  camp,  especially 
when  the  Indian  families  are  our  guests,  that  they,  seeing  your  plain  manner  of 
worship,  may  have  their  curiosity  excited  to  be  informed  why  we  do  not  use  the 
ceremonies  of  the  French,  which  being  well  explained  to  their  understandings 
will  more  and  more  dispose  them  to  receive  our  baptism,  and  unite  in  strict 
bonds  of  cordial  friendship." 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  127 

regiment  ;  to  do  which,  under  the  present  circum 
stances,  is  as  impracticable,  as  it  is  (as  far  as  I  can 
see  into  the  thing)  to  dispossess  the  French  of  their 
fort ;  both  of  which,  with  our  means,  are  morally  im 
possible. 

The  Governor  observes,  that,  considering  the  state 
of  our  forces  at  present,  it  is  thought  advisable  to 
move  out  immediately  to  dispossess  the  French.  Now 
that  very  reason,  "  the  state  of  our  forces,"  is  alone 
sufficiently  opposed  to  the  measure,  without  a  large 
addition  to  them.  Consider,  I  pray  you,  Sir,  under 
what  unhappy  circumstances  the  men  at  present  are  ; 
and  their  numbers,  compared  with  those  of  the  enemy, 
are  so  inconsiderable,  that  we  should  be  harassed  and 
drove  from  place  to  place  at  their  pleasure.  And  to 
what  end  would  the  building  of  a  fort  be,  unless  we 
could  proceed  as  far  as  Red-stone,  where  we  should 
have  to  take  water,  and  where  the  enemy  can  come 
with  their  artillery,  &c.,  I  cannot  see,  unless  it  be  to 
secure  a  retreat,  which  we  should  have  no  occasion 
for,  were  we  to  go  out  in  proper  force  and  properly 
provided,  which  I  aver  cannot  be  done  this  fall ;  for, 
before  our  force  can  be  collected,  with  proper  stores 
of  provisions,  ammunition,  working-tools,  &c.,  it  would 
bring  on  a  season  in  which  horses  cannot  travel  over 
the  mountains  on  account  of  snows,  want  of  forage, 
slipperiness  of  the  roads,  high  waters,  &c.  Neither 
can  men,  unused  to  that  life,  live  there,  without  some 
other  defence  from  the  weather  than  tents.  This  I 
know  of  my  own  knowledge,  as  I  was  out  last  winter 
from  the  ist  of  November  till  some  time  in  January  ; 


i28  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [I754 

and  notwithstanding  I  had  a  good  tent,  was  as  prop 
erly  prepared,  and  as  well  guarded,  in  every  respect, 
as  I  could  be  against  the  weather,  yet  the  cold  was 
so  intense,  that  it  was  scarcely  supportable.  I  be 
lieve,  out  of  the  five  or  six  men  that  went  with  me, 
three  of  them,  though  they  were  as  well  clad  as  they 
could  be,  were  rendered  useless  by  the  frost,  and  were 
obliged  to  be  left  upon  the  road. 

But  the  impossibility  of  supporting  us  with  pro 
visions  is  alone  sufficient  to  discourage  the  attempt ; 
for,  were  commissaries  with  sufficient  funds  to  set 
about  procuring  provisions,  and  getting  them  out,  it 
is  not  probable  that  enough  can  be  conveyed  out  this 
fall  to  support  us  through  the  winter  ;  for  you  are  to 
consider,  Sir,  as  I  before  observed,  that  the  snows  and 
hard  frosts  set  in  very  early  upon  those  mountains  ; 
and,  as  they  are  in  many  places  almost  inaccessible 
at  all  times,  it  is  then  more  than  horses  can  do  to 
clamber  up  them.  But  allow  that  they  could,  for 
want  of  provender  they  will  become  weak  and  die 
upon  the  road,  as  ours  did,  though  we  carried  corn 
with  us  for  that  purpose,  and  purchased  from  place 
to  place.  This  reason  holds  good,  also,  against 
driving  out  live  stock,  which,  if  it  could  be  done, 
would  save  some  thousands  of  horse  loads,  that  might 
be  employed  in  carrying  flour,  which  alone,  (not  to 
mention  ammunition,  tools,  &c.)  we  shall  find  -will  re 
quire  more  horses,  than  at  this  present  moment  can 
be  procured  with  our  means. 

His  Honor  also  asks,  whether  it  is  practicable  to 
destroy  the  corn  at  the  fort  and  at  Logstown  ?  At 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  129 


this  question  I  am  a  little  surprised,  when  it  is  known 
we  must  pass  the  French  fort  and  the  Ohio  to  get  to 
Logstown  ;  and  how  this  can  be  done  with  inferior 
numbers,  under  the  disadvantages  we  labor,  I  see 
not ;  and,  of  the  ground  to  hope,  we  may  engage  a 
sufficient  party  of  Indians  for  this  undertaking,  I  have 
no  information,  nor  have  I  any  conception  ;  for  it  is 
well  known,  that  notwithstanding  the  expresses,  that 
the  Indians  sent  to  one  another,  and  all  the  pains 
that  Montour  and  Croghan  (who,  by  vainly  boasting 
of  their  interest  with  the  Indians,  involved  the  country 
in  great  calamity,  by  causing  dependence  to  be  placed 
where  there  was  none,)  could  take,  never  could  induce 
above  thirty  fighting  men  to  join  us,  and  not  more 
than  one  half  of  those  serviceable  upon  any  occasion.1 
I  could  make  many  other  remarks  equally  true  and 
pertinent  ;  but  to  you,  Sir,  who,  I  am  sensible,  have 
acquired  a  pretty  good  knowledge  of  the  country,  and 
who  see  the  difficulties  that  we  labor  under  in  getting 
proper  necessaries,  even  at  Winchester,  it  is  needless. 
Therefore  I  shall  only  add  some  of  the  difficulties, 
which  we  are  particularly  subjected  to  in  the  Vir 
ginia  regiment.  And  to  begin,  Sir,  you  are  sensible 
of  the  sufferings  our  soldiers  underwent  in  the  last  at 
tempt,  (in  a  good  season)  to  take  possession  of  the 
Fork  of  the  Allegany  and  Monongahela.  You  also 
saw  the  disorders  those  sufferings  produced  among 


"  Mr.  Washington  had  many  of  the  Indians  with  him  ;  but  I  observe  these 
people  remain  unactive  till  they  see  how  affairs  go,  and  generally  speaking  side 
with  the  Conquerors,  that  in  my  opinion  little  dependence  is  to  be  put  in  them." 
— Dinividdie  to  Hamilton,  July  31,  1754. 


1 3o  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

them  at  Winchester  after  they  returned.  They  are 
yet  fresh  in  their  memories,  and  have  an  irritable  ef 
fect.  Through  the  indiscretion  of  Mr.  Splitdorph, 
they  got  some  intimation  that  they  were  again  ordered 
out,  and  it  immediately  occasioned  a  general  clamour, 
and  caused  six  men  to  desert  last  night.  This,  we 
expect,  will  be  the  consequence  every  night,  except 
prevented  by  close  confinement. 

In  the  next  place,  I  have  orders  to  complete  my 
regiment,  and  not  a  6d.  is  sent  for  that  purpose.  Can 
it  be  imagined,  that  subjects  fit  for  this  purpose,  who 
have  been  so  much  impressed  with,  and  alarmed  at, 
our  want  of  provisions,  (which  was  a  main  objection 
to  enlisting  before,)  will  more  readily  engage  now 
without  money,  than  they  did  before  with  it  ?  We 
were  then  from  the  ist  of  February  till  the  ist  of 
May,  and  could  not  complete  our  three  hundred  men 
by  forty ;  and  the  officers  suffered  so  much  by  having 
their  recruiting  expenses  withheld,  that  they  unani 
mously  refuse  to  engage  in  that  duty  again,  without 
they  are  refunded  for  the  past,  and  a  sufficient  allow 
ance  made  them  in  future.  I  have  in  the  next  place 
(to  show  the  state  of  the  regiment)  sent  you  a  report 
by  which  you  will  perceive  what  great  deficiencies 
there  are  of  men,  arms,  tents,  kettles,  screws  (which 
was  a  fatal  want  before),  bayonets,  cartouch-boxes, 
&c.,  &c.  Again,  were  our  men  ever  so  willing-  to  go, 
for  want  of  the  proper  necessaries  of  life  they  are  un 
able  to  do  it.  The  chief  part  are  almost  naked,  and 
scarcely  a  man  has  either  shoes,  stockings,  or  hat. 
These  things  the  merchants  will  not  credit  them  for. 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  131 


The  country  has  made  no  provision  ;  they  have  not 
money  themselves  ;  and  it  cannot  be  expected,  that 
the  officers  will  engage  for  them  again,  personally, 
having  suffered  greatly  already  on  this  head  ;  espe 
cially,  now,  when  we  have  all  the  reason  in  the  world 
to  believe,  they  will  desert  whenever  they  have  an 
opportunity.  There  is  not  a  man  that  has  a  blanket 
to  secure  him  from  cold  or  wet.  Ammunition  is  a 
material  article,  and  that  is  to  come  from  Williams- 
burg,  or  wherever  the  governor  can  procure  it.  An 
account  must  be  first  sent  of  the  quantity  which  is 
wanted ;  this,  added  to  the  carriage  up,  with  the 
necessary  tools,  &c.,  that  must  be  had,  as  well  as  the 
time  of  bringing  them  round,  will,  I  believe,  advance 
us  into  that  season,  when  it  is  usual,  in  more  mod 
erate  climates,  to  retreat  into  winter-quarters,  but 
here,  with  us,  to  begin  a  campaign.1 

The  promises  of  those  traders,  who  offer  to  con- 

1  There  was  a  misunderstanding  between  the  governor  and  the  House  of 
Burgesses,  which  prevented  any  appropriation  of  money  at  this  juncture.  It 
had  been  a  custom  in  former  times,  that  when  the  governor  signed  a  patent  for 
land,  he  should  receive  a  fee  of  a  pistole  (about  $3.60)  for  every  such  signature, 
which  was  a  perquisite  of  his  office.  This  fee  had  been  revived  by  Governor 
Dinwiddie,  but  the  House  of  Burgesses  considered  it  an  onerous  exaction,  and 
determined  to  resist  it.  As  the  governor  refused  to  sign  patents  on  any  other 
terms,  the  Burgesses  had  the  year  before  passed  some  spirited  resolves,  and 
sent  an  agent  to  England  with  a  petition  to  the  King's  Council,  that  this  custom 
might  be  abolished.  The  agent  was  Peyton  Randolph,  then  Attorney-General 
of  Virginia,  and  afterwards  President  of  the  first  American  Congress.  While 
he  was  absent,  the  governor  wrote  to  a  correspondent  in  England  :  <l  I  have 
had  a  great  deal  of  trouble  and  uneasiness  from  the  factious  disputes  and 
violent  heats  of  a  most  impudent  troublesome  party  here,  in  regard  to  that  silly 
fee  of  a  pistole  ;  they  are  very  full  of  the  success  of  their  agent,  which  I  give 
small  notice  to."  The  Attorney-General  returned,  without  effecting  his  whole 
object,  but  the  Board  of  Trade  made  new  regulations,  by  which  relief  was 
afforded  in  certain  cases,  and  the  fee  was  prohibited  except  where  the  quantity 


i32  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 


tract  for  large  quantities  of  flour,  are  not  to  be  de 
pended  upon  ;  a  most  flagrant  instance  of  which  we 
experienced  in  Croghan,  who  was  under  obligation  to 
Major  Carlyle  for  the  delivery  of  this  article  in  a  cer 
tain  time,  and  who  was  an  eyewitness  to  our  wants ; 
yet  had  the  assurance,  during  our  sufferings,  to  tan 
talize  us,  and  boast  of  the  quantity  he  could  furnish, 
as  he  did  of  the  number  of  horses  he  could  com 
mand.  Notwithstanding,  we  were  equally  disap 
pointed  of  these  also ;  for  out  of  two  hundred  head 
he  had  contracted  for,  we  never  had  above  twenty- 
five  employed  in  bringing  the  flour  that  was  engaged 
for  the  camp  ;  and  even  this,  small  as  the  quantity- 
was,  did  not  arrive  within  a  month  of  the  time  it  was 
to  have  been  delivered. 

Another  thing  worthy  of  consideration,  is,  that  if 
we  depend  on  Indian  assistance,  we  must  have  a  large 
quantity  of  proper  Indian  goods  to  reward  their  ser 
vices,  and  make  them  presents.  It  is  by  this  means 

of  land  patented  was  more  than  one  hundred  acres. — -Journal  of  the  House  of 
Burgesses  for  November,  1753. 

The  agent's  expenses  were  two  thousand  five  hundred  pounds.  The  governor 
refused  to  sanction  any  bill  for  their  payment.  Piqued  by  this  obstinacy,  the 
House  of  Burgesses  affixed  the  amount  to  a  bill  for  raising  twenty  thousand 
pounds  for  his  Majesty's  service.  Equally  indignant  at  this  presumption,  the 
governor  sent  back  the  bill  without  his  signature,  and  prorogued  the  Assembly 
for  six  weeks.  Thus  no  supplies  were  granted,  and  the  governor  was  induced 
to  write  that  "  there  appeared  to  him  an  infatuation  in  all  the  Assemblies  in  this 
part  of  the  world."  The  treasurer  of  the  colony  had  already  paid  the  agent  by 
order  of  the  Assembly,  without  any  special  grant,  which  was  no  doubt  a  high 
disrespect  to  the  Governor  and  Council.  In  giving  an  account  of  this  affair  to 
Governor  Sharpe  of  Maryland,  Governor  Dinwiddie  says:  "I  am  now  per 
suaded  that  no  expedition  can  be  conducted  here  with  dependence  on  American 
Assemblies  ;  and  I  have  written  to  that  purpose  home,  and  propose  a  British 
act  of  Parliament  to  compel  the  subjects  here  to  obedience  to  his  Majesty's 
commands,  and  to  protect  their  property  from  the  insults  of  the  French." 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  133 


alone,  that  the  French  command  such  an  interest 
among  them,  and  that  we  had  so  few.  This,  with  the 
scarcity  of  provisions,  was  proverbial ;  would  induce 
them  to  ask,  when  they  were  to  join  us,  if  we  meant 
to  starve  them  as  well  as  ourselves.  But  I  will  have 
done,  and  only  add  assurances  of  the  regard  and  af 
fection  with  which  I  am,  &c, 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

ALEXANDRIA,  20  August,  1754. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

Mr.  Peyroney,  soliciting  for  leave  to  attend  the 
Assembly,  hoping  to  have  some  allowance  made  for 
his  loss  of  cloathes  &c,  which  he  sustained  in  com 
mon  with  us  all,  and  being  not  thoroughly  cured  of 
his  wounds,1  which  has  hitherto  rendered  him  unfit 
for  duty,  I  thought  it  proper  to  indulge  him  in  this 
request  and  he  now  comes  for  these  purposes  afore 
said.  By  him  I  again  take  the  liberty  of  recommend 
ing  to  your  Honor  the  great  necessity  there  is  of  a 
regulation  in  the  soldiers'  pay,  and  that  a  deduction  be 
made  for  the  country  to  furnish  them  with  cloathes  ; 
otherwise  they  never  will  be  fit  for  service.  They 
are  now  naked,  and  can't  get  credit  even  for  a  hat,  and 
are  teazing  the  officers  every  day  to  furnish  them 
with  these  and  other  necessaries.  Another  thing, 
which  should  be  fixed  indisputably,  is  the  law  we  are 
to  be  guided  by,  whether  martial  or  military.  If  the 
former,  I  must  beg  the  favour  of  your  Honour  to 
give  me  some  written  orders  and  indemnification  ; 

1  Received  in  the  action  of  Fort  Necessity  at  the  Great  Meadows. 


i34  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [I754 

otherwise  [I]  cannot  give  my  assent  (as  I  am  liable 
for  all  the  proceedings)  to  any  judgment  of  the 
martial  court,  that  touches  the  life  of  a  soldier  ;  tho 
at  this  time  there  is  absolute  necessity  for  it,  as  the 
soldiers  are  deserting  constantly,  and  yesterday, 
while  we  were  at  church,  25  of  them  collected,  and 
were  going  off  in  the  face  of  their  officers,  but  were 
stopped  and  imprisoned  before  the  plot  came  to  its 
full  height.  Colonel  Innes  did  not  fill  up  any  com 
missions  for  the  Virginia  regiment,  which  has  given 
those  that  were  entitled  to  promotion  some  uneasiness. 
His  reasons  were,  it  would  be  unnecessary  expense  to 
the  country,  till  there  were  orders  to  recruit ;  but 
this,  I  think,  should  not  have  been  considered,  whilst 
it  is  remembered  how  small  encouragement  is  shown 
them  upon  every  occasion.  Another  motive,  which, 
I  believe,  served  to  prevent  it,  was  his  dislike  to  the 
tenour  of  the  commission,  which  savoured  so  much 
of  the  militia.  He  told  me  he  would  send  down  an 
other  for  your  approbation,  and  Colonel  Fairfax  has 
also  taken  another,  both  of  which  is  greatly  prefer 
able  to  those  by  which  we  act.  And  here  I  must  beg 
leave  to  acquaint  your  Honour,  that  the  one  you  sent 
me  is  not  signed.  The  officers  are  uneasy  about  their 
pay,  and  think  it  hard  to  be  kept  out  of  it  so  long. 
They  hope  your  Honour  will  order  that  the  dates  of 
their  commissions  be  from  the  vacancy's  that  happened, 
of  which  I  have  enclosed  a  list  for  [your]  information, 
hoping  with  them,  your  Honour  will  be  kind  enough 
to  fill  them  up  yourself,  and  send  such  commissions 
as  were  sent  for  precedents.  Mr.  West,  lieutenant 
of  Vanbraam's  company,  has  resigned  his  commission, 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  135 


which  I  herewith  send.  I  also  enclose  a  list  of  medi 
cines,  which  the  doctor  desires  may  be  procured  for 
the  use  of  the  regiment.  He  solicits  much  for  a 

o 

mate,  and  I  believe  it  necessary,  as  he  often  has  more 
business  than  he  can  well  manage,  [if]  there  were  a 
large  detachment  sent  upon  duty,  it  would  be  impru 
dent  to  go  without  the  surgeon.  If  your  Honour 
should  think  proper  to  promote  Mr.  Peyroney,  we 
shall  be  at  a  loss  for  a  good  disciplinarian  to  do  adju 
tant's  duty,  which  requires  a  perfect  knowledge  of  all 
the  kinds  of  duty.  I  should,  therefore,  take  it  ex 
tremely  kind,  if  you  would  be  pleased  to  confer  the 
office  upon  Mr.  Frazier,  whom  I  think  I  can  fully  an 
swer  for,  let  his  former  conduct  have  been  what  it  will. 
We  have  catch'd  two  deserters,  which  I  keep  im 
prisoned  till  I  receive  your  Honor's  answer  how  far 
the  martial  law  may  be  extended,  and  it  is  necessary 
that  an  example  be  made  of  some,  for  warning  to 
others  ;  for  there  is  scarce  a  night,  or  an  opportun 
ity,  but  what  some  or  other  are  deserting,  often  two, 
or  three,  or  four  at  a  time.  We  always  advertise  and 
pursue  them  as  quickly  as  possible,  but  seldom  to  any 
purpose.  The  expenses  attending  this  will  fall  heavy 
upon  the  country  while  this  spirit  prevails.  I  am,  &c. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

ALEXANDRIA,  2ist  Aug't,  1754. 

HON'BLE  SIR  : 

The  bearer  hereof,  Mr.  Wright,1  discovering  an 
Inclination  to  the  Art  Military,  and  having,  in  some 
Measure,  made  it  his  Study,  I  have  taken  the  liberty 

1  Probably  William  Wright,  who  was  killed  at  Braddock's  defeat. 


136  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

to  recommend  him  to  your  Honour  for  one  of  the 
Vacancy's  in  the  Virginia  regiment  ;  this  I  do,  with 
more  assurance  of  succeeding,  as  Mr.  Wright's  Char 
acter  for  good  Sense  and  Sobriety  will  render  him 
worthy  the  favor  you  may  please  to  confer,  and  I 
dare  venture  to  say,  he  will  endeavor  to  deserve. 

Yesterday  Mr.  Peyroney  set  off  from  this,  who  I 
hope  will  also  meet  with  your  Honour's  approbation 
and  indulgence,  as  his  behaviour  has  merited  a  re 
ward  from  his  Country  (such  he  looks  upon  this  to 
be).  Mr.  Campbell  arriv'd  Yesterday,  after  appoint 
ing  the  Musters  for  the  Northern  Neck.  I  was  not 
a  little  surprised  to  hear  him  say  he  was  to  have  the 
Half  of  my  Salary,  especially  when  he  at  the  same 
time  gave  me  to  understand  he  expected  it  was  the 
half  of  the  ^70,  exclusive  of  the  ^30  which  he  has 
for  his  two  County's,  which  is  near  a  third  of  what  I 
get  for  the  whole  1 1  Countys — a  great  disproportion 
this.  I  hope  your  Honour  gave  Mr.  Campbell  no 
room  to  expect  this,  for  I  think  it  exceeding  hard 
that  I  shou'd  give  so  much  more  for  a  deputy  than 
others,  especially  when  the  duty  is  much  easier.  For 
the  Middle  district,  which  has  10  Countys,  Muse 
gives  but  ^40.  Colo.  Thornton  gives  yet  less  for 
his,  while  I,  by  Mr.  Campbell's  account,  is  to  give 
£6$  or  at  any  Rate  ^50.  I  hope,  if  your  Honour  is 
kind  enough  to  continue  me  in  that  office,  You  will 
not  oblige  me  to  give  such  an  exorbitant  allowance 
to  a  Person,  who  by  all  acc't,  knows  nothing  of  the 
duty  he  has  undertaken.  I  can  get  a  Person  whom 
I  have  taken  great  pains  myself  to  teach,  and  who  is 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  137 

perfectly  acquainted  with  every  part  of  the  Service, 
to  do  the  duty  of  the  whole  for  the  same  that  others 
give,  and  I  shou'd  be  very  glad  for  the  sake  of  having 
the  Countys  kept  in  tolerable  discipline,  and  for  the 
favour  of  obliging  me,  your  Honour,  wou'd  indulge 
me  in  this,  as  I  will  engage  it  shall  turn  more  to  the 
Public  advantage,  whose  Interest  I  am  certain  from 
well  founded  Reasons,  you  espouse,  preferable  to 
that  of  private.  I  must  again  mention  Mr.  Frazier 
as  a  person  we  shall  much  need  if  Mr.  Peyroney  is 
promoted,  as  I  hope  he  will  [be]. 


TO    COLONEL    WILLIAM    FITZHUGH. 

15  November,  1754.* 

DEAR  SIR, 

I  was  favored  with  your  letter  from  Rousley  Hall, 
of  the  4th  instant.      It  demands  my  best  acknowledg- 

1  When  the  Assembly  met  in  October,  they  granted  twenty  thousand  pounds 
for  the  public  exigencies,  and  the  governor  received  from  England  ten  thousand 
pounds  sterling  in  specie,  with  the  promise  of  ten  thousand  more,  and  two  thou 
sand  firearms.  Thereupon  he  resolved  to  enlarge  the  army  to  ten  companies,  of 
one  hundred  men  each,  and  to  reduce  them  all  to  Independent  Companies,  by 
which  there  would  be  no  officer  in  the  Virginia  regiment  above  the  rank  of 
a  captain.  This  expedient,  he  supposed,  would  remedy  the  difficulty  about 
command.  Washington  accordingly  resigned,  as  he  would  not  accept  a  lower 
commission,  than  the  one  he  had  held.  Referring  to  the  resignation  Thomas 
Penn  wrote  :  "  I  am  concerned  to  find  Colonel  Washington's  conduct  so  impru 
dent." — Penn  Arch.,  II.,  255. 

Meantime  Governor  Sharpe,  of  Maryland,  had  received  the  King's  commis 
sion  as  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  forces  engaged  against  the  PVench.  Colo 
nel  Fitzhugh  was  to  have  the  command  of  the  army,  during  General  Sharpe's 
absence  in  visiting  the  military  posts,  and  in  executing  his  official  duties  as  gov 
ernor.  Knowing  the  value  of  Colonel  Washington's  experience  and  reputation, 
the  commander-in-chief  wished  to  bring  him  back  to  the  service  ;  and,  to  effect 


138  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1754 

ments  for  the  particular  marks  of  esteem  you  have 
expressed  therein,  and  for  the  kind  assurances  of  his 
Excellency  Governor  Sharpe's  good  wishes  towards 
me.  I  also  thank  you,  and  sincerely,  Sir,  for  your 
friendly  intention  of  making  my  situation  easy,  if  I 
return  to  the  service  ;  and  do  not  doubt,  could  I  sub 
mit  to  the  terms,  that  I  should  be  as  happy  under 
your  command  in  the  absence  of  the  General,  as  un 
der  any  gentleman's  whatever.  But  I  think  the  dis 
parity  between  the  present  offer  of  a  company  and 
my  former  rank  too  great,  to  expect  any  real  satisfac 
tion  or  enjoyment  in  a  corps,  where  I  once  did, 
or  thought  I  had  a  right  to,  command  ;  even  if  his 
Excellency  had  power  to  suspend  the  orders  received 
in  the  Secretary  of  War's  letter  ;  which,  by  the  by,  I 
am  very  far  from  thinking  he  either  has,  or  will 
attempt  to  do,  without  fuller  instructions  than  I 
believe  he  has  ;  especially,  too,  as  there  has  been  a 
representation  of  this  matter  by  Governour  Dinwid- 
die,  and,  I  believe,  the  Assembly  of  this  State.  We 
have  advices  that  it  was  received  before  Demmarree 
obtained  his  letter. 

All  that  I  presume  the  General  can  do,  is,  to 
prevent  the  different  corps  from  interfering,  which 
will  occasion  the  duty  to  be  done  by  corps,  instead 

this  object,  Colonel  Fitzhugh  wrote  him  a  letter,  in  which  he  tried  the  force 
of  argument  and  persuasion.  "  I  am  confident,"  he  observes,  "  that  "the  Gen 
eral  has  a  very  great  regard  for  you,  and  will  by  every  circumstance  in  his 
power  make  you  very  happy.  For  my  part,  I  shall  be  extremely  fond  of  you 
continuing  in  the  service,  and  would  advise  you  by  no  means  to  quit  it.  In  re 
gard  to  the  Independent  Companies,  they  will  in  no  shape  interfere  with  you, 
as  you  will  hold  your  post  during  their  continuance  here,  and,  when  the  regi 
ment  is  reduced,  will  have  a  separate  duty." 


1754]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  139 


of  detachments  ;  a  very  inconvenient  way,  as  is  found 
by  experience.1 

You  make  mention  in  your  letter  of  my  continuing 
in  the  service,  and  retaining  my  colonel's  commis 
sion.  This  idea  has  filled  me  with  surprise  ;  for,  if 
you  think  me  capable  of  holding  a  commission,  that 
has  neither  rank  or  emolument  annexed  to  it,  you 
must  entertain  a  very  contemptible  opinion  of  my 
weakness,  and  believe  me  to  be  more  empty  than 
the  commission  itself. 

Besides,  Sir,  if  I  had  time,  I  could  enumerate  many 
good  reasons,  that  forbid  all  thoughts  of  my  return 
ing  ;  and  which  to  you,  or  any  other,  would,  upon 
the  strictest  scrutiny,  appear  to  be  well  founded.  I 
must  be  reduced  to  a  very  low  command,  and  sub 
jected  to  that  of  many,  who  have  acted  as  my  inferior 
officers.  In  short,  every  captain,  bearing  the  King's 
commission,  every  half-pay  officer,  or  others  appear 
ing  with  such  commission,  would  rank  before  me. 
For  these  reasons  I  choose  to  submit  to  the  loss  of 
health,  which  I  have,  however,  already  sustained, 
(not  to  mention  the  effects,)  and  the  fatigue  I  have 
undergone  in  our  first  efforts,  than  subject  myself  to 
the  same  inconveniences,  and  run  the  risk  of  a  second 
disappointment. 


1  That  is,  the  Independent  and  Colonial  companies  must  always  act  separately, 
and  not  in  concert  by  detachments  from  each.  The  inconvenience  of  this 
method  was  proved  in  the  case  of  Captain  Mackay,  previously  to  the  battle 
of  the  Great  Meadows.  Colonel  Innes,  at  Will's  Creek,  contrived  to  keep  up  a 
nominal  command,  by  acting  under  two  commissions,  his  old  one  from  the 
King  received  in  the  former  war,  and  his  new  one  from  Governor  Dinwiddie, 
to  each  of  which  he  appealed  as  occasion  required. — Sparks, 


1 40  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [I754 

I  shall  have  the  consolation  of  knowing,  that  I  have 
opened  the  way,  when  the  smallness  of  our  numbers 
exposed  us  to  the  attacks  of  a  superior  enemy  ;  that 
I  have  hitherto  stood  the  heat  and  brunt  of  the  day, 
and  escaped  untouched  in  time  of  extreme  danger  ; 
and  that  I  have  the  thanks  of  my  country,  for  the 
services  I  have  rendered  it. 

It  shall  not  sleep  in  silence,  my  having  received 
information  that  those  peremptory  orders  from  home, 
which  you  say  could  not  be  dispensed  with,  for  re 
ducing  the  regiments  into  Independent  Companies, 
were  generated,  hatched  and  brought  from  Will's 
Creek.  Ingenuous  treatment  and  plain  dealing  I 
at  least  expected.1  It  is  to  be  hoped  the  project 
will  answer  ;  it  shall  meet  with  my  acquiescence  in 
every  thing  except  personal  services.  I  herewith 
enclose  Governour  Sharpe's  letter,  which  I  beg  you 
will  return  to  him,  with  my  acknowledgments  for  the 
favour  he  intended  me.  Assure  him,  Sir,  as  you 
truly  may,  of  my  reluctance  to  quit  the  service,  and 
of  the  pleasure  I  should  have  received  in  attending 
his  fortunes.  Also  inform  him,  that  it  was  to  obey 
the  call  of  honour,  and  the  advice  of  my  friends,  I 
declined  it,  and  not  to  gratify  any  desire  I  had  to 

1  There  is  no  evidence  of  any  unfair  purpose  in  this  matter  of  reducing  the 
regiment,  and  thereby  throwing  out  the  higher  officers.  Governor  Dinwiddie 
wrote  to  the  Earl  of  Halifax,  on  the  25th  of  October  :  "As  there -have  been 
some  disputes  between  the  regulars,  and  the  officers  appointed  by  me,  I  am 
now  determined  to  reduce  our  regiment  into  Independent  Companies,  so  that 
from  our  forces  there  will  be  no  other  distinguished  officer  above  a  captain." 
He  afterwards  asked  that  blank  commissions  be  sent  to  him  which  would  place 
the  officers  on  an  equality.  In  this  he  could  urge  the  Carthagena  expedition 
as  a  precedent. 


1755]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  141 


leave  the  military  line.      My  inclinations  are  strongly 
bent  to  arms. 

The  length  of  this,  and  the  small  room  I  have  left, 
tell  me  how  necessary  it  is  to  conclude  ;  which  I  will 
do,  as  you  always  shall  find 

Truly  and  sincerely  your  most  humble  servant 


TO    ROBERT    ORME. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  15  March,  1755. 

SIR, 

I  was  not  favored  with  your  polite  letter,  of  the 
2d  inst.,  until  yesterday  ;  acquainting  me  with  the 
notice  his  Excellency,  General  Braddock,1  is  pleased 
to  honor  me  with,  by  kindly  inviting  me  to  become 

1  General  Braddock  landed  in  Virginia,  as  commander-in-chief  of  all  the 
military  forces  in  North  America,  on  the  2Oth  of  February. 

The  following  order  of  the  King,  dated  at  St.  James's,  November  I2th, 
1754,  respecting  the  rank  of  colonial  officers,  was  brought  out  by  General 
Braddock  : 

"All  troops  serving  by  commission  signed  by  us,  or  by  our  general  com 
manding  in  chief  in  North  America,  shall  take  rank  before  all  troops,  which 
may  serve  by  commission  from  any  of  the  governors,  lieutenant  or  deputy  gov 
ernors,  or  president  for  the  time  being.  And  it  is  our  further  pleasure,  that 
the  general  and  field  officers  of  the  provincial  troops  shall  have  no  rank  with 
the  general  and  field  officers,  who  serve  by  commission  from  us  ;  but  that  all 
captains  and  other  inferior  officers  of  our  forces,  who  are  or  may  be  employed 
in  North  America,  are,  on  all  detachments,  courts-martial,  and  other  duty, 
wherein  they  may  be  joined  with  officers  serving  by  commission  from  the  gov 
ernors,  lieutenant  or  deputy  governors,  or  president  for  the  time  being  of  the 
said  provinces,  to  command  and  take  post  of  the  said  provincial  officers  of  the 
like  rank,  though  the  commissions  of  the  said  provincial  officers  of  like  rank 
should  be  of  elder  date." 

Since  his  resignation  in  October,  Colonel  Washington  had  remained  inactive 
at  Mount  Vernon.  General  Braddock,  knowing  his  value,  and  the  importance 
of  securing  his  services  to  the  expedition,  directed  Mr.  Orme,  his  aid-de-camp, 


i42  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

one  of  his  family  the  ensuing  campaign.  It  is  true, 
Sir,  that  I  have,  ever  since  I  declined  my  late 
command,  expressed  an  inclination  to  serve  the  en 
suing  campaign  as  a  volunteer  ;  and  this  inclina 
tion  is  not  a  little  increased,  since  it  is  likely  to  be 
conducted  by  a  gentleman  of  the  General's  experi 
ence. 

But,  besides  this,  and  the  laudable  desire  I  may 
have  to  serve,  with  my  best  abilities,  my  King  and 
country,  I  must  be  ingenuous  enough  to  confess,  that 
I  am  not  a  little  biassed  by  selfish  considerations. 
To  explain,  Sir,  I  wish  earnestly  to  attain  some 
knowledge  in  the  military  profession,  and,  believing 
a  more  favorable  opportunity  cannot  offer,  than  to 
serve  under  a  gentleman  of  General  Braddock's 
abilities  and  experience,  it  does,  as  you  may  reason 
ably  suppose,  not  a  little  contribute  to  influence  my 
choice.  But,  Sir,  as  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  ex 
press  my  sentiments  so  freely,  I  shall  beg  your  in 
dulgence  while  I  add,  that  the  only  bar,  which  can 
check  me  in  the  pursuit  of  this  object,  is  the  incon- 


to  write  to  him  the  following  letter,  proposing  an  expedient  by  which  the  chief 
obstacles  would  be  removed. 

"  WILLIAMSBURG,  2  March,  1755. 
"  SIR, 

"  The  General,  having  been  informed  that  you  expressed  some  desire  to  make 
the  campaign,  but  that  you  declined  it  upon  some  disagreeableness  that  you 
thought  might  arise  from  the  regulation  of  command,  has  order-ed  me  to 
acquaint  you,  that  he  will  be  very  glad  of  your  company  in  his  family,  by 
which  all  inconveniences  of  that  kind  will  be  obviated. 

"  I  shall  think  myself  very  happy  to  form  an  acquaintance  with  a  person  so 
universally  esteemed,  and  shall  use  every  opportunity  of  assuring  you  how  much 
I  am,  Sir,  your  most  obedient  servant. 

"  ROBERT  ORME,  Aid-de-camp." 


i?55]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  143 


veniences  that  must  necessarily  result  from  some 
proceedings  which  happened  a  little  before  the  Gen 
eral's  arrival,  and  which,  in  some  measure,  had 
abated  the  ardor  of  my  desires,  and  determined  me 
to  lead  a  life  of  retirement,  into  which  I  was  just 
entering,  at  no  small  expense,  when  your  favour  was 
presented  to  me. 

But,  as  I  shall  do  myself  the  honor  of  waiting 
upon  his  Excellency,  as  soon  as  I  hear  of  his  arrival 
at  Alexandria,  (and  would  sooner,  were  I  certain 
where  to  find  him,)  I  shall  decline  saying  any  thing 
further  on  this  head  till  then  ;  begging  you  will  be 
pleased  to  assure  him,  that  I  shall  always  retain  a 
grateful  sense  of  the  favour  with  which  he  is  pleased 
to  honor  me,  and  that  I  should  have  embraced  this 
opportunity  of  writing  to  him,  had  I  not  recently  ad 
dressed  a  congratulatory  letter  to  him  on  his  safe 
arrival  in  this  country.  I  flatter  myself  you  will 
favour  me  in  making  a  communication  of  these 
sentiments. 

You  do  me  a  singular  favour,  in  proposing  an 
acquaintance.  It  cannot  but  be  attended  with  the 
most  flattering  prospects  of  intimacy  on  my  part,  as 
you  may  already  perceive,  by  the  familiarity  and 
freedom  with  which  I  now  enter  upon  this  corres 
pondence  ;  a  freedom,  which,  even  if  it  is  disagree 
able,  you  must  excuse,  as  I  may  lay  the  blame  of 
it  at  your  door,  for  encouraging  me  to  throw  off 
that  restraint,  which  otherwise  might  have  been 
more  obvious  in  my  deportment  on  such  an  occa 
sion. 


i44  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [I755 


The  hope  of  shortly  seeing  you  will  be  an  excuse 
for  my  not  adding  more,  than  that  I  shall  endeavour 
to  approve  myself  worthy  of  your  friendship,  and 
that  I  beg  to  be  esteemed  your  most  obedient  servant. 


TO    ROBERT    ORME. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  2  April,  1755. 

DEAR  SIR, 

The  arrival  of  a  good  deal  of  company  (among 
whom  is  my  mother,  alarmed  at  the  report  of  my  in 
tentions  to  attend  your  fortunes,)  prevents  me  the 
pleasure  of  waiting  upon  you  to-day,  as  I  had  in 
tended.1  I  therefore  beg,  that  you  will  be  kind 
enough  to  make  my  compliments  and  excuse  to  the 
General,  who  I  hope  to  hear  is  greatly  recovered 
from  his  indisposition,  and  recruited  sufficiently  to 
prosecute  his  journey  to  Annapolis. 

I  find  myself  much  embarrassed  with  my  affairs, 
having  no  person  in  whom  I  can  confide,  to  entrust 
the  management  of  them  with.  Notwithstanding,  I 
am  determined  to  do  myself  the  honour  of  accompa 
nying  you,  upon  this  proviso,  that  the  General  will 
be  kind  enough  to  permit  my  return,  as  soon  as  the 
active  part  of  the  campaign  is  at  an  end,  if  it  is  de 
sired  ;  or,  if  there  should  be  a  space  of  inaction, 
long  enough  to  admit  a  visit  to  my  home,  that  I  may 
be  indulged  in  coming  to  it. 


1  Captain  Orme  was    now  with  the  army  at  Alexandria,  nine   miles  from 
Mount  Vernon. 


1755]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  145 


I  need  not  add,  how  much  I  should  be  obliged  by 
joining  you  at  Will's  Creek,  instead  of  doing  it  at  an 
earlier  period  and  place.1 

These  things,  Sir,  in  whatever  light  they  may  ap 
pear  to  you  at  first  sight,  will  not,  I  hope,  be  thought 
unreasonable,  when  it  is  considered  how  unprepared 
I  am  at  present  to  quit  a  family,  and  an  estate  I  was 
just  about  to  settle,  and  which  is  in  the  utmost  con 
fusion. 

I  have  enclosed  you  a  letter  from  Colonel  Fairfax 
to  Governor  Shirley,  which,  with  his  compliments,  he 
desired  might  be  given  to  that  gentleman.  He 
also  sends  his  blessing  to  you,  and  desires  that  by 
being  a  good  boy  you  may  merit  more  of  them.  At 
present  he  entertains  sanguine  hopes  of  you  ;  this 
for  your  comfort. 

I  herewith  send  you  a  small  map  of  the  back 
country,  which,  though  imperfect  and  roughly 
drawn,  for  want  of  proper  instruments,  may  give 
you  a  better  knowledge  of  the  parts  designated, 
than  you  have  hitherto  had  an  opportunity  of  acquir 
ing. 

I  shall  do  myself  the  honour  of  waiting  upon  the 
General  as  soon  as  I  hear  of  his  return  from  An 
napolis.  My  compliments  attend  him,  Mr.  Shirley, 
&c.,  and  I  am,  &c. 

1  In  reply  Captain  Orme  wrote  :  "  The  General  orders  me  to  give  his  com 
pliments,  and  to  assure  you  his  wishes  are  to  make  it  agreeable  to  yourself  and 
consistent  with  your  affairs,  and,  therefore,  desires  you  will  so  settle  your 
business  at  home,  as  to  join  him  at  Will's  Creek  if  more  convenient  for  you  ; 
and,  whenever  you  find  it  necessary  to  return,  he  begs  you  will  look  upon 
yourself  as  entire  master,  and  judge  what  is  proper  to  be  done." 


146  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

TO     JOHN    ROBINSON.1 

MOUNT  VERNON,  20  April,  1755. 

DEAR  SIR, 

I  little  expected,  when  I  wrote  you  last,  that  I 
should  so  soon  engage  in  another  campaign  ;  but,  in 
doing  it,  I  may  be  allowed  to  claim  some  merit,  if  it 
is  considered  that  the  sole  motive,  which  invites  me 
to  the  field,  is  the  laudable  desire  of  serving  my 
country,  and  not  the  gratification  of  any  ambitious  or 
lucrative  plans.  This,  I  flatter  myself,  will  mani 
festly  appear  by  my  going  a  volunteer,  without  ex 
pectation  of  reward,  or  prospect  of  attaining  a  com 
mand,  as  I  am  confidently  assured  it  is  not  in 
General  Braddock's  power  to  give  a  commission 
that  I  would  accept.  Perhaps  with  many  others  the 
above  declaration  might  be  construed  into  self- 
applause,  which,  unwilling  to  lose,  I  proclaim  myself. 
But  by  you,  Sir,  I  expect  it  will  be  viewed  in  a  dif 
ferent  light,  because  you  have  sympathized  in  my 
disappointments,  and  lent  your  friendly  aid  to  reinstate 
me  in  a  suitable  command  ;  the  recollection  of  which 
can  never  be  lost  upon  a  mind,  that  is  not  insensible 
of,  but  always  ready  to  acknowledge  obligations. 

This  is  the  reason  why  I  am  so  much  more  unre 
served  in  the  expression  of  my  sentiments  to  you, 
than  I  should  be  to  the  world,  whose  censures  and 
criticisms  often  place  good  designs  in  a  bad  light. 
But,  to  be  ingenuous,  I  must  confess  I  had  other 
intentions  in  writing  you  this  letter  ;  for,  if  there  is 
any  merit  in  my  case,  I  am  unwilling  to  lose  it  among 

1  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Delegates  and  Treasurer  of  the  colony. 


1755]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  147 


my  friends,  who,  without  this  exposition  of  facts, 
might  conceive  that  some  advantageous  offers  had 
engaged  my  services,  when,  in  reality,  the  case  is 
otherwise,  for  I  expect  to  be  a  considerable  loser  in 
my  private  affairs  by  going.  It  is  true  I  have  been 
importuned  to  make  this  campaign  by  General  Brad- 
dock,  as  a  member  of  his  family,  conceiving,  I  sup 
pose,  that  the  small  knowledge  I  have  had  an  oppor 
tunity  of  acquiring  of  the  country,  Indians,  &c.,  was 
worthy  of  his  notice,  and  might  be  useful  to  him  in 
the  progress  of  this  expedition. 

Colo.  Carter  Burwell,1  last  Assembly,  upon  hearing 
that  I  had  lost  50  odd  pounds,  during  my  acting  as 
paymaster,  desired  I  would  petition  the  Committee  of 
War,  to  have  it  refunded  :  assuring  me,  at  the  same 
time,  that  he  would  use  his  endeavors  that  the  matter 
should  be  attended  to.  I  declined  it  then,  thinking 
it  might  not  be  well  received  as  I  had  been  allowed  a 
commission.  But  if  he  should  propose  it  at  a  future 
meeting,  and  it  does  not  appear  to  carry  with  it  the 
face  of  unreasonableness,  I  hope  you  will  do  me  the 
favour  to  second  him. 

I  must  own,  after  meeting  with  the  indulgencies  I 
did,  I  should  not  have  asked  this,  had  it  not  been 
proposed  by  a  member ;  and  had  I  not  been  so  con 
siderable  a  loser  in  the  service,  in  valuable  papers, 
clothing,  horses  and  several  other  things,  some  of 

1  Chairman  of  the  Military  Committee. 

2  He    instances     among    other    things    "  a  very   valuable    and    uncommon 
theodolite,  calculated  not  only  for  superficial  measure,  but  for   taking  of  alti 
tudes,  and  other  useful  purposes  "  which  he  expected  to  find  useful  in  laying  out 
fortifications. 


i48  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 


which,  and  of  no  inconsiderable  value,  I  carried  out 
entirely  for  the  publick  use,  and  forbore  mentioning 
of  it  before,  as  I  knew  you  were  greatly  pestered  with 
complaints  of  this  sort  from  officers  that  were  less 
able  to  bear  them,  tho'  more  inconsiderable  than 
mine.  For  I  had  unfortunately  got  my  baggage  from 
Will's  Creek  but  a  few  days  before  the  engagement, 
in  which  I  also  had  a  valuable  servant  wounded,  who 
died  soon  after.  I  thought  it  expedient  just  to  men 
tion  these  facts,  that  you  might  turn  them  to  any  ad 
vantage  you  see  proper,  or  to  drop  it  altogether,  if 
you  think  the  application  is  at  all  improper.  I 
heartily  wish  a  happy  issue  to  all  your  resolves,  &c. 


TO    WILLIAM     BYRD. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  20  April,  1755. 

DEAR  SIR, 

I  am  sorry  it  was  not  in  my  power  to  wait  upon 
you  at  Westover  last  Christmas.  I  enjoyed  much 
satisfaction  in  the  thought  of  doing  it,  when  an  unex 
pected  accident  put  it  entirely  out  of  my  power  to 
comply  either  with  my  promise  or  inclination,  both 
of  which  prompted  me  to  make  the  visit. 

I  am  now  preparing  for,  and  shall  in  a  few  days 
set  off,  to  serve  in  the  ensuing  campaign,  with  differ 
ent  views,  however,  from  those  I  had  before.  For 
here,  if  I  can  gain  any  credit,  or  if  I  am  entitled  to 
the  least  countenance  and  esteem,  it  must  be  from 
serving  my  country  without  fee  or  reward  ;  for  I  can 
truly  say,  I  have  no  expectation  of  either.  To  merit 


1755]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  149 


its  esteem,  and  the  good  will  of  my  friends,  is  the 
sum  of  my  ambition,  having  no  prospect  of  attaining 
a  commission,  being  well  assured  it  is  not  in  Gen'l. 
Braddock's  power  to  give  such  an  one  as  I  would 
accept  of.  The  command  of  a  Company  is  the 
highest  commission  vested  in  his  gift.  He  was  so 
obliging  as  to  desire  my  company  this  campaign,  has 
honoured  me  with  particular  marks  of  his  esteem,  and 
kindly  invited  me  into  his  family — a  circumstance 
which  will  ease  me  of  expences  that  otherwise  must 
have  accrued  in  furnishing  stores,  camp  equipage,  &c, 
whereas  the  cost  will  now  be  easy  (comparatively 
speaking),  as  baggage,  horses,  tents,  and  some  other 
necessaries,  will  constitute  the  whole  of  the  charge. 

Yet  to  have  a  family  just  settling,  and  in  the  con 
fusion  and  disorder  mine  is  in  at  present,  is  not  a 
pleasing  thing  and  may  be  hurtful.  But  be  this  as 
it  may,  it  shall  be  no  hindrance  to  my  making  this 
campaign. 

TO    WILLIAM    FAIRFAX. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  23  April,  1755. 

DEAR  SIR, 

I  cannot  think  of  quitting  Fairfax,1  without  em 
bracing  this  last  opportunity  of  bidding  you  farewell. 
I  shall  this  day  set  off  for  Will's  Creek,  where  I  ex 
pect  to  meet  the  General,  and  to  stay,  I  fear,  too 
long,  as  our  march  must  be  regulated  by  the  slow 
movements  of  the  train  ;  which,  I  am  sorry  to  say, 
will  be  tedious,  very  tedious  indeed,  as  I  have  long 

1  Mount  Vernon  is  in  Fairfax  County. 


150  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

predicted,  though  few  believed.  Alexandria  has  been 
honored  with  five  governors  in  consultation  ;  a  favor 
able  presage,  I  hope,  not  only  of  the  success  of  this 
expedition,  but  of  the  future  greatness  of  this  town  ; 
for  surely  such  a  meeting  must  have  been  occasioned 
by  the  commodious  and  pleasant  situation  of  this 
place,  which  prognosticates  population,  and  the  in 
crease  of  a  (now)  flourishing  trade.1 

I  have  had  the  honor  to  be  introduced  to  the  sev 
eral  governors,  and  of  being  well  received  by  them  all ; 
especially  Mr.  Shirley,  whose  character  and  appear 
ance  have  perfectly  charmed  me,  as  I  think  his  every 
word  and  action  discover  in  him  the  gentleman  and 
politician.  I  heartily  wish  the  same  unanimity  may 
prevail  amongst  us,  as  appeared  to  exist  between  him 
and  his  Assembly,  when  they,  to  expedite  the  busi 
ness,  and  to  forward  his  journey  hither,  sat  till  eleven 
arid  twelve  o'clock  every  night. 

It  will  be  needless,  as  I  know  your  punctuality 
requires  no  stimulus,  to  remind  you  of  an  affair, 
about  which  I  wrote  some  time  ago  ;  therefore  I  shall 
only  beg  my  compliments  to  Mr.  Nicholas  and  his 
lady,  and  to  all  friends  who  think  me  worthy  of  their 
inquiries.  I  am,  &c.2 

1  Soon  after  General  Braddock  arrived  in  Virginia,  he  wrote  (March  10)  to 
the  governors   of  Massachusetts,    New  York,    Maryland,    and   Pennsylvania, 
requesting  them  to  meet  him  at  Annapolis  in  Maryland,  to  concert  measures 
for  future  operations.     The  General,  Commodore  Keppel,  and  Governor  Din- 
widdie   proceeded    to  Annapolis,  but    the   place   of    meeting   was   afterwards 
changed  to  Alexandria,  where  they  all  assembled  on  the  I4th  of  April,  and 
concerted  measures  for  the  united  action  of  the  middle  and  northern  colonies. 
The  minutes  of  this  council   are  printed  in  Documentary   History  of  New 

York,  II.,  376. 

2  The  last  of  Gen'l  Braddock's  orders  dated  at  Alexandria  were  those  of  April 
14.     On  the  2 ist  they  were  issued  at  Frederick.     The  march  to  Wills  Creek 


1755]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  151 

TO    WILLIAM    FAIRFAX. 

WINCHESTER,  5  May,  1755. 

DEAR  SIR, 

I  overtook  the  General  at  Frederick  Town,  in  Mary 
land.  From  thence  we  proceeded  to  this  place,  where 
we  shall  remain  till  the  arrival  of  the  second  division 
of  the  train,  (which  we  hear  left  Alexandria  on  Tues 
day  last).  After  that,  we  shall  continue  our  march 
to  Will's  Creek  ;  from  whence,  it  is  imagined,  we 
shall  not  stir  till  the  latter  end  of  this  month,  for 
want  of  wagons  and  other  conveniences  to  transport 
our  baggage  &c.  over  the  mountains. 

You  will  naturally  conclude,  that  to  pass  through 
Maryland,  (when  no  object  required  it,)  was  an  un 
common,  and  extraordinary  route  for  the  General 
and  Colonel  Dunbar's  regiment  to  this  place.  The 
reason,  however,  was  obvious.  Those  who  pro 
moted  it  had  rather  that  the  communication  should 
be  opened  that  way,  than  through  Virginia  ;  but  I 
believe  the  eyes  of  the  General  are  now  open,  and 
the  imposition  detected  ;  consequently,  the  like  will 
not  happen  again.1  Please  to  make  my  compliments 

that  was  outlined  for  Colo.  Dunbar  was  129  miles  in  length.  He  was  to  leave 
Alexandria  on  the  2gth  and  reach  Wills  Creek  on  the  gth  of  May.  The 
following  was  the  movement  of  the  advanced  corps  : — 

April  28,  Frederick  ;  May  10,  Fort  Cumberland  ;  June  10,  Camp  at  the 
Grove  ;  June  14,  Martin's  ;  June  17,  Little  Meadows  ;  June  21,  Bear  camp, 
near  Gt.  Meadows. — Pennsylvania  Gazette,  July  3,  1755. 

On  April  3Oth  he  wrote  to  Mrs.  Fairfax  :  "  If  an  old  proverb  will  apply  to  my 
case,  I  shall  close  with  success,  for  no  man  could  have  made  a  worse  beginning 
than  I  have  clone.  Out  of  4  horses  which  I  brought  from  home,  one  I  have 
killed  outright  and  the  other  three  are  rendered  unfit  for  use  ;  so  that  I  have 
been  detained  here  [Bullskin]  for  three  days  already,  and  how  much  longer  I 
may  continue  to  be  so,  time  can  only  discover." 

1  The  selection  of  the  route  was  due  to  St.  Clair,  who  thought  to  gain 
despatch  by  dividing  the  army,  sending  one  division  with  powder  and  ordnance 


i5 2  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

to  Colo.  G.  to  whom  I  shall  write  by  the  next  oppor 
tunity,  and  excuse  haste.      I  am,  &c. 


TO   JOHN    A.    WASHINGTON.1 

WINCHESTER,  6  May,  1755. 

DEAR  BROTHER, 

A  very  fatiguing  ride  and  long  round  about, 
brought  me  to  the  General  (the  day  I  parted  with 
you)  at  Frederick-Town.  This  is  a  small  village,  15 
miles  below  the  Blue  Ridge  on  the  Maryland  side  of 
the  Potowmack.  From  thence  we  proceeded  to  this 
place,  where  we  have  halted  since  Saturday  last,  and 
shall  depart  for  Will's-Creek  to-morrow.  I  find  there 
is  no  probability  of  marching  the  army  from  Will's 
Creek,  'till  the  latter  end  of  this  month,  or  the  first 
of  next.  You  may  easily  guess,  then,  how  heavily 
time  will  hang  upon  my  hands. 

I  have  met  with  much  complaisance  in  this  family, 
especially  from  the  General,  whom  I  hope  to  please 
without  ceremonious  attentions  or  difficulty  ;  for,  I 
may  add,  it  cannot  be  done  with  them,  as  he  uses  and 
requires  less  ceremony  than  you  can  easily  conceive.2 

by  Winchester,  and  the  other  with  military  and  hospital  stores,  by  Frederick, 
in  Maryland.  On  reaching  Frederick,  Colo.  Dunbar  found  there  was  no  road 
through  Maryland  to  Fort  Cumberland,  and  he  was  compelled  to  cross  the 
Potomac  and  take  the  Winchester  route.  St.  Clair  expected  Govr.  Morris 
to  build  a  road  to  Will's  Creek,  and  taking  him  to  task  sharply  for  his 
failure  received  a  "  set-down  "  from  Morris — as  Govr.  Shirley  called  it. 

1  John  Augustine  Washington  was  a  younger  and  favorite  brother.     He  was 
the  father  of  Bushrod  Washington,  who,  after  having  been  more  than  thirty 
years  one  of  the  associate  justices  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States, 
died  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  26th  of  November,  1829. 

2  To  his  brother  he  wrote  :   "  I  am  treated  with  freedom  not  inconsistent  with 
respect,  by  the  General  and  his  family  ;  I  have  no  doubt,  therefore,  but  I  shall 
spend  my  time  more  agreeably,  than  profitably,  during  the  campaign,  as  I  con 
ceive  a  little  experience  will  be  my  chief  reward."  May  14,  1755. 


1755]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  153 


I  have  ordered  the  horse  Gist,  to  Bullskin,  and  my 
own  here,  if  serviceable,  otherwise  you  must  have 
both  carried  down,  when  Countess  is  sent  up.  I  have 
conceived  a  good  opinion  of  the  horse  Gist ;  there 
fore,  I  hope  you  will  not  let  ^z-w  want  for  proper  care 
and  good  usage,  if  he  should  be  sent  instead  of  the 
grey's,  which  will  be  the  case  if  they  are  able  to  per 
form  the  journey. 

I  hope  you  will  have  frequent  opportunities  to  par 
ticularize  the  state  of  my  affairs,  which  will  adminis 
ter  much  satisfaction  to  a  person  in  my  situation. 
At  present  I  have  nothing  to  add,  but  my  compli 
ments  to  all  friends,  particularly  to  the  worthy  family 
at  Belvoir,  who  I  hope  are  in  good  health. 


TO    MAJOR    JOHN    CARLYLE. 

FORT  CUMBERLAND,  14  May,  1755. 

SIR  : — I  overtook  the  General  at  Frederick-Town 
in  Maryland,  and  proceeded  with  him,  by  way  of 
Winchester,  to  this  place,1  which  gave  him  a  good 
opportunity  to  see  the  absurdity  of  the  route,  and  of 
damning  it  very  heartily.  Colo.  Dunbar's  regiment 
was  also  obliged  to  recross  at  Connogogee,  and 
come  down  within  six  miles  of  Winchester,  to  take 
the  new  road  to  Will's  Creek  :  which,  from  the  ab 
surdity  of  it,  was  laughable  enough. 

We  are  to  halt  here  'till  forage  can  be  brought  from 
Philadelphia,  which  I  suppose  will  introduce  the 
month  of  June ;  and  then  we  are  to  proceed  upon  our 

1  Arrived  on  the  roth. 


i54  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

tremendous  undertaking  of  transporting  the  heavy 
artillery  over  the  mountains,  which,  I  believe,  will 
compose  the  greatest  difficulty  of  the  campaign.  For 
as  to  any  apprehensions  of  the  enemy,  I  think  they 
are  more  to  be  provided  against  than  regarded,  as  I 
fancy  the  French  will  be  obliged  to  draw  their  force 
from  the  Ohio  to  repel  the  attacks  in  the  north, 
under  the  command  of  Governour  Shirley  &c,  who 
will  make  three  different  attempts  immediately.1  * 


TO  MRS.   FAIRFAX. 

FORT  CUMBERLAND,  14  May,  1755. 

DEAR  MADAM  : 

I  have  at  last  with  great  pains  and  difficulty  dis 
covered  the  reason  why  Mrs.  Wardrope  is  a  greater 
favorite  of  Genl.  Braddock  than  Mrs.  F—  — x,  and 
met  with  more  respect  at  the  review  in  Alexandria. 
The  cause  I  shall  communicate,  after  having  rallied 
you  upon  neglecting  the  means  which  produced  the 
effect.  And  what  do  you  think  they  were  ?  why, 
nothing  less,  I  assure  you,  than  a  present  of  delicious 
cake  and  potted  wood-cocks  !  which  so  affected  the 
palate  as  to  leave  a  deep  impression  upon  the  hearts 
of  all  who  tasted  of  them.  How,  then,  could  the 
General  do  otherwise  than  admire,  not  only  the 
charms,  but  the  politeness,  of  this  lady  ! 

We  have  a  favourable  prospect  of  halting  here  three 
weeks  or  a  month  longer,  for  waggons,  horses  and 
forage  ;  it  is  easy  to  conceive,  therefore,  that  my 
situation  will  not  be  very  pleasant  and  agreeable, 

1  "  This  letter  was  never  sent."     Note  by  Washington  in  Letter  Book. 


1755]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  155 

when  I  dreaded  this  (before  I  came  out)  more  than 
all  the  other  incidents  which  might  happen  during 
the  campaign.  *  *  * 


TO    JOHN    A.   WASHINGTON. 

FORT  CUMBERLAND,  14  May,  1755. 

DEAR  BROTHER, 

As  wearing  boots  is  quite  the  mode,  and  mine  are 
in  a  declining  state,  I  must  beg  the  favor  of  you  to 
procure  me  a  pair  that  is  good  and  neat,  and  send 
them  to  Major  Carlyle,  who,  I  hope,  will  contrive  [to 
forward]  them,  as  quickly  as  my  necessity  requires. 

I  see  no  prospect  of  moving  from  this  place  soon, 
as  we  have  neither  horses  nor  wagons  enough,  and 
no  forage  for  them  to  subsist  upon,  except  what  is 
expected  from  Philadelphia  ;  therefore,  I  am  well 
convinced,  that  the  trouble  and  difficulty  we  must 
encounter  in  passing  the  mountain,  for  want  of  proper 
conveniences,  will  equal  all  the  other  difficulties  of 
the  campaign  ;  for  I  conceive  the  march  of  such  a  train 
of  artillery  in  these  roads,  to  be  a  tremendous  under 
taking.  As  to  any  danger  from  the  enemy,  I  look 
upon  it  as  trifling,  for  I  believe  the  French  will  be 
obliged  to  exert  their  utmost  force  to  repel  the  at 
tacks  to  the  northward,  where  Governour  Shirley  and 
others,  with  a  body  of  8,000  men,  will  annoy  their  set 
tlements,  and  attempt  their  forts. 

The  General  has  appointed  me  one  of  his  aids-de 
camp,1  in  which  character  I  shall  serve  this  campaign 

1  This  appointment  was  proclaimed  to  the  army  in  general  orders  on  the  loth 
of  May. 


i56  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

agreeably  enough,  as  I  am  thereby  freed  from  all 
commands  but  his,  and  give  his  orders  to  all,  which 
must  be  implicitly  obeyed. 

I  have  now  a  good  opportunity,  and  shall  not  neg 
lect  it,  of  forming  an  acquaintance,  which  may  be 
serviceable  hereafter,  if  I  find  it  worth  while  to  push 
my  fortune  in  the  military  line. 

I  have  wrote  to  my  two  female  correspondents  J  by 
this  opportunity,  one  of  which  letters  I  have  en 
closed  to  you,  and  beg  your  deliverance  of  it.  I  shall 
expect  a  particular  account  of  all  that  has  happened 
since  my  departure. 

I  am,  dear  Jack, 

Your  most  affectionate  brother.2 


May  the  I5th. 

I  was  sent  to  Colo.  Hunter3  for  a  supply  of  money,  ^"4,000 
sterlg.  and  arrived,  as  far  as  Winchester,  on  my  way  thither, 
on  the  day  following,  from  whence  I  dispatched  an  express 
to  him  (fearing  he  might  be  out)  to  provide  that  sum,  and  to 
meet  me  with  it  at  Williamsburgh.  Proceeded  myself  thro' 
Fairfax,  where  I  was  detained  a  day  in  getting  horses. 

At  Claybourn's  Ferry  (the  22d)  I  met  the  express  I  had 
sent,  as  he  was  returning,  who  brought  a  verbal  message 
from  Governour  Dinwiddie,  informing  me  that  Colo.  Hunter 
was  gone  to  the  northward,  and  that  I  would  certainly  be 
disappointed  in  my  expectations  of  money  :  with  this  I 
acquainted  Capt.  Orme  by  letter,  and  proceeded  on  to  Wil 
liamsburgh,  where  I  arrived  the  same  day,  and  met  a  Mr. 
Belfour,  the  partner  of  Colo.  Hunter,  with  nearly  the  sum 

1  Mrs.  Carlyle  and  Mrs.  Fairfax. 

2  "  The  above  letter  was  not  sent."     Note  by  Washington  in  Letter  Book. 

3  John  Hunter. 


1755]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  157 


desired,  which  was  completed  the  next  day  time  enough  for 
me  to  reach  Chissel's  ordinary  on  my  return.  The  2/th  I 
arrived  at  Winchester,  and  expected  to  have  met  the  troop 
of  light-horse  to  escort  me  to  the  camp  ;  but  being  disap 
pointed  in  that,  I  engaged  a  guard  of  the  militia,  with  which 
I  set  out  on  the  2Qth  following,  and  arrived  at  the  camp  the 
30th. 


TO    JOHN    A.    WASHINGTON. 

WINCHESTER,  25  May,  1755. 

DEAR  BROTHER, 

I  came  to  this  place  last  night,  and  was  greatly 
disappointed  in  not  finding  the  cavalry,  according  to 
promise.  I  am  obliged  to  wait  'till  it  does  arrive,  or 
'till  I  can  procure  a  Guard  from  the  militia,  either  of 
which,  I  suppose,  will  detain  me  two  days,  as  you 
may  with  (almost)  equal  success,  attempt  to  raise  the 
dead,  as  the  force  of  this  country  !  and  that  from 
Will's  Creek,  cannot  be  expected  in  less  than  the 
forementioned  time,  without  they  are  now  upon  their 
march. 

The  drought  in  this  Country,  if  possible,  exceeds 
what  we  see  below  ;  so  that  it  is  very  reasonably 
conjectured,  they  won't  make  corn  to  supply  the  in 
habitants  :  and  as  for  tobacco,  they  have  given  up 
the  expectation  of  making  any. 

The  inhabitants  of  this  place  abound  in  news  ;  but 
as  I  apprehend  it  is  founded  upon  as  bare  a  founda 
tion  as  some  I  heard  on  my  way  down,  I  think  it 
advisable  to  forego  the  recital,  till  a  little  better 
authority  confirms  the  report.  Then  you  may  expect 
to  have  a  narrative  of  it. 


i58  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

I  should  be  glad  to  hear  that  you  live  in  perfect 
harmony  and  good  fellowship  with  the  family  at 
Belvoir,  as  it  is  in  their  power  to  be  very  serviceable 
upon  many  occasions  to  us,  as  young  beginners.  I 
would  advise  your  visiting  there  often,  as  one  step 
towards  it ;  the  rest,  if  any  more  is  necessary,  your 
own  good  sense  will  sufficiently  dictate — for  to  that 
family  I  am  under  many  obligations,  particularly  to 
the  old  gentleman. 

Mrs  Fairfax  and  Mrs  Spearing  having  expressed  a 
wish  to  be  informed  of  the  time  and  manner  of  my 
reaching  this  place  (with  my  charge),  you  may  ac 
quaint  them  that  I  met  with  no  other  interruption 
than  what  proceeded  from  the  difficulty  of  getting 

horses.  After  Mrs.  F x's  grew  lame,  I  was 

obliged  to  get  a  fresh  one  every  15  or  20  miles,  which 
rendered  the  journey  tedious.  I  should  have  been 
more  refreshed  from  the  fatigues  of  my  journey,  and 
my  time  would  have  been  spent  much  more  agreea 
bly,  had  I  halted  below,  instead  of  being  delayed  in 
this  place  ;  but  I  little  imagined  I  should  have  had 
occasion  to  wait  for  a  guard,  which  ought  to  have 
waited  for  me — if  either  must  have  waited  at  all.  *  *  * 

P.  S.  As  I  understand  the  County  of  Fairfax  is 
to  be  divided,  and  that  Mr.  Alexander  intends  to  de 
cline  serving  it.  I  should  be  glad  if  you  could  come 
at  Colo.  Fairfax's  intentions,  and  let  me  know  whether 
he  purposes  to  offer  himself  as  a  candidate.  If  he 
does  not,  I  should  be  glad  to  take  a  poll,  if  I  thought 
my  chance  tolerably  good. 

Majr.  Carlyle  mentioned  it  to  me  in  Williamsburgh 


1755]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  159 


in  a  bantering  way,  and  asked  how  I  would  like  it, 
saying,  at  the  same  time,  he  did  not  know  but  they 
might  send  me,  when  I  might  know  nothing  of  the 
matter,  for  one  or  t'other  of  the  counties.  I  must 
confess  I  should  like  to  go  for  either  in  that  manner, 
but  more  particularly  for  Fairfax,  as  I  am  a  resident 
there. 

I  should  be  glad  if  you  could  discover  Maj.  Car- 
lyle's  real  sentiments  on  this  head ;  also  those  of  Mr. 
Dalton,  Ramsay,  Mason,  &c,  which  I  hope  and  think 
you  may  do  without  disclosing  much  of  mine,  as  I 
know  your  own  good  sense  can  furnish  you  with 
contrivances. 

If  you  should  attempt  any  thing  in  this  matter, 
pray  let  me  know  by  the  first  opportunity  how  you 
have  succeeded  in  it,  and  how  those  gentlemen  stand 
affected.  If  they  seem  inclinable  to  promote  my  in 
terest,  and  things  should  be  drawing  to  a  crisis,  you 
then  may  declare  my  intentions,  and  beg  their  assist 
ance.  If,  on  the  contrary,  you  find  them  more  in 
clined  to  favour  some  other,  I  would  have  the  affair 
entirely  dropped. 

The  Revd.  Mr.  Green's  and  Capt.  McCarty's  inter 
ests  in  this  matter  would  be  of  consequence,  and  I 
should  be  glad  if  you  could  sound  their  pulse  upon 
that  occasion.  Conduct  the  whole  'till  you  are  satis 
fied  of  the  sentiments  of  those  I  have  mentioned,  with 
an  air  of  indifference  and  unconcern  ;  after  that,  you 
may  regulate  your  conduct  accordingly  to  circum 
stances. 

Capt.   West,  the  present  Burgess,  and  our  friend 


160  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [I755 

Jack  West,  could  also  be  serviceable,  if  they  had  a 
mind  to  assist  the  interest  of,  Dear  Jack,  Your  loving 
brother. 

30  May  [1755]. 

Upon  my  return  from  Williamsburgh,  I  found  that  Sr. 
John  St.  Clair,  with  Maj.  Chapman  and  a  detachment  of 
500  men,  had  marched  to  the  Little  Meadows,  in  order  to 
prepare  the  roads,  establish  a  small  post,  and  to  lay  a  de 
posit  of  provisions  there.  The  2d  of  June  Mr.  Spendelow 
discovered  a  communication  from  Fort  Cumberland  to  the 
old  road,  leading  to  the  crossing  of  the  Youghiogany,  avoid 
ing  the  enormous  mountain  which  had  proved  so  destruc 
tive  to  our  waggon-horses.  This  communication  was 
opened  along  a  branch  of  Will's  Creek,  and  finished  by  the 
7th,  when  Sr.  Peter  Halket,  with  the  First  Brigade  of  the 
Line,  began  its  march,  and  encamped  within  a  mile  of  the 
old  road  (which  is  about  5  miles  from  the  Fort)  the  same 
day.  This  encampment  was  first  called  Grove  Camp,  but 
was  afterwards  altered  to  that  of  Spendelow 's  Camp. 

This  day  also,  Captn.  Gates's  Independent  company,  the 
remaining  companies  of  the  Provincial  troops,  and  the 
whole  park  of  artillery,  were  ordered  to  hold  themselves  in 
readiness  to  march  at  an  hour's  warning,  under  the  com 
mand  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Burton  :  and  they  accordingly 
did  so  on  the  Qth  following,  but  with  great  difficulty  got  up 
to  Sir  Peter  Halket's  brigade  at  Grove,  or  Spendelow's 
camp,  the  same  day. 

This  march,  from  the  number  of  waggons,  occasioned  a 
council  of  war  to  be  held  upon  the  arrival  of  the  General 
(with  Colo.  Dunbar's  regiment)  at  this  camp.  In  this 
council  it  was  determined  to  retrench  the  number  of  wag 
gons,  and  to  increase  the  transportation  by  pack-horses.  In 
order  thereto,  the  officers  were  called  together,  and  the 
Genl.  represented  to  them  the  necessity  there  was  to  pro 
cure  all  the  horses  possible  for  His  Majesty's  service,  a.d- 


1755]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  161 


vised  them  to  send  back  such  of  their  baggage  as  they  could 
do  without  and  apply  the  horses  (which  by  that  means 
could  be  spared)  to  carry  provisions  for  the  army.  This 
they  accordingly  did  with  great  cheerfulness  and  zeal. 

TO    WILLIAM    FAIRFAX. 

CAMP  AT  WILL'S  CREEK,  7  June,  1755. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

I  arrived  with  my  charge  safe  in  camp,  the 
3Oth  of  last  month,  after  waiting  a  day  and  piece  in 
Winchester,  expecting  the  cavalry  to  escort  me  up  ; 
in  which  being  disappointed,  I  was  obliged  to  make 
use  of  a  small  guard  of  the  militia  of  Frederick 
county.1 

The  General,  by  frequent  breaches  of  contract, 
has  lost  all  patience  ;  and,  for  want  of  that  temper 
and  moderation,  which  should  be  used  by  a  man  of 
sense  upon  these  occasions,  will,  I  fear,  represent  us 
in  a  light  we  little  deserve  ;  for,  instead  of  blaming 
the  individuals,  as  he  ought,  he  charges  all  his  disap 
pointments  to  publick  supineness,  and  looks  upon 
the  country,  I  believe,  as  void  of  honour  and  honesty. 
We  have  frequent  disputes  on  this  head,  which  are 
maintained  with  warmth  on  both  sides,  especially  on 
his,  who  is  incapable  of  arguing  without,  or  giving 
up  any  point  he  asserts,  let  it  be  ever  so  incompatible 
with  reason  or  common  sense.2 


1  "  I  was  escorted  by  8  men  of  the  militia  of  Winchester  to  this  camp  ;  which 
8  men  were  two  days  assembling  ;  but  I  believe  they  would  not  have  been  more 
than    as   many   seconds   dispersing,  if   I    had    been  attacked."      To  John  A. 

Washington,  7  June,  1755. 

2  The  governors  of  the  different  colonies  had  promised  much,  but  performed 
little  ;  and  the  large  deposits  of  supplies  supposed  to  exist  were  soon  found 


162  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [I755 

There  is  a  line  of  communication  to  be  opened 
from  Pennsylvania  to  the  French  fort  Duquesne, 
along  which  we  are  to  receive,  after  a  little  time,  all 
our  convoys  of  provisions,  &c.,  &c.,  and  to  give  all 
manner  of  encouragement  to  a  people,  who  ought 
rather  to  be  chastised  for  their  insensibility  to  dan 
ger,  and  disregard  of  their  sovereign's  expectation. 
They,  it  seems,  are  to  be  the  favoured  people,  be 
cause  they  have  furnished  what  their  absolute  interest 
alone  induced  them  to  do,  i.  e.t  150  wagons,  and  an 
equivalent  number  of  horses.1 

Major  Chapman,  with  a  detachment  of  500  men, 

wanting,  or  in  places  where  they  could  be  of  no  service,  and  no  means  at  hand 
to  transport  them  to  the  army.  It  was  at  one  of  these  crises  that  Franklin  ren 
dered  such  efficient  aid  (  Writings,  ii.,  419).  For  two  hundred  miles  the  troops 
marched  with  only  salt  provisions,  and  the  General  was  forced  to  offer  large 
rewards  to  such  as  would  bring  to  the  camp  provisions,  paying  a  higher  price 
than  was  usual  for  whatever  could  be  obtained.  In  one  case  some  salted  beef 
was  condemned  on  its  arrival  in  camp,  as  unfit  for  food.  The  horses  were 
stolen  almost  as  fast  as  they  could  be  obtained.  The  contractors  failed  to  sup 
ply  what  they  had  contracted  for,  and  Cresap  lost  his  position  as  commissary 
through  his  gross  negligence. 

On  the  other  hand,  Gen.  Braddock  did  not  hesitate  to  enlist  and  take  away 
servants  and  impress  wagons,  horses,  teamsters,  and  even  carriages,  and  car 
riage  horses. 

1  These  remarks  are  applied  to  the  Pennsylvanians,  who  were  singularly 
backward  in  rendering  any  aids  for  the  public  service.  The  merit  of  procuring 
the  wagons  and  horses,  here  mentioned,  was  wholly  due  to  Franklin,  and  not 
to  any  agency  or  intention  of  the  Assembly.  Being  at  that  time  postmaster- 
general  in  the  colonies,  he  visited  General  Braddock  at  Frederic  Town,  for 
the  purpose  of  maturing  a  plan  for  transmitting  despatches  between  the  general 
and  the  governors.  Becoming  acquainted  with  the  obstacles,  which  opposed 
the  progress  of  the  army,  he  stipulated  with  General  Braddock  to  furnish  within 
a  given  time  one  hundred  and  fifty  wagons,  and  a  proportionable  number  of 
horses,  for  which  a  specified  sum  was  to  be  allowed.  He  immediately  returned 
to  York  and  Lancaster,  sent  out  an  advertisement  among  the  farmers,  and  in 
two  weeks  all  the  wagons  and  horses  were  in  readiness  at  Will's  Creek.  He 
gave  his  personal  security,  that  the  compensation  agreed  on  should  be  duly  paid 
according  to  contract. 


1755]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON,  163 


and  the  Quartermaster-General,  marched  two  or  three 
days  before  I  arrived  here,  to  open  the  roads,  and  lay 
a  deposite  of  provisions  in  a  small  fort,  which  they 
are  to  erect  at  the  Little  Meadows. 

To-morrow,  Sir  Peter  Halket,  (with  the  first  bri 
gade,)  is  to  begin  their  march,  and  on  Monday  the 
General,  with  the  second,  will  follow.  One  hospital 
is  filled  with  sick,  and  the  numbers  increase  daily, 
with  the  bloody  flux,  which  has  not  yet  proved 
mortal  to  many. 

General  Innes  has  accepted  of  a  Commission  to  be 
Governour  of  Fort  Cumberland,  where  he  is  to  re 
side  ;  and  will  shortly  receive  another  to  be  hang 
man,  or  something  of  that  kind,  and  for  which  he  is 
equally  qualified. 

By  a  letter  received  from  Governor  Morris,  of 
Pennsylvania,  we  have  advice,  that  a  party  of  three 
hundred  men  passed  Oswego  on  their  way  to  Fort 
Duquesne,  and  that  another  and  larger  detachment 
was  expected  to  pass  that  place  every  moment.  By 
the  public  accounts  from  Pennsylvania,  we  are 
assured,  that  nine  hundred  men  have  certainly  passed 
Oswego  to  reinforce  the  French  on  Ohio  ;  so 
that  from  these  accounts  we  have  reason  to  believe, 
that  we  shall  have  more  to  do  than  to  go  up  the  hills 
and  come  down. 

We  are  impatient  to  hear  what  the  powers  at  home 
are  doing ;  whether  peace,  or  war  is  like  to  be  the 
issue  of  all  these  preparations.1 

1  To  Mrs.  Fairfax  he  wrote  from  Fort  Cumberland,  on  June  7  : — 

"  When  I  had  the  pleasure  to  see  you  last  you  expressed  a  wish  to  be  in- 


164  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

TO    JOHN    A.    WASHINGTON. 

YOUGHIOGANY,  28  June,  1755. > 

DEAR  BROTHER, 

Immediately  upon  our  leaving  the  camp  at  George's 
Creek,  on  the  i4th  instant,  (from  whence  I  wrote  to 
you,)  I  was  seized  with  violent  fevers  and  pains  in 
my  head,  which  continued  without  intermission  'till 
the  23d  following,  when  I  was  relieved,  by  the  Gen 
eral's  absolutely  ordering  the  physicians  to  give  me 
Dr.  James's  powders,  (one  of  the  most  excellent  medi 
cines  in  the  world,)  for  it  gave  me  immediate  ease, 
and  removed  my  fevers  and  other  complaints  in  four 
days'  time.2  My  illness  was  too  violent  to  suffer  me 
to  ride  ;  therefore  I  was  indebted  to  a  covered 
wagon  for  some  part  of  my  transportation  ;  but  even 
in  this,  I  could  not  continue  far,  for  the  jolting  was 
so  great,  that  I  was  left  upon  the  road  with  a 
guard,  and  necessaries,  to  wait  the  arrival  of  Colonel 
Dunbar's  detachment,  which  was  two  days'  march 

formed  of  my  safe  arrival  at  camp,  with  the  charge  that  was  entrusted  to  my 
care  ;  but  at  the  same  time  requested  that  it  might  be  communicated  in  a 
letter  to  some  friend  of  yours.  Am  I  to  consider  the  proposed  mode  of  com 
munication  as  a  polite  intimation  of  your  wishes  to  withdraw  your  correspond 
ence  ?  To  a  certain  degree  it  has  that  appearance  ;  for  I  have  not  been 
honoured  with  a  line  from  you  since  I  parted  with  you  at  Belvoir.  If  this  was 
your  object,  in  what  manner  shall  I  apologize  for  my  present  disobedience? 
But  on  the  contrary,  if  it  was  the  effect  of  your  delicacy,  how  easy  is  it  to 
remove  my  suspicions,  enliven  dull  hours,  and  make  me  happier  than  I  am  able 
to  express,  by  honouring  me  with  the  correspondence  you  had  given  me  the 
hope  of." 

1  From  the  1 7th  of  June  to  the  8th  of  July  Washington  was  separated  from 
the  army. 

2  Robert  James  was  a  schoolfellow  of   Samuel  Johnson  and  author  of  a  Me 
dicinal  .Dictionary   in    three   folio  volumes.      "I  never  thought  well  of  Dr. 
James's  compounded  medicines,"  was  Johnson's   opinion.     These   "  famous  " 
fever  powders  were  sold  by  Newbury,  Goldsmith's  publisher. 


1755]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  165 


behind  us,  the  General  giving  me  his  word  of  honor, 
that  I  should  be  brought  up,  before  he  reached  the 
French  fort.  T\\is  promise,  and  the  doctor's  threats, 
that,  if  I  persevered  in  my  attempts  to  get  on,  in  the 
condition  I  was,  my  life  would  be  endangered,  deter 
mined  me  to  halt  for  the  above  detachment. 

As  the  communication  between  this  and  Will's 
Creek  must  soon  be  too  dangerous  for  single  persons 
to  pass,  it  will  render  the  intercourse  of  letters  slow 
and  precarious  ;  therefore  I  shall  attempt  (and  will  go 
through  if  I  have  strength)  to  give  you  an  account 
of  our  proceedings,  of  our  situation,  and  of  our  pros 
pects  at  present ;  which  I  desire  you  will  communicate 
to  Colonel  Fairfax,  and  others,  my  correspondents, 
for  I  am  too  weak  to  wrrite  more  than  this  letter.  In 
the  letter,  which  I  wrote  to  you  from  George's 
Creek,  I  acquainted  you,  that,  unless  the  number  of 
wagons  was  retrenched,  and  the  carrying-horses  in 
creased,  we  never  should  be  able  to  see  Duquesne.1 
This,  in  two  days  afterwards  (which  was  about  the 
time  they  got  to  the  Little  Meadows,  with  some  of 
their  foremost  wagons,  and  strongest  teams),  they 
themselves  were  convinced  of  ;  for  they  found,  that, 
besides  the  (almost)  impossibility  of  getting  the 
wagons  along  at  all,  they  had  often  a  rear  of  three 
or  four  miles  in  length  ;  and  that  the  soldiers 


1  In  the  letter  here  referred  to  he  says: — "The  difficulties  arising  in  our 
march,  from  having  such  a  number  of  wagons,  will,  I  fear,  prove  an  insur 
mountable  obstacle,  unless  some  scheme  can  be  fallen  upon  to  retrench  the 
wagons,  and  increase  the  number  of  bat-horses,  which  is  what  I  recommended 
at  first,  and  which  I  believe  is  now  found  to  be  the  best  means  of  transporting 
our  provisions  and  stores  to  the  Ohio." 


i66  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

guarding  them  were  so  dispersed,  that,  if  we  had 
been  attacked  either  in  front,  center,  or  rear,  the  part 
so  attacked  must  have  been  cut  off,  or  totally  routed, 
before  they  could  be  sustained  by  any  other  corps. 

At  the  Little  Meadows  there  was  a  second  council * 
called  (for  there  had  been  one  before),  wherein  it 
was  again  represented  to  the  officers  of  the  different 
corps,  the  urgency  for  horses,  and  how  laudable  a 
farther  retrenchment  of  their  baggage  would  be, 
that  the  spare  ones  might  be  turned  over  for  public 
service.  In  order  to  encourage  this,  I  gave  up  my 
best  horse,  (which  I  have  never  heard  of  since,)  and 
took  no  more  baggage  than  half  my  portmanteau 
would  easily  contain.  It  is  said,  however,  that  the 
numbers  reduced  by  this  second  attempt  were  only 
from  two  hundred  and  ten  or  twelve,  to  two  hundred, 
which  had  no  perceivable  effect. 

The  General,  (before  they  met  in  council,)  asked 
my  private  opinion  concerning  the  expedition.  I 
urged  it,  in  the  warmest  terms  I  was  able,  to  push  for 
ward,  if  we  even  did  it  with  a  small  but  chosen  band, 
with  such  artillery  and  light  stores  as  were  absolutely 
necessary  ;  leaving  the  heavy  artillery,  baggage,  &c. 
with  the  rear  division  of  the  army,  to  follow  by  slow 
and  easy  marches,  which  they  might  do  safely,  while 
we  were  advanced  in  front.  As  one  reason  to  sup- 

1  On  the  nth  the  army  was  at  Spendelow  Camp  ;  on  the  I3th  it  marched  to 
Martin's  plantation,  five  miles  from  Spendelow  camp.  On  the  1 5th  it  passed 
the  Allegany  mountain,  and  encamped  about  three  miles  to  the  west  of  the 
Savage  river  ;  reaching  Little  Meadows  on  the  i6th  (the  second  brigade  did  not 
get  there  till  the  i8th).  Orme  places  the  first  council  of  war  at  Spendelow. 
The  anonymous  journal  printed  by  Sargent,  places  the  determination  to  discard 
horses  at  Little  Meadows  on  isth. 


17551  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  167 


port  this  opinion,  I  urged,  that,  if  we  could  credit 
our  intelligence,  the  French  were  weak  at  the  Forks 
at  present,  but  hourly  expected  reinforcements,  which, 
to  my  certain  knowledge,  could  not  arrive  with  pro 
visions,  or  any  supplies,  during  the  continuance  of 
the  drought  which  we  were  then  experiencing  as  the 
Buffalo  River  (Riviere  aux  Bceufs),  down  which  was 
their  only  communication  to  Venango,  must  be  as 
dry  as  we  now  found  the  Great  Crossing  of  the 
Youghiogany,  which  may  be  passed  dry-shod. 

This  advice  prevailed,  and  it  was  determined  that 
the  General,  with  one  thousand  two  hundred  chosen 
men  and  officers  from  all  the  different  corps,  under 
the  following  field  officers,  viz.;  Sir  Peter  Halket,  who 
acts  as  brigadier ;  Lieutenant-Colonel  Gage,  Lieuten 
ant-Colonel  Burton,  and  Major  Sparke,  with  such  a 
certain  number  of  wagons  as  the  train  would  abso 
lutely  require,  should  march  as  soon  as  things  could 
be  got  in  readiness  for  them,  which  was  completed, 
and  we  on  our  march,  by  the  iQth,  leaving  Colonel 
Dunbar  and  Major  Chapman,  with  the  residue  of  the 
two  regiments,  some  Independent  Companies,  most 
of  the  women,  and,  in  short,  every  thing  not  abso 
lutely  necessary  behind,  carrying  our  provisions  and 
other  necessaries  upon  horses. 

We  set  out  with  less  than  thirty  carnages  (includ 
ing  those  that  transported  the  ammunition  for  the 
howitzers,  twelve-pounders,  and  six-pounders,  etc.), 
and  all  of  them  strongly  horsed  ;  which  was  a  pros 
pect  that  conveyed  infinite  delight  to  my  mind,  though 
I  was  excessively  ill  at  the  time.  But  this  prospect 


168  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

was  soon  clouded,  and  my  hopes  brought  very  low 
indeed,  when  I  found  that  instead  of  pushing  on  with 
vigor,  without  regarding  a  little  rough  road,  they 
were  halting  to  level  every  molehill,  and  to  erect 
bridges  over  every  brook,  by  which  means  we  were 
four  days  getting  twelve  miles. 

At  this  camp  I  was  left  by  the  Doctor's  advice, 
and  the  General's  absolute  orders,  as  I  have  already 
mentioned,  without  which  I  should  not  have  been 
prevailed  upon  to  remain  behind  ;  as  I  then  imagined, 
and  now  believe,  I  shall  find  it  no  easy  matter  to  join 
my  own  corps  again,  which  is  twenty-five  miles  ad 
vanced  before  us.  Notwithstanding,  I  had  the  Gen 
eral's  word  of  honor,  pledged  in  the  most  solemn 
manner,  that  I  should  be  brought  up  before  he  ar 
rived  at  Fort  Duquesne.  They  have  had  frequent 
alarms,  and  several  men  have  been  scalped  ;  but  this 
is  done  with  no  other  design  than  to  retard  the  march, 
and  to  harass  the  men,  who,  if  they  are  to  be  turned 
out  every  time  a  small  party  attacks  the  guards  at 
night  (for  I  am  certain  they  have  not  sufficient  force 
to  make  a  serious  assault),  their  ends  will  be  accom 
plished  by  the  gaining  of  time. 

I  have  been  now  six  days  with  Colonel  Dunbar's 
corps,  who  are  in  a  miserable  condition  for  want  of 
horses,  not  having  enough  for  their  wagons  ;  so  that 
the  only  method  he  has  of  proceeding,  is  to  march 
with  as  many  wagons  as  those  will  draw,  and  then 
halt  till  the  remainder  are  brought  up  with  the  same 
horses,  which  requires  two  days  more  ;  and  shortly,  I 
believe,  he  will  not  be  able  to  stir  at  all.  But  there 


1755]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  169 


has  been  vile  management  in  regard  to  horses,  and 
while  I  am  mentioning  this,  I  must  not  forget  to 
desire  that  you  will  acquaint  Colonel  George  Fair 
fax,  that  I  have  made  the  most  diligent  enquiry  after 
his  man  and  horses,  but  can  hear  nothing  of  either, 
at  least  nothing  that  can  be  credited. 

I  was  told  that  the  fellow  was  taken  ill  upon  the 
road,  while  he  was  with  Sir  John  St.  Glair's  detach 
ment.  The  certainty  of  this  I  cannot  answer  for,  but 
believe  there  is  nothing  more  certain  than  that  he  is 
not  with  any  part  of  the  army ;  and  unless  the  horses 
stray,  and  make  home  themselves,  I  believe  there  is 
a  thousand  to  one,  against  his  ever  seeing  them 
again  :  for  I  gave  up  a  horse  only  one  day,  and  never 
could  see  or  hear  of  him  afterwards. 

My  strength  wont  admit  me  to  say  more,  though 
I  have  not  said  half  what  I  intended  concerning  our 
affairs  here.  Business  I  shall  not  think  of,  but  depend 
solely  upon  your  management  of  all  my  affairs,  not 
doubting  but  that  they  will  be  well  conducted. 

You  may  thank  my  friends  for  the  letters  I  have 
received  from  them,  which,  tell  them,  has  not  been 
one  from  any  mortal  since  I  left  Fairfax,  except  your 
self  and  Mr.  Dalton.  It  is  a  specimen  of  their  regard 
and  kindness  which  I  should  endeavor  to  acknowl 
edge  and  thank  them  for,  was  I  able  and  siiffered  to 
write.  All  your  letters  to  me  I  would  have  sent  to 
Mr.  Cocks,  of  Winchester,  or  to  Governor  Innes,  at 
Fort  Cumberland,  that  I  may  have  the  better  chance 
of  their  coming  safe  to  hand.  Make  my  compliments 
to  all  who  think  me  worthy  of  their  enquiries. 


i7o  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

July  2d. — A  serious  inconvenience  attended  me  in 
my  sickness,  and  that  was  the  losing  the  use  of  my 
servant ;  for  poor  John  Alton  was  taken  about  the 
same  time  that  I  was,  and  with  nearly  the  same  dis 
order,  and  was  confined  as  long ;  so  that  we  did  not 
see  each  other  for  several  days.  He  is  also  tolerably 
well  recovered. 

We  are  advanced  almost  as  far  as  the  Great 
Meadows,  and  I  shall  set  out  to-morrow  morning  for 
my  own  corps,  with  an  escort  of  one  hundred  men, 
which  is  to  guard  some  provisions  up,  so  that  my 
fears  and  doubts  on  that  head  are  now  removed. 

I  had  a  letter  yesterday  from  Orme,  who  writes 
me  word,  that  they  have  passed  the  Youghiogany 
for  the  last  time  ;  that  they  have  sent  out  parties  to 
scour  the  country  thereabouts,  and  have  reason  to 
believe  the  French  are  greatly  alarmed  at  their 
approach. 

TO    ROBERT    ORME. 

GREAT  CROSSING,  30  June,  1755. 

DEAR  ORME, 

I  came  to  this  camp  on  Thursday  last,  with  the 
rear  of  Colonel  Dunbar's  detachment,  and  should 
have  continued  on  with  his  front  to-day,  but  was  pre 
vented  by  rain. 

My  fevers  are  very  moderate,  and,  I  hope,  near 
terminating  ;  when  I  shall  have  nothing  to  encounter 
but  weakness,  which  is  excessive,  and  the  difficulty 
of  getting  to  you,  arising  therefrom  ;  but  this  I  would 
not  miss  doing,  before  you  reach  Duquesne,  for  five 


1755]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  171 

hundred  pounds.  However,  I  have  no  doubt  now  of 
doing  this,  as  I  am  moving  on  slowly,  and  the  General 
has  given  me  his  word  of  honor,  in  the  most  solemn 
manner,  that  it  shall  be  effected. 

As  the  Doctor  thinks  it  imprudent  for  me  to  use 
much  exercise  for  two  or  three  days,  it  will  retard 
the  rapidity  of  my  movements.  Therefore,  I  should 
be  glad  to  be  advised  of  your  marches  from  Gist's, 
and  how  you  are  likely  to  get  on,  for  you  may  rest 
assured  that  Colonel  Dunbar  cannot  move  from 
his  present  encampment  in  less  than  two  or  three 
days  ;  and  I  believe,  really,  it  will  be  as  much  as  he 
possibly  can  do  to  reach  the  Meadows  at  all,  so  that 
you  will  be  greatly  advanced  before  him. 

I  am  too  weak  to  add  more  than  my  compliments 
to  the  General,  the  family,  &c.  and  again  to  desire, 
that  you  will  oblige  me  in  the  above  request,  and 
devise  the  most  effectual  means  for  me  to  join  you. 
I  am,  dear  Orme,  your  most  obedient  servant.1 

The  8th  of  July  I  rejoined  (in  a  covered  waggon)  the  ad 
vanced  division  of  the  army,  under  the  immediate  command 
of  the  General.  On  the  gih  I  attended  him  on  horse-back, 
tho'  very  weak  and  low.  On  this  day  he  was  attacked,  and 
defeated,  by  a  party  of  French  and  Indians,  adjudged  not  to 
exceed  300.  When  all  hope  of  rallying  the  dismayed  troops 
and  recovering  the  ground,  was  expired  (our  provisions  and 
stores  being  given  up)  I  was  ordered  to  Dunbar's  camrj. 

1  Colonel  Dunbar  had  advanced  seven  miles  beyond  the  Great  Meadows, 
which  was  the  position  of  his  camp  at  the  time  of  the  action.  Here  he  remained 
till  he  was  met  by  General  Braddock,  and  his  flying  troops,  after  the  defeat  at 
the  Monongahela,  when  he  speedily  retreated  with  the  whole  army  to  Fort 
Cumberland. 


172  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [I755 

TO    GOVERNOR    INNES,    AT    FORT    CUMBERLAND.1 

LITTLE  MEADOWS,  15  July,  1755. 

SIR, 

Captain  Orme,  being  confined  to  his  litter,  and  not 
well  able  to  write,  has  desired  me  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  yours.  He  begs  the  favor  of  you  to  have 
the  room  that  the  General  lodged  in  prepared  for 
Colonel  Burton,  himself,  and  Captain  Morris,  who  are 
all  wounded  ;  also,  that  some  small  place  may  be 
had  convenient  for  cooking  ;  and,  if  any  fresh  pro 
vision,  and  other  suitable  necessaries  for  persons  in 
their  condition,  may  be  had,  that  you  will  be  kind 
enough  to  engage  them.  He  also  begs  that  you 
will  order  the  present  which  was  sent  by  Governor 
Morris  to  the  General  and  his  family,  in  the  care  of 
Mr.  A.  le  Roy,  the  steward,  who  is  sent  on  for  that 
and  other  purposes.2 

The  horses,  that  carry  the  wounded  gentlemen  in 
litters,  are  so  much  fatigued,  that  we  dread  their  per 
formance  ;  therefore,  it  is  desired  that  you  will  be 
kind  enough  to  send  out  eight  or  ten  fresh  horses  for 
their  relief,  which  will  enable  us  to  reach  the  fort  this 
evening. 

I  doubt  not  but  you  have  had  an  account  of  the 
poor  General's  death  by  some  of  the  affrighted 
wagoners,  who  ran  off,  without  taking  leave.  I  am, 
Sir,  your  most  obedient  servant. 

1  "  It  appearing  to  the  General  absolutely  necessary  to  leave  some  proper  person 
to  superintend  the  commissaries,  and  to  despatch  the  convoys,  and  also  to  com 
mand   at    the   Fort,    Colonel    Innys   was   appointed  governor  of  it." — Orme's 
Journal. 

2  The   nature  of  this  present  is  given  in  the  Pennsylvania  Colonial  Records, 
vi.,  414,  415. 


1755]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  173 

TO    GOVERNOR  DINWIDDIE. 

FORT  CUMBERLAND,  18  July,  1755. 

HONBL.  SIR, 

As  I  am  favored  with  an  opportunity,  I  should 
think  myself  inexcusable  was  I  to  omit  giving  you 
some  account  of  our  late  Engagement  with  the  French 
on  the  Monongahela,  the  Qth  instant. 

We  continued  our  march  from  Fort  Cumberland  to 
Frazier's  (which  is  within  7  miles  of  Duquesne)  with 
out  meeting  any  extraordinary  event,  having  only  a 
straggler  or  two  picked  up  by  the  French  Indians. 
When  we  came  to  this  place,  we  were  attacked  (very 
unexpectedly)  by  about  three  hundred  French  and 
Indians.  Our  numbers  consisted  of  about  thirteen 
hundred  well  armed  men,  chiefly  Regulars,  who  were 
immediately  struck  with  such  an  inconceivable  panick, 
that  nothing  but  confusion  and  disobedience  of  orders 
prevailed  among  them.  The  officers,  in  general,  be 
haved  with  incomparable  bravery,  for  which  they 
greatly  suffered,  there  being  near  60  killed  and 
wounded — a  large  proportion,  out  of  the  number  we 
had! 

The  Virginia  companies  behaved  like  men  and 
died  like  soldiers  ;  for  I  believe  out  of  three  com 
panies  that  were  on  the  ground  that  day  scarce  thirty 
were  left  alive.  Capt.  Peyroney  and  all  his  officers, 
down  to  a  corporal,  were  killed  ;  Captn.  Poison  had 
almost  as  hard  a  fate,  for  only  one  of  his  escaped.  In 
short,  the  dastardly  behaviour  of  the  Regular  troops 
(so-called)  '  exposed  those  who  were  inclined  to  do 

1  The  regulars  laid  the  responsibility  of  defeat  on  the  provincials,  alleging 
"that  they  were  harassed  by  duties  unequal  to  their  numbers,  and  dispirited 


i74  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

their  duty  to  almost  certain  death  ;  and,  at  length,  in 
despite  of  every  effort  to  the  contrary,  broke  and  ran 
as  sheep  before  hounds,  leaving  the  artillery,  ammu 
nition,  provisions,  baggage,  and,  in  short,  everything 
a  prey  to  the  enemy.  And  when  we  endeavoured  to 
rally  them,  in  hopes  of  regaining  the  ground  and 
what  we  had  left  upon  it,  it  was  with  as  little  success 
as  if  we  had  attempted  to  have  stopped  the  wild  bears 
of  the  mountains,  or  rivulets  with  our  feet ;  for  they 
would  break  by,  in  despite  of  every  effort  that  could 
be  made  to  prevent  it. 

The  General  was  wounded  in  the  shoulder  and 
breast,  of  which  he  died  three  days  after  ;  his  two 
aids-de-camp  were  both  wounded,  but  are  in  a  fair 
way  of  recovery ;  Colo.  Burton  and  Sr.  John  St. 
Clair  are  also  wounded,  and  I  hope  will  get  over  it ; 
Sir  Peter  Halket,  with  many  other  brave  officers, 
were  killed  in  the  field.  It  is  supposed  that  we  had 
three  hundred  or  more  killed  ;  about  that  number  we 
brought  off  wounded,  and  it  is  conjectured  (I  believe 
with  much  truth)  that  two  thirds  of  both  received 

through  want  of  provisions  ;  that  time  was  not  allowed  them  to  dress  their 
food  ;  that  their  water  (the  only  liquor,  too,  they  had)  was  both  scarce  and  of  a 
bad  quality  ;  in  fine,  that  the  provincials  had  disheartened  them  by  repeated 
suggestions  of  their  fears  of  a  defeat  should  they  be  attacked  by  Indians,  in 
which  case  the  European  method  of  fighting  would  be  entirely  unavailing." — 
Review  of  the  Military  Operations  in  North  America,  from  1753  to  1756.  The 
Gentleman  s  Magazine  asserted  these  same  forces — Irish,  Scotch  and  English — 
ran  away  "shamefully"  at  Preston-Pans.  The  news  of  Braddock's  defeat 
""struck  a  general  damp  on  the  spirits  of  the  soldiers"  in  Shirley's  and 
Pepperell's  regiments,  and  many  deserted. 

"  I  must  leave  a  proper  number  in  each  county  to  protect  it  from  the  com 
binations  of  the  Negro  slaves,  who  have  been  very  audacious  on  the  defeat  on 
the  Ohio.  These  poor  creatures  imagine  the  French  will  give  them  their 
freedom." — Dinwiddie  to  Earl  of  Halifax,  23  July,  1755. 


1755]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  175 


their  shot  from  our  own  cowardly  Regulars,  who 
gathered  themselves  into  a  body,  contrary  to  orders, 
ten  or  twelve  deep,  would  then  level,  fire  and  shoot 
down  the  men  before  them. 

I  tremble  at  the  consequences  that  this  defeat  may 
have  upon  our  back  settlers,  who,  I  suppose,  will  all 
leave  their  habitations  unless  there  are  proper  meas 
ures  taken  for  their  security. 

Colo.  Dunbar,  who  commands  at  present,  intends, 
as  soon  as  his  men  are  recruited  at  this  place,  to  con 
tinue  his  march  to  Philadelphia  for  winter  quarters  : x 
consequently  there  will  be  no  men  left  here,  unless  it 
is  the  shattered  remains  of  the  Virginia  troops,  who 
are  totally  inadequate  to  the  protection  of  the 
frontiers.  *  *  * 


TO    JOHN    A.    WASHINGTON. 

FORT  CUMBERLAND,  18  July,  1755. 

DEAR  BROTHER, 

As  I  have  heard,  since  my  arrival  at  this  place,  a 
circumstantial  account  of  my  death  and  dying  speech, 
I  take  this  early  opportunity  of  contradicting  the 
first,  and  of  assuring  you,  that  I  have  not  as  yet 
composed  the  latter.2  But,  by  the  all-powerful  dis- 

1  "  Fearful  of  an  unpursuing  foe,  all  the  ammunition,  and  so  much  of  the 
provisions  were  destroyed  for  accelerating  their  flight,  that  Dunbar  was  actually 
obliged  to  send  for  thirty  horse  loads  of  the  latter  before  he  reached  Fort 
Cumberland,  where  he  arrived  a  very  few  days  after,  with  the  shattered  remains 
of  the  English  troops."     Review  of  the  Military  Operations  in  North  America. 
Dinwiddie  wished  Dunbar  to  remain  and  make  a  new  attempt  on  Duquesne  ; 
but  a  council  of  officers  unanimously  decided  the  scheme  was  impracticable,  and 
on  the  next  day  (August  2d)  began  his  march  towards  Philadelphia. 

2  "  It  is  impossible  to  relate  the  different  accounts  that  were  given  of  our  late 
unhappy  engagement  ;  all  of  which  tend  greatly  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  poor 
deceased  General,  who  is  censured  on  all  hands." — To  Orme,  28  July,  1755. 


176  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1755 


pensations  of  Providence,  I  have  been  protected  be 
yond  all  human  probability  and  expectation ;  for  I  had 
four  bullets  through  my  coat,  and  two  horses  shot 
under  me,  yet  escaped  unhurt,  altho'  death  was  level 
ling  my  companions  on  every  side  of  me  ! 

We  have  been  most  scandalously  beaten  by  a 
trifling  body  of  men,  but  fatigue  and  want  of  time  will 
prevent  me  from  giving  you  any  of  the  details,  until 
I  have  the  happiness  of  seeing  you  at  Mount  Vernon, 
which  I  now  most  ardently  wish  for,  since  we  are 
drove  in  thus  far.  A  weak  and  feeble  state  of  health 
obliges  me  to  halt  here  for  two  or  three  days,  to  re 
cover  a  little  strength,  that  I  may  thereby  be  enabled 
to  proceed  homewards  with  more  ease.  You  may 
expect  to  see  me  there  on  Saturday  or  Sunday  se'- 
night,  which  is  as  soon  as  I  can  well  be  down,  as  I 
shall  take  my  Bullskin  Plantations  T  in  my  way.  Pray 
give  my  compliments  to  all  my  friends.  I  am,  dear 
Jack,  your  most  affectionate  brother.2 

1  An  estate  left  to  him  by  his  brother  Lawrence  Washington. 

2  He  arrived  at  Mount  Vernon  on  the  26th  of  July.      He  still  retained  the 
office  of  adjutant  of  the  northern  division  of  militia,  and  immediately  wrote 
to   the    county  lieutenants,   ordering   the  militia   to   be    ready    and   properly 
equipped  in  each  county  on  certain  days,  when  he  should  be  present  to  review 
and  exercise  them. 

Such  was  the  alarm  created  by  the  success  of  the  French  at  Braddock's  defeat, 
that  volunteer  companies  embodied  themselves  in  different  parts  of  Virginia  to 
march  to  the  frontiers.  The  Reverend  Samuel  Davies,  at  that  time  a  clergy 
man  in  Hanover  County,  preached  a  sermon  to  one  of  these  companies,  on  the 
1 7th  of  August,  which  was  printed  in  Philadelphia  and  London,  and  entitled, 
"Religion  and  Patriotism  the  Constituents  of  a  Good  Soldier"  After  applaud 
ing  the  patriotic  spirit  and  military  ardor,  which  had  begun  to  manifest  them 
selves,  the  preacher  adds, — 

"  As  a  remarkable  instance  of  this,  I  may  point  out  to  the  public  that  heroic 
youth,  Colonel  Washington,  whom  I  cannot  but  hope  Providence  has  hitherto 
preserved  in  so  signal  a  manner  for  some  important  service  to  his  country." 


1755]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  177 


TO    ROBERT    JACKSON. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  2  August,  1755. 

DEAR  SIR, 

I  must  acknowledge  you  had  great  reason  to  be 
terrified  with  the  first  accounts,  that  were  given  of  our 
unhappy  defeat ;  and,  I  must  own,  I  was  not  a  little 
surprised  to  find,  that  Governor  Innes  was  the  means 
of  alarming  the  country  with  a  report  so  extraordinary, 
without  having  better  confirmation  of  the  truth,  than 
the  story  of  an  affrighted  wagoner  ! 

It  is  true,  we  have  been  beaten,  shamefully  beaten, 
by  a  handful  of  men,  who  only  intended  to  molest 
and  disturb  our  march.  Victory  was  their  smallest 
expectation.  But  see  the  wondrous  works  of  Provi 
dence,  the  uncertainty  of  human  things  !  We,  but  a 
few  moments  before,  believed  our  numbers  almost 
equal  to  the  Canadian  force  ;  they,  only  expected  to 
annoy  us.  Yet,  contrary  to  all  expectation  and  hu 
man  probability,  and  even  to  the  common  course  of 
things,  we  were  totally  defeated,  sustained  the  loss  of 
every  thing,  which  they  have  got,  are  enriched  by  it, 
and  accommodated  by  them.  This,  as  you  observe, 
must  be  an  affecting  story  to  the  colony,  and  will,  no 
doubt,  license  the  tongues  of  people  to  censure  those, 
whom  they  think  most  blamable  ;  which,  by  the  by, 
often  falls  very  wrongfully.  I  join  very  heartily  with 
you  in  believing,  that  when  this  story  comes  to  be  re 
lated  in  future  annals,  it  will  meet  with  unbelief  and 
indignation,  for  had  I  not  been  witness  to  the  fact  on 
that  fatal  day,  I  should  scarce  have  given  credit  to 
it  even  now. 


i78  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

Whenever  it  suits  you  to  come  into  Fairfax,  I  hope 
you  will  make  your  home  at  Mount  Vernon.  Please 
to  give  my  compliments  to  all  inquiring  friends.  I 
assure  you,  nothing  could  have  added  more  to  the 
satisfaction  of  my  safe  return,  than  hearing  of  the 
friendly  concern  that  has  been  expressed  on  my  sup 
posed  death.  I  am,  &c. 


TO    AUGUSTINE    WASHINGTON.1 

MOUNT  VERNON,  2  August,  1755. 

DEAR  BROTHER, 

The  pleasure  of  your  company  at  Mount  Vernon 
always  did,  and  always  will,  afford  me  infinite  satis 
faction  ;  but,  at  this  time,  I  am  too  sensible  how  need 
ful  the  country  is  of  the  assistance  of  all  its  mem 
bers,  to  have  a  wish  to  hear  that  any  are  absent  from 
the  Assembly.  I  most  sincerely  wish  that  unanimity 
may  prevail  in  all  your  councils,  and  that  a  happy  issue 
may  attend  your  deliberations  at  this  important  crisis. 

I  am  not  able,  were  I  ever  so  willing,  to  meet  you 
in  town,  for  I  assure  you  it  is  with  some  difficulty, 
and  with  much  fatigue,  that  I  visit  my  plantations  in 
the  Neck  ;  so  much  has  a  sickness  of  five  weeks'  con 
tinuance  reduced  me.  But  tho'  it  is  not  in  my  power 
to  meet  you  there,  I  can  nevertheless  assure  you, 
and  "others  whom  it  may  concern"  (to  borrow  a 
phrase  from  Governor  Innes),  that  I  am  so  little  dis 
pirited  at  what  has  happened,  that  I  am  always  ready 

1  Augustine  Washington  was  an  elder  brother  by  the  father's  first  marriage, 
and  was  now  at  Williamsburg  as  a  member  of  the  Assembly. 


1755]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  179 


and  always  willing,  to  render  my  country  any  services 
that  I  am  capable  of,  but  never  upon  the  terms  I  have 
done ;  having  suffered  much  in  my  private  fortune, 
besides  impairing  one  of  the  best  constitutions. 

I  was  employed  to  go  a  journey  in  the  winter 
(when,  I  believe,  few  or  none  would  have  undertaken 
it),  and  what  did  I  get  by  it  ?  My  expenses  borne  ! 
I  then  was  appointed,  with  trifling  pay,  to  conduct  a 
handful  of  men  to  the  Ohio.  What  did  I  get  by  this  f 
Why,  after  putting  myself  to  a  considerable  expense, 
in  equipping  and  providing  necessaries  for  the  cam 
paign,  I  went  out,  was  soundly  beaten,  lost  them  all ! 
— came  in  and  had  my  commission  taken  from  me, 
or,  in  other  words,  my  command  reduced,  under  pre 
tence  of  an  order  from  home  !  I  then  went  out  a  vol 
unteer  with  General  Braddock,  and  lost  all  my  horses 
and  many  other  things ;  but  this  being  a  voluntary  act,  I 
ought  not  to  have  mentioned  this ;  nor  should  I  have 
done  it,  was  it  not  to  show  that  I  have  been  upon  the 
losing  order  ever  since  I  entered  the  service,  which 
is  now  near  two  years.  So  that  I  think  I  cannot  be 
blamed,  should  I,  if  I  leave  my  family  again,  endeavour 
to  do  it  upon  such  terms  as  to  prevent  my  suffering  ; 
(to  gain  by  it  being  the  least  of  my  expectation). 

I  doubt  not  but  you  have  heard  the  particulars  of 
our  shameful  defeat,  which  really  was  so  scandalous, 
that  I  hate  to  mention  it.  You  desire  to  know  what 
artillery  was  taken  in  the  late  engagement.  It  is 
easily  told.  We  lost  all  that  we  carried  out,  except 
ing  two  six-pounders,  and  a  few  cohorns,  that  were 
left  with  Colonel  Dunbar ;  and  the  cohorns  have 


i8o  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

since  been  destroyed  to  expedite  his  flight.  You 
also  ask,  whether  I  think  the  forces  can  march  out 
again  this  fall.  I  answer,  I  think  it  impossible,  at 
least,  for  them  to  do  the  French  any  damage  (un 
less  it  be  by  starving  them),  for  want  of  a  proper 
train  of  artillery ;  yet  they  may  be  very  serviceable 
in  erecting  small  fortresses  at  convenient  places  to 
deposit  provisions  in,  by  which  means  the  country 
will  be  eased  of  an  immense  expense  in  the  carnage, 
and  it  will  also  be  a  means  of  securing  a  retreat,  if 
we  should  be  put  to  the  rout  again.  The  success 
of  this  tho'  will  depend  greatly  upon  what  Governor 
Shirley  does  at  Niagara  ;  for,  if  he  succeeds,  their 
communication  with  Canada  will  be  entirely  cut  off. 

It  is  impossible  for  me  to  guess  at  the  number  of 
recruits  that  may  be  wanting,  as  that  must  depend 
altogether  upon  the  strength  of  the  French  on  the 
Ohio,  which,  to  my  great  astonishment,  we  were 
always  strangers  to. 

I  thank  you,  very  heartily,  for  your  kind  offer  of  a 
chair,  and  for  your  goodness  in  sending  my  things  ; 
and,  after  begging  you  to  excuse  the  imperfections  of 
the  above,  (which,  in  part,  are  owing  to  my  having 
much  company  that  hurries  me,)  I  shall  conclude, 
dear  Sir,  your  most  affectionate  brother. 


TO    MRS.     MARY    WASHINGTON. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  14  August,  1775. 

HONORED  MADAM, 

If  it  is  in  my  power  to  avoid  going  to  the   Ohio 
again,  I  shall  ;  but  if   the  command  is  pressed   upon 


1755]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  181 


me,  by  the  general  voice  of  the  country,  and  offered 
upon  such  terms  as  cannot  be  objected  against,  it 
would  reflect  dishonor  upon  me  to  refuse  ;  and  that, 
I  am  sure,  must  or  ought  to  give  you  greater  uneasi 
ness,  than  my  going  in  an  honorable  command,  for 
upon  no  other  terms  I  will  accept  of  it.  At  present 
I  have  no  proposals  made  to  me,  nor  have  I  any  ad 
vice  of  such  an  intention,  except  from  private  hands. 


TO    WARNER    LEWIS. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  14  August,  1755. 

DEAR  SIR, 

After  returning  you  my  most  sincere  and  grateful 
thanks,  for  your  kind  condolence  on  my  late  indispo 
sition,  and  for  the  generous  (and  give  me  leave  far 
ther  to  say)  partial  opinion,  you  have  entertained  of 
my  military  abilities,  I  must  express  my  concern  for 
not  having  it  in  my  power  to  meet  you,  and  other 
friends,  who  have  signified  their  desire  of  seeing  me 
in  Williamsburg.1 

1  Mr.  Ludvvell,  another  of  his  friends  in  the  Assembly,  had  written  to  him 
on  the  8th  of  August. — "  I  most  heartily  congratulate  you  on  your  safe  return 
from  so  many  dangers  and  fatigues,  and  by  this  time  I  hope  you  are  well  enough 
recovered  to  give  us  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  here,  which  all  your  friends  are 
extremely  desirous  of.  The  House  has  voted  twelve  hundred  men,  but  it  is 
very  probable  they  will  determine  at  least  for  four  thousand.  In  conversation 
with  the  Governor  I  said,  if  this  should  be  done  I  supposed  his  Honor  would 
give  the  command  of  them  to  Colonel  Washington,  for  I  thought  he  deserved 
every  thing  his  country  could  do  for  him.  The  Governor  made  reply  much  in 
your  favor,  though  I  understand  there  is  another  warm  solicitation  for  it.  If 
we  could  be  so  happy  as  to  have  you  here  at  this  time,  and  it  were  known  that 
you  are  willing  to  lake  such  a  command,  I  believe  it  would  greatly  promote 
the  success  of  our  endeavours  with  the  Assembly." 


182  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 


Your  letter  only  came  to  hand  at  nine  last  night, 
and  you  inform  me,  that  the  Assembly  will  break  up 
the  latter  end  of  the  week,  which  allows  a  time  too 
short  in  which  to  perform  a  journey  of  a  hundred  and 
sixty  miles,  especially  by  a  person  in  my  weak  and 
feeble  condition  ;  for,  altho  I  am  happily  recovered 
from  the  disorder,  which  brought  me  to  so  low  an 
ebb,  by  a  sickness  of  nearly  five  weeks'  continuance, 
yet  my  strength  is  not  returned  to  me.  Had  I  got 
timely  notice,  I  would  have  attempted  the  ride,  by  slow 
and  easy  journeys,  if  it  had  been  only  for  the  satisfac 
tion  of  seeing  my  friends,  who,  I  flatter  myself,  from 
what  you  say,  are  kind  enough  to  sympathize  in  my 
good  and  evil  fortunes. 

The  chief  reason  (next  to  indisposition),  that  pre 
vented  me  from  coming  down  to  this  Assembly,  was 
a  determination  not  to  offer  my  services  ;  and  that 
determination  proceeded  from  the  following  reasons. 
First,  a  belief  that  I  could  not  get  a  command  upon 
such  terms  as  I  should  incline  to  accept ;  for  I  must 
confess  to  you,  that  I  never  will  quit  my  family, 
injure  my  fortune,  and,  (above  all,)  impair  my  health 
to  run  the  risk  of  such  changes  and  vicissitudes,  as  I 
have  met  with,  but  shall  expect,  if  I  am  employed 
again,  to  have  something  certain.  Again,  was  I  to 
accept  the  command,  I  should  insist  upon  some 
things,  which  ignorance  and  inexperience  made  me 
overlook  before,  particularly  that  of  having  the  offi 
cers  appointed,  in  some  measure,  with  my  advice  and 
with  my  concurrence,  for  I  must  add  I  think  a  com 
manding  officer,  not  having  this  liberty,  appears  to  me 


1755]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  183 


to  be  a  strange  thing,  when  it  is  considered  how  much 
the  conduct  and  bravery  of  an  officer  influence  the 
men,  how  much  a  commanding  officer  is  answerable 
for  the  behaviour  of  the  inferior  officers,  and  how 
much  his  good  or  ill  success,  in  time  of  action,  de 
pends  upon  the  conduct  of  each  particular  one,  espe 
cially  too,  in  this  kind  of  fighting,  where,  being  dis 
persed,  each  and  every  of  them  at  that  time  has  a 
greater  liberty  to  misbehave,  than  if  he  were  regular 
ly  and  compactly  drawn  up  under  the  eyes  of  his 
superior  officer. 

On  the  other  hand,  how  little  credit  is  given  to  a 
commander,  who,  after  a  defeat,  in  relating  the  cause 
of  it,  justly  lays  the  blame  on  some  individual,  whose 
cowardly  behaviour  betrayed  the  whole  to  ruin  ! 
How  little  does  the  world  consider  the  circumstances, 
and  how  apt  are  mankind  to  level  their  vindictive 
censures  against  the  unfortunate  chief,  who  perhaps 
merited  least  of  the  blame  ! 

Does  it  not  appear,  then,  that  the  appointing  of 
officers  is  a  thing  of  the  utmost  consequence ;  a 
thing  that  requires  the  greatest  circumspection  ? 
Ought  it  to  be  left  to  blind  chance,  or,  what  is  still 
worse,  to  partiality  ?  Should  it  not  be  left  to  a  man 
whose  life,  (and  what  is  still  dearer,  whose  honor,) 
depends  upon  their  good  behaviour  ? 

There  are  necessary  officers  yet  wanting,  for  whom 
no  provision  has  been  made.  A  small  military  chest 
is  so  absolutely  necessary,  that  it  is  impossible  to  do 
without,  nor  can  any  man  conduct  an  affair  of  this 
kind,  who  has  it  not. 


1 84  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

These  things  I  should  expect,  if  the  appointment 
fell  upon  me. 

But,  besides  all  these,  I  had  other  reasons,  which 
withheld  me  from  offering  my  services.  I  believe  our 
circumstances  are  brought  to  that  unhappy  dilemma, 
that  no  man  can  gain  any  honor  by  conducting  our 
forces  at  this  time,  but  will  rather  lose  in  his  reputa 
tion  if  he  attempts  it.  For  I  am  confident,  the  pro 
gress  of  military  movements  must  be  slow,  for  want 
of  conveniences  to  transport  our  provisions,  ammu 
nition,  and  stores,  over  the  mountain  ;  occasioned,  in 
a  great  measure,  by  the  late  ill  treatment  of  the 
wagoners  and  horse-drivers,  who  have  received  little 
compensation  for  their  labor,  and  nothing  for  their 
lost  horses  and  wagons ;  which  will  be  an  infallible 
cause  of  preventing  all  from  assisting  that  are  not 
compelled.  So  that  I  am  fully  sensible,  whoever 
undertakes  this  command  will  meet  with  such  insur 
mountable  obstacles,  that  he  will  soon  be  viewed  in  the 
light  of  an  idle,  indolent  body,  have  his  conduct  criti 
cised,  and  meet  perhaps  with  opprobrious  abuse,  when 
it  may  be  as  much  out  of  his  power  to  avoid  delays, 
as  it  would  be  to  command  the  raging  seas  in  a 
storm. 

Viewing  these  things  in  the  light  I  do  has  no  small 
influence  upon  me,  as  I  am  very  apprehensive  I 
should  lose,  what  at  present  constitutes  the  chief 
part  of  my  happiness,  i.  e.t  the  esteem  and  notice 
which  the  country  has  been  pleased  to  honor  me 
with. 

It  is  possible  you  may  infer  from  what  I  have  said, 


!755]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  185 


that  my  intentions  are  to  decline,  at  all  events  ;  but 
my  meaning  is  not  so,  I  am  determined  not  to  offer ; 
because  to  solicit  the  command,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  to  make  my  proposals,  would  be  a  little  incon 
gruous,  and  carry  with  it  the  face  of  self-sufficiency. 
But  if  the  command  should  be  offered,  the  case  is 
then  altered,  as  I  should  be  at  liberty  to  make  such 
objections,  as  reason  and  my  small  experience  had 
pointed  out.1  I  hope  you  will  make  my  compliments 
to  all  enquiring  friends. 

I  am,  dear  Warner,  your  most  affectionate  friend, 
and  obedient  servant. 


1  While  Colonel  Washington  was  writing  this  letter,  he  had  already  been 
appointed  to  the  command.  The  Assembly  voted  forty  thousand  pounds  for 
the  public  service,  and  the  Governor  and  Council  immediately  resolved  to  in 
crease  the  Virginia  regiment  to  sixteen  companies.  In  the  same  act,  the 
Assembly  also  granted  to  George  Washington  the  sum  of  three  hundred  pounds, 
to  the  captains  seventy-five  pounds  each,  to  the  lieutenants  and  surgeon  thirty 
pounds,  and  to  every  soldier  five  pounds,  as  "a  reward  and  compensation  for 
their  gallant  behaviour  and  losses,"  at  the  battle  of  the  Monongahela.  Wash 
ington's  grant  was  for  his  losses  sustained. 

The  Governor's  commission  and  instructions  to  Colonel  Washington,  as  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  the  Virginia  forces,  are  dated  on  the  I4th  of  August.  He 
was  allowed  all  that  is  demanded  in  the  above  letter,  and  also  to  appoint  an 
aid-de-camp  and  secretary.  The  next  officers  in  rank  under  him  were  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Adam  Stephen  and  Major  Andrew  Lewis. 

"I  have  granted  commissions  to  raise  sixteen  companies,  to  augment  our 
forces  to  one  thousand  men,  and  have  incorporated  them  into  a  regiment.  The 
command  thereof  is  given  to  Colonel  George  Washington,  who  was  one  of  Gen 
eral  Braddock's  aids-de-camp,  and  I  think  a  man  of  great  merit  and  resolution. 
Our  officers  are  greatly  dispirited  for  want  of  his  Majesty's  commissions,  that, 
when  they  join  the  regulars  they  may  have  some  rank  ;  and  I  am  persuaded 
it  would  be  of  infinite  service,  if  his  Majesty  would  graciously  please  to  honor 
them  with  his  commissions,  the  same  as  General  Shirley's  and  Sir  William  Pep- 
perell's  regiments  ;  and  I  am  convinced,  if  General  Braddock  had  survived,  he 
would  have  recommended  Mr.  Washington  to  the  royal  favor." — Dinwiddie  to 
Sir  Thomas  Robinson,  Sept.  6,  1755. 

As  soon  as  Colonel  Washington  was  informed  of  his  appointment,  he   re- 


186  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

TO    JOHN    ROBINSON. 

ALEXANDRIA,  n  September,  1755. 

SIR, 

After  a  small  halt  at  Fredricksburg,  to  issue  out 
orders  to  the  recruiting  officers  appointed  to  that 
rendezvous,  I  proceeded  to  this  place,  in  order  to  col 
lect  a  return  of  the  provisions,  clothing,  &c,  that 
were  lodged  here,  an  exact  copy  of  which  I  herewith 
send  you.  I  find,  after  the  soldiers  have  their  short 
allowances,  there  will  arise  great  inconveniences,  if 
stores  of  clothing  are  not  laid  in  to  supply  their 
wants  ;  particularly  shoes,  stockings,  and  shirts,  for 
these  are  the  least  durable  and  mostly  needed. 

The  method  I  would  recommend  is,  for  the  country 
to  provide  these  things,  and  lodge  them,  or  a  conve 
nient  part  thereof,  in  the  hands  of  the  quartermaster, 
who  may  be  appointed  to  receive  and  deliver  them  to 
the  soldiers,  by  particular  orders  from  their  captains, 
taking  care  to  produce  these  orders  and  proper 
vouchers  for  the  delivery,  each  pay-day,  when  it 
must  be  deducted  out  of  that  soldier's  pay,  who  re 
ceives  it.  And  then  this,  I  think,  will  be  a  means  of 
keeping  them  always  provided  and  fit  for  duty,  pre 
venting  the  officers  from  supplying  the  men,  which  is 

paired  to  Williamsburg  to  consult  with  the  governor  respecting  future  opera 
tions.  When  he  wrote  this  letter  he  was  on  his  return  to  Winchester,  which 
place  was  fixed  upon  as  his  head-quarters.  The  two  other  points  of  rendezvous 
for  the  recruits  were  Fredericksburg  and  Alexandria. 

"  I  wish,  my  dear  Charles,  it  was  more  in  my  power  than  it  is,  to  answer  the 
favorable  opinion  my  friends  have  conceived  of  my  military  abilities.  Let 
them  not  be  deceived  ;  I  am  unequal  to  the  task,  and  do  assure  you,  that  it  re 
quires  more  experience  than  I  am  master  of,  to  conduct  an  affair  of  the  im 
portance  that  this  is  now  arisen  to." —  Washington  to  Charles  Lewis,  14  August, 
I755- 


1755]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  187 


generally  attended  with  misunderstandings  ;  and  will 
also  be  a  means  of  discouraging  followers  of  the  army 
from  demanding  such  exorbitant  prices,  as  is  usually 
practised  on  these  occasions.  However,  I  only  offer 
this  as  the  most  efficacious  method  I  can  at  present 
think  of.  If  any  other  more  eligible  can  be  found, 
I  should  be  glad  to  see  it  executed,  as  something  of 
the  kind  must  be  done,  otherwise  the  soldiers  will  be 
barefoot,  &c,  which  always  pleads  for  exemption 
from  duty,  and,  indeed,  in  the  approaching  season  will 
be  a  very  just  one.  You  will  be  a  judge,  when  you 
see  the  returns,  what  had  best  be  done  with  the  pro 
visions.  The  quantity  is  too  great  for  the  present 
consumption,  and  to  wagon  it  up  can  never  answer 
the  expense. 

Major  Carlyle  thinks  the  West  India  market  best, 
as  the  returns  will  be  in  rum,  which  he  can  soon  turn 
into  flour  at  the  camp. 

I  am  afraid  I  shall  not  be  able  to  push  things  with 
vigor  this  fall,  for  want  of  a  commissary  who  will  act 
with  spirit.  Mr.  Dick  seems  determined  not  to  enter 
into  any  further  contracts,  unless  he  is  better  sup 
ported,  or  'till  he  meets  the  Committee  in  October,  by 
which  time  the  best  season  for  engaging  beef  will  be 
almost  over.  And  the  Governor,  by  the  advice  of  Sir 
John  St.  Clair,  expressed,  just  as  I  was  coming  away, 
his  desire  of  having  him  continued  ;  so  that  I  am  entire- 

o 

ly  ignorant  how  to  act.  The  making  of  contracts  my 
self  is  foreign  to  my  duty  ;  neither  have  I  time  ;  and 
to  see  the  service  suffer  will  give  me  infinite  uneasi 
ness,  as  I  would  gladly  conduct  every  thing,  as  far  as 


i88  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

I  am  capable,  with  life  and  spirit,  which  never  can  be 
done  without  a  fund  of  money  is  lodged  in  camp  for 
defraying  the  contingent  charges.1  As  I  believed  it 
difficult  to  get  all  the  clothing  in  any  one  part  of  the 
country,  I  engaged  it  where  I  could,  and  have  got 
shoes,  stockings,  shirts,  and  hats  enough  upon  tolera 
ble  good  terms,  as  you  may  see  by  the  enclosed. 

Major  Carlyle  is  also  willing  to  engage  one  hun 
dred  complete  suits,  as  good  as  those  imported,  for 
three  pounds,  or  less  ;  which  I  have  acquainted  the 
Governor  of,  and  believe  it  to  be  as  cheap  as  can  be 
got  below,  as  it  is  the  making  chiefly,  that  occasions 
the  difference  between  the  imported,  and  those  pro 
vided  here.  I  am,  &c.2 

1  To  the  Governor  he  wrote  :   "  I  greatly  fear  we  shall  also  proceed  slowly 
in  recruiting.     It  was  attempted  at  the  general  muster  in  this  county  without 
success.     And  the  officers,  newly  appointed,  began  to  express  their  apprehen 
sions  so  soon  as  they  had  their  commissions  ;  and  to  draft  them  will  answer  no 
end,  unless  they  are  put  under  better  regulations.     A  proof  of  this  is  very 
flagrant  in  Fredericksburgh,  where  they  were  obliged  to  imprison   the  men, 
who  were  afterwards  rescued  by  their  companions."     September  n,  1755. 

2  According  to  Washington's  copy  of  his  Military  Orders  and  Instructions  the 
following  were  his  movements  at  this  time  : — 

"  After  giving  the  necessary  orders  and  collecting  returns  of  the  provisions, 
clothing,  &c.  at  this  place  [Alexandria],  and  stores  at  Rock  Creek,  I  continued 
to  Winchester,  where  I  arrived  on  the  I4th  [of  September]  .  .  .  From 
thence  I  continued  to  Fort  Cumberland,  and  took  upon  me  the  command  of 
the  troops  there,  issuing  the  daily  orders,  and  giving  such  instructions  and 
directions  as  appeared  necessary.  .  .  .  From  thence  I  proceeded  to  Fort 
Dinwiddie,  on  Jackson's  river  [He  was  there  on  the  24th]  .  .  .  After  ex 
amining  into  the  state  of  affairs  here,  and  giving  such  directions  as  seemed 
convenient,  I  set  out  on  my  return  to  Alexandria,  where  I  arrived  the  second 
of  October.  .  .  .  October  5,  arrived  at  Fredericksburgh,  on  my  way  to 
Williamsburgh.  .  .  .  From  hence  I  set  out  on  the  yth  to  Williamsburgh. 
....  From  hence  I  continued  my  journey  to  Colonel  Baylor's,  where  I 
was  overtaken  by  an  express  sent  from  Colonel  Stephen,  informing,  that  a  body 
of  Indians  had  fallen  on  the  inhabitants,  killed  many  of  them,  destroyed  and 
burnt  several  of  their  houses.  I  hereupon  wrote  to  the  Governor,  and  returned 


1755]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  189 

TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

FREDERICKSBURG,  8  October,  1755. 

SIR, 

I  arrived  at  this  place  in  less  than  three  hours  after 
I  wrote  you  from  Colonel  Baylor's ;  and  some  small 
time  after,  arrived  also  Colonel  Stephen,  who  gives 
a  worse  account,  than  he  related  in  his  letter ;  but  as 
he  is  the  bearer  of  this,  I  shall  be  less  prolix,  refer 
ring  to  him  for  particulars. 

I  shall  set  out  this  evening  for  Winchester,  where 
I  expect  to  be  joined  by  the  recruits  from  Alexandria 
and  this  place,  as  soon  as  they  can  possibly  march 
that  distance ;  also,  by  one  hundred  men  from  Prince 
William  and  Frederick.  And  I  have  wrote  to  Fair 
fax  county,  desiring  that  a  troop  of  horse  may  hold 
themselves  in  readiness  to  march  at  an  hour's  warn 
ing.  So  that  I  doubt  not,  but  with  the  assistance  of 
these,  I  shall  be  able  to  repulse  the  enemy,  if  they  are 
still  committing  their  outrages  upon  the  inhabitants. 
We  are  at  a  loss  for  want  of  almost  every  necessary. 
Tents,  kettles,  arms,  ammunition,  cartridge-paper,  &c, 
&c,  we  are  distressed  for.  Therefore,  I  hope,  as 
your  Honor  did  not  send  to  Philadelphia  for  them, 
you  will,  if  possible,  endeavour  to  get  them  below, 
and  send  them  by  the  first  opportunity  to  this  place, 
or  Alexandria,  with  orders  that  they  may  be  for 
warded  immediately  to  Winchester. 

immediately  to  Fredericksburgh,  and  wrote  a  second  letter  [that  printed  on  this 
page]  to  the  governor.  ...  At  this  place  [Fredksbg]  I  pressed  horses, 
and  rode  immediately  to  Lord  Fairfax's  and  Winchester  ;  and,  finding  every 
thing  in  the  utmost  confusion,  and  no  certain  accounts  of  the  enemy,  I  hired 
two  scouts  to  go  to  the  Branch  and  endeavour  to  procure  intelligence." 


i9o  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 


I  must  again  take  the  liberty  of  mentioning  to  your 
Honor,  the  necessity  there  is  of  putting  the  militia, 
when  they  are  drawn  out  into  actual  service,  under 
better  regulation  than  they  are  at  present,  as  well  as 
there  is  of  putting  us  [under]  a  military  law.1  Other 
wise  we  shall  only  be  a  burthensome  charge  to  the 
country,  and  the  others  will  prove  its  ruin.  That  this 
may  not  appear  an  unmeaning  expression,  I  shall 
refer  your  Honor,  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Stephen, 
who  can  give  you  some  late  proofs  of  their  disobedi 
ence  and  inconsistent  behaviour. 

I  find  I  cannot  possibly  be  in  Williamsburg,  as 
these  affairs  will  engage  some  time,  till  the  sixth, 
seventh,  or  eighth  of  November,  when  I  should  be 
glad  to  meet  a  committee,  in  order  to  settle  with 
them  and  your  Honor  some  points,  that  are  very 
necessary  for  the  good  of  the  expedition. 

Colonel  Stephen  has  orders  to  receive  some  money 
below  (if  he  can),  that  we  may  be  enabled  to  pay  the 
troops,  and  to  keep  them  in  spirits,  and  to  answer 
such  immediate  charges  as  cannot  be  dispensed  with, 
until  I  come  down.  And  I  should  be  glad  if  your 
Honor  would  order  him  to  repair  therewith  (as  soon 
as  he  has  done  his  business  with  the  committee)  to 
Winchester ;  and  from  thence,  with  a  proper  guard, 
to  Fort  Cumberland.  I  hope  the  treasury  will  have 
a  sufficient  sum  of  money  prepared  against  I  come 
down,  that  I  meet  with  no  great  delay. 

1  Of  this  the  Governor  was  convinced,  for  immediately  after  the  defeat  of 
Braddock  he  wrote  to  his  superiors  of  his  intention  to  press  a  military  law, 
without  which  little  dependence  could  be  placed  in  the  militia.  In  the  August 
session  a  new  regulation  of  militia  was  passed. — Hening,  vi.,  530. 


1755]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  191 


I  should  be  glad  your  Honor  would  give  Colonel 
Stephen  all  the  assistance  you  can  in  getting  the 
money.  There  are  about  seventy  recruits  at  this 
place,  and  I  left  twenty-five  at  Alexandria,  which  I 
suppose  are  augmented  before  this  by  officers,  who, 
I  am  sorry  to  say,  have  paid  slight  regard  to  orders, 
in  not  being  in  at  the  time  appointed  (ist  of  October). 
The  most  flagrant  proof  of  this  is  Captain  Harrison, 
who  I  have  heard  nothing  of,  tho'  he  had  positive 
orders  to  be  here  at  the  aforesaid  time.  I  am,  &c. 


TO    ANDREW    MONTOUR. 

WINCHESTER,  10  October,  1755. 

DEAR  MONTOUR, 

I  wrote,  some  Time  ago,  a  Letter  of  Invitation 
from  Fort  Cumberland,  desiring  yourself,  your  Fam 
ily,  and  Friendly  Indians,  to  come  and  reside  among 
Us,  but  that  Letter  not  coming  to  Hand,  I  am  in 
duced  to  send  a  second  Express,  with  the  Same  In 
vitation,  being  pleased  that  I  have  it  in  my  Power  to 
do  something  for  You  on  a  better  Footing  than  ever 
it  has  been  done.  I  was  greatly  enraptur'd  when  I 
heard  you  were  at  the  Head  of  300  Indians  on  a 
March  toward  Venango,  being  satisfied  that  your 
hearty  attachment  to  our  glorious  Cause,  your  Cour 
age,  of  which  I  have  had  very  great  Proofs,  and  your 
Presence  among  the  Indians,  would  animate  their 
just  Indignation  to  do  something  Noble,  something 
worthy  themselves,  and  honourable  to  you.  I  hope 
you  will  use  your  Interest  (as  I  know  you  have  much) 
in  bringing  our  Brothers  once  more  to  our  service  ; 


i92  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

assure  them,  as  you  truly  may,  that  nothing  which  I 
can  do  shall  be  wanting  to  make  them  happy ;  assure 
them,  also,  that  as  I  have  the  chief  Command,  I  am 
invested  with  Power  to  treat  them  as  Brethren  and 
Allies,  which,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  they  have  not  been 
of  late.  Recommend  me  kindly  to  our  good  Friend, 
Monocatoocha,  and  others  ;  tell  them  how  happy  it 
would  make  Conotocaurius  to  have  an  opportunity 
of  taking  them  by  the  hand  at  Fort  Cumberland,  and 
how  glad  he  would  be  to  treat  them  as  Brothers  of 
our  great  King  beyond  the  waters.  Flattering  my 
self  that  you  will  come,  I  doubt  not  but  you'l  bring 
as  many  of  them  with  you  as  possible,  as  that  will 
afford  Me  what  alone  I  want ;  that  is,  an  opportunity 
of  doing  something  equal  to  your  Wishes. 

I  am,  Dear  Montour,  your  real  friend  and  Assured 
H'ble  Servt. 

N.  B.  I  doubt  not  but  you  have  heard  of  the  Ravages 
committed  on  our  Frontiers  by  the  French  Indians, 
and  I  suppose  [by  the]  French  themselves.  I  am  now 
on  my  March  against  them,  and  hope  to  give  them 
Cause  of  repenting  their  Rashness.1 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

WINCHESTER,  n  October,  1755. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

As  I  think  it'my  indispensable  duty  to  inform  you 
particularly  of  my  proceedings,  and  to  give  the  most 

1  Washington  instructed  Gist  to  visit  Montour  and  use  his  personal  influence  in 
inducing  him  to  bring  Indians  into  camp.  "  I  will  promise  if  he  brings  many 
to  do  something  handsome  for  him.  You  had  better  be  silent  on  this  head, 
though,  least  where  you  are,  measures  may  be  taken  by  the  Pennsylvanians  to 
prevent  him  from  bringing  any  Indians." — To  Gist,  u  Oct.,  1755. 


1755]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  193 


plain  and  authentic  account,  from  time  to  time,  of  our 
situation,  I  must  acquaint  your  Honor  that,  immedi 
ately  after  giving  the  necessary  orders  at  Fredericks- 
burg,  and  despatching  expresses  to  hurry  the  recruits 
from  Alexandria,  I  rid  post  to  this  place,  passing  by 
Lord  Fairfax's,  who  was  not  at  home,  but  here,  where 
I  arrived  yesterday  about  noon,  and  found  every 
thing  in  the  greatest  hurry  and  confusion,  by  the  back 
inhabitants,  flocking  in,  and  those  of  the  town  remov 
ing  out,  which  I  have  prevented  as  far  as  it  was  in 
my  power.  I  was  desirous  of  proceeding  immediately, 
at  the  head  of  some  militia,  to  put  a  stop  to  the  rav 
ages  of  the  enemy,  believing  their  numbers  to  be  few  ; 
but  was  told  by  Colonel  Martin,  who  had  attempted 
to  raise  the  militia  for  the  same  purpose,  that  it  was 
impossible  to  get  above  twenty  or  twenty-five  men, 
they  having  absolutely  refused  to  stir,  choosing,  as 
they  say,  to  die  with  their  wives  and  families. 

Finding  this  expedient  likely  to  prove  abortive,  I 
sent  off  expresses  to  hurry  the  recruits  from  below, 
and  the  militia  from  Fairfax,  Prince  William,  &c., 
which  Lord  Fairfax  had  ordered  out,  and  I  also  hired 
spies  to  go  out  and  see,  to  discover  the  numbers  of 
the  enemy,  and  to  encourage  the  rangers,  who,  we 
were  told,  are  blocked  up  by  the  Indians  in  small 
fortresses.  But,  if  I  may  offer  my  opinion,  I  believe 
they  are  more  encompassed  by  fear  than  by  the  enemy. 
I  have  also  impressed  wagons  and  sent  them  to  Con- 
ococheague  for  flour,  musket-shots,  and  flints,  powder, 
and  trifling  quantity  of  paper,  bought  at  extravgant 
prices,  for  cartridges.  I  expect  from  below  six  or 
eight  smiths  who  are  now  at  work,  repairing  the  fire- 


i94  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

arms  that  are  here,  which  are  all  that  we  have  to 
depend  on.  A  man  was  hired,  the  24th  of  last  month, 
to  do  the  whole,  but  neglected,  and  was  just  moving 
off  in  wagons,  to  Pennsylvania.  I  impressed  his 
wagons,  and  compelled  him  by  force  to  assist  in  this 
work.  In  all  things  I  meet  with  the  greatest  opposi 
tion.  No  orders  are  obeyed,  but  what  a  party  of 
soldiers,  or  my  own  drawn  sword,  enforces  ;  without 
this  a  single  horse,  for  the  most,  urgent  occasion  can 
not  be  had,  to  such  a  pitch  has  the  insolence  of  these 
people  arrived,  by  having  every  point  hitherto  sub 
mitted  to  them.  However,  I  have  given  up  none, 
where  his  Majesty's  service  requires  the  contrary, 
and  where  my  proceedings  are  justified  by  my  in 
structions  ;  nor  will  [I  do]  it,  unless  they  execute 
what  they  threaten,  i.  e.  "to  blow  out  my  brains." 

I  have  invited  the  poor  distressed  people,  (who 
were  drove  from  their  habitations,)  to  lodge  their 
familys  in  some  place  of  security,  and  to  join  our 
partys  in  scouring  the  woods,  where  the  enemy  lie, 
and  believe  some  will  cheerfully  assist.  I  also  have 
[taken],  and  shall  continue  to  take,  every  previous 
step  to  forward  the  march  of  the  recruits,  &c,  so  soon 
as  they  arrive  here,  and  your  Honor  may  depend,  that 
nothing  that  is  in  my  power  to  do  shall  be  wanting 
for  the  good  of  the  service.  I  would  again  hint  the 
necessity  of  putting  the  militia  under  a  better  regula 
tion,  had  I  not  mentioned  it  twice  before,  and  a  third 
time  may  seem  impertinent  ;  but  I  must  once  more 
beg  leave  to  declare,  (for  here  I  am  more  immedi 
ately  concerned,)  that,  unless  the  Assembly  will  enact 


1755]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  195 


a  law  to  enforce  the  military  law  in  all  its  parts,1  that 
I  must,  with  great  regret,  decline  the  honour  that  has 
been  so  generously  intended  me,  and  for  this  only 
reason  I  do  it — the  foreknowledge  1  have  of  failing  in 
every  point,  that  might  justly  be  expected  from  a  per 
son  invested  with  full  power  to  exert  this  authority. 
I  see  the  growing  insolence  of  the  soldiers,  the  indo 
lence  and  inactivity  of  the  officers,  who  are  all  sensible 
how  confined  their  punishments  are,  in  regard  to 
what  they  ought  to  be.  In  fine,  I  can  plainly  see, 
that  under  our  present  establishment,  we  shall  be 
come  a  nuisance,  an  insupportable  charge  to  our 
country,  and  never  answer  any  one  expectation  of  the 
Assembly.  And  here  I  must  assume  the  freedom  to 
express  some  surprise,  that  we  alone  should  be  so 
tenacious  of  our  liberty,  as  not  to  invest  a  power,  where 
interest  and  politicks  so  unanswerably  demand  it,  and 
from  whence  so  much  good  must  consequently  ensue. 
Do  we  not  see,  that  every  nation  under  the  sun  find 
their  account  therein,  and  without  it,  no  order,  no 
regularity  can  be  observed  ?  Why  then  should  it  be 
expected  from  us,  (who  are  all  young  and  inexperi 
enced,)  to  govern  and  keep  up  a  proper  spirit  of  dis 
cipline  without  laws,  when  the  best  and  most  experi 
enced  can  scarcely  do  it  with  [them]  ?  Then  if  we 
consult  our  interest,  I  am  sure  it  is  loudly  called 
for  ;  for  I  can  confidently  assert,  that  money  expended 
in  recruiting,  cloathing,  arming,  maintaining,  and  sub 
sisting  soldiers,  who  have  deserted,  has  cost  the 
country  an  immense  sum,  which  might  have  been  pre- 

1  In  the  October  session  a  mutiny  bill  was  framed.     Hening,  vi.,  559. 


196  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

vented,  were  we  under  restraints,  that  would  terrify 
the  soldiers  from  such  practices.  One  thing  more  on 
this  head  I  will  recommend,  and  then  quit  the  sub 
ject  ;  i.  <?.,  to  have  the  inhabitants  liable  to  certain 
heavy  fines,  or  corporal  punishments,  for  entertaining 
of  deserters,  and  a  reward  for  taking  them  up.  If 
this  was  done,  it  would  be  next  to  an  impossibility 
for  a  soldier  to  escape ;  but,  on  the  contrary  as  things 
now  stand,  they  are  not  only  seduced  to  run  away, 
but  are  also  harboured  and  assisted  with  every  neces 
sary  means  to  do  it. 

Sunday  noon. — Last  night  arrived  an  express,  just 
spent  with  fatigue  and  fear,  reporting  that  a  party  of 
Indians  were  seen  about  twelve  miles  off,  at  the  plan 
tation  of  one  Isaac  Julian,  and  that  the  inhabitants 
were  flying  in  the  most  promiscuous  manner  from 
their  dwellings.  I  immediately  ordered  the  town 
guards  to  be  strengthened  ;  Perkins's  lieutenant  to  be 
in  readiness  with  his  companies  ;  some  recruits,  who 
had  only  arrived  about  half  an  hour  before,  to  be 
armed  ;  and  sent  two  men,  well  acquainted  with  the 
roads,  to  go  up  that  road,  and  lay  in  wait,  to  see  if 
they  could  discover  the  number  and  motion  of  the 
Indians,  that  we  might  have  timely  notice  of  their 
approach.  This  morning,  before  we  could  parade 
the  men,  to  march  upon  the  last  alarm,  arrived  a  sec 
ond  express,  ten  times  more  terrified  than  the  former, 
with  information,  that  the  Indians  had  got  within  four 
miles  of  the  town,  and  were  killing  and  destroying 
all  before  them,  for  that  he  himself  had  heard  con 
stant  firing,  and  shrieks  of  the  unhappy  murdered  ! 


1755]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  197 


Upon  this,  I  immediately  collected  what  force  I  could, 
which  consisted  of  twenty-two  men,  recruited  for  the 
rangers,  and  nineteen  of  the  militia,  and  marched 
directly  to  the  place,  where  these  horrid  murders 
were  said  to  be  committed.  When  we  came  there, 
whom  should  we  find  occasioning  all  this  disturb 
ance,  but  three  drunken  soldiers  of  the  light-horse, 
carousing,  firing  their  pistols,  and  uttering  the  most 
unheard-of  imprecations  !  These  we  took,  and 
marched  prisoners  to  town,  where  we  met  the  men 
I  sent  out  last  night,  and  learned  that  the  party  of 
Indians,  discovered  by  Isaac  Julian,  proved  to  be  a  mu 
latto  and  negro,  seen  hunting  of  cattle  by  his  child,  who 
alarmed  the  father,  and  the  father  the  neighborhood. 
These  circumstances  are  related  only  to  show  what  a 
panic  prevails  among  the  people  ;  how  much  they  are 
alarmed  at  the  most  usual  and  customary  cries  ;  and 
yet  how  impossible  it  is  to  get  them  to  act  in  any  re 
spect  for  their  common  safety.  As  an  instance  of 
this — Colonel  Fairfax,  who  arrived  in  town  when  we 
were  upon  a  scout,  immediately  sent  to  a  noble  cap 
tain,  not  far  off,  to  repair  with  his  company  forthwith 
to  Winchester.  With  coolness  and  moderation  this 
great  captain  answered,  that  his  wife,  family,  and 
corn  were  all  at  stake  ;  so  were  his  soldiers  ;  there 
fore  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  come.  Such  is  the 
example  of  the  officers  ;  such  the  behaviour  of  the 
men  ;  and  upon  such  circumstances  depends  the 
safety  of  our  country  ! 

Monday  morning,  \ith. — The  men  I  hired  to  bring 
intelligence  from  the  Branch  returned  last  night,  with 


198  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

letters  from  Captain  Ashby,  and  the  other  parties 
there  ;  by  which  I  learn,  that  the  Indians  are  gone 
off;  scouts  having  been  dispersed  upon  those  waters 
for  several  days,  without  discovering  tracks  or  other 
signs  of  the  enemy. 

I  am  also  informed,  that  it  is  believed  their  num 
bers  amounted  to  about  one  hundred  and  fifty ;  that 
seventy  of  our  men  are  killed  and  missing,  and  that 
several  houses  and  plantations  are  destroyed,  but  not 
so  great  havoc  made  as  was  represented  at  first. 
The  rangers,  and  a  small  company  of  militia,  ordered 
there  by  Lord  Fairfax,  I  am  given  to  understand,  in 
tend  to  march  down  on  Monday  next,  who  will  be 
immediately  followed  by  all  the  inhabitants  of  those 
parts,  that  had  gathered  together  under  their  protec 
tion.  I  have,  therefore,  sent  peremptory  orders  to 
the  contrary  ;  but  what  obedience  will  be  paid  to 
them  a  little  time  will  reveal.  I  have  ordered  those 
men,  that  were  recruited  for  the  rangers,  to  join 
their  respective  companies.  And  there  is  also  a 
party  of  militia  marched  with  them  under  the  com 
mand  of  Captain  Harden.  Captain  Waggener  is 
this  instant  arrived  with  thirty  recruits,  which  he 
marched  from  Bellhaven  in  less  than  three  days, — a 
great  march  indeed  !  Major  Lewis  and  his  recruits 
from  Fredericksburg  I  expect  in  to-morrow,  when, 
with  these  and  twenty-two  of  Captain  Bell's  now 
here,  I  shall  proceed  by  quick  marches  to  Fort 
Cumberland,  in  order  to  strengthen  that  garrison. 
Besides  these,  I  think  it  absolutely  necessary,  that 
there  should  be  two  or  three  companies  (exclusively) 


1755]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  199 

of  rangers,  to  guard  the  Potomac  waters,  until  such 
time  as  our  regiment  is  completed.  And,  indeed, 
these  rangers  and  volunteer  companies  in  Augusta, 
with  some  of  their  militia,  should  be  properly  disposed 
of  on  these  frontiers,  for  fear  of  an  attack  from  that 
quarter.  This  though,  is  submitted  to  your  Honor's 
judgment,  and  waits  your  orders  for  execution,  if 
thought  expedient.  Captain  Waggener  informs  me, 
that  it  was  with  difficulty  he  passed  the  Ridge  for 
crowds  of  people,  who  were  flying  as  if  every  moment 
was  death.  He  endeavoured,  but  in  vain,  to  stop 
them  ;  they  firmly  believing  that  Winchester  was  in 
flames.  I  shall  send  expresses  dow^n  the  several 
roads  in  hopes  of  bringing  back  the  inhabitants,  who 
are  really  frightened  out  of  their  senses.  I  de 
spatched  an  express  immediately  upon  my  arrival  at 
this  place,  with  a  copy  of  the  enclosed  to  Andrew 
Montour,  who  I  heard  was  at  a  place  called  Long 
Island,1  with  three  hundred  Indians,  to  see  if  he 
could  engage  him  and  them  to  join  us.  The  letter 
savours  a  little  of  flattery,  &c,  &c,  but  this,  I  hope, 
is  justifiable  on  such  occasions.  I  also  wrote  to 
Gist,  acquainting  him  with  the  favor  you  intended 
him,  and  desired  he  would  repair  home,  in  order  to 
raise  his  companies  of  scouts.2 

I  shall  defer  writing  to  the  Speaker  and  Committee 
upon  any  other  head  than  that  of  commissary,  still  hop 
ing  to  be  down  by  the  time  mentioned  in  my  last, 


1  Also  spoken  of  as  Great  Island.     It  lay  in  Holston  River.     Montour  was 
there  with  Monacatoocha  to  meet  the  Delawares. 

2  The  Governor  had  commissioned  Gist  as  captain  of  a  company  of  scouts. 


200  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1755 


(provided  no  new  disturbances  happen,)  having  some 
points  to  settle,  that  I  am  uneasy  and  urgent  about.  I 
have  been  obliged  to  do  duty  very  foreign  to  my  own  ; 
but  that  I  shall  never  hesitate  about,  when  the  good 
of  the  service  requires  it. 

In  a  journey  from  Fort  Cumberland  to  Fort  Din- 
widdie,  which  I  made  purposely  to  see  the  situation 
of  our  frontiers,  how  the  rangers  were  posted,  and 
how  troops  might  be  disposed  of  for  the  defence 
of  the  country,  I  purchased  six  hundred  and  fifty 
beeves,  to  be  delivered  at  Fort  Cumberland  by  the 
ist  of  November,  at  ten  shillings  per  hundred  weight, 
except  a  few  that  I  was  obliged  to  give  eleven  shil 
lings  for ;  and  have  my  own  bonds  now  out  for  the 
performance  of  covenants,  this  being  the  commis 
sary's  business,  who,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  has  hitherto 
been  of  no  use,  but  of  disservice  to  me,  in  neglecting 
my  orders,  and  leaving  this  place  without  flour,  and 
Fredericksburg  without  any  provisions  for  the  re 
cruits,  although  he  had  timely  notice  given.  I  must 
beg,  that,  if  Mr.  Dick  will  not  act,  some  other  person 
may  be  appointed  that  will ;  for,  if  things  remain  in 
this  uncertain  situation,  the  season  will  pass  without 
having  provision  made  for  the  winter,  or  summer's 
campaign.  Whoever  acts  as  commissary  should  be 
sent  up  immediately  about  salting  the  provisions,  &c. 
It  will  be  difficult,  I  believe,  to  provide  a  quantity  of 
pork.  I  enquired  as  I  rode  thro'  Hampshire,  Au 
gusta,  &c,  and  could  not  hear  of  much  for  sale. 

Most  of  the  new  appointed  officers  have  been  ex 
tremely  deficient  in  their  duties  by  not  repairing  to 


1755]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  201 


their  rendezvouses,  according  to  appointment.  Captn. 
McKenzie,  Lieut.  King  and  Ensigns  Miller  and  Dean, 
who  were  ordered  to  send  their  recruits  to  Alexan 
dria  by  the  first  of  October,  were  not  arrived  when 
Captn.  Waggener  left  that  place,  nor  have  we  heard 
any  thing  of  Captn.  Harrison,  whose  recruits  should 
have  been  at  Fredericksburg  by  the  same  time  ;  and 
Captn.  Bell  only  sent  his  here  on  Saturday  last.  If 
these  practices  are  allowed  of,  we  may  as  well  quit 
altogether,  for  no  duty  can  ever  be  carried  on  if  there 
is  not  ye  greatest  punctuality  observed,  one  thing 
always  depending  so  immediately  upon  another. 

I  have  appointed  Captain  George  Mercer  (whose 
seniority  entitled  him  to  it)  my  aid-de-camp  ;  and 
Mr.  Kirkpatrick  of  Alexandria,  my  secretary,  a  young 
man  bred  to  business,  of  good  character,  well  recom 
mended,  and  a  person  of  whose  abilities  I  had  not  the 
least  doubt. 

I  hope  your  Honor  will  be  kind  enough  to  despatch 
Colonel  Stephen,  with  orders  to  repair  hither  immedi 
ately,  and  excuse  the  prolixity  of  this.  I  was  willing 
to  give  a  circumstantial  account  of  our  situation,  that 
you  may  be  the  better  enabled  to  judge  what  orders 
are  necessary  to  give.  I  am,  &c. 

WINCHESTER,  October  13,  1755. 

Major  Lewis  is  just  arrived,  and  on  Thursday  I 
shall  begin  my  march  to  Fort  Cumberland,  allowing 
the  recruits  one  day  to  refresh  themselves. 


202  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

ADVERTISEMENT.1 

[13  or  14  October,  1755.] 

Whereas  divers  timorous  persons  run  through  the 
country  and  alarm  its  inhabitants  by  false  reports  of 
the  Indians  having  attacked  and  destroyed  the  coun 
try — even  Winchester  itself,  and  that  they  are  still 
proceeding  : 

This  is  to  give  notice  to  all  people,  that  I  have 
great  reason  to  believe  that  the  Indians  who  com 
mitted  the  late  cruelties  (though  no  lower  than  the 
South  Branch)  are  returned  home,  as  I  have  certain 
accounts  that  they  have  not  been  seen  nor  heard  of 
these  ten  days  past.  And  I  do  advise  all  my  country 
men,  not  to  be  alarmed  on  every  false  report  they  may 
hear,  as  they  must  now  be  satisfied,  from  the  many 
false  ones  that  have  been  made  ;  but  to  keep  to  their 
homes  and  take  care  of  their  crops,  as  I  can  venture 
to  assure  them  that  in  a  short  time  the  frontiers  will 
be  so  well  guarded,  that  no  mischief  can  be  done, 
either  to  them  or  their  plantations,  which  must  of 
course  be  destroyed,  if  they  desert  them  in  so  shame 
ful  a  manner. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

WINCHESTER,  17  October,  1755. 

SIR, 

Last  night  by  the  return  of  the  express,  who  went 
to  Captain  Montour,  I  received  the  enclosed  from 
Mr.  Harris  at  Susquehanna.2  I  think  no  means 

1  Issued  to  allay  an  "inconceivable  panic"  that  then  prevailed  among  the 
people  of  Augusta  County. 

2  Shamokin,  at  the  forks  of  the  Susquehannah. 


1755]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  203 


should  be  neglected  to  preserve  what  few  Indians  still 
remain  in  our  interest.  For  which  reason  I  shall  send 
Mr.  Gist,  as  soon  as  he  arrives  (which  I  expect  will 
be  to-day),  to  Harris's  Ferry,1  in  hopes  of  engaging 
and  bringing  with  him  the  Belt  of  Wampum  and 
other  Indians  that  are  at  that  place.  I  shall  further 
desire  him  to  send  an  Indian  express  to  Andrew 
Montour,  to  try  if  he  cannot  be  brought  with  them.2 

In  however  trifling  light  the  French  attempting  to 
alienate  the  affections  of  our  southern  Indians  may  at 
first  appear,  I  must  look  upon  it  as  a  thing  of  the  ut 
most  consequence,  that  requires  our  greatest  and 
most  immediate  attention.  I  have  often  wondered  at 
not  hearing  this  was  attempted  before,  and  had  it 
noted  among  other  memorandums  to  acquaint  your 
Honor  with,  when  I  should  come  down. 

The  French  policy  in  treating  with  the  Indians  is 
so  prevalent,  that  I  should  not  be  in  the  least  sur 
prised,  were  they  to  engage  the  Cherokees,  Catawbas, 
&c.  unless  timely  and  vigorous  measures  are  taken 
to  prevent  it.  A  pusillanimous  behaviour  now  will 


1  John  Harris,  who  had  settled  at  the  mouth  of  Paxton  Creek,  Pa.,  and  kept  a 
ferry  there.     He  died  about  1762. 

2  Did  Montour  bring  60  Indians  (the  number  contained  in  a  company)  he  was 
to  receive   a  captain's  commission  and  ten  shillings  a  day,  payable  "once  a 
month  regularly."     Further  encouragement  would  be  given,  did  he  bring  more 
men.     The  Shawnees  and  Delawares  were  in  arms  against  the  English,  and 
rumors  were  rife  of  French  machinations  among  the  Southern  tribes. 

To  Major  Lewis  he  wrote  :  "  When  the  Indians  arrive  with  Captain  Mon 
tour  or  Gist,  you  are  to  see  them  properly  provided  with  all  necessaries,  and  use 
your  utmost  endeavours  to  see  them  duly  encouraged  ;  and  the  officers  are  all 
desired  to  take  notice  of  them  and  treat  them  kindly,  as  their  assistance  at  this 
time  is  absolutely  necessary."  Montour  was  taken  into  the  service  and  paid 
,£25  a  year,  Virginia  money. 


204  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

ill  suit  the  times  ;  and  trusting  to  traders  and 
common  interpreters,  who  will  sell  their  integrity  to 
the  highest  bidder,  may  prove  the  destruction  of 
these  affairs.  I  therefore  think,  that  if  a  person  of 
distinction,  acquainted  with  their  language,  is  to  be 
found,  his  price  should  be  come  to  at  any  rate.  If 
no  such  person  can  be  had,  a  man  of  sense  and  char 
acter,  to  conduct  the  Indians  to  any  council  that  may 
be  held,  or  superintend  any  other  matters,  will  be 
found  extremely  necessary.  It  is  impertinent,  I  own, 
in  me  to  offer  my  opinion  in  these  affairs,  when  better 
judges  may  direct  ;  but  my  steady  and  hearty  zeal 
for  the  cause,  and  the  great  impositions  I  have  known 
practised  by  the  traders  &c,  upon  these  occasions, 
would  not  suffer  me  to  be  quite  silent.  I  have  heard, 
from  undoubted  authority,  that  some  of  the  Chero- 
kees,  who  have  been  introduced  to  us  as  sachems  and 
princes  by  this  interpreter,  who  shares  the  profits, 
have  been  no  other  than  common  hunters,  and  blood 
thirsty  villains. 

We  have  no  accounts  yet  of  the  militia  from  Fair 
fax,  &c.  This  day  I  march  with  about  one  hundred 
men  to  Fort  Cumberland.  Yesterday  an  express  in 
formed  me  of  eighty  odd  recruits  at  Fredericksburg, 
which  I  have  ordered  to  proceed  to  this  place  ;  but, 
for  want  of  that  regularity  being  observed,  by  which 
I  should  know  where  every  officer  &c.  is,  my  orders 
are  only  conditional,  and  always  confused.1  The 

1  To  a  captain  he  wrote  ; — "  Your  late  disobedience  of  orders  has  greatly  dis 
pleased  me.  It  is  impossible  to  carry  on  affairs  as  they  ought  to  be,  when  you 
pay  so  little  regard  to  a  military  order.  You  must  be  conscious,  that  your 
crime  is  sufficient  to  break  the  best  officer,  that  ever  bore  a  commission." 


1755]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  205 


commissary  is  much  wanted  ;  therefore  I  hope  your 
Honor  will  send  him  up  immediately  ;  if  not,  things 
will  greatly  suffer  here.  Whatever  necessaries  your 
Honor  gets  below,  I  should  be  glad  to  have  sent  to 
Alexandria  ;  from  whence  they  are  much  more  handy 
than  from  Fredericksburg.  Besides,  as  provision  is 
lodged  there,  and  none  at  any  other  place,  it  will  be 
better  for  the  men,  to  be  all  sent  there,  that  can  any 
ways  conveniently.  For  we  have  met  with  insuffera 
ble  difficulties  at  Fredericksburg,  and  in  our  march 
from  thence,  through  neglect  of  the  commissary,  who 
is  greatly  wanted  up  here.  Therefore,  I  hope  your 
Honor  will  order  him. 


TO  LIEUTENANT-COLONEL  ADAM  STEPHEN. 

FREDERICKSBURG,  18  November,  1755. 

SIR, 

I  came  to  this  place  on  Sunday  last,  and  intended 
to  proceed  immediately  up  ;  T  but  receiving  yours  and 
other  letters  contradicting  the  reports  lately  trans 
mitted,  determined  me  to  go  to  Alexandria,  where  I 
shall  wait  a  few  days,  hoping  to  meet  the  express 
from  General  Shirley,  to  whom  the  Governor  sent 
for  commissions  for  the  field-officers.2 

1  He  was  now  returning  from  Williamsburg  to  head-quarters  at  Winchester, 
having  previously  made  a  journey  to  Fort  Cumberland. 

2  The  old  difficulty  about  rank  between  the  provincial  officers,  and  those  with 
King's  commissions,  had  been  revived  at  Fort  Cumberland. 

Immediately  after  the  affair  of  the  Great  Meadows,  the  Assembly  of  Mary 
land  granted  the  small  sum  of  six  thousand  pounds  for  the  defence  of  the  fron 
tiers,  and  in  the  December  following  they  passed  an  act  authorizing  the 
Governor  to  raise  a  military  force.  A  few  soldiers  only  were  enlisted,  and  at 
this  time  a  Maryland  company  of  thirty  men  was  stationed  at  Fort  Cumber- 


206  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

I  beg  that  you  will  be  particularly  careful  in  seeing 
strict  order  observed  among  the  soldiers,  as  that  is 
the  life  of  military  discipline.  We  now  have  it  in 

land.  "  I  have  given  the  command  thereof  to  one  Capt.  Dagworthy,  a  gentleman 
born  in  the  Jerseys  who  commanded  a  company  raised  in  that  province  for  the 
Canada  expedition,  since  the  miscarriage  of  which  he  has  resided  in  this  prov 
ince  upon  an  estate  which  he  purchased  in  Worcester  county." — Gov.  Sharpe 
to  Charles  Culvert,  2  Sept.,  1754. 

Governor  Innes  had  gone  home  to  North  Carolina  on  his  private  affairs. 
Dagworthy  assumed  the  command,  and  refused  to  obey  any  orders  of  a  provin 
cial  officer,  however  high  in  rank.  This  created  wranglings  and  insubordina 
tion  among  the  inferior  officers,  who  took  sides.  The  Governor  of  Maryland 
was  tardy  in  giving  any  decisive  orders  to  Dagworthy,  because  the  fort  was  in 
that  province,  and  he  seemed  willing  to  consider  it  under  his  command.  Gov 
ernor  Dinwiddie  argued,  that  it  was  a  King's  fort,  built  by  an  order  sent  to 
him  from  the  King,  chiefly  by  forces  in  the  King's  pay,  and  that  it  could  in  no 
sense  be  regarded  as  subject  to  the  authority  of  Maryland.  And,  moreover,  as 
Captain  Dagworthy  had  commuted  his  half-pay  for  a  specific  sum  of  money, 
his  commission  had  thereby  become  obsolete,  and  there  was  no  propriety  in  his 
pretending  to  act  under  it  ;  and  it  was  an  absurdity  for  a  captain  with  thirty 
men,  who  in  reality  had  no  other  commission  than  that  from  the  Governor  of 
Maryland,  to  claim  precedence  of  the  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  Virginia 
forces. 

Colonel  Washington  refused  to  interfere,  but  made  a  forcible  remonstrance 
to  the  Governor  and  Council  at  Williamsburg,  and  insisted  on  a  speedy  arrange 
ment,  that  should  put  an  end  to  the  difficulty.  To  effect  this  purpose,  Gov 
ernor  Dinwiddie  sent  an  express  to  General  Shirley,  commander  of  his  Majes 
ty's  forces  in  North  America,  stating  the  particulars  of  the  case,  and  requesting 
from  him  brevet  commissions  for  Colonel  Washington,  and  the  field-officers 
under  him  ;  proposing,  at  the  same  time,  that  these  commissions  should  only 
imply  rank,  without  giving  any  claim  to  pay  from  the  King. — Dinwiddie's 
Letter- JB  oo  ks. — Laius  of  Maryland,  1754.  Shirley  asked  Sharpe  to  "accommo 
date  the  dispute." 

The  Governor's  troubles  seemed  to  thicken  at  this  crisis.  On  the  I5th  of 
November  he  wrote  to  the  Earl  of  Halifax  : — 

"  Our  Assembly  met  on  the  2gth  ultimo,  but  not  above  one  half  of  them  gave 
their  attendance.  They  fell  into  cabals,  and  wanted  to  emit  two  hundred 
thousand  pounds  in  paper  money  for  a  loan-office,  to  be  discharged  in  eight 
years,  which  I  thought  to  be  contrary  to  act  of  Parliament  and  my  instructions. 
They  further  proposed  a  secret  committee,  which,  in  course,  would  have  been 
the  beginning  of  great  dissensions.  They  likewise  were  very  mutinous  and  un 
mannerly.  For  their  not  meeting  in  a  body  when  summoned,  and  for  the  above 


1755]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  207 


our  power  to  enforce  obedience  ;  and  obedience  will 
be  expected  from  us,  the  men  being  subject  to  death, 
as  in  military  law.  The  Assembly  have  also  offered 
a  reward  to  all  who  will  apprehend  deserters,  and  a 
severe  punishment  upon  those,  who  shall  entertain  or 
suffer  them  to  pass,  also  upon  any  constable,  who  re 
fuses  to  convey  them  to  the  company  or  troop  to 
which  they  belong,  or  shall  suffer  them  to  escape, 
after  such  deserters  are  committed  to  his  custody.1 

These  things,  with  the  articles  of  war  and  a  proper 
exhortation,  I  would  have  you  read  immediately  to 
the  men,  and  see  that  it  is  frequently  done  hereafter. 
I  must  desire,  that  you  will  use  all  possible  means  to 
facilitate  the  salting  our  provisions,  and  give  the 
commissary  such  assistance  of  men,  &c,  as  he  shall 
reasonably  require.  The  Governor  approves  of  the  \ 
Committee's  resolve,  in  not  allowing  either  the 
Maryland  or  Carolina  companies  to  be  supported  out 
of  our  provisions.  This  you  are  to  make  them  ac 
quainted  with,  and,  in  case  any  of  the  companies 

conduct,  I  thought  it  for  his  Majesty's  service,  and  for  the  good  of  this  Domin 
ion,  to  dissolve  them,  and  take  my  chance  of  a  new  election,  which  I  think 
cannot  be  so  bad  as  the  last." 

The  neutral  French  who  had  been  expelled  from  Acadia,  were  beginning  to 
arrive  in  Virginia,  adding  a  new  complication  to  the  Governor's  troubles.  They 
began  to  tamper  with  the  negroes  and  were  shipped  to  England. 

1  Hening's  Statiites,  vi.,  p.  559  :  "  Our  Assembly  have  formed  a  military  law 
similar  to  that  of  his  Majesty's  regulars." — Dinwiddie,  12  Nov.,  1755. 

The  recruiting  agents  were  often  at  fault.  Men  were  enlisted  when  drunk, 
servants  and  apprentices  were  taken  in  spite  of  a  law  against  it.  Men  enlisted 
by  one  recruiting  officer  were  discharged  to  be  enlisted  by  another.  The  offi 
cers  impressed  horses  and  wagons.  In  one  case  so  great  was  the  terror 
inspired  by  a  recruiting  agent  by  his  "  forcibly  taking,  confining,  and  torturing 
those  who  would  not  voluntarily  enlist,"  that  no  recruits  could  be  had  where  he 
had  been. 


208  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

should  be  discharged,  to  use  your  utmost  endeavours 
to  enlist  as  many  of  the  men  as  you  can.  Lieutenant 
JVPManners  has  leave  to  go  to  Carolina,  if  he  desires 
it.  The  Assembly  would  make  no  alteration  in  our 
militia  law ;  nor  would  the  Governor  order  them  to 
be  drafted  to  complete  our  regiment,  so  that  the  slow 
method  of  recruiting  is  likely  to  be  our  only  means  to 
raise  the  men.  I  think,  could  a  brisk  officer,  and 
two  or  three  sergeants,  be  sent  among  the  militia 
stationed  on  the  South  Branch,  they  would  have  a 
probable  chance  of  engaging  many,  as  some  were 
inclinable  in  Winchester  to  list.  Doctor  Craik  is  ex 
pected  round  to  Alexandria  in  a  vessel,  with  medicines 
and  other  stores  for  the  regiment.  So  soon  as  he  ar 
rives,  I  shall  take  care  to  despatch  him  to  you. 

The  Colonels  Byrd  and  Randolph  are  appointed 
commissioners,1  and  will  set  out  very  shortly  with  a 
present  &c,  to  the  country  of  the  Cherokees,  in  order 
to  engage  them  to  our  interest.  I  am,  &c. 


TO    LIEUTENANT-COLONEL    ADAM    STEPHEN. 

ALEXANDRIA,  28  November,  1755. 

SIR, 

I  received  your  two  letters  by  Jenkins  last  night, 
and  was  greatly  surprised  to  hear  that  Commissary 
Walker  was  not  arrived  at  camp,  when  he  came  away. 
He  set  out  from  Williamsburg  about  the  i2th  in- 

1  Peter  Randolph  and  Col.  Byrd,  commissioners  appointed  by  the  Governor 
to  visit  and  conciliate  the  southern  Indians.  "  To  give  weight  to  this  negotia 
tion  two  of  the  Council  have  promised  to  go."  They  returned  in  May  of  the 
following  year  with  a  treaty. 


1755]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  209 

stant,  with  orders  to  proceed  immediately  up  ;  but 
such  disobedience  of  commands,  as  I  have  generally 
met  with,  is  insufferable,  and  shall  not  go  unpun 
ished.  The  account  you  enclosed  of  the  method  of 
receiving  the  beef,  I  suppose,  is  customary  ;  but  for 
want  of  judgment  in  those  affairs,  I  can  neither  ap 
plaud  nor  condemn  it.  I  am  as  much  astonished  as 
you  were  surprised,  at  the  quantity  of  salt  said  to  be 
wanted  for  the  provision,  but  certain  it  is,  that  if  it, 
or  a  greater  quantity  is  absolutely  necessary,  it  must 
be  had.  I  have  left  a  discretionary  power  in  Com 
missary  Walker  to  kill  or  winter  the  Carolina  beeves 
as  the  interest  of  service  requires.  Pray  assist  him 
with  your  advice,  and  urge  him  on  to  make  the 
necessary  purchases  of  flour  and  pork  in  time. 

The  Governor  did  not  seem  inclinable  to  promote 
the  removal  of  the  fort ;  however,  the  Committee 
have  lodged  a  discretionary  power  in  my  hands,  and 
have  resolved  to  pay  for  all  extraordinary  labor.  I 
would,  therefore,  have  as  little  labor  lost  at  Fort 
Cumberland  as  possible  ;  at  least,  until  I  come  up, 
which  will  be  very  shortly,  my  stay  here  being  only 
for  a  few  days,  in  order  to  receive  recruits,  and  hurry 
up  the  stores  to  Winchester. 

I  believe  those,  who  say  Governor  Sharpe  is  to 
command,  can  only  wish  it.  I  do  not  know  that 
General  Shirley  has  a  power  to  appoint  a  chief  to 
our  forces, — to  regulars  he  may.  As  to  that  affair  of 
turning  the  store-house  into  a  dwelling-room,  I  do 
not  know  what  better  answer  to  give,  than  saying, 
that  this  is  one  among  the  many  instances,  that 


210  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

might  be  offered,  of  the  inconvenience  of  having  the 
fort  in  Maryland.  As  soon  as  I  hear  from  Governor 
Shirley,  which  is  hourly  expected,  I  can  then  send  a 
more  determined  answer. 

There  has  been  such  total  negligence  among  the 
recruiting  officers  in  general,  such  disregard  of  the 
service  they  were  employed  in,  and  such  idle  pro 
ceedings,  that  I  am  determined  to  send  out  none 
until  we  all  meet,  when  each  officer  shall  have  his 
own  men,  and  have  only  this  alternative,  either  to 
complete  his  number,  or  lose  his  commission.  There 
are  several  officers  who  have  been  out  six  weeks,  or 
two  months,  without  getting  a  man,  spending  their 
time  in  all  the  gayety  of  pleasurable  mirth,  with  their 
relations  and  friends  ;  not  attempting,  nor  having  a 
possible  chance  of  recruiting  any  but  those  who,  out  of 
their  inclination  to  the  service,  will  proffer  themselves. 

I  should  be  glad  to  have  ten  or  twelve  wagons 
sent  to  this  place,  for  salt  enough  may  be  had  here  to 
load  that  number,  and  it  comes  upon  easier  terms 
than  at  Fredericksburg,  by  sixpence  or  eight  pence 
per  bushel.  Those  stores  at  Watkins's  Ferry  should 
be  hurried  up  as  fast  as  the  water  affords  oppor 
tunities,  if  it  were  only  to  prevent  disputes. 

If  the  paymaster  is  at  Winchester,  and  not  on  his 
way  to  Fort  Dinwiddie,  order  him  down  here  im 
mediately.  If  he  should  be  going  with  pay  to  Cap 
tain  Hogg,1  he  is  to  proceed  with  despatch  ;  but  if  he 
is  at  Fort  Cumberland,  order  him  down  to  Win 
chester,  to  wait  there  until  I  arrive.  I  am,  &c. 

1  Captain  Hogg's  men  had  mutinied  because  of  the  failure  to  pay  them. 


1755]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  211 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

ALEXANDRIA,  5  December,  1755. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

I  have  sent  the  bearer,  Captain  John  Mercer  (who 
has  accounts  to  settle  with  the  Committee),  to  the 
treasurer  for  the  balance  of  that  ten  thousand  pounds  ; 
and  to  acquaint  your  Honor,  that,  meeting  with  let 
ters  at  Fredericksburg,  as  I  returned  from  Williams- 
burg,  informing  me  that  all  was  peaceable  above,  and 
that  nothing  was  so  immediately  wanting  as  salt,  I  got 
what  I  could  at  that  place,  and  hastened  on  here  to 
engage  more,  to  receive  the  recruits  expected  in,  and 
to  wait  the  arrival  of  the  vessel  with  arms,  &c.,  from 
James  River,  in  order  to  forward  them  up  with  the 
greater  despatch.  The  vessel  is  not  yet  arrived. 

I  have  impatiently  expected  to  hear  the  result  of 
your  Honor's  letter  to  General  Shirley,  and  wish  that 
the  delays  may  not  prove  ominous.  In  that  case,  I 
shall  not  know  how  to  act  ;  for  I  can  never  submit  to 
the  command  of  Captain  Dagworthy,  since  you  have 
honored  me  with  the  command  of  the  Virginia  regi 
ment,  &c. 

The  country  has  sustained  inconceivable  losses,  by 
delaying  the  commissaries  at  Williamsburg.  Many  of 
the  Carolina  beeves  are  dead,  through  absolute  pov 
erty,  and  the  chief  part  of  them  too  poor  to  slaughter. 
We  are  at  a  loss  how  to  act,  for  want  of  the  mutiny 
bill ;  and  should  be  obliged  to  your  Honor,  if  you 
will  have  fifty  or  a  hundred  printed,  and  sent  by  the 
bearer.1  There  is  a  clause  in  that  bill,  which,  if  you 

1  "  The  printer  has  been  so  engaged  in  printing  bills  for  money,  he  has  not 
'been  able  to  print  off  the  acts." — Dinwiddie  to  Washington,  14  Dec. ,  1755. 


212  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

are  not  kind  enough  to  obviate  it,  will  prevent  en 
tirely  the  good  intention  of  it,  that  is,  delaying  the 
execution  of  sentences,  until  your  Honor  shall  be 
made  acquainted  with  the  proceedings  of  the  court. 
This,  at  times  when  there  is  the  greatest  occasion 
for  examples,  will  be  morally  impossible  ;  (I  mean, 
while  we  are  on  our  march,  perhaps  near  the  Ohio,) 
when  none  but  strong  parties  can  pass  with  safety. 
At  all  times  it  must  be  attended  with  great  expense, 
trouble,  and  inconveniency.  This  I  represented  to 
Colonel  Corbin,  and  some  other  gentlemen  of  the 
Council,  when  I  was  down,  who  said  that  the  objec 
tion  would  be  removed,  by  your  Honor's  giving 
blank  warrants,  to  be  filled  up  as  occasion  should  re 
quire.  This  would  effectually  remedy  all  those  evils, 
and  put  things  in  their  proper  channel. 

We  suffer  greatly  for  want  of  kettles  ;  those  sent 
from  below,  being  tin,  are  of  short  duration.  We 
shall,  also,  in  a  little  time,  suffer  as  much  for  the  want 
of  clothing  ;  none  can  be  got  in  these  parts  ;  those 
which  Major  Carlyle  and  Dalton  contracted  to  fur 
nish  we  are  disappointed  of.  Shoes  and  stockings 
we  have,  and  can  get  more  if  wanted,  but  nothing 
else.  I  should  be  glad  your  Honor  would  direct 
what  is  to  be  done  in  these  cases  ;  and  that  you 
would  be  kind  enough  to  desire  the  treasurer  to  send 
some  part  of  the  money  in  gold  and  silver.  Were 
this  done,  we  might  often  get  necessaries  for  the 
regiment  in  Maryland,  or  Pennsylvania,  when  they 
cannot  be  had  here.  But  with  our  money  it  is  im 
possible  ;  our  paper  not  passing  there. 


1755]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  213 

The  recruiting  service  goes  on  extremely  slow.1 
Yesterday  being  a  day  appointed  for  rendezvousing  at 
this  place,  there  came  in  ten  officers  with  twenty  men 
only.  If  I  had  any  other  than  paper  money,  and  you 
approved  of  it,  I  would  send  to  Pennsylvania  and  the 
borders  of  Carolina.  I  am  confident  men  might  be 
had  there.  Your  Honor  never  having  given  any 
particular  directions  about  the  provisions,  I  should 
be  glad  to  know,  whether  you  would  have  more  laid 
in,  than  what  will  serve  for  twelve  hundred  men,  that 
I  may  give  orders  accordingly. 

As  I  cannot  now  conceive  that  any  great  danger 
can  be  apprehended  at  Fort  Cumberland  this  winter, 
I  am  sensible  that  my  constant  attendance  there  can 
not  be  so  serviceable  as  riding  from  place  to  place, 
making  the  proper  dispositions,  and  seeing  that  all 
our  necessaries  are  forwarded  up  with  despatch.  I 
therefore  think  it  advisable  to  inform  your  Honor  of 
it,  hoping  it  will  correspond  with  your  own  opinion. 

I  forgot  to  mention  when  I  was  down,  that  Mr. 
Livingston,  the  Fort  Major,  was  appointed  adjutant 
to  our  regiment.  I  knew  of  none  else  whose  long 
servitude  in  a  military  way,  had  qualified  better  for 
the  office.  He  was  appointed  the  1 7th  of  Septem 
ber. 

Captain  Mercer's  pay  as  aid-de-camp  seems  yet 
doubtful.  I  should  be  glad  if  your  Honor  would  fix 
it ;  as  so  is  Captain  Stewart's.  If  Captain  Stewart's 
is  increased,  I  suppose  all  the  officers  belonging  to 

1  He  sent  officers  to  elections  and  other  public  meetings,  that  being  a  favor 
able  opportunity  for  securing  recruits. 


2i4  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

the  light-horse  will  expect  to  have  theirs  augmented 
also.  Colonel  Stephen,  in  a  late  letter,  discovered  an 
inclination  to  go  to  the  Creek  and  Cherokee  Indians 
this  winter.  I  told  him  where  to  apply,  if  he  had  any 
such  thoughts.  I  believe,  on  so  useful  a  business, 
he  might  be  spared  until  the  spring.  If  your  Honor 
think  proper  to  order  the  act  of  Assembly  for  appre 
hending  deserters,  and  against  harbouring  them,  to 
be  published  every  Sunday  in  each  parish  church, 
until  the  people  are  made  acquainted  with  the  law, 
it  would  have  a  very  good  effect.  The  commonalty 
in  general  err  more  through  ignorance  than  design. 
Few  of  them  are  acquainted  that  such  a  law  exists, 
and  there  is  no  other  certain  way  of  bringing  it  to 
their  knowledge.  There  are  a  great  many  of  the 
men  that  did  once  belong  to  our  companies,  deserted 
from  the  regiments  into  which  they  were  drafted,  that 
would  now  gladly  return,  if  they  could  be  sure  of 
indemnity.  If  your  Honor  would  be  kind  enough  to 
intimate  this  to  General  Shirley,  or  the  colonels  of 
those  regiments,  it  would  be  of  service  to  us.  With 
out  leave,  we  dare  not  receive  them.1  I  am,  &c. 


TO  LIEUTENANT-COLONEL  ADAM  STEPHEN. 

WINCHESTER,  28  December,  1755. 

SIR, 

Captain  John  Mercer  only  returned  last  night  from 
Williamsburg,  and  brings  no  satisfactory  answers  to 
any  thing  I  questioned  the  Governor  upon. 

1  "  Any  soldier  who  shall  desert,  though  he  return  again,  shall  be  hanged 
without  mercy." — Orderly  Book,  25  December,  1755. 

On  the  I2th  of  December,  1755,  a  council  of  governors  and  military  officers 


1755]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  215 

The  express,  that  was  sent  to  General  Shirley,  is 
returned  without  seeing  him  ;  however,  the  Governor 
writes  that  he  expects  answers  to  his  letters  by 
Colonel  Hunter,  who  is  now  at  New  York,  and  waits 
the  arrival  of  the  General  at  that  place.  The  Gov 
ernor  is  very  strongly  of  the  opinion,  that  Captain 
Dagworthy  has  no  right  to  contend  for  the  com 
mand  ;  and  in  his  letter  he  says,  after  mentioning  the 
return  of  the  express,  and  his  expectancy  of  satis 
factory  letters,  "  But  I  am  of  opinion  you  might  have 
obviated  the  inconsistent  dispute  with  Captain  Dag- 
worthy,  by  asking  him  if  he  did  not  command  a  pro 
vincial  company  by  virtue  of  Governor  Sharpe's 
commission  ;  as  that  he  had  formerly  from  his  Ma 
jesty  now  ceases,  as  he  is  not  on  the  half-pay  list ;  if 
so,  the  method  you  are  to  take  is  very  obvious,  as 
your  commission  from  me  is  greater  than  what  he 
has."  And  in  Williamsburg,  when  I  was  down  there, 
both  he  and  Colonel  Fitzhugh  told  me,  that  Dag- 
worthy  could  have  no  more  pretensions  to  command 
me,  or  either  of  the  field-officers  of  the  Virginia  regi 
ment,  than  we  have  to  command  General  Shirley ; 
and  farther  gave  it  as  their  opinion,  that  as  Dag- 
worthy's  was  only  a  botched-up  commission  at  best, 
and  as  he  commanded  a  provincial  company,  and  by 
virtue  of  a  governor's  commission,  that  he  ought  to 
be  arrested  for  his  presumption.  They  say,  allow 
ing  his  commission  from  the  King  to  be  valid, 

convened  at  New  York  to  determine  a  plan  for  future  operations.  It  was  de 
cided  to  fortify  Crown  Point  and  attack  the  French  on  Ontario,  and  to  make 
an  attempt  against  Duquesne,  which  it  was  thought  "would  answer  very  good 
purposes,  especially  in  securing  the  fidelity  of  the  western  Indians."  Virginia 
was  not  represented. 


2i6  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1755 

yet,  as  he  is  not  there  by  order  of  his  Majesty,  he 
can  have  no  better  pretensions  than  a  visiting  half- 
pay  officer,  who  transiently  passes  through  the  camp 
to  assume  the  command. 

I  wish  you  would  sound  him  on  this  head,  and  hear 
how  he  will  answer  these  things,  and  let  me  know 
when  you  come  down,  which  I  desire  may  be  im 
mediately,  as  I  want  much  to  consult  you  upon 
several  accounts.  The  paymaster,  and  commissary, 
(if  he  is  not  very  much  engaged,)  must  accompany 
you.  Desire  both  to  have  their  accounts  settled, 
and  brought  with  them,  as  that  is  necessary  before  I 
can  give  more  money. 

I  have  sent  you  one  of  the  mutiny  bills,  which  I 
received  from  below,  but  I  think,  indeed,  I  believe  it 
is  absolutely  necessary,  as  we  still  want  the  power,  to 
postpone  trials  until  after  your  return.  Also  desire 
all  the  officers  who  have  received  money  for  recruit 
ing,  to  make  up  their  accounts  immediately ;  and 
charge  for  no  more  men  than  have  actually  been  re 
ceived  at  the  several  rendezvous's.  Allowance  will 
be  made  for  no  others.  The  arrears  of  pay  for  these 
officers  and  soldiers  who  have  not  received  for  the 
months  of  January  and  February,  are  immediately  to 
be  made  out,  and  sent  down  by  you  with  the  recruit 
ing  accounts.  Desire  them  to  charge  for  no  men 
but  what  are  present,  as  I  can  pay  for  no  others 
now. 

Enclosed  is  a  commission  for  Captain  Waggener, 
which  I  have  neglected  giving  before  ;  so  long  as  I 
have  had  it.  Desire  him,  as  the  command  upon 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  217 

your  leaving  the  place  will  devolve  upon  him,  to  be 
very  circumspect  in  his  duty,  and  to  see  that  the 
troops  are  duly  drawn  out  and  trained  to  their 
exercise,  and  practised  to  bush-fighting. 

As  I  expect  in  a  very  few  days  to  have  the  pleas 
ure  of  seeing  you,  I  shall  only  add,  I  am,  &c. 


TO     ROBERT    HUNTER    MORRIS,    GOVERNOR    OF    PENNSYL 
VANIA. 

WINCHESTER,  5  January,  1756. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

I  am  sorry  it  has  not  been  in  my  power  to  ac 
knowledge  the  receipt  of  yours  till  now.  At  the 
time  that  your  letter  came  to  Winchester,  I  was  at 
Williamsburg  ;  before  I  got  back,  it  was  conveyed 
thither ;  and  so  from  place  to  place  has  it  been 
tossing  almost  till  this  time. 

There  is  nothing  more  necessary  than  good  intelli 
gence  to  frustrate  a  designing  enemy,  and  nothing 
that  requires  greater  pains  to  obtain.  I  shall,  there 
fore,  cheerfully  come  into  any  measures  you  can 
propose  to  settle  a  correspondence  for  this  salutary 
end  ;  and  you  may  depend  upon  receiving  (when  the 
provinces  are  threatened)  the  earliest  and  best  intelli 
gence  that  I  can  procure. 

I  sympathized  in  [a]  general  concern  to  see  the  in 
activity  of  your  province  in  a  time  of  eminent  dan 
ger  ;  but  am  pleased  to  find,  that  a  feeling  sense  of 
wrongs  has  roused  the  spirit  of  your  martial  Assembly 


218  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

to  vote  a  sum,  which,  with  your  judicious  application, 
will  turn  to  a  general  good.1 

We  took  some  pretty  vigorous  measures  to  collect 
a  force  upon  our  frontiers,  upon  the  first  alarm,  which 
has  kept  us  peaceable  ever  since.  How  long  this 
may  last  is  uncertain,  since  that  force,  which  were 
militia,  are  disbanded,  and  the  recruiting  service 
almost  stagnated. 

If  you  propose  to  levy  troops,  and  their  destination 

1  The  warm  contest  between  the  Governor  and  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania, 
respecting  the  mode  of  raising  money,  had  hitherto  prevented  any  efficient  aid 
being  rendered  by  that  colony  for  the  public  service.  As  the  Proprietaries 
owned  large  estates  in  the  province,  the  Assembly  insisted  that  these  estates 
should  be  taxed  for  the  common  defence,  in  the  same  proportion  as  the  estates 
of  the  inhabitants,  and  reported  all  their  bills  accordingly.  Prohibited  by  his 
instructions,  the  Governor  had  no  power  to  sanction  such  bills.  In  a  case  so 
manifestly  just,  and  involving  a  principle  of  great  importance,  the  Assembly 
would  not  yield,  and  no  money  was  granted. 

At  last,  when  the  news  of  Braddock's  defeat  reached  England,  the  Proprie 
taries,  alarmed  at  the  progress  of  the  enemy,  or,  as  Dr.  Franklin  has  said, 
"  intimidated  by  the  clamor  raised  against  them  for  their  meanness  and  injus 
tice  in  giving  their  governor  such  instructions,"  ordered  the  receiver-general  to 
add  five  thousand  pounds  to  such  sums,  as  the  Assembly  should  grant  for  the 
security  of  the  province.  When  this  was  made  known  to  the  House,  a  new 
bill  was  framed,  granting  sixty  thousand  pounds  for  the  use  of  the  crown,  with 
a  clause  exempting  the  proprietary  estates  from  the  tax. —  Votes  of  the  Pennsyl 
vania  Assembly  for  November,  1755. 

In  the  May  preceding,  the  Assembly  had  given  fifteen  thousand  pounds  for 
the  King's  use,  by  an  order  appropriating  funds  then  within  their  control. 
Five  thousand  pounds  of  this  money  were  applied  to  victualling  the  King's 
troops  in  Virginia,  and  ten  thousand  pounds  to  procuring  and  transporting  pro 
visions  for  the  Massachusetts  troops  engaged  in  the  King's  service. 

At  the  same  time  that  the  above  grant  of  sixty  thousand  pounds  was  made,  a 
bill  for  establishing  and  disciplining  a  voluntary  militia  was  drafted  by  Frank 
lin,  which,  as  he  says,  passed  through  the  House  with  little  difficulty,  as  the 
Quakers  were  left  at  liberty.  Several  companies  were  organized,  but  none  ever 
joined  the  Virginians  in  any  expedition  against  the  Indians.  The  money  was 
chiefly  expended  in  building  forts  on  the  Pennsylvania  frontiers,  under  the 
superintendence  of  Franklin,  who  was  commissioned  for  that  purpose  by  the 
Governor. — See  Franklin's  Works,  Vol.  I.,  p.  153. — Sparks. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  219 

is  not  a  secret,  I  should  be  favored  were  I  let  into  the 
scheme,  that  we  may  act  conjunctly,  so  far  as  the 
nature  of  things  will  admit. 

Pray  direct  to  me  at  Alexandria,  to  which  place  I 
design  to  go  in  about  ten  days  from  this.  I  heartily 
wish  you  the  compliments  of  the  season.  I  am,  &c. 


ADDRESS  TO  THE  OFFICERS  OF  THE  VIRGINIA  REGIMENT.1 

8  January,  1756. 
•Jf  *#•***  * 

This  timely  warning  of  the  effects  of  misbehaviour 
will,  I  hope,  be  instrumental  in  animating  the  younger 
officers  to  a  laudable  emulation  in  the  service  of  their 
country.  Not  that  I  apprehend  any  of  them  can  be 
guilty  of  offences  of  this  nature  :  but  there  are  many 
other  misdemeanors,  that  will,  without  due  circum 
spection,  gain  upon  inactive  minds,  and  produce  con 
sequences  equally  disgraceful. 

I  would,  therefore,  earnestly  recommend,  in  every 
point  of  duty,  willingness  to  undertake,  and  intrepid 
resolution  to  execute.  Remember,  that  it  is  the 
actions,  and  not  the  commission,  that  make  the  officer, 
and  that  there  is  more  expected  from  him,  than  the 
title.  Do  not  forget,  that  there  ought  to  be  a  time 
appropriated  to  attain  this  knowledge,  as  well  as  to 
indulge  pleasure.  And  as  we  now  have  no  oppor 
tunities  to  improve  from  example,  let  us  read  for  this 

1  An  officer  had  been  tried  by  a  court-martial,  and  suspended.  In  communi 
cating  this  sentence,  the  commander  addressed  to  the  officers  generally  the 
above  remarks  and  admonition. 


220  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

desirable  end.     There  is  Eland's  and  other  treatises 
which  will  give  the  wished-for  information. 

I  think  it  my  duty,  gentlemen,  as  I  have  the 
honour  to  preside  over  you,  to  give  this  friendly  ad 
monition  ;  especially  as  I  am  determined,  as  far  as 
my  small  experience  in  service,  my  abilities,  and 
interest  of  the  service  may  dictate,  to  observe  the 
strictest  discipline  through  the  whole  economy  of 
my  behaviour.  On  the  other  hand,  you  may  as  cer 
tainly  depend  upon  having  the  strictest  justice  admin 
istered  to  all,  and  that  I  shall  make  it  the  most 
agreeable  part  of  my  duty  to  study  merit,  and  reward 
the  brave  and  deserving.  I  assure,  you,  gentlemen, 
that  partiality  shall  never  bias  my  conduct,  nor  shall 
prejudice  injure  any ;  but,  throughout  the  whole 
tenor  of  my  proceedings,  I  shall  endeavour,  as  far  as  I 
am  able,  to  rewrard  and  punish,  without  the  least 
diminution. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

ALEXANDRIA,  14  January,  1756. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

Major  Lewis,  being  at  Winchester  when  your 
letter  came  to  hand,  was  immediately  despatched  to 
Augusta,  to  take  upon  him  the  command  of  the 
troops  destined  against  the  Shawnese  Town  ; x  with 

1  "  The  Cherokees  have  taken  up  the  Hatchet  against  the  Shawanese  and 
French,  and  have  sent  130  of  their  warriors  into  New  River,  and  propose  to 
march  immediately  to  attack  and  cut  off  the  Shawanese  in  their  towns.  I 
design  they  shall  be  joined  with  three  companies  of  rangers  and  Capt.  Hogg's 
company,  and  I  propose  Colo.  Stephens  or  Major  Lewis  to  be  commander  of 
the  party  on  this  expedition." — Dinwiddie  to  Washington,  14  Dec.,  1755. 
Known  as  the  Sandy  Creek  Expedition. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  221 

orders  to  follow  such  directions  as  he  should  receive 
from  you.  This  scheme,  though,  I  am  apprehensive 
will  prove  abortive,  as  we  are  told  that  those  Indians 
are  removed  up  the  river,  into  the  neighbourhood  of 
Fort  Duquesne. 

I  have  given  all  necessary  orders  for  training  the 
men  to  a  proper  use  of  their  arms,  and  the  method  of 
Indian  fighting,  and  hope  in  a  little  time  to  make  them 
expert.  And  I  should  be  glad  to  have  your  Honor's  ex 
press  commands,  either  to  prepare  for  taking  the  field, 
or  for  guarding  our  frontiers  in  the  spring,  because 
the  steps  for  these  two  are  very  different.  I  have 
already  built  two  forts  on  Patterson's  Creek,  (which 
have  engaged  the  chief  of  the  inhabitants  to  return  to 
the  plantations ;)  and  have  now  ordered  Captain 
Waggener  with  sixty  men  to  build  and  garrison  two 
others,  (on  places  I  have  pointed  out  high  up  on  the 
South  Branch,)  which  will  be  a  means  of  securing 
near  an  hundred  miles  of  our  frontiers,  exclusive  of 
the  command  at  Fort  Dinwiddie,  on  Jackson's  River. 
And,  indeed,  without  a  much  greater  number  of  men 
than  we  have  a  visible  prospect  of  getting,  I  do  not 
see  how  it  is  possible  to  think  of  passing  the  moun 
tains,  or  acting  more  than  defensively.  This  seems 
to  be  the  full  determination  of  the  Pennsylvanians  ; 
so  that  there  can  be  no  hope  of  assistance  from  that 
quarter.  If  we  only  act  defensively,  I  would  most 
earnestly  recommend  the  building  of  a  strong  fort 
at  some  convenient  place  in  Virginia,  as  that  in  Mary 
land,  not  to  say  any  thing  of  its  situation,  which  is 
extremely  bad,  will  ever  be  an  eyesore  to  this  colony, 


222  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

and  attended  with  more  inconveniences  than  it  is  pos 
sible  to  enumerate.  One  instance  of  this  I  have 
taken  notice  of,  in  a  letter  that  accompanies  this,  and 
many  more  I  could  recite,  were  it  necessary. 

If  we  take  the  field,  there  is  no  time  to  carry  on  a 
work  of  this  kind,  but  we  should  immediately  set 
about  engaging  wagons,  horses,  forage,  pack-saddles, 
etc.  And  here  I  cannot  help  remarking,  that  I 
believe  it  will  be  impossible  to  get  wagons  or  horses 
sufficient,  without  the  old  score  is  paid  off;  as  the 
people  are  really  ruined  for  want  of  their  money,  and 
complain  justly  of  their  grievances. 

I  represented  in  my  last  the  inconveniences  of  the 
late  act  of  Assembly,  which  obliges  us  first  to  send  to 
your  Honor  for  a  commission  to  hold  general  courts- 
martial,  and  then  to  delay  execution  until  a  warrant 
can  be  had  from  Williamsburg,  and  I  hope  you  will 
take  the  thing  into  consideration.  We  have  several 
deserters  now  on  hand,  whom  I  have  taken  by  rigor 
ous  measures,  and  who  should  be  made  examples  to 
others,  as  this  practice  is  continued  with  greater  spirit 
than  ever. 

Unless  clothing  is  soon  provided,  the  men  will  be 
unfit  for  any  kind  of  service.  And  I  know  of  no  ex 
pedient  to  procure  them,  but  by  sending  to  the 
northward,  as  cloth  cannot  be  had  here.  I  left, 
among  other  returns,  an  exact  account  of  the  clothing 
at  every  place,  when  I  was  in  Williamsburg.  I 
shan't  care  to  lay  in  provisions  for  more  than  a 
.thousand  men,  unless  I  have  your  Honor's  orders. 
We  have  put  out  such  of  the  beeves  as  were  unfit  for 


756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  223 


slaughtering.  If  they  survive  the  winter,  they  may 
be  useful  in  the  summer. 

Ensign  Poison  having  received  a  commission  in 
Colonel  Gage's  regiment,  makes  a  vacancy  here  which, 
with  your  approbation,  will  be  filled  by  Mr.  Dennis 
McCarthy,  whom  you  once  appointed  a  captain.  He 
has  continued  a  volunteer  ever  since,  and  has  recruited 
several  men  into  the  service,  and  I  hope  your  Honor 
will  allow  me  the  liberty,  as  you  once  promised  me, 
of  filling  up  the  vacancies,  as  they  happen,  with  the 
volunteers,  who  serve  with  that  expectation.  We 
have  several  with  us,  that  seem  to  be  very  deserving 
young  gentlemen.  I  shall  observe  the  strictest  justice 
in  promoting  them  according  to  their  merit,  and  their 
time  of  entering  the  service.  I  have  ordered  Captn. 
Hog  to  render  immediately  a  fair  account  to  the  com 
pany  of  the  money  sent  him.  He  was  ordered  to  lay 
in  provisions  for  only  12  months.  Captn.  Stewart  has 
recruited  his  complement  of  men.  I  should  be  glad 
to  know  whether  he  is  to  complete  his  horse  against 
the  spring  and  provide  accoutrements. 

I  have  been  obliged  to  suspend  Ensign  Dekeyser 
for  misbehaviour  till  your  pleasure  is  known.  See 
the  proceedings  of  the  enquiring  courts.  His  char 
acter  in  many  other  respects  has  been  infamous.  I 
have  also  been  obliged  to  threaten,  in  your  name,  the 
new  appointed  officers  with  the  same  fate  if  they  are 
not  more  diligent  in  recruiting  the  companies,  as 
each  received  his  commission  upon  those  terms. 
Captn.  Mercer  comes  down  for  more  money  and  to 
satisfy  how  the  ,£10,000  has  been  applied. 


224  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

The  skipper  of  the  vessels  has  embezzled  some  of 
the  stores  ;  but  for  want  of  a  particular  invoice  of 
them,  we  cannot  ascertain  the  loss.  He  is  kept  in 
confinement  until  your  Honor's  pleasure  is  known. 
I  am,  &c. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

ALEXANDRIA,  14  January,  1756. 

SIR, 

When  I  was  down,  the  Committee  among  other 
things  resolved,  that  the  Maryland  and  Carolina 
companies  should  not  be  supported  with  our  pro 
visions.  This  resolve  (I  think)  met  with  your  appro 
bation  ;  upon  which  I  wrote  to  Colonel  Stephen, 
desiring  him  to  acquaint  Captain  Dagworthy  thereof, 
who  paid  slight  regard  to  it,  saying  it  was  in  the 
King's  garrison,  and  all  the  troops  had  an  equal  right 
to  draw  provisions  with  us,  by  his  order,  (as  com 
manding  officer,)  and  that  we,  after  it  was  put  there, 
had  no  power  to  remove  it  without  his  leave.  I 
should,  therefore,  be  glad  of  your  Honor's  peremp 
tory  orders  what  to  do  in  this  case,  as  I  do  not  care 
to  act  without  instructions,  lest  it  should  appear  to 
proceed  from  pique  and  resentment  at  having  the 
command  disputed.  This  is  one  among  the  number 
less  inconveniences  of  having  the  fort  in  Maryland. 
Captain  Dagworthy,  I  dare  venture  to  affirm,  is  en 
couraged  to  say  this  by  Governor  Sharpe,  who  we 
know  has  wrote  to  him  to  keep  the  command.  This 
Captain  Dagworthy  acquainted  Colonel  Stephen  of 
himself.  As  I  have  not  yet  heard  how  General 
Shirley  has  answered  your  Honor's  request,  I  fear 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  225 


the  success,  especially  as  it  is  next  to  an  impossibility 
(as  Governor  Sharpe  has  been  there  to  plead  Cap 
tain  Dagworthy's  cause)  by  writing  to  make  the 
General  acquainted  with  the  nature  of  the  dispute. 
The  officers  have  drawn  up  a  memorial  to  be  pre 
sented  to  the  General,  and,  that  it  may  be  properly 
strengthened,  they  humbly  beg  your  solicitation  to 
have  us  (as  we  have  certain  advices  that  it  is  in  his 
power)  put  upon  the  establishment.  This  would  at 
once  put  an  end  to  contention,  which  is  the  root  of 
evil,  and  destructive  to  the  best  of  operations ;  and 
turn  all  our  movements  into  a  free,  easy  channel. 

They  have  urged  it  in  the  warmest  manner  to  me, 
to  appear  personally  before  the  General  for  that  end, 
which  I  would  at  this  disagreeable  season,  gladly  do, 
things  being  thus  circumstanced,  if  I  had  your  per 
mission  ;  which  I  more  freely  ask,  since  I  am  deter 
mined  to  resign  a  commission,  which  you  were  gen 
erously  pleased  to  offer  me,  (and  for  which  I  shall 
always  retain  a  grateful  sense  of  the  favor)  rather 
than  submit  to  the  command  of  a  person,  who,  I 
think,  has  not  such  superlative  merit  to  balance  the 
inequality  of  rank,  however  he  adheres  to  what  he 
calls  his  right,  and  in  which  I  know  he  is  supported 
by  Governor  Sharpe.  He  says,  that  he  has  no  com 
mission  from  the  province  of  Maryland,  but  acts  by 
virtue  of  that  from  the  King  ;  that  this  was  the  con 
dition  of  his  engaging  in  the  Maryland  service ;  and 
when  he  was  sent  up  there  the  ist  of  last  Octo 
ber,  was  ordered  by  Governor  Sharpe  and  Sir  John 
St.  Clair  not  to  give  up  his  right.  To  my  certain 
knowledge  his  rank  was  disputed  before  General 


226  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [I7S6 

Braddock,  who  gave  it  in  his  favor  ;  and  he  accord 
ingly  took  place  of  every  captain  upon  the  expedition, 
except  Captain  James  Mercer  and  Captain  Ruther 
ford,  whose  commissions  were  older  than  his  ;  so  that 
I  should  not  by  any  means  choose  to  act,  as  your 
Honor  hinted  in  your  last,  lest  I  should  be  called  to 
an  account  myself.1 

I  have,  during  my  stay  above2  from  the  ist3  of 
December  to  this,  disposed  of  all  the  men  and  officers, 
(that  are  not  recruiting,  and  can  be  spared  from  the 
fort,)  in  the  best  manner  I  can  for  the  defence  of  the 
inhabitants,  and  they  will  need  no  further  orders  till 
I  could  return.  And  the  recruiting  officers  are  al 
lowed  till  the  first  of  March  to  repair  to  their  rendez 
vous,  which  leaves  at  present  nothing  to  do  at  the 
fort,  but  to  train  and  discipline  the  men,  and  prepare 
and  salt  the  provisions.  For  the  better  perfecting 
both  these,  I  have  left  full  and  clear  directions. 

Besides,  in  other  respects,  I  think  my  going  to  the 
northward  might  be  of  service,  as  I  should  thereby, 
so  far  as  they  thought  proper  to  communicate,  be 
acquainted  with  the  plan  of  operations,  especially  the 
Pennsylvanians',  so  as  to  act,  as  much  as  the  nature 
of  things  would  admit,  in  concert. 

If  you  think  proper  to  comply  with  my  request,  I 
should  be  glad  of  any  letters,  as  you  think  would  en 
force  the  petition  to  the  General,  or  any  of  the 
governors  in  my  way  there.  I  am,  &c. 


1  See  above,  the  letter  to  Colonel  Stephen,  dated  December  28th. 

2  At  Winchester. 

3  Thus  in  Dinividdie  Papers,  ii.,  319  ;   Sparks  prints  it  2Oth. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  227 

TO    LIEUTENANT-COLONEL    STEPHEN. 

ALEXANDRIA,  i  February,  1756. 

SIR, 

If  you  find  that  a  good  road  by  Ross's  Mill  can  be 
so  easily  cut,  the  sooner  it  is  set  about  the  better. 
As  the  Governor  is  still  silent  concerning  what  I 
represented  about  building  a  fort  on  Patterson's 
Creek,  I  would  have  you  desist,  at  least  for  a  while, 
and  erect  such  buildings  as  are  absolutely  necessary 
at  Fort  Cumberland,  and  no  more. 

You  may  depend  upon  it  I  shall  take  proper  notice 
of  the  late  proceedings  you  speak  of,  but  for  certain 
reasons  am  obliged  to  postpone  it.  Things  not  yet 
being  rightly  settled  for  punishing  deserters  accord 
ing  to  their  crimes,  you  must  go  on  in  the  old  way  of 
whipping  stoutly. 

If  casks  are  still  wanted,  there  should  be  great  care 
used  to  provide  them  in  time. 

Looking  upon  our  affairs  at  this  critical  juncture  to 
be  of  such  importance,  and  having  a  personal  ac 
quaintance  with  General  Shirley,  which  I  thought 
might  add  some  weight  to  the  strength  of  our 
memorial,  I  solicited  leave,  which  is  obtained,  to 
visit  him  in  person,  and  accordingly  set  out  in  two 
days  for  Boston,  having  procured  letters,  &c.  from  the 
Governor,  which  was  the  result  of  a  Council  for  the 
purpose  called.  You  may  depend  upon  it,  I  shall  leave 
no  stone  unturned  for  this  salutary  end ;  and,  I  think, 
if  reason,  justice,  and  every  other  equitable  right  can 
claim  attention,  we  deserve  to  be  heard. 

As    I    have  taken  the  fatigue  &c.   of  this  tedious 


228  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

journey  upon  myself,  (which  I  never  thought  of  until 
I  had  left  Winchester,)  I  hope  you  will  conduct 
every  thing  in  my  absence  for  the  interest  and  honor 
of  the  service.  And  I  must  exhort  you  in  the  most 
earnest  manner  to  strict  discipline  and  due  exercise 
of  arms. 

You  may  tell  Mr.  Livingston  from  me,  that,  if  the 
soldiers  are  not  skilled  in  arms  equal  to  what  may 
reasonably  be  expected,  he  most  assuredly  shall 
answer  it  at  my  return.  And  I  must  ingenuously  tell 
you,  that  I  also  expect  to  find  them  expert  at  bush- 
fighting.  You  are  to  order  that  a  particular  account 
be  taken  of  the  provisions  that  are  delivered  to 
the  Maryland  and  Carolina  companies  by  the  com 
missary. 

The  Governor  seems  determined  to  make  the 
officers  comply  with  the  terms  of  getting  their  com 
missions,  or  forfeit  them,  and  approves  of  Dekeyser's 
suspension,1  and  orders,  that  he  shall  not  be  admitted 
into  the  camp.  He  seems  uneasy  at  what  I  own 
gives  me  much  concern,  i.  e.,  that  gaming  seems  to  be 
introduced  into  the  camp.  I  am  ordered  to  discour 
age  it,  and  must  desire  that  you  will  intimate  the 
same. 

As  money  may  be  wanted  for  paying  the  troops, 
and  other  incidental  charges,  order  the  paymaster 
down  to  Alexandria,  where  he  may  receive  of  Mr. 
Kirkpatrick  the  sum  requisite. 


1  Lehaynsius  Dekeyser  was  tried  by  court-martial  on  a  charge  of  conduct 
"  unbecoming  of  a  gentleman  and  an  officer,"  and  found  guilty  It  was  his  case 
that  occasioned  the  remarks  printed  on  p.  219. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  229 


I  think  of  nothing-  else  at  present ;  so,  with  once 
more  exhorting  you  to  strict  observation  of  discipline, 
I  conclude,  yours,  &c. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

ALEXANDRIA,  2  February,  1756. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

I  can  but  return  my  very  hearty  thanks  for  your 
kind  condescension  in  suffering  me  to  wait  upon  Gen 
eral  Shirley,  as  I  am  very  well  assured  it  was  done 
with  the  intention  to  favor  my  suit. 

There  is  as  yet  an  unanswerable  argument  against 
our  taking  the  field,  which  I  forgot  to  mention  in  my 
last;  that  is,  the  want  of  a  train  of  artillery,  and, 
what  is  full  as  necessary,  engineers  to  conduct  the 
affair,  if  we  hope  to  approach  Fort  Duquesne.  By 
the  advices,  which  we  have  received  hitherto  from 
the  northward,  the  Pennsylvanians  are  determined  to 
act  defensively.  For  that  purpose  they  have  posted 
their  new  raised  levies  upon  their  frontiers  at  different 
passes,  and  have  received  the  additional  strength  and 
favor  of  a  detachment  or  two  from  the  regulars.  I 
have  ordered,  besides  the  forts  that  are  built,  and 
now  building,  that  a  road  which  I  had  reconnoitred, 
and  which  proves  nearer  and  better,  to  be  immedi 
ately  opened  for  the  more  easy  transporation  of 
stores,  &c.  from  Winchester  to  Fort  Cumberland  ; 
so  there  is  not  the  least  fear  of  the  soldiers  being  cor 
rupted  through  idleness.  The  commission  for  calling 
general  courts-martial  appears  to  me  to  be  imperfect, 


23o  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


(notwithstanding  it  is  drawn  by  the  attorney-general,) 
as  it  rather,  by  the  words,  appoints  me,  or  whomever 
it  is  directed  to,  president  of  the  said  court,  than  in 
vests  a  power  to  call  one  as  often  as  occasion  shall 
require.  For  which  reason  it  is  not  in  my  power  to 
hold  a  court-martial  without  its  being  first  ordered  by 
you  ;  whereas,  the  commission  should  empower  to 
appoint  a  court,  of  which  he  is  to  be  president.  But 
as  I  hope  there  will  be  little  occasion  for  any  until  I 
come  back,  it  may  be  deferred  until  then,  when  that 
and  other  things,  I  trust,  will  be  properly  settled.  *  *  * 

I  have  always,  so  far  as  it  was  in  my  power,  endeav 
oured  to  discourage  gaming  in  the  camp  ;  and  always 
shall  so  long  as  I  have  the  honor  to  preside  there. 

I  have  delivered  the  skipper  to  Mr.  Carlyle,  who 
proposes,  in  order  to  save  expense,  to  send  him 
round  by  water,  in  the  vessel  that  brought  up  the 
stores.  The  evidences  in  this  affair  will  be  Mr.  Car 
lyle,  Ensigns  Buckner  and  Deane,  and  one  of  the 
men  now  in  the  vessel. 

I  cannot  help  observing,  that  your  Honor,  if  you 
have  not  seen  the  clothing  lately  sent  up,  has  been 
imposed  upon  by  the  contractors,  for  they  are  really 
unfit  for  use  ;  at  least,  will  soon  be  so. 

I  have  nothing  in  particular  to  add,  but  to  assure 
your  Honour,  that  I  shall  use  my  utmost  diligence  in 
the  prosecution  of  my  journey  and  pretensions,  and 
that  I  am,  &C.1 

1  Colonel  Washington  left  Alexandria,  on  his  journey  to  Boston,  February  4th, 
with  his  aid-de-camp,  Captain  Mercer.  He  returned  on  the  23d  of  March.  In 
his  route  he  passed  through  Philadelphia,  New  York,  New  London,  Newport, 
and  Providence,  visited  the  governors  of  Pennsylvania  and  New  York,  and 
spent  several  days  in  each  of  the  principal  cities.  He  was  well  received,  and 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  231 


NOTES    ON    HIS    JOURNEY    TO    BOSTON. 

1756.    Feby.     4.    By  cash  lodged  with  Captn.  Mercer 

for  Exps  to  Boston    ....     ^117. 
By  Ditto  with  Ditto  for  Ditto  pur 
pose   20.  15. 

By  Ditto  with  Ditto  for  Ditto      .     .       4.  6. 

By  Ditto  with  Ditto         Ditto      .     .       8. 
8.     By  John  Alton    i6/By  Thos   Bishop 

21/6 i.  17. 

By  Sundry  small  expenses  at  Phila- 

i. 

13. 


By 

Ditto  at  Schoolkill  . 

. 

. 

By 

Cash  to  the  Taylor    . 

21. 

9- 

to  the  Hatter    . 

2. 

14. 

to  the  Jeweller  . 

I. 

7- 

to  the  Sadlers    . 

I. 

9- 

to  the  washer 

woman 

16. 

^Pensa.  Money 


£2*].     17.     o.  is  in  Virga.  Cury.  22.   5.   7-$- 

much  noticed,  by  General  Shirley,  with  whom  he  continued  ten  days,  mixing 
constantly  in  the  society  of  the  town,  and  attending  with  interest  to  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts,  then  engaged  in  affairs  of  great 
moment  respecting  the  requisite  aids  for  promoting  the  grand  scheme  of  mili 
tary  operations,  recently  agreed  upon  by  a  council  of  several  governors  assem 
bled  at  New  York.  He  also  visited  Castle  William. 

In  the  purpose  of  his  mission  he  was  successful,  as  may  be  seen  by  the  fol 
lowing  order,  given  under  the  hand  of  General  Shirley. 

"  BOSTON,  5  March,  1756. 

"  Governor  Dinwiddie,  at  the  instance  of  Colonel  Washington,  having  re 
ferred  to  me  concerning  the  right  of  command  between  him  and  Captain  Dag- 
worthy,  and  desiring  that  I  should  determine  it,  I  do  therefore  give  it  as  my 
opinion,  that  Captain  Dagworthy,  who  now  acts  under  a  commission  from  the 
Governor  of  Maryland,  and  where  there  are  no  regular  troops  joined,  can  only 
take  rank  as  a  provincial  captain,  and  of  course  is  under  the  command  of  all 
provincial  field-officers  ;  and,  in  case  it  should  happen,  that  Colonel  Washing 
ton  and  Captain  Dagworthy  should  join  at  Fort  Cumberland,  it  is  my  order  that 
Colonel  Washington  shall  take  the  command. 

"  W.  SHIRLEY." 

As  soon  as  he  returned  from  this  tour,  he  proceeded  onward  to  Williamsburg. 
He  had  been  there  but  a  short  time,  when  an  express  arrived  with  intelligence, 
that  the  French  and  Indians  had  broken  into  the  frontier  settlements,  murdered 
several  of  the  inhabitants,  and  excited  great  alarm  in  all  that  region.  Upon 
hearing  this  news,  he  hastened  back  to  his  headquarters  at  Winchester. — 
Sparks* 


232 


THE  WRITINGS  OF 


'5- 


'5 
to  4 

i3 


10. 

3- 


By  Servants  between  Phila.  and  New  York    .     . 
By  Thos.  Bishop  21/6.  By  Jno.  Alton  21/6      .     .     2. 
'By  Cash  for  my  Club  at  Tavn.  .          5.     i  ] 

for  treatg.  Ladies  to  ye 
Mm.1 i.     8. 

at  Mrs.  Baron's  Rout  .  6. 

Club   at  Willets      .     .  4. 

Sadlers   acct.      ...         10. 

a  pr.  of  shoes     ...         14. 

Taylors  Bill  ....   3.     3. 


;£6.   10.    10.  is  in  Virga.  Cury.  4.   14.  \ 


\  New  York  My. 


[8 


to   -I 


25 


rBy  cash,  by  a  pr  of  slippers  .     . 
treatg.  Ladies  to  ye  Mi 

crocosm       .... 
hiring  a  person  to  get 

horses  ..... 
a  mare  of  Mr.  Pitcher  . 
Ditto  bot.  of  Lary  .     . 
Ditto  to  Oliver  Delancy 

Esqr.  for  Captn  Mer 

cer     ...... 

Mr.  Robinson's  Servts. 
Horse  hire  for  C.  Mer 

cer     ...... 

lost  at  cards         :     . 
Gave  to  Servants  on  ye 

Rd. 


25. 
20. 


28. 
i. 


16. 


8. 


12. 

8.  6 

7.  6 

8. 

10. 


New  York  M'y. 


;£8o.  o.  o  is  in  Va.  Cury.  57.    10 

By  cash  to  Mr.  Malbones  servants     .  £4.  o.     o.  )  -n,     ,    T  , 

[  Rhode  Island 
to  a  Bowie  broke     ....      4.  ) 


,£8.  in  Virga.  Cury.  n. 


1  ' '  To  be  seen  at  the  New  Exchange,  that  elaborate  and  celebrated  piece  of 
mechanism,  called  the  Microcosm,  or,  the  World  in  Miniature.  Built  in  the 
form  of  a  Roman  Temple,  after  twenty  two  years  close  study  and  application 
by  the  late  ingenious  Mr.  Henry  Bridges  of  London.  ...  It  will  be  shewn 
every  day  from  six  in  the  morning  till  six  at  night,  to  any  select  company  (not 
less  than  six)  at  six  shillings  each." — New  York  Mercury,  16  February,  1756. 
Tt  had  come  from  Philadelphia  and  had  already  been  exhibited  in  Virginia. 


1756] 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 


233 


By  cash  lent  Captn.  Mercer     ........     19.     4 


Feb. 


to 


Mar-  I0 


By  Ditto  to  a  Man  of  Wars  crew  .  n.  3"] 
at  cards  at  the  Governors  i.  2.  6 
crossing   to   Castle   Wil 
liam      ii.  3 

the  Chamber  Maid     .     .  i.  2.   6 

at  Cards 3.  18.  9 

For  a  Hatt 12.  10. 

Taylors  Bill      .     .     .     .95.  7.   3 

Silver  lace 94.  17.   i 

2  pr.  of  Gloves      .     .     .  i.  18.    i 


-  Massachusets. 


.    18.  8  is  in  Virga.  Cury.  26.  9.  10 


"  By  Ditto  to  a  Ticket  to  ye  Assembly 

7-  6^ 

3-  v 

my  board  at  Mr.  Woods    .   i. 

14 

a  pr.  of  Gloves    .... 

2.    6 

Stockings  for  Bishop     .      .    i. 

to< 

the  Barber  &c.     .     . 

3.  q 

y  Pensa.  Money 

Sadler  . 

J*    V 

7.  6 

23 

The  House  Maid     .     . 

/  •      w 

5- 

Exps.  at  Chester 

10.  6 

Ditto  fm.  Phila.  to  Alexa.  6. 

n.  6 

.  8.  3  in  Virga.  Cury.  is  8.  6. 


By   my    Expenses   pd.    by   Captn.    Mercer   to 

Boston  &c       ...........     65.   15. 

r  s 

irom        By  Cash  for  mending  a  Sword      .     .     .      .   3.  9 

Feby.  10  J  forRibon     .......  2, 

to  Cards       .     . 

Mar-  r4  |  Cockades      ........  3. 

Breeches  Buckle     ......   i.  ^} 


9.  2  in  Virga.  Cury.  is  7.  4 
By  sundry  other  payments  at  New  York  &c.  amg.  to  4.   12.  4 

1  Alton  was  his  servant,  receiving  ^13  per  annum,  and  was  afterwards  one 
of  Washington's  overseers.     Bishop,  also,  at  £10  a  year. 


234  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


EXTRACTS    FROM    THE    PENNSYLVANIA    GAZETTE. 

February  12,  1756.  Last  week  Colonel  Washington  arrived  here  from  Vir 
ginia. 

February  19.  Last  week  Colonel  Washington  set  out  from  this  city  for 
New  York.1 

February  26.  New  York,  February  23.  Colonel  Washington,  of  and  from 
Virginia,  but  last  from  Philadelphia,  left  this  city  for  Boston  on  Friday  last> 
there  'tis  thought,  to  consult  with  General  Shirley,  measures  proper  to  be  taken 
with  several  tribes  of  Indians  to  the  southward,  and  particularly  the  Cherokees, 
some  hundreds  of  whom,  from  the  back  parts  of  the  two  Carolinas,  it  is  reported, 
have  assured  the  Western  Governments  of  their  coming  in,  and  firmly  adhering 
to  the  interest  of  the  English,  in  opposition  to  the  French.2 

March  n.  Boston,  March  I.  Last  Friday  came  to  this  Town,  from  Vir 
ginia,  the  Hon.  Colonel  Washington.8 

March  18.  Yesterday  Colonel  George  Washington  arrived  here  [Philadel 
phia]  from  the  northward. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

WINCHESTER,  7  April,  1756. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

I  arrived  here  yesterday,  and  think  it  advisable  to 
despatch  an  express  (notwithstanding  I  hear  two  or 
three  are  already  sent  down)  to  inform  you  of  the 
unhappy  situation  of  affairs  on  this  quarter.  The 
enemy  have  returned  in  greater  numbers,  committed 
several  murders  not  far  from  Winchester,  and  even 
are  so  daring  as  to  attack  our  forts  in  open  day,  as 
your  Honor  may  see  by  the  enclosed  letters  and 

1  The  New  York  Mercury  (February  i6th)  showed  that  Washington  reached 
New  York  on  the  I5th. 

3  Dinwiddie  had  given  Washington  a  letter  ot  introduction  to  Oliver  De 
Lancey. 

3  "  When  Washington  visited  Boston  in  February  1756,  to  consult  General 
Shirley,  he  stopped  at  Cromwell's  Head  Tavern,  on  School  Street,  just  above 
the  old  corner.  During  his  visit  of  ten  days  he  attended  the  sessions  of  the 
Legislature,  and  accepted  the  hospitality  of  several  prominent  citizens." 
— Porter,  Rambles  in  Old  Boston,  384. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  235 


papers.  Many  of  the  inhabitants  are  in  a  miserable 
situation  by  their  losses,  and  so  apprehensive  of 
danger,  that,  I  believe,  unless  a  stop  is  put  to  the 
depredations  of  the  Indians,  the  Blue  Ridge  will 
soon  become  our  frontier. 

I  find  it  impossible  to  continue  on  to  Fort  Cum 
berland,  until  a  body  of  men  can  be  raised,  in  order 
to  do  which  I  have  advised  with  Lord  Fairfax,  and 
other  officers  of  the  militia,  who  have  ordered  each 
captain  to  call  a  private  muster,  and  to  read  the  ex 
hortation  enclosed  (for  orders  are  no  longer  regarded 
in  this  county),  in  hopes  that  this  expedient  may 
meet  with  the  wished-for  success.  If  it  should,  I 
shall,  with  such  men  as  are  ordered  from  Fort  Cum 
berland  to  join  these,  scour  the  woods  and  suspected 
places,  in  all  the  mountains,  valleys,  &c.  on  this  part 
of  our  frontiers  ;  and  doubt  not  but  I  shall  fall  in 
with  the  Indians  and  their  more  cruel  associates  !  I 
hope  the  present  emergency  of  affairs,  assisted  by 
such  good  news  as  the  Assembly  may  by  this  time 
have  received  from  England,  and  the  Commissioners, 
will  determine  them  to  take  vigorous  measures  for 
their  own  and  country's  safety,  and  no  longer  depend 
on  an  uncertain  way  of  raising  men  for  their  own 
protection.  However  absurd  it  may  appear,  it  is 
nevertheless  certain,  that  five  hundred  Indians  have 
it  more  in  their  power  to  annoy  the  inhabitants,  than 
ten  times  their  number  of  regulars.  For  besides  the 
advantageous  way  they  have  of  fighting  in  the  woods, 
their  cunning  and  craft  are  not  to  be  equalled,  neither 
their  activity  and  indefatigable  sufferings.  They 


236  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

prowl  about  like  wolves,  and,  like  them,  do  their 
mischief  by  stealth.  They  depend  upon  their  dex 
terity  in  hunting  and  upon  the  cattle  of  the  inhabi 
tants  for  provisions.  For  which  reason,  I  own,  I  do 
not  think  it  unworthy  the  notice  of  the  legislature  to 
compel  the  inhabitants  (if  a  general  war  is  likely  to 
ensue,  and  things  to  continue  in  this  unhappy  situa 
tion  for  any  time),  to  live  in  townships,  working  at 
each  other's  farms  by  turns,  and  to  drive  their  cattle 
into  the  thickly  settled  parts  of  the  country.  Were 
this  done,  they  could  not  be  cut  off  by  small  parties, 
and  large  ones  could  not  subsist  without  provisions.1 
It  seemed  to  be  the  sentiment  of  the  House  of 
Burgesses  when  I  was  down,  that  a  chain  of  forts 
should  be  erected  upon  our  frontiers,  for  the  defence 
of  the  people.  This  expedient,  in  my  opinion,  with 
out  an  inconceivable  number  of  men,  will  never 
answer  their  expectations.2 

1  To    the    Speaker   he    wrote  in    a    similar    strain  :    "If    the  fears   of    the 
people  do  not  magnify  numbers,   those  of  the  enemy  are  not  inconsiderable. 
They  have  made  many  ineffectual  attempts  upon  several  of  our  forts,  destroyed 
cattle,  burned  plantations,  and  this  in  defiance  of  our  smaller  parties,   while 
they  dexterously  avoid  the  larger.     Our  detachments,  by  what  1  can  learn,  have 
sought  them  diligently,  but  the  cunning  and  vigilance  of  Indians  in  the  woods 
are  no  more  to  be  conceived,  than  they  are  to  be  equalled  by  our  people.     In 
dians  are  only  match  for  Indians  ;  and  without  these,  we  shall  ever  fight  upon 
unequal  terms.     I  hope  the  Assembly  since  they  see  the  difficulty  of  getting 
men  by  enlistment,  will  no  longer  depend  upon  that  uncertain  way  of  raising 
them,  but  make  each  of  the  lower  Counties  furnish  its  full  proportion."     The 
recruiting  officers  had  been  out  all  winter,  and  had  secured  only  600  men. 

2  In  the  March  session  the  Assembly  had  voted  to  erect  a  chain  of  forts,  "  to 
begin  at   Harry  Enochs,  on  Great-Cape-Capon,   in  the  county  of   Hampshire, 
and  to  extend  to  the  South-Fork  of  Mayo-River,  in  the  county  of  Halifax,  to 
consist  of  such  a  number,  and  at  such  distance  from  each  other,  as  shall  be 
thought  necessary  and  directed  by  the  governor,  or  commander  in  chief  of  this 
colony." — Hening's  Statutes,  vii.,  18. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHING  TO  A?.  237 

I  doubt  not  but  your  Honor  has  had  a  particular 
account  of  Major  Lewis's  unsuccessful  attempt  to  get 
to  the  Shawanese  Town.  It  was  an  expedition,  from 
which,  on  account  of  the  length  of  the  march  down,  I 
always  had  little  expectation  of,  and  often  expressed 
my  uneasy  apprehensions  on  that  head.  But  since 
they  are  returned,  with  the  Indians  that  accompanied 
them,  I  think  it  would  be  a  very  happy  step  to  pre 
vail  upon  the  latter  to  proceed  as  far  as  Fort  Cumber 
land.  It  is  in  their  power  to  be  of  infinite  use  to  us ; 
and  without  Indians,  we  shall  never  be  able  to  cope 
with  those  cruel  foes  to  our  country.1 

I  would  therefore  beg  leave  to  recommend  in  a 
very  earnest  manner,  that  your  Honor  would  send  an 
express  to  them  immediately  for  this  desirable  end. 
I  should  have  done  it  myself,  but  was  uncertain 
whether  it  might  prove  agreeable  or  not.  I  also 
hope  your  Honour  will  order  Major  Lewis  to  secure 
his  guides,  as  I  understand  he  attributes  all  his  mis 
fortunes  to  their  misconduct.  Such  offences  as  those 
should  meet  with  adequate  punishment,  else  we  may 
ever  be  misled  by  designing  villains.  I  am  your 
Honor's,  &c. 

Since  writing  the  above,  Mr.  Pearis,  who  com 
manded  a  party  as  per  enclosed  list,  is  returned,  who 
relates,  that,  upon  the  North  River,  he  fell  in  with  a 

1  Major  Lewis's  party  suffered  greatly  on  this  expedition.  The  rivers  were 
so  much  swollen  by  the  rains  and  melting  snow,  that  they  were  unable  to  reach 
the  Shawanese  Town  ;  and  after  being  six  weeks  in  the  woods,  having  lost  sev 
eral  canoes  with  provisions  and  ammunition,  they  were  reduced  nearly  to  a 
state  of  starvation,  and  obliged  to  kill  their  horses  for  food.  A  full  account  of 
this  expedition  is  given  by  L.  C.  Draper  in  Virginia  Historical  Register,  1852  ; 
also  in  Waddell,  Annals  of  Augusta  County,  81. 


238  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

small  body  of  Indians  which  he  engaged,  and,  after  a 
dispute  of  half  an  hour,  put  them  to  flight.  Monsieur 
Douville,  commander  of  the  party,  was  killed  and 
scalped,  and  his  instructions  found  about  him,  which 
I  enclose.  We  had  one  man  killed,  and  two  wounded. 
Mr.  Pearis  sends  the  scalp  by  Jenkins;  and  I  hope, 
although  it  is  not  an  Indian's,  they  will  meet  with  an 
adequate  reward  at  least,  as  the  monsieur's  is  of  much 
more  consequence.  The  whole  party  jointly  claim 
the  reward,  no  person  pretending  solely  to  assume 
the  merit.1 

Your  Honor  may  in  some  measure  penetrate  into 
the  daring  designs  of  the  French  by  their  instructions, 
where  orders  are  given  to  burn,  if  possible,  our  maga 
zine  at  Conococheague,  a  place  that  is  in  the  midst  of 
a  thickly  settled  country. 

I  have  ordered  the  party  there  to  be  made  as 
strong  as  time  and  our  present  circumstances  will 
afford,  for  fear  they  should  attempt  to  execute  the 
orders  of  Dumas.2  I  have  also  ordered  up  an  officer 

1  In  August,  1755,  the  Assembly  offered  a  reward  of  £10  for  every  scalp  of  a 
male  Indian  above  the  age  of  twelve  years. — Hening's  Statutes,  vi.,  551,  565. 
In  April,  1757,  the  reward  was  increased  to  ^"15,  and  a  further  sum  of  ^"30  for 
I  each  scalp  taken  within  the  next  two  years.  vii.,  122,  123.  The  increase 
was  probably  due  to  the  higher  reward  of  ^50  for  each  scalp  offered  by  Mary 
land. — Acts  of  Maryland  Assembly,  September,  1736. 

3  Dumas  had  succeeded  Contrecceur  in  the  command  of  Fort  Duquesne. 
The  following  is  a  translation  of  the  orders  found  on  Douville,  which,  at  least, 
give  a  favorable  indication  of  the  commandant's  humanity. 

"  FORT  DUQUESNE,  23  March,  1756. 

"  The  Sieur  Douville,  at  the  head  of  a  detachment  of  fifty  savages,  is  ordered 
to  go  and  observe  the  motions  of  the  enemy  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Fort 
Cumberland.  He  will  endeavour  to  harass  their  convoys,  and  burn  their 
magazines  at  Conococheague,  should  this  be  practicable.  He  must  use  every 
effort  to  take  prisoners,  who  may  confirm  what  we  already  know  of  the  enemy's 
designs.  The  Sieur  Douville  will  employ  all  his  talents,  and  all  his  credit,  to 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  239 


and  twenty  recruits  to  assist  Joseph  Edwards,  and 
the  people  on  those  waters.1  The  people  of  this 
town  are  under  dreadful  apprehensions  of  an  attack, 
and  all  the  roads  between  this  and  Fort  Cumberland 
are  much  infested.  As  I  apprehend  you  will  be 
obliged  to  draft  men,  I  hope  care  will  be  taken  that 
none  shall  be  chosen  but  active,  resolute  men, — men, 
who  are  practised  to  arms,  and  are  marksmen. 

I  also  hope  that  a  good  many  more  will  be  taken 
than  what  are  requisite  to  complete  our  numbers  to 
what  the  Assembly  design  to  establish  ;  as  many  of 
those  we  have  got  are  really  in  a  manner  unfit  for 
duty  ;  and  were  received  more  through  necessity 
than  choice  ;  and  will  very  badly  bear  a  re-examina 
tion.  Another  thing  I  would  beg  leave  to  recom 
mend  ;  and  that  is,  that  such  men  as  are  drafted, 
should  be  only  taken  for  a  time,2  by  which  means  we 
shall  get  better  men,  and  which  will  in  all  probability 
stay  with  us. 

TO    GOVERNOR    MORRIS. 

WINCHESTER,  9  April,  1756. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

I  had  scarce  reached  Williamsburg,  before  an  ex 
press  was  after  me  with  news  of  the  French  and 

prevent  the  savages  from  committing  any  cruelties  upon  those,  who  may  fall 
into  their  hands.  Honor  and  humanity  ought,  in  this  respect,  to  serve  as  our 
guide.  DUMAS." 

This  is  doubtless  the  same  officer,  who  commanded  the  French  and  Indians  at 
Braddock's  defeat,  after  the  death  of  M.  de  Beaujeu. 

1  Great  Cacapehon.     Fort  Edwards  lay  between  Winchester  and  Romney. 

a  "  Ithink  it  not  amiss,  that  they  should  serve  only  eighteen  or  twenty  months, 
and  then  be  discharged.  Twenty  months  will  embrace  two  full  campaigns, 
which  will,  I  apprehend,  bring  matters  to  a  crisis  one  way  or  another." — To 
the  Speaker. 


24o  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


Indians  advancing  within  our  settlements,  and  doing 
incredible  mischief  to  the  inhabitants,  which  oblig'd 
me  to  postpone  my  business  there,  and  hurry  to  their 
assistance  with  all  expedition  :  when  I  came  to  this 
place  I  found  everything  in  deep  confusion,  and  the 
poor  distressed  inhabitants  under  a  general  consterna 
tion.  I  therefore  collected  such  force  as  I  coud  im 
mediately  raise,  and  sent  them  in  such  parties,  and 
to  such  places  as  t'was  judged  most  likely  to  meet 
with  the  Enemy  ;  one  of  which,  under  the  command 
of  Mr.  Pearis,  luckily  fell  in  with  a  small  body  of  them 
as  they  were  surrounding  a  small  fort  on  the  No, 
River  of  Cacapehon,  whom  they  engaged,  and  (after 
half  an  hour's  close  firing)  put  to  flight  with  the 
loss  of  their  commander,  Mons.  Douville  (killed),  and 
three  or  four  more  mortally  wounded.  The  accident 
that  has  determined  the  fate  of  Monsieur  has,  I  be 
lieve,  dispersd  his  party,  for  I  don't  hear  of  any  mis 
chief  done  in  this  colony  since,  tho'  we  are  not 
without  numbers  who  are  making  hourly  discoverys. 

I  have  sent  you  a  copy  of  the  Instructions  that 
were  found  about  this  officer,  that  you  may  see  how 
bold  and  enterprising  the  enemy  have  grown,  how 
unconfind  are  the  ambitious  designs  of  the  French, 
and  how  much  it  will  be  in  their  power  (if  the  colonys 
continue  in  their  fatal  lethargy)  to  give  a  final  stab 
to  liberty  and  property. 

Nothing  I  more  sincerely  wish  than  a  union  to  the 
colonys  in  this  time  of  eminent  danger,  and  that  you 
may  find  your  Assembly  in  a  temper  of  mind  to  act 
consistently  with  their  preservation.  What  Maryland 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  241 

has  or  will  do,  I  know  not,  but  this  I  am  certain  of, 
that  Virginia  will  do  everything1  that  can  be  expected 
to  promote  the  publick  good. 

I  went  to  Williamsburgh  fully  resolved  to  resign  my 
commission,  but  was  diswaded  from  it  at  least  for  a 
time.1  If  the  hurry  of  business,  in  which  I  know  your 
Honor  is  genly.  engaged,  will  admit  of  an  oppor 
tunity  to  murder  a  little  time  in  writing  to  me,  I 
shoud  receive  the  favour  as  a  mark  of  that  esteem 
which  I  coud  wish  to  merit,  by  shewing  at  all  times, 
when  its  in  my  power,  how  much  I  am,  Sir,  &c. 

P.  S.  A  Letter  this  instant  arriving  from 
Williamsburg  informs  that  our  Assembly  have 
voted  ,£20,000  more,  and  that  their  forces  shd.  be 
increasd  to  2000  men.  A  laudable  example  this, 
and  I  hope  not  singular  one. 


TO    JOHN    ROBINSON. 

WINCHESTER,  16  April,  1756. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

When  I  wrote  you  last,  I  was  in  high  hopes  of  be 
ing  by  this  time  at  the  head  of  a  large  party  scouring 
the  Allegany  Hills.  But  the  timidity  of  the  inhabi 
tants  of  this  county  is  to  be  equalled  by  nothing  but 

1  "  The  enclosed  letter  I  am  desired  to  forward  to  your  Excellency  from  Colo. 
Washington,  and  to  request  you  to  commissionate  and  appoint  him  second  in 
command,  in  case  these  colonies  shall  raise  a  sufficient  number  of  troops  for 
carrying  on  an  expedition  or  making  a  diversion  to  the  westward  this  summer. 
As  Mr.  Washington  is  much  esteemed  in  Virginia,  and  really  seems  a  gentleman 
of  merit,  I  should  be  exceedingly  glad  to  learn  that  your  Excellency  is  not 
averse  to  favoring  his  application  and  request."  Govr.  Sharpe  to  Govr.  Shirley. 
April  10,  1756. — Penna.  Archives,  ii.,  620. 


242  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

their  perverseness.  Yesterday  was  the  time  appoint 
ed  for  all  to  meet  who  were  inclined  to  join  for  this 
desirable  end,  and  only  fifteen  came,  some  of  whom 
refused  to  go  but  upon  such  terms  as  must  have  ren 
dered  their  services  burthensome  to  the  country. 
Therefore,  I  am  again  reduced  to  the  necessity  of 
waiting  the  arrival  of  a  party  from  Fort  Cumberland 
before  I  can  leave  this  place.1  There  has  been  no  mis 
chief  done  since  I  wrote  you  last,2  which  I  attribute  in 
some  measure,  to  the  frequent  parties  I  have  ordered 
out  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  Yesterday  I  received 
an  account  which  made  me  suspect  that  the  Indians 
rendezvoused  upon  the  back  of  the  Warm  Spring 
Mountain.  I  have,  therefore,  sent  orders  to  an  offi 
cer  3  who  is  out  with  a  party  of  one  hundred  men,  to 
proceed  thither  with  the  best  guides  he  can  procure, 
and  search  that  mountain  well  ;  which,  if  the  intelli 
gence  be  true,  I  hope  he  will  render  a  good  account 
of  them. 

Nothing,  Sir,  equals  the  pleasure  I  felt  at  hearing 
of  the  generous  supplies  the  Assembly  have  voted. 
But  to  find  that  the  men  and  money  which  they  have 
given  are  properly  disposed  of,  and  that  the  men  are 
formed  for  the  service  of  the  country,  and  not  to 
make  commissions  to  serve  individuals,  I  have  sent 

1  "  The  roads  being  so  infested,  that  none  but  hunters  who  travel  the  woods 
by  night,  can  pass  in  safety." — To  Dinwiddie. 

*  "  The  express,  whom  I  sent  to  Colonel  Stephen,  notwithstanding  he  was  an 
excellent  woodsman,  and  a  very  active  fellow,  was  fired  upon  five  times  at  a 
place  called  the  Flats,  within  six  miles  of  Fort  Cumberland.  He  had  several 
bullets  through,  and  his  horse  shot  under  him,  yet  made  his  escape  from  them." 
—  To  Dinwiddie. 

8  John  Mercer. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  243 

the  Governor  a  plan  or  scheme,  of  which  you  have  a 
copy  ;  to  form  the  two  thousand  men  into  one  regi 
ment,  consisting  of  two  battalions  of  ten  companies 
each  ;  with  five  field  officers,  each  having  a  company, 
and  every  company  to  consist  of  one  captain,  two 
lieutenants,  one  ensign,  four  sergeants,  four  corporals, 
two  drummers,  and  eighty-seven  private  men  :  which 
will  save  the  country  the  annual  expense  of  five 
thousand  and  six  pounds,  sixteen  shillings  and  eight 
pence,  as  you  may  see  by  the  enclosed.  And  we  at 
the  same  time  be  better  appointed  and  established 
more  after  the  British  custom  than  we  now  are,  or 
shall  be  if  formed  into  two  regiments,  or  one  regiment 
with  only  fifty  men  in  a  company.1  As  instances  of 
which  I  shall  observe  :  first,  were  we  formed  into  two 
regiments  after  our  present  appointment,  we  must 
have  one  hundred  and  two  commissioned,  and  two 
hundred  [and]  twenty  four  non-commissioned  officers, 
besides  staff  officers.  But  these  indeed  will  be  the 
same  in  two  battalions,  as  in  two  regiments.  Whereas 
in  the  present  scheme,  you  have  only  eighty  commis 
sioned  officers,  and  two  hundred  non-commissioned. 
The  pay  therefore  of  them,  together  with  the  staff- 
officers  and  private  men,  all  amounts  only  10^34,145. 
10.  per  annum.  Whereas  the  same  number  of  men  in 
two  regiments,  or  in  fifties,  according  to  our  present 
establishment,  will  be  ^39, 15 2.  6.  8.  The  difference 
therefore  is,  as  I  before  observed,  ,£5,006.  16.  8., 

1  "  And  I  humbly  conceive,  where  we  can  pattern  after  our  Mother  country 
upon  as  easy  terms  as  pursuing  plans  of  our  own,  that  we  should  at  least  pay 
that  deference  to  her  judgment  and  experience." — To  Dinwiddie. 


244  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

which  would  go  a  great  length  either  in  clothing,  or 
defraying  incident  charges  of  the  regiment.  Another 
difference  is  that  of  giving  the  field  officers  com 
panies,  which  is  practised  in  all  parts  of  the  world  but 
this,  and  here  discontinued  evidently  to  the  disadvan 
tage  of  the  country,  as  the  field  officers  who  have  no 
companies  are  allowed  in  the  same  proportion  as  if 
they  had,  and  three  captains  are  paid  to  do  this  duty. 

This  calculation  is  made  for  the  two  thousand 
men,  to  include  officers  ;  but  if  that  is  not  the  inten 
tion  of  the  Assembly,  the  scheme  still  holds  good,  or 
better  in  proportion,  and  differs  in  this  respect  only  : 
that  each  company  is  to  contain  one  hundred  men  in 
stead  of  eighty-seven,  and  to  have  the  addition  of  a 
sergeant  or  two  to  each. 

I  have  made  bold,  Sir,  to  offer  my  opinion  freely  ; 
and  if  it  meets  with  the  approbation  of  your  House, 
I  should  be  glad  if  you  would  help  it  into  execution. 
Otherwise,  as  I  am  sensible,  the  Governor  may  be 
strongly  importuned  for  commissions,  he  may  good- 
naturedly  grant  them,  without  considering  how  mani 
fest  an  injury  it  will  be  to  the  country  and  service  in 
general. 

As  I  am  convinced,  that  no  other  method  can  be 
used  to  raise  two  thousand  men,  but  by  drafting,  I 
hope  to  be  excused,  when  I  again  repeat,  how  great 
care  should  be  observed  in  choosing  active  marks 
men.  The  manifest  inferiority  of  inactive  persons, 
unused  to  arms,  in  this  kind  of  service,  although 
equal  in  numbers,  to  lively  persons  who  have  prac 
tised  hunting,  is  inconceivable.  The  chance  against 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  245 

them  is  more  than  two  to  one.  Another  thing  I  hope 
will  merit  the  consideration  of  the  Assembly,  and 
that  is,  that  they  will  put  all  such  men  as  are  raised 
for  the  expedition  in  actual  pay,  and  under  the  same 
discipline  that  ours  are  at  present ;  otherwise,  I  am  very 
well  convinced  their  good  intentions  will  prove  abor 
tive,  and  all  the  drafts  quit  the  service  as  soon,  or  be 
fore,  they  are  brought  into  it. 

I  do  not  conceive  it  to  be  a  hardship  to  put  even 
drafts  under  martial  law,  if  they  are  only  taken  for  a 
certain  time,  which  I  could  wish  to  be  the  case,  as  I 
thereby  hope  for  better  men.1  I  am  &c. 


TO  GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

WINCHESTER,  18  April,  1756. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

It  gave  me  infinite  concern  to  find  in  yours2  by 
Governor  Innes,  that  any  representations  should  in 
flame  the  Assembly  against  the  Virginia  regiment,  or 
give  cause  to  suspect  the  morality  and  good  behav 
iour  of  the  officers.  How  far  any  of  the  individuals 
may  have  deserved  such  invidious  reflections,  I  will 
not  take  upon  me  to  determine,  but  this  I  am  certain 

1  "  I  have  a  brother  that  has  long  discovered  an  inclination  to  enter  the  serv 
ice,  but  has  till  this  been  dissuaded  from  it  by  my  mother,  who  now,  I  be 
lieve,  will  give  consent.  I  must,  therefore,  beg  that  if  your  Honor  should 
issue  any  new  commissions  before  I  come  down,  that  you  will  think  of  him  and 
reserve  a  Lieutenancy.  I  flatter  myself  that  he  will  endeavor  to  deserve  it  as 
well  as  some  that  have,  and  others  that  may  get  [them]." — To  Dinividdie. 

a  Dinwiddie  had  reported  that  "  the  Assembly  were  greatly  inflamed,  being  told 
that  the  greatest  immoralities  and  drunkenness  have  been  much  countenanced 
and  proper  discipline  neglected." 


246  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

of,  and  can  call  my  conscience,  and  what,  I  suppose, 
will  still  be  a  more  demonstrable  proof  in  the  eyes  of 
the  world,  my  orders,  to  witness  how  much  I  have, 
both  by  threats  and  persuasive  means,  endeavoured 
to  discountenance  gaming,  drinking,  swearing,  and 
irregularities  of  every  other  kind  ;  while  I  have,  on 
the  other  hand,  practised  every  artifice  to  inspire  a 
laudable  emulation  in  the  officers  for  the  service  of 
their  country,  and  to  encourage  the  soldiers  in  the 
unerring  exercise  of  their  duty.  How  far  I  have 
failed  in  this  desirable  end,  I  cannot  pretend  to  say. 
But  it  is  nevertheless  a  point,  which  does  in  my 
opinion  merit  some  scrutiny,  before  it  meets  with  a 
final  condemnation.  Yet  I  will  not  undertake  to 
vouch  for  the  conduct  of  many  of  the  officers,  as  I  know 
there  are  some,  who  have  the  seeds  of  idleness  very 
strongly  ingrafted  in  their  natures  ;  and  I  also  know, 
that  the  unhappy  difference  about  the  command, 
which  has  kept  me  from  Fort  Cumberland,  has  con 
sequently  prevented  me  from  enforcing  the  orders, 
which  I  never  failed  to  send. 

However,  if  I  continue  in  the  service,  I  shall  take 
care  to  act  with  a  little  more  rigor,  than  has  hitherto 
been  practised,  since  I  find  it  so  necessary. 

I  wrote  your  Honor  in  my  last  how  unsuccessfully 
we  attempted  to  raise  the  militia,  and  that  I  was  re 
duced  to  the  necessity  of  waiting  here  the  arrival  of 
an  escort  from  Fort  Cumberland. 

Should  this  escort  arrive  before  Mr.  Kirkpatrick 
does  from  Williamsburgh  (whom  I  hourly  expect),  I 
must  yet  wait  a  little  longer,  he  being  left  with  all  my 
accounts  and  papers  to  lay  before  the  committee, 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  247 

and  were  I  to  go  up  without  him,  it  would  put  it  out 
of  my  power  to  settle  with  the  recruiting  officers 
above,  in  order  that  I  might  make  a  final  settlement 
with  the  committee  below.  The  garrison  at  Fort 
Cumberland  is  barely  manned.  The  rest  are  out  on 
parties  ;  yet  the  Indians  continue  to  hunt  the  roads, 
and  pick  up  straggling  persons.  This  your  Honor 
may  see  by  the  enclosed  from  Captain  John  Mercer, 
who,  being  out  with  a  scouting  party  of  one  hundred 
men,  I  have  ordered  to  search  the  Warm-Spring 
Mountain,  where,  it  is  lately  reported,  that  the  In 
dians  rendezvous.  The  commission  your  Honor 
has  sent  for  holding  courts-martial  is  yet  insufficient, 
as  it  is  copied,  (I  suppose,  too  literally)  after  Gover 
nor  Innes's,  who  had  no  power  to  hold  a  general 
court-martial,  or  to  try  commissioned  officers,  having 
none  either  to  hold  a  court,  or  in  short  any  to  try. 
But  this  may  be  postponed  until  I  come  down,  which 
will  be  in  a  short  time  after  I  arrive  at  Fort  Cumber 
land.  I  am  your  Honor's,  &c. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

WINCHESTER,  19  April,  1756. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

Since  writing  my  letter  of  yesterday's  date,  the  en 
closed  came  to  hand,  by  which  your  Honor  will  be 
informed  of  a  very  unlucky  affair.1 

I  immediately  consulted  Governor  Innes,  and  such 
officers  of  my  regiment  as  were  at  this  place,  on  the 
necessary  steps  to  be  taken.  They  unanimously  ad- 

1  A  skirmish  with  the  Indians  at  Edwards's  Fort,  in  which  Captain  John 
Mercer  and  several  of  his  party  were  killed. 


248  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

vised,  that  I  should  remain  here  with  the  fifty  recruits 
that  are  in  town,  for  the  defence  of  the  place,  until 
the  militia  be  raised,  that  we  may  thereby  be  enabled 
to  compose  a  formidable  body,  and  march  out  against 
the  enemy.  This  engagement  happened  within 
twenty  miles  of  Winchester,  and  the  sergeant,  who 
brought  the  letter,  assures  me  that  they  have  reason 
to  imagine,  that  their  numbers  are  greater  than  the 
letter  informs.1  He  says  that  there  were  many 
French  amongst  them,  and  that  the  chief  part  of  the 
whole  were  mounted  on  horseback  ;  so  that  there  is 
a  great  probability  that  they  may  have  a  design  upon 
this  place. 

I  have  sent  an  express  to  Lord  Fairfax,  with  a 
copy  of  Stark's  letter,  and  have  desired,  in  the  most 
earnest  manner,  that  he  will  be  expeditious  in  calling 
the  militia  ;  but,  alas  !  that  is  an  unhappy  depend 
ence  ;  yet  the  only  one  we  have  at  present.  I  am 
your  Honor's,  &c. 

TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

WINCHESTER,  22  April,  1756. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

This  encloses  several  letters,  and  the  minutes  of  a 
council  of  war,2  which  was  held  upon  the  receipt  of 

1  "  Unless  I  ^can  throw  some  ammunition  into  Edwards's  Fort  to  night,  the 
remainder  of  our  party,  and  the  inhabitants  that  are  there,  will  more  than  prob 
ably  fall  a  sacrifice  to  the  Indians,  as  the  bearer,  who  came  off  with  the  en 
closed,  assures  me  that  the  fort  was  surrounded,  and  that  an  assault  was  expected 
to  day." — To  Lord  Fairfax,  igth  April. 

2 The  question  before  the  council  was  whether  to  march  against  the  enemy 
with  the  small  force  at  Winchester  and  Fort  Edwards,  or  to  remain  at  Win 
chester.  The  unanimous  opinion  was  in  favor  of  remaining. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  249 

them.  Your  Honor  may  see  to  what  unhappy  straits 
the  distressed  inhabitants  as  well  as  I,  am  reduced. 
I  am  too  little  acquainted,  Sir,  with  pathetic  lan 
guage,  to  attempt  a  description  of  the  people's  dis 
tresses,  though  I  have  a  generous  soul,  sensible  of 
wrongs,  and  swelling  for  redress.  But  what  can  I 
do  ?  If  bleeding,  dying  !  would  glut  their  insatiate 
revenge,  I  would  be  a  willing  offering  to  savage  fury, 
and  die  by  inches  to  save  a  people  !  I  see  their  situa 
tion,  know  their  danger,  and  participate  their  suffer 
ings,  without  having  it  in  my  power  to  give  them 
further  relief,  than  uncertain  promises.  In  short,  I 
see  inevitable  destruction  in  so  clear  a  light,  that, 
unless  vigorous  measures  are  taken  by  the  Assembly, 
and  speedy  assistance  sent  from  below,  the  poor  in 
habitants  that  are  now  in  forts,  must  unavoidably 
fall,  while  the  remainder  of  the  country  are  flying 
before  the  barbarous  foe.  In  fine,  the  melancholy 
situation  of  the  people,  the  little  prospect  of  assist 
ance,  the  gross  and  scandalous  abuses  cast  upon  the 
officers  in  general,  which  is  reflecting  upon  me  in 
particular,  for  suffering  misconducts  of  such  extraor 
dinary  kinds,  and  the  distant  prospects,  if  any,  that  I 
can  see,  of  gaining  honor  and  reputation  in  the  serv 
ice,  are  motives  which  cause  me  to  lament  the  hour, 
that  gave  me  a  commission,  and  would  induce  me,  at 
any  other  time  than  this  of  imminent  danger,  to  re 
sign  without  one  hesitating  moment,  a  command, 
which  I  never  expect  to  reap  either  honor  or  benefit 
from  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  have  almost  an  absolute 
certainty  of  incurring  displeasure  below,  while  the 


250  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

murder  of  poor  innocent  babes  and  helpless  families 
may  be  laid  to  my  account  here  ! 

The  supplicating  tears  of  the  women,  and  moving  pe 
titions  from  the  men,  melt  me  into  such  deadly  sorrow, 
that  I  solemnly  declare,  if  I  know  my  own  mind,  I  could 
offer  myself  a  willing  sacrifice  to  the  butchering  enemy, 
provided  that  would  contribute  to  the  people's  ease. 

Lord  Fairfax  has  ordered  men  from  the  adjacent 
counties,  but  when  they  will  come,  or  in  what  num 
bers,  I  cannot  pretend  to  determine.  If  I  may  judge 
from  the  success  we  have  met  with  here,  I  have  but 
little  hopes,  as  three  days'  incessant  endeavours  have 
produced  but  twenty  men. 

I  have  too  often  urged  my  opinion  for  vigorous 
measures,  therefore  I  shall  only  add,  that,  besides 
the  accounts  you  will  receive  in  the  letters,  we  are 
told  from  all  parts,  that  the  woods  appear  to  be  alive 
with  Indians,  who  feast  upon  the  fat  of  the  land.  As 
we  have  not  more  than  a  barrel  or  two  of  powder  at 
this  place,  the  rest  being  at  Fort  Cumberland,  I  could 
wish  your  Honor  would  send  some  up.  I  have  wrote 
to  Alexandria  and  Fredericksburg,  desiring  that  two 
barrels  may  be  sent  from  each  place,  but  whether  there 
is  any  at  either,  I  know  not.  I  have  sent  orders  to 
Captain  Harrison  to  be  diligent  on  the  waters  where 
he  is  posted,  and  to  use  his  utmost  endeavours  to  pro 
tect  the  people  ;  and,  if  possible,  to  surprise  the 
enemy  at  their  sleeping-places.  Ashby's  letter  is  a 
very  extraordinary  one.1  The  design  of  the  Indians 

1  Ashby  wrote  that  four  hundred  Indians  had  demanded  the  surrender  of  his 
fort,  1,500  had  gone  to  Fort  Cumberland  and  2,000  to  the  Juniata. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  251 


was  only,  in  my  opinion,  to  intimidate  him  into  a 
surrender.  For  which  reason  I  have  wrote  him 
word,  that  if  they  do  attack  him,  he  must  defend  that 
place  to  the  last  extremity,  and  when  he  is  bereft  of 
hope,  then  to  lay  a  train  to  blow  up  the  fort,  and  re 
tire  by  night  to  Fort  Cumberland.  A  small  fort, 
which  we  have  at  the  mouth  of  Patterson's  Creek, 
containing  an  officer  and  thirty  men  guarding  stores, 
was  attacked  smartly  by  the  French  and  Indians; 
they  were  as  warmly  received,  upon  which  they  re 
tired.  Our  men  at  present  are  dispersed  into  such 
small  bodies,  guarding  the  people  and  public  stores, 
that  we  are  not  able  to  make,  or  even  form  a  body. 
I  am  your  Honor's,  &C.1 

1  The  Governor,  on  receiving  this  letter,  immediately  ordered  out  one  half  of 
the  militia  in  ten  of  the  upper  counties.  Colonel  Fairfax,  one  of  the  Council, 
wrote  at  the  same  time  to  Colonel  Washington  ; 

"The  House  of  Burgesses  are  pleased  with  the  Governor's  orders,  and  de 
pend  on  your  vigilance  and  success.  Your  endeavours  in  the  service  and  de 
fence  of  your  country  must  redound  to  your  honor  ,  therefore  do  not  let  any 
unavoidable  interruptions  sicken  your  mind  in  the  attempts  you  may  pursue. 
Your  good  health  and  fortune  are  the  toast  at  every  table.  Among  the  Romans, 
such  a  general  acclamation  and  public  regard,  shown  to  any  of  their  chieftains, 
were  always  esteemed  a  high  honor,  and  gratefully  accepted." 

Landon  Carter  also  wrote  as  follows. — "Virginia  has  been  neglected  by  the 
mother  country.  Had  there  been  a  more  active  king  on  the  throne  of  France, 
she  would  have  made  a  conquest  of  it  long  ago.  If  we  talk  of  obliging  men  to 
serve  their  country,  we  are  sure  to  hear  a  fellow  mumble  over  the  words 
'  liberty '  and  '  property '  a  thousand  times.  I  think  as  you  do.  I  have 
endeavoured,  though  not  in  the  field,  yet  in  the  senate,  as  much  as  possible 
to  convince  the  country  of  danger,  and  she  knows  it  ;  but  such  is  her 
parsimony,  that  she  is  willing  to  wait  for  the  rains  to  wet  the  powder,  and  rats 
to  eat  the  bow-strings  of  the  enemy,  rather  than  attempt  to  drive  them  from 
her  frontiers." 


252  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

WINCHESTER,  24  April,  1756. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

Not  an  hour,  nay  scarcely  a  minute,  passes,  that 
does  not  produce  fresh  alarms  and  melancholy 
accounts.  So  that  I  am  distracted  what  to  do  !  Nor 
is  it  possible  for  me  to  give  the  people  the  necessary 
assistance  for  their  defence,  upon  account  of  the  small 
number  of  men  we  have,  or  is  likely  to  be  here  for 
some  time.  The  inhabitants  are  removing  daily,  and 
in  a  short  time  will  leave  this  county  as  desolate  as 
Hampshire,  where  scarce  a  family  lives  ! 

Three  families  were  murdered  the  night  before 
last,  at  the  distance  of  less  than  twelve  miles  from 
this  place  ;  and  every  day  we  have  accounts  of  such 
cruelties  and  barbarities,  as  are  shocking  to  human 
nature.  Nor  is  it  possible  to  conceive  the  situation 
and  danger  of  this  miserable  country.  Such  numbers 
of  French  and  Indians  are  all  around,  no  road  is  safe 
to  travel  ;  and  here  we  know  not  the  hour  how  soon 
we  may  be  attacked. 

But  as  it  is  not  in  my  power  to  give  your  Honor 
a  full  account  of  every  thing,  I  have  sent  Captain 
Peachey  to  wait  upon  you,  who  can  be  more  ample 
and  satisfactory  in  every  point,  that  requires  your 
Honor's  notice.  I  have  written  for  the  militia  of 
Fairfax,  Prince  William,  and  Culpeper,  and  expect 
them  here  in  a  very  few  days.  But  how  they  are  to 
be  supplied  with  ammunition  and  provision,  I  am 
quite  at  a  loss.  The  distance  of  Fort  Cumberland 
from  us,  where  these  supplies  are,  renders  them  use- 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  253 

less,  in  a  manner,  and  puts  us  to  the  greatest  straits  ; 
and  the  inhabitants  leaving  their  farms,  will  make  it 
impossible  for  the  militia  to  subsist  without  pro 
visions,  which  are  now  very  scarce,  and  will  be  more 
so.  I  should  therefore  be  glad  your  Honor  would 
send  arms,  ammunition,  and  provisions  up,  and  give 
immediate  orders  for  the  Irish  beef  at  Alexandria, 
which  cannot  be  had  without  your  consent. 

Your  Honor  spoke  of  sending  some  Indians  to 
our  assistance,  in  which  no  time  should  be  lost,  nor 
means  omitted  to  engage  all  the  Catawbas  and 
Cherokees,  that  can  possibly  be  gathered  together 
and  immediately  despatched  hither.  For  without 
Indians  to  oppose  Indians,  we  may  expect  but  small 
success.  And  I  should  think  it  no  bad  scheme,  (while 
the  Indians  remain  here  in  such  numbers,)  to  have 
a  detachment  sent  out  with  some  friendly  Indians 
to  make  an  attempt  upon  their  towns, — though 
this  should  be  executed  with  all  imaginable  se 
crecy. 

I  hear  the  Assembly  are  for  augmenting  the  forces 
(in  pay)  to  fifteen  hundred,  which  are  far  too  few  to 
defend  the  frontiers  against  so  numerous  an  enemy. 
But  I  have  often  wrote  you  my  sentiments  upon  this 
and  other  subjects,  so  shall  not  now  enlarge.  I  have 
also  written  to  the  Speaker  by  Captain  Peachey, 
who  will,  I  imagine,  communicate  to  your  Honor 
what  demands  your  immediate  regard. 

I  wish  your  Honor  would  resolve  me,  whether  the 
militia  that  are  expected  here  must  be  supplied  out 
of  the  public  stocks  of  provisions  laid  in  for  the 


254  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

soldiers,  or  if  they  are  to  find  themselves.  The  want 
of  due  direction  in  matters  of  this  nature  causes  great 
inconvenience.  Give  me  leave  to  urge  your  Honor's 
speedy  care  of  sending  men  and  ammunition  to  our 
assistance,  else  the  consequence  may  prove  very  fatal 
in  a  little  time. 

I  have  been  just  now  informed,  that  numbers  about 
the  neighbourhood  hold  councils  and  cabals  to  very 
dishonorable  purposes,  and  unworthy  the  thoughts  of 
a  British  subject.  Despairing  of  assistance  and  pro 
tection  from  below  (as  they  foolishly  conjecture), 
they  talk  of  capitulating  and  coming  upon  terms 
with  the  French  and  Indians,  rather  than  lose  their 
lives  and  fortunes  through  obstinacy.  My  force,  at 
present,  is  very  weak,  and  unable  to  take  the  neces 
sary  measures,  with  those  suspected  ;  but,  as  soon  as 
the  militia  arrive,  be  assured  I  will  do  my  utmost  to 
detect  and  secure  such  pests  of  society,  if  my  infor 
mation  is  not  groundless,  which  I  should  be  pleased 
to  find  so. 

I  enclose  your  Honor  a  copy  of  a  council  of  war 
lately  held  here,1  and  copies  of  some  letters  since  my 
last  to  you  ;  one  of  which,  for  Colonel  Martin,  was 
just  sent  to  me  from  Fort  Hopewell,  on  the  South 
Branch.  They  have  had  an  engagement  there,  with 
the  French  and  Indians,  the  particulars  of  which  you 
will  see  by  the  enclosed.  Captain  Waggener,  with  a 
party  of  his  men,  joined  them  next  day,  and  went  in 

1  The  council  of  war  determined  that  Enoch's  Fort  should  be  abandoned  and 
destroyed,  and  that  all  of  the  garrison  that  could  be  spared  from  Fort  Edwards 
should  march  to  Winchester. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  255 


pursuit  of  the  enemy,  but  could  not  come  up  with 
them.  The  waters  were  so  high,  that  although 
Captain  Waggener  heard  them  engaged,  he  could  send 
them  no  assistance.  From  these  and  other  circum 
stances,  you  may  form  but  a  faint  idea  of  the  wretched 
and  unhappy  situation  of  this  country,  nor  can  it  be 
conceived. 

My  extreme  hurry,  confusion,  and  anxiety  must 
plead  an  excuse  for  incorrectness,  &c.  I  am  your 
Honor's,  &c. 


TO    JOHN    ROBINSON. 

WINCHESTER,  24  April,  1756. 

DEAR  SIR, 

Yesterday  I  received  yours  by  Mr.  Kirkpatrick,  and 
am  sorry  to  hear  the  reflections  upon  the  conduct  of 
the  officers.  I  could  wish  that  their  names  had  been 
particularized,  that  justice  might  be  done  to  the  in 
nocent  and  guilty  !  for  it  is  extremely  hard,  that  the 
whole  corps  should  suffer  the  most  ungenteel  re 
proaches  for  the  inadvertence  and  misconduct  of  a 
few.1 


1  His  orders  for  preserving  discipline  must  be  allowed  to  have  been  sufficient 
ly  rigid.  The  following  is  a  specimen  : — 

"  Any  commissioned  officer,  who  stands  by  and  sees  irregularities  committed, 
and  does  not  endeavour  to  quell  them,  shall  be  immediately  put  under  arrest. 
Any  non-commissioned  officer  present,  who  does  not  interpose,  shall  be  im 
mediately  reduced  and  receive  corporal  punishment. 

"Any  soldier,  who  shall  presume  to  quarrel  or  fight,  shall  receive  five  hun 
dred  lashes,  without  the  benefit  of  a  court-martial.  The  offender,  upon  com 
plaint  made,  shall  have  strict  justice  done  him.  Any  soldier  found  drunk  shall 
receive  one  hundred  lashes,  without  benefit  of  a  court-martial." 

To  the  major  of  his  regiment  he  wrote  on  another  occasion  : — "  Your  own 
good  sense  has  sufficiently  prompted  you  to  study  the  nature  of  your  duty  ;  but 


256  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

The  deplorable  situation  of  this  people  is  no  more 
to  be  described,  than  my  anxiety  and  uneasiness  for 
their  relief.  And  I  see  in  so  clear  a  light  the  inevi 
table  destruction  of  this  county  without  immediate 
assistance,  that  I  cannot  look  forward  but  with  the 
most  poignant  sorrow. 

You  may  expect,  by  the  time  this  comes  to  hand, 
that,  without  a  considerable  reinforcement,  Frederick 
county  will  not  be  mistress  of  fifteen  families.  They 
are  now  retreating  to  the  securest  parts  in  droves  of 
fifties.  In  short,  every  thing  has  too  melancholy  an 
appearance  for  pen  to  communicate.  I  have  there 
fore  sent  an  officer,  whose  good  sense  and  judicious 
observations  will  be  a  more  effectual  way  of  trans 
mitting  an  account  of  the  people's  distresses. 

I  wish  the  Assembly  had  given  two  thousand  men, 
instead  of  fifteen  hundred,  and  that  I  had  been  ac 
quainted  with  the  dispositions  they  intended  to  make. 
Since  I  am  ignorant  of  this,  I  hope  it  will  not  be 
thought  presuming  when  I  offer  my  sentiments  upon 
the  subject. 

We  are,  Sir,  first  to  consider,  that  if  a  chain  of 
forts  is  to  be  erected  upon  our  frontiers,  it  is  done 
with  a  design  to  protect  the  people.  Therefore,  if 
these  forts  are  more  than  fifteen  and  eighteen  miles, 
or  a  day's  march,  asunder,  and  garrisoned  with  less 
than  eighty  or  an  hundred  men  each,  the  intention  is 

at  the  same  time  permit  me,  as  a  duty  incumbent  on  myself,  to  recommend  in 
the  strongest  terms  to  you  the  necessity  of  qualifying  yourself  by  reading  to?  the 
discharge  of  the  duty  of  major,  a  post  which  requires  a  thorough  knowledge  of 
the  service,  and  on  the  due  execution  of  which  your  own  credit,  as  well  as  that 
of  the  regiment,  greatly  depends." 


756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  257 


lost,  and  for  these  reasons.  ist,  if  they  are  at 
greater  distances,  it  is  inconvenient  for  the  soldiers  to 
scout,  and  allows  the  enemy  to  pass  between  without 
being  easily  discovered,  and  when  discovered  so  soon 
pursued.  And  secondly,  if  they  are  garrisoned  with  less 
than  eighty  or  an  hundred  men,  the  number  will  be 
too  few  to  afford  detachments.  Then,  again,  our 
frontiers  are  so  extensive,  that,  were  the  enemy  to 
attack  us  on  the  one  side,  before  the  troops  on  the 
other  could  get  to  their  assistance,  they  might  over 
run  and  destroy  half  the  country.  And  it  is  more 
than  probable,  if  they  had  a  design  upon  the  first 
they  would  make  a  feint  upon  the  other.  Then  we 
are  to  consider  what  sums  the  building  of  twenty 
forts  would  cost,  and  the  removing  stores  and  pro 
visions  to  each,  and  in  the  last  place,  we  are  to  con 
sider  where  and  when  this  expense  is  to  end.  For,  if 
we  do  not  endeavour  to  remove  the  cause,  we  are  liable 
to  the  same  incursions  seven  years  hence  as  now,  if 
the  war  continues,  and  they  are  allowed  to  remain  on 
Ohio. 

I  shall  next  give  the  reasons,  which  I  think  make 
for  a  defensive  plan.  If  the  neighbouring  colonies  re 
fuse  us  their  assistance,  we  have  neither  strength  or 
abilities  of  ourselves  to  conduct  an  expedition  ;  or,  if 
we  had,  and  were  the  whole  to  join  us,  I  do  not  see  to 
what  purpose,  since  we  have  neither  a  train  of  artil 
lery,  artillery-men,  engineers,  &c,  to  execute  any 
scheme  beyond  the  mountains  against  a  regular  for 
tress.  Again,  we  have  not,  that  I  can  see,  either 
stores  or  provisions,  arms  or  ammunition,  wagons  or 


258  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


horses,  in  any  degree  proportioned  to  the  service  ; 
and  to  undertake  an  affair,  where  we  are  sure  to  fall 
through,  would  be  productive  of  the  worst  conse 
quences,  and  another  defeat  would  entirely  lose  us 
the  interest  of  every  Indian. 

If,  then,  we  cannot  act  offensively  with  a  prospect 
of  success,  we  must  be  upon  the  defensive  ;  and  that 
there  is  no  way  to  protect  the  people,  or  save  our 
selves,  but  by  a  chain  of  forts,  is  evidently  certain. 

I  would  beg  leave,  in  that  case,  to  propose  that 
there  should  be  a  strong  fort  erected  at  this  place,  for 
a  general  receptacle  of  all  the  stores,  &c,  and  a  place 
of  residence  for  the  commanding  officers,  to  be  gar 
risoned  with  one  company  for  the  security  of  the 
stores,  and  to  serve  as  escorts  for  all  wagons,  that  are 
going  higher  up,  because  it  is  the  most  public  and 
most  convenient  for  intelligence  of  any  in  the  coun 
try,  and  the  most  convenient  to  the  part  that  will 
ever  be  attacked  by  numbers,  it  lying  directly  on  the 
road  to  Fort  Duquesne,  from  whence,  and  their  In 
dian  allies,  who  are  still  up  higher,  we  have  the  great 
est  reason  to  apprehend  danger.  It  also  lies  conven 
ient  to  the  inhabitants  for  raising  the  militia  when 
occasion  requires. 

I  have  found  by  experience,  that  being  just  within 
the  inhabitants  is  absolutely  necessary  to  give  orders 
for  the  defence  of  the  people  ;  and  that  Fort  Cum 
berland  is  of  no  more  use  towards  the  defence  of  the 
country,  than  Fort  George  at  Hampton,  and  know 
as  little  what  is  doing.  For  the  people  so  soon  as 
they  are  alarmed,  immediately  fly  inwards,  and  at 


1756]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  259 


this  time  there  is  not  an  inhabitant  living  between 
here  and  Fort  Cumberland,  except  a  few  settlements 
upon  the  Manor  about  a  fort  we  built  there,  and  a 
few  families  at  Edward's,  on  Cacapehon,  with  a 
guard  of  ours,  which  makes  this  very  town  at  present 
the  outmost  frontiers,  and  though  a  place  trifling  in 
itself,  is  yet  of  the  utmost  importance,  as  it  com 
mands  the  communication  from  east  to  west,  as  well 
as  from  north  to  south,  for  at  this  place  do  almost 
all  the  roads  center,  and  secures  the  great  roads  of 
one  half  of  our  frontiers  to  the  markets  of  the  neigh 
bouring  colonies,  as  well  as  to  those  on  Rappahannock 
and  Potomack.  At  Fort  Cumberland  I  would  have 
one  company  garrisoned  to  secure  the  place,  to  pro 
cure  the  earliest  intelligence,  and  to  cover  all  detach 
ments  that  may  be  sent  towards  the  Ohio,  which  is 
all  the  use  it  can  ever  be  of.  In  the  next  place,  I 
would  propose,  that  a  good  fort  should  be  erected 
between  this  and  Fort  Cumberland,  which  shall  be  in 
a  line  with  the  chain  of  forts  across  the  country,  and 
be  garrisoned  with  two  companies.  This  I  would 
advise,  because,  as  I  before  observed,  if  we  are  ever 
attacked  by  a  large  body,  it  must  be  here,  as  they 
have  no  other  road  to  our  frontiers,  either  to  trans 
port  men  or  necessaries. 

These  three  forts  that  I  have  already  spoken  of 
will  employ  four  companies,  which  will  be  a  tolera 
ble  body,  if  the  companies  are  large,  which  they 
would  be,  according  to  the  plan  I  sent  you.  And 
it  would  be  a  trifling  expense  to  augment  each  com 
pany  to  one  hundred  privates,  which  will  make  two 


260  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [I756 

thousand,  exclusive  of  officers,  which  were  included 
in  the  scheme  last  sent. 

After  this  is  done,  I  would  post  the  remaining  com 
panies  equidistant,  or  at  proper  passes,  along  our 
frontiers,  agreeable  to  the  enclosed  sketch,  and  order 
communications  to  be  opened  between  fort  and  fort, 
and  large  detachments  scouting  to  discover  the  tracks 
of  the  enemy. 

And  now,  sir,  one  thing  to  add,  which  requires 
the  Assembly's  attention,  and  that  is,  what  vale,  or 
upon  what  part  of  our  frontiers  these  forts  are  to  be 
built  ?  For  I  am  to  tell  you  that  the  Great  Ridge  or 
North  Mountain,  so  called  in  Evans's  map,  to  which  I 
refer,  is  now  become  our  exterior  bound,  there  not 
being  one  inhabitant  beyond  that  on  all  the  Poto- 
mack  waters,  except  a  few  families  on  the  South 
Branch,  and  at  Joseph  Edwards's,  on  Cacapehon, 
(which  I  have  already  mentioned,)  guarded  by  a 
party  of  ours.  So  that  it  requires  some  considera 
tion  to  determine  whether  we  are  to  build  near  this 
to  protect  the  present  inhabitants  ;  or  on  the  South 
Branch,  or  Patterson's  Creek,  in  the  hopes  of  drawing 
back  those,  who  have  forsaken  their  dwellings, 

If  we  do  not  build  there,  that  country  will  ever 
want  settlers  ;  and  if  we  do,  there  is  so  great  a  blank, 
with  such  a  series  of  mountains  between,  that  it  will 
be  next  to  impossible  to  guard  the  people  effectually. 
I  could  again  wish,  that  the  Assembly  had  given  two 
thousand  men,  exclusive  of  officers,  to  be  formed  into 
two  battalions  of  ten  companies  each,  with  four  field 
officers.  Indeed,  fifteen  hundred  men  are  a  greater 


1756]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  261 


number  than  ever  was  in  a  regiment  of  only  one  bat 
talion,  and  they  should  be  divided  into  two,  with 
four  field-officers,  who  should  be  posted  so  as  to  have 
the  immediate  care  of  a  certain  number  of  forts,  with 
orders  to  draw  from  one  to  another,  as  occasion  should 
require.1 

I  could  add  more  on  this  subject,  but  am  so  hur 
ried,  that  I  am  obliged  to  refer  for  further  particulars 
to  the  bearer,  who  will  tell  you,  that,  to  carry  on  all 
these  works,  a  number  of  tools,  as  well  as  many  other 
necessaries,  will  be  absolutely  wanting. 

I   have  given  my  opinion  with  candor,  and  submit 

1  Governor  Dinwiddie  had  formed  a  project  of  a  much  more  extensive  chain 
of  forts,  embracing  the  whole  line  of  frontier  from  Crown  Point  to  the  country 
of  the  Creek  Indians.  This  project  he  communicated  to  the  Board  of  Trade 
on  the  23d  of  February. 

A  peculiar  feature  of  this  plan  was,  that  the  expenses  of  erecting  and  support 
ing  these  forts  should  be  provided  for  by  a  land  and  poll-tax,  to  be  levied  by  an 
act  of  Parliament,  which  should  take  effect  equally  throughout  all  the  colonies. 
He  proposed  a  poll-tax  of  one  shilling  sterling  for  two  years,  which  he  thought 
would  be  sufficient  for  building  the  forts  ;  and  a  perpetual  land-tax  of  two  shil 
lings  on  every  hundred  acres  of  land,  as  a  fund  for  keeping  up  the  garrison. 
"  I  know,"  he  adds,  "  that  our  people  will  be  inflamed,  if  they  hear  of  my  mak 
ing  this  proposal,  as  they  are  averse  to  all  taxes  ;  but  in  my  duty,  and  in  obedi 
ence  to  your  commands,  I  cannot  but  think  it  the  most  eligible,  and  it  will 
remain  as  long  as  the  land  ;  but,  if  not  done  by  an  act  of  the  British  Parlia 
ment,  I  may  venture  to  affirm,  that  no  governors  on  this  continent  will  be  able 
to  prevail  on  the  Assemblies  to  pass  laws  for  this  purpose." 

By  his  calculation  there  were  at  least  a  million  of  taxable  polls  in  the  colo 
nies.  Hence  this  tax  would  produce  fifty  thousand  pounds  a  year.  And  the 
land-tax,  estimated  by  the  quitrents  paid  in  Virginia,  he  believed  would  yield 
annually  sixty  thousand  pounds. 

The  population  of  Virginia  he  considered  at  this  time  to  be  293,472,  of  whom 
I73»3I6  were  white,  and  120,156  black.  The  militia  were  computed  at  35,000 
men  fit  to  bear  arms.  The  Governor  wrote  to  Mr.  Fox,  one  of  the  Secretaries 
of  State  : — "  We  dare  not  venture  to  part  with  any  of  our  white  men  any  dis 
tance,  as  we  must  have  a  watchful  eye  over  our  negro  slaves,  who  are  upwards 
of  one  hundred  thousand." — Letter  Books. 


262  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [I756 

to  correction  with  the  greatest  pleasure.  Confusion 
and  hurry  must  apologize  for  the  incoherence  and  in 
correctness  hereof.  I  am,  dear  Sir,  yours,  &c. 


TO    JOHN    ROBINSON. 

WINCHESTER,  27  April,  1756. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

In  my  last  I  omitted  to  observe  one  thing  touching 
the  defence  of  our  frontiers  by  a  chain  of  forts,  and  it 
is  this  : 

If  the  province  of  Maryland  makes  no  provision 
for  its  frontiers,  we  shall  have  a  long,  unguarded 
space  quite  open  and  defenceless  from  Wills  Creek 
to  the  mouth  of  Shanandoah,  where  the  enemy  may 
have,  and  have  already  given  proof  of,  free  egress  and 
regress  in  crossing  Potowmack  ;  plundering,  burning, 
murdering  and  destroying  all  before  them.  It  is 
matter  of  moment,  and  worthy  the  Assembly's  notice. 
For  we  must  secure  that  weak  side,  if  our  neighbours 
are  so  indifferent  as  to  disregard  their  own  safety,  be 
cause  of  its  connexion  with  ours.  In  this  case  the 
number  of  forts  will  be  increased  to  two  or  three 
more.  Another  material  point  to  be  regarded  by  the 
Assembly,  and  of  very  great  importance  to  the  inhabi 
tants,  is  the  situation  of  these  forts  intended  along 
the  frontiers.  As  I  mentioned  to  you  before,  that 
placing  them  on  the  former  utmost  frontier,  would  be 
of  small  service  to  defend  the  present  frontier  settle 
ments,  now  so  remote  from  the  former. 

For  the  enemy  would  still  make  incursions,  and 
carry  off  their  booty  with  impunity,  without  a  con- 


756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  263 


siderable  number  of  men  posted  at  these  forts 
constantly  patrolling  in  order  to  interrupt  them.  And 
without  such  defence  and  protection,  the  people  will 
never  be  induced  to  return  again  to  their  plantations. 

Again,  if  the  forts  are  built  upon  the  present 
exterior  settlements,  the  former  lands  will  remain  un 
settled  :  nor  need  we  expect  that  the  inhabitants  will 
extend  their  improvements  beyond  these  forts,  while 
such  disturbances  continue. 

I  would  again  urge  the  necessity  of  a  large  and 
strong  fort  at  this  town  '  for  very  cogent  reasons,  as 
I  hinted  in  my  former,  it  being  the  center  of  all  the 
public  roads,  and  a  place  of  the  most  importance  on 
the  frontiers.  I  would  advise  its  being  large,  as  it 
will  be  the  sole  refuge  for  the  inhabitants  upon  any 
alarm,  where  they  may  be  received  and  protected 
until  they  can  return  with  safety  to  their  plantations. 
And  as  it  must  be  the  magazine  of  stores,  to  supply 
many  other  forts,  the  country  and  soldiers  with  pro 
visions,  ammunition,  &c.,  it  ought,  of  consequence, 
to  be  large  and  pretty  strong. 

Had  such  a  place  of  defence  been  here,  it  would 
have  hindered  some  hundreds  of  families  from  mov 
ing  further  than  this,  that  are  now  lost  to  the  country. 
The  women  and  children  might  have  been  secure, 
while  the  men  would  have  gone  in  a  body  against  the 
savages,  whereas  the  number  of  men  now  left  is  so 
small,  that  no  assistance  or  defence  can  be  made  to 
any  purpose.  Winchester  is  now  the  farthest  bound 
ary  of  this  county — no  inhabitants  beyond  it :  and  if 

1  A  fort  was  ordered  to  be  built  at  Winchester. 


264  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


measures  are  not  taken  to  maintain  it,  we  must  retire 
below  the  Blue  Ridge  in  a  very  short  time. 

Let  me  therefore  recommend  to  yours  and  the 
Assembly's  particular  care,  that  no  time  be  lost  in  this 
salutary  proposal  :  for  should  this  panic  and  fear  con 
tinue,  not  a  soul  will  be  left  on  this  side  the  Ridge  : 
and  what  now  remain,  are  collected  in  small  forts 
(out  of  which  there  is  no  prevailing  on  them  to  stir) 
and  every  plantation  deserted. 

I  have  exerted  every  power  for  the  protection  and 
peace  of  this  distressed,  unhappy  people,  and  used 
my  utmost  to  persuade  them  to  continue,  until  assist 
ance  come,  though  to  little  effect.  I  have  repeatedly 
urged  Lord  Fairfax  to  send  for  the  militia  of  the  ad 
jacent  counties,  and  have  sent  myself  several  expresses 
to  hurry  them  on. 

If  the  Assembly  approve  the  scheme  of  erecting  a 
fort  here  and  at  other  places,  tools  of  all  kinds  will 
be  wanting,  and  must  be  sent  up  immediately,  that 
no  time  may  be  lost.  Carpenters  from  below  should 
likewise  be  engaged  ;  and  every  proper  method  for 
dispatching  so  desirable  and  so  general  a  good,  as 
this  defence  for  Frederick,  &c. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

WINCHESTER,  27  April,  1756. 

SIR, 

I  sent  an  express  to  Fort  Cumberland  on  Tuesday 
last,  who  is  just  returned  with  the  enclosed  letters, 
which  I  forward,  to  prevent  the  trouble  of  extracting 
a  part. 


1756]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  265 


In  my  letter  to  Colonel  Stephen,  I  did  among  other 
things  inform  him  of  the  accusations  laid  to  his 
charge,  and  that  he  must  expect  to  have  the  matter 
inquired  into.  Your  Honor  will  see  what  he  says 
upon  the  subject. 

Desolation  and  murder  still  increase,  and  no  pros 
pects  of  relief.  The  Blue  Ridge  is  now  our  frontier, 
no  men  being  left  in  this  county,  except  a  few  that 
keep  close  with  a  number  of  women  and  children  in 
forts,  which  they  have  erected  for  that  purpose. 
There  are  now  no  militia  in  this  county  ;  when  there 
were,  they  could  not  be  brought  to  action.  If  the 
inhabitants  of  the  adjacent  counties  pursue  the  same 
system  of  disobedience,  the  whole  must  fall  an  in 
evitable  sacrifice  ;  and  there  is  room  to  fear,  they  have 
caught  the  infection,  since  I  have  sent  (besides  divers 
letters  to  Lord  Fairfax,)  express  after  express  to 
hurry  them  on,  and  yet  have  no  tidings  of  their 
march.  We  have  the  greatest  reason  in  life  to  be 
lieve,  that  the  number  of  the  enemy  is  very  con 
siderable,  as  they  are  spread  all  over  this  part  of  the 
country  ;  and  that  their  success,  and  the  spoils  with 
which  they  have  enriched  themselves,  dished  up  with 
a  good  deal  of  French  policy,  will  encourage  the  In 
dians  of  distant  nations  to  fall  upon  our  inhabitants 
in  greater  numbers,  and,  if  possible,  with  greater 
rapidity.  They  enjoy  the  sweets  of  a  profitable  war, 
and  will  no  doubt  improve  the  success,  which  ever 
must  attend  their  arms,  without  we  have  Indians  to 
oppose  theirs.  I  would  therefore  advise,  as  I  often 
have  done,  that  there  should  be  neither  trouble  nor 


266  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

expense  omitted  to  bring  the  few,  who  are  still  in 
clined,  into  our  service,  and  that,  too,  with  the 
greatest  care  and  expedition.  A  small  number,  just 
to  point  out  the  wiles  and  tracks  of  the  enemy,  is 
better  than  none  ;  for  which  reason  I  must  earnestly 
recommend,  that  those,  who  accompanied  Major 
Lewis,  should  be  immediately  sent  up,  and  such  of 
the  Catawbas  as  can  be  engaged  in  our  interest.  If 
such  another  torrent  as  this  has  been,  (or  may  be  ere 
it  is  done,)  should  press  upon  our  settlements,  there 
will  not  be  a  living  creature  left  in  Frederick  county  ; 
and  how  soon  Fairfax  and  Prince  William  may  share 
its  fate  is  easily  conceived,  if  we  only  consider  a  cruel 
and  bloodthirsty  enemy,  conquerors  already  pos 
sessed  of  the  finest  part  of  Virginia,  plenteously  filled 
with  all  kinds  of  provisions,  pursuing  a  people  over 
come  with  fear  and  consternation  at  the  inhuman 
murders  of  these  barbarous  savages ! 

I  have  exerted  every  means  that  I  could  think  of, 
to  quiet  the  minds  of  these  unhappy  people  :  but,  for 
a  man  to  have  inclination,  and  not  power,  he  may  as 
well  be  without  either,  for  the  assistance  he  can  give. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  county,  who  are  now  in 
forts,  are  greatly  distressed  for  the  want  of  ammuni 
tion  and  provision,  and  are  incessantly  importuning 
me  for  both  ;  neither  of  which  have  I  at  this  place  to 
spare.  And  if  I  had,  I  should  be  much  embarrassed 
how  to  act,  as  I  could  not  be  safe  in  delivering  either 
without  your  orders  ;  and  to  hear  the  cries  of  the 
hungry,  who  have  fled  for  refuge  to  these  places,  with 
nothing  more  than  they  carry  on  their  backs,  is  ex- 


1756]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  267 


ceedingly  moving.  Therefore  I  hope,  your  Honor 
will  give  directions  concerning  this  matter. 

I  have  wrote  to  the  Assembly,  setting  forth  the 
great  and  absolute  necessity  there  is  of  erecting 
a  large  and  strong  fort  at  this  place,  to  serve  as  a 
receptacle  for  all  our  stores,  &c.,  and  a  place  of 
refuge  for  the  women  and  children  in  times  of  danger. 
Was  this  necessary  work  completed,  the  men  would, 
upon  any  alarm,  (as  they  say  themselves,)  immedi 
ately  lodge  their  families  here,  and  turn  out  against 
the  enemy.  But  without  some  such  place  of  defence, 
they  must  always  fly  in  the  manner  they  have,  in 
order  to  secure  their  wives  and  children  ! 

This  is  the  place  generally  fixed  upon,  as  it  has  a 
free  and  open  communication  with  all  the  country, 
from  its  centrical  situation.  It  also  secures  the  com 
munication  with  the  neighbouring  colonies,  as  well  as 
the  trade,  to  the  rivers  of  Rappahannock,  Potomack, 
&c.,  and,  though  trifling  in  itself,  a  place  of  the 
utmost  importance  to  the  country  in  general,  being 
contiguous  to  that  part  of  our  frontiers  (but  alas  ! 
this  is  the  utmost  frontier  at  present)  which  ever 
must,  if  any,  sustain  the  attack  of  numbers,  as  it  is 
the  nearest  to  Fort  Duquesne,  to  which  place  we 
have  opened  a  full  communication.  It  is  also  con 
tiguous  to  their  Indian  allies,  who  are  at  present 
higher  up  the  Ohio  than  themselves.  It  is  also  con 
veniently  situated  for  procuring  the  earliest  intelli 
gence,  when  the  enemy  is  about,  and  to  obtain  relief 
from  the  militia  below.  In  short  it  would  be  need 
less  to  urge  all  the  cogent  reasons  that  plead  in  its 


268  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

behalf,  and  shew  how  conveniently  situated  it  is  for 
the  commanding  officer  to  reside  at.  But  one  I 
shall  add,  which  alone  would  be  sufficient,  and  that  is 
what  I  have  before  observed,  viz.,  the  procuring 
intelligence.  This  I  now  am  truly  sensible  of,  from 
the  earliest  experience  I  have  had  since  I  came 
to  this  place.  Since  the  first  murders  were  com 
mitted  by  the  Indians,  I  have  never  missed  of  re 
ceiving  intelligence  of  their  motions  ;  while  Colonel 
Stephen  has,  in  a  manner,  lived  in  total  ignorance 
thereof.  The  reason  is  very  obvious  ;  for  Fort  Cum 
berland  is  detached  so  far  without  the  inhabitants,  no 
person  thinks  of  alarming  them,  but  immediately, 
upon  the  first  fright,  retires  into  the  inhabitants. 
And  secondly,  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  have  one 
large  magazine  to  supply  the  different  forts  with 
stores,  &c.  which  magazine  should  be  rather  within 
the  inhabitants,  for  the  greater  security  in  receiving 
and  delivering  them  out  again,  and  furnishing  any 
reinforcements  that  may  arrive  from  below,  with 
provision,  ammunition,  &c.  which  will  always  facili 
tate  their  march.  There  should  also  be  ammunition 
lodged  here  for  supplying  the  country  people  when 
found  useful. 

Your  Honor  will  observe  some  parts  of  Colonel 
Stephen's  letters,  as  about  reinforcements  from  the 
second  division,  and  the  number  of  men,  &c.,  which 
were  only  finesses  in  case  the  letters  had  fallen  into 
the  enemy's  hands.  The  letters,  that  conveyed  the 
true  accounts,  were  put  into  the  pummel  of  the 
saddle,  as  were  mine  to  him. 


1756]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  269 


I  have  been  formerly,  and  am  at  present,  pretty 
full  in  offering  my  opinion  and  counsel  upon  matters, 
which  regard  the  public  safety  and  interest.  These 
have  been  solely  the  object  of  all  my  thoughts, 
words,  and  actions  ;  and,  in  order  to  avoid  censure  in 
every  part  of  my  conduct,  I  make  it  a  rule  to  obey 
the  dictates  of  your  Honor,  the  Assembly,  and  a 
good  conscience. 

I  shall  not  hereafter  trouble  you  further  on  these 
topics,  as  I  can  add  nothing  to  what  I  have  said.  I 
am  your  Honor's,  &c. 


MEMMS.  RESPECT'G  THE  MILITIA,  APRIL  AND  MAY,  1756.' 
Answer  ye  the  Governor  that  there  are  orders  for  draw 
ing  out  all  the  ammunition,  &c.,  from  Fort  Cumberland. 
Know  of  the  Governor  how  they  have  apportioned  the 
Regiments  ;  whether  into  two  Battalions  or  not ;  about  Mr. 
Fairfax,  and  for  blank  Commissions.  Whether  the  Field 
officers  are  allowed  companies  or  not.  The  great  disadvan 
tage  the  Counties  will  labor  under  by  appointing  their 
draughts  for  so  short  a  time  ;  before  they  are  raised  they 
must  be  discharged.  Another  disadvantage,  as  we  are  to 
act  upon  the  defensive  is  our  delays  in  building  Forts.  It 
will  be  after  mid-summer  before  they  can  be  completed  and 
if  the  Enemy  are  thick  it  can't  be  done  at  all  with[out]  a 
great  number  of  men  to  cover  the  workmen. 

WINCHESTER. 

On  Thursday  the  2Qth  of  May,2   1756,  divers   expresses 
being  first  sent  to  the  County  Lieutenants  of  Fairfax,  Prince 

1  These  memoranda  cover  a  few  pages  of  note  book,  and  were  made  from  day 
to  day  as  the  events  noted  occurred.     They  are  curious  as  giving  a  very  good 
picture  of  the  little  reliance  that  could  be  put  in  the  colonial  militia. 

2  Error  for  April. 


27o  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

William,  and  Culpeper,  Mr.  Dalton  at  the  head  of  31  vol 
unteers  and  54  militia  from  Fairfax  came  to  town.  On 
same  day  I  received  an  express  from  Captain  Broadwater 
at  the  gap  of  the  Short  Hills,  informing  me  that  himself 
and  the  Captains  Ramsay,  Minor  and  Hamilton  with  about 
loo  men,  were  at  that  place;  that  he  had  received  my  de 
spatches  to  hurry  on  the  militia  and  desired  to  know  what 
number  should  be  sent.  I  hereupon  advised  with  Captain 
Dalton,  who  told  me  that  ten  men  from  each  of  those  Com 
panies  were  the  complement  intended  by  the  commanding 
officer  in  Fairfax.  I  thereupon  ordered  that  number  to  be 
immediately  detached.  Sunday  morning  they  accordingly 
came  under  Captain  James  Hamilton,  as  did  Captain  Russel 
with  23  volunteers  from  Williams's  Gap. 

This  day  I  received  another  express  from  Captain  Broad- 
water,  setting  forth  that  he  had  just  received  one  from  Col 
onel  Carlyle  ordering  him  to  remain  at  that  place  till  he 
heard  from  me  and  that  he  was  scarce  of  provision  and 
could  not  buy.  I  also  about  the  same  time  received  an  ex 
press  from  Colonel  Carlyle  desiring  me  to  order  up  such 
part  of  the  said  Militia  as  I  thought  necessary,  upon  which 
I  sent  to  Captain  Broadwater  for  a  detachment  of  25  more 
and  ordered  the  others  to  be  dismissed. 

May  2d.  The  aforesaid  detachment  of  25  arrived,  which 
made  in  the  whole,  including  Volunteers  (but  of  these  13 
returned)  173  men. 

May  3d.  100  of  the  aforesaid  Militia  under  the  Captains 
Minor  and  Hamilton  were  ordered  to  march  for  the  Branch  ; 
the  rest  to  join  a  Scouting  Party  of  the  Regiment  that  was 
ordered  to  search  Back  Country. 

May  4th.  The  Parties  marched.  Captain  Hamilton  was 
ordered  to  consult  Pearsal  &  the  Kirkendal  for  the  proper 
place  to  fix  his  Company  at  below  the  Troughs,  and  Cap 
tain  Minor  to  advise  with  Colonel  Vanmeter  &  Captain 
Waggener  for  fixing  above.  See  their  instructions  in  my 
orderly  book  dated  May  4th. 


1756]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  271 


Captain  Dalton  with  his  Volunteers  and  the  rest  of  the 
Militia  marched  with  the  scouting  party  of  the  Regiment, 
he  had  orders  to  post  the  militia  after  he  had  finished  their 
tour  of  duty  and  returned  to  Conogochieg,  at  any  place 
where  the  generality  of  the  people  in  those  parts,  but  more 
especially  Captain  Swearing,  would  choose  as  the  most  con 
venient  for  protecting  the  whole ;  and  to  return  to  this 
place  with  his  own  company  of  volunteers.  See  his  orders 
of  the  4th  May.  This  day  10  of  Minor's  and  Hamilton's 
men  deserted. 

May  6th.  The  Prince  William  detachment  consisting  of 
8  officers  and  121  private  Men  arrived  here,  and  about  an 
hour  or  two  after  them  came  Colonel  Ewel. 

May  7th.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Peyton  came  to  town,  and 
Captain  Joseph  Murdock,  with  2  officers  and  20  men  from 
King  George,  sent  up  by  Colonel  Champe.  A  detachment 
of  50  privates  left  the  County ;  the  rest  deserted  on  their 
march. 

May  8th.  The  County  Lieut,  of  Prince  William,  Colonel 
Henry  Lee,  arrived.  This  day  we  began  to  experience  in  a 
surprising  degree  the  superlative  insolence  of  the  Prince 
William  Detachment  who  made  use  of  every  means  to  treat 
not  only  the  private  soldiers,  but  the  officers  of  the  Virginia 
Regiment  ill,  and  upon  one  of  them  being  seized  and  ordered 
to  the  guard  House,  for  abusing  in  the  most  insolent  man 
ner  the  officer  [  *  *  ]  one  of  their  officers  called  for  a 
number  of  Men  to  rescue  him  and  pulled  down  the  house, 
swore  the  officers  of  the  Virginia  Regiment  were  all  scoun 
drels  and  that  he  could  drive  the  whole  corps  before  him. 
The  fright  that  he  received  from  one  of  them  and  his 
acknowledgments  next  morning  sufficiently  allowed  for  his 
imprudence.  In  the  evening  of  this  day  Captain  Dalton, 
with  not  only  his  Volunteers,  but  Captain  Russel  and  his, 
with  the  remaining  few  of  the  Militia,  came  to  town.  Upon 
enquiring  the  reason  of  this  I  was  answered  that  Captain 
Russel  and  his  volunteers  had  got  tired  and  must  needs  go 


27 2  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


home,  and  that  the  Militia,  which  were  only  13,  were  too 
small  to  post  at  any  pass  as  I  had  ordered,  as  indeed  they 
were. 

May  Qth.  Captains  Dalton,  Russel,  with  the  Volunteers 
and  Militia,  set  out  on  their  return  homewards ;  so  that 
there  only  remains  of  the  Fairfax  militia  those  who  went 
on  to  the  Branch.  4  o'clock  this  evening  I  had  an  express 
from  Colonel  Slaughter,  informing  me  that  he  was  then  as 
far  as  Perkins's  with  about  200  of  the  Culpeper  militia,  upon 
which  I  ordered  him  to  remain  there,  as  the  town  had  more 
already  in  it  than  they  could  lodge,  and  many  quarrelsome 
fellows  amongst  them.  He  also  informed  me  that  they  had 
not  above  50  firelocks  in  the  whole. 

May  loth.  He  came  into  Town  and  informed  me  that 
beside  himself  there  were  —  Officers  whereof  —  were  field 
Officers  and  -  -  private  Men  ;  and  that  by  a  late  sup 
ply  his  number  of  Arms  were  now  about  80.  Colonel  Bailor 
with  4  Field  Officers,  4  captains,  8  subalterns,  8  corporals 
&  8  sergeants  and  170  privates  arrived  at  this  place  from 
Caroline  County. 

May  nth.  Colonel  Spotswood  from  Spotsylvania,  with 
3  Field  Officers,  5  captains,  10  subalterns,  and  130  private 
Men,  arrived  here  and  encamped  in  Colonel  Wood's  meadow. 
Colonel  Henry  Fitzhugh,  with  2  captains,  4  subalterns,  I 
dark,  4  sergeants  and  102  privates,  also  came  to  Town,  as 
did  9  of  the  King  George  Deserters.  The  Prince  William 
Militia  were  ordered  to  march  to-morrow  under  the  Com 
mand  of  a  captain  and  4  subalterns  to  strengthen  the  Forts 
on  Patterson's  Creek,  with  a  superintendent  and  20  men, 
and  to  build  another  at  the  mouth  of  Little  Cocapenon,1  but 
Colonel  Henry  Peyton  who  had  received  a  special  commis 
sion  from  his  Honour,  the  Governor,  insisted  upon  going  out 
to  command  them.  I  expostulated  with  him  on  the  ab 
surdity  of  it:  and  represented  the  unnecessary  charge  it 

1  Probably  Cacapehon. 


1756]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  273 

would  run  the  country  to,  employing  of  supernumerary 
officers,  but  nothing  would  put  aside  his  intentions.  He 
said  his  only  motive  in  going  was  to  serve  his  country  and 
that  he  expected  no  reward  or  gratuity  for  his  trouble ;  and 
that  unless  he  went,  he  was  sure  the  men  would  desert. 
Present,  Colonel  Lee,  Captain  Mercer  and  Mr.  Kirkpatrick. 

May  1 2th  was  the  first  time  I  could  get  a  return  of  the 
number  of  Carpenter's  that  were  among  the  militia.  In  the 
Evening  about  5  o'clock,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Peyton  with 
the  Prince  William  Detachment,  marched,  consisting  of  him 
self,  i  captain,  4  subalterns  &  96  privates,  as  per  return. 
See  his  orders  at  large  in  my  orderly  book. 

This  day  also  the  King  George  Militia  had  orders  to  march 
to  Mendenhalls  Fort  to  protect  the  inhabitants  under  those 
Mountains.  The  Officers  and  Soldiers  of  the  Militia  begin 
to  discover  great  uneasiness  at  their  stay  and  want  much  to 
return,  thinking  they  have  performed  a  sufficient  tour  of 
duty  by  marching  to  Winchester. 

May  1 3th.  An  express  came  from  Colonel  Peyton  inform 
ing  that  a  Sergeant  and  14  men  deserted  last  night  from  him 
at  Paris's  Fort,  and  desiring  Reinforcement.  I  was  obliged 
to  countermand  the  Orders  to  the  King  George  Militia  and 
to  send  them  to  join  him  with  orders  to  remain  in  Ashby's 
Fort,  and  they  accordingly  marched  29  in  number  under 
Lieutenant  Nugent.  The  rest  were  sick  &  deserted,  and 
this  night  4  out  of  the  29  also  marched  off.  Many  com 
plaints  from  the  officers  of  Militia  about  the  insufficiency  of 
the  allowance  of  Provisions  for  the  men  (tho'  they  have 
one  pound  of  meat  and  the  same  quantity  of  flour  per  day, 
which  is  the  same  that  the  soldiers  have)  obliged  me  to  order 
the  Commissary  to  deliver  the  officer's  allowance  to  the 
private  men  in  order  to  appease  their  clamours.  This  I  did 
to  prevent  increasing  the  allowance  and  setting  bad  ex 
amples.  But  this  proving  insufficient  also,  I  was  obliged  to 
order  the  allowance  to  be  increased  to  i£  of  Flour  and  as 
much  flesh  per  Day. 


274  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

May  I4th.  The  Orange  Militia  under  Colonel  Talliaferro 
consisting  of  2  Field  officers,  4  Captains,  4  subalterns  and 
100  private  men,  came  to  town,  as  did  Colonel  Barrat  with 
130  men  from  Louisa.  In  the  Evening  of  this  day  I  sum 
moned  all  the  Field  officers  to  meet,  that  we  might  advise 
and  consult  on  proper  expedients  to  be  taken  with  the 
militia.  See  a  copy  of  the  proceedings  in  my  orderly  Book. 
In  consequence  of  these  resolves  and  advise  from  Colonel 
Martin  &  Mr.  Commissary  Walker,  knowing  the  situation 
of  our  frontiers,  I  ordered  the  Commanding  Officers  of  each 
Militia  to  furnish  the  following  number  of  men,  which  was 
proportioned  equally  among  those  that  were  here,  and  ap 
pointed  them  to  remain  as  below  : 

Fd.  Off.  Capt.       L.         E.         I.     Men. 
At      Mendenhals       Fort 

Lieut.  Thomo.  with     .  27  from  Orange  County. 

At  the  Mouth  of  Sleepy 

Creek I         I         o         3       50  from  Caroline. 

At  the    Mouth  of    Little 

Cocp i         i         3         i         4       90  P.  William. 


At  Ashby's  Fort     . 

Also  at  do 

At  Cock's  Fort ....  I 

At  Pearsals  .  i 


2  25  from  K.  George. 

2  35  from  Spo. 

i         2  45  from  Fairfax. 

i         2  45  from      do. 


o         2       30  Stafford, 

o         2       50  Culpeper. 


At  Harness's  Fort 
At  Waggener's  uppr.   F.  i 

At  Enochs's       ....  i         o         2       35  Louisa. 

At  Winchester  to  work  on  the  Fort  and  to  be  ready  in  cases  of  Emergency  75 > 
exclusive  of  the  above  and  taken  from  all  the  sevl.  Countys. 


Fairfax  and  Prince  William  have  furnished  a  larger  num 
ber  of  men  than  the  other  Countys  because  they  arrived 
with  those  Number's  and  were  ordered  on  to  assist  and 
relieve  the  Inhabitants  on  the  Branch,  and  [?]  it  would 
have  run  the  Country  to  considerable  additional  Expense  to 
relieve  them  now,  and  to  no  very  great  purpose  as  we  soon 
expected  to  receive  the  draughts. 

May  1 5th.  The  Council  being  finished  the  aforesaid 
number  of  Men  were  ordered  to  be  draughted,  and  the  re- 


1756]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  275 


mainder  to  receive  provision  to  carry  them  back  and  to  be 
discharged.  The  said  several  draughts  were  ordered  to 
get  ready  to  march  in  the  morning  to  their  respective 
Posts. 

May  i6th.  The  commanding  officers  of  each  Militia 
(Culpeper  excepted)  reported  that  several  of  their  Men  had 
deserted  ;  upon  which  I  sent  out  to  see  if  they  could  be 
taken.  The  commissary  also  reported  that  he  had  been 
trying  and  could  not  procure  a  Wagon  to  transport  the 
necessary  stock  of  Provisions  and  ammunition  with  them 
and  was  therefore  obliged  to  postpone  their  March  one 
day  longer.  By  this  time  I  had  engaged  70  Carpenters 
from  the  militia  to  work  at  6d.  extra  pay  on  the  Fort, 
and  also  had  their  own  officers  to  overlook  and  manage 
them. 

May  I /th.  Some  time  last  night  an  express  from  the 
Branch  arrived  with  letters  from  Ashby's  Fort  and  Pearsall's 
Fort  informing  that  a  considerable  body  of  Indians  were 
about  again  and  had  taken  a  prisoner.  Upon  this  all  the 
Militia  of  Louisa  and  Stafford,  save  6  of  the  first  and  8  of 
the  latter  deserted,  and  the  Caroline  Detachment  being 
reduced  to  40  Rank  &  file,  the  Spotsylvania  to  22  and  the 
Orange  being  lessened  also,  was  obliged  to  add  the  6  Louisa 
men  to  the  Carpenters  till  the  return  of  their  officers,  who 
I  immediately  sent  in  pursuit  of  them  ;  the  8  Stafford  men 
to  those  of  Spotsylvania,  &  to  alter  the  disposition  that 
was  first  made  to  the  one  following  viz — 

F'd  Off.  C.  L.  E.       I.  P.M. 

At  Mendenhals O        I  I  o        2  40  fm.   Caroline. 

At  Ashby's  Fort 2                o  36  fm.  Sp.  &  K.  G. 

At  Pearsals I        I  3  I        4  90  fm.  P.  W. 

At  Kirkendals II                  I  45  fm.  Fx. 

At  Harness's  Fort I  o        2  25          Orange. 

At  Wagr.  upper  Fort     ....  I  I                 251          Culpr. 

To  be  advd.  by  C.  Wr.  &  Cl.  Van  I  I  I        2  45           Fx. 

The  reason  for  this  disposition,  to  guard  the  Inhabitants 
that  still  remained,  to  secure  their  grain  and  stock,  to  help 


276  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


in  with  their  harvest  and  to  be  contiguous  to  the  people 
and  to  each  other  that  they  might  unite  occasionally  and 
go  in  quest  of  the  Enemy.  Besides  the  Militia  officers  that 
were  sent  after  their  deserters,  I  ordered  out  one  from  the 
Regiment  with  a  party  of  8  or  10  Men  mounted,  to  go  in 
pursuit  of  them.  Our  strength  being  so  much  reduced  by 
the  number  of  Deserters  that  had  gone  off  that  upon  the 
return  of  Ashby's  [?]  I  immediately  dispatched  an  express 
to  Colonels  Barrat,  Talliaferro  and  Slaughter,  who  were  the 
last  that  had  left  this  place,  ordering  them  to  return  with 
their  Men.  In  the  Evening  the  Colonels  Barrat  &  Talliaferro 
returned  without  any  men,  informed  me  that  many  of  them 
had  taken  different  roads  homewards  and  that  those  who 
were  with  Colonel  Talliaferro  upon  hearing  that  they  were 
ordered  back  charged  their  pieces  and  continued  their  march 
towards  their  County  in  defiance  of  the  officers. 

May  1 8th.  Last  night  Mr.  Bullet,  the  officer  who  I  had 
sent  out,  returned  with  14  of  the  deserters,  who  to  avoid 
punishment  enlisted  in  the  Virginia  regiment. 

iQth.  The  Express  returned  from  Colonel  Slaughter 
who  also  informed  that  his  men  were  dispersed,  but  if 
they  could  be  gathered  again  he  would  return  on  Thurs 
day. 

May  2Oth.  About  9  o'clock  this  night  an  Express  came 
to  me  from  Colonel  Slaughter,  who  informed  me  that  he 
had  met  at  the  place  appointed  for  the  Rendezvous  of  his 
Militia  but  that  only  8  or  9  appeared,  desired  to  know  if  he 
should  farther  rendezvous  to  collect.  He  believed  it  might 
be  done  so  soon  as  they  recovered  a  little  from  the  fatigue 
of  their  march.  I  wrote  him  by  this  Express  &  desired 
him,  as  I  had  heard  nothing  of  the  Enemy  since,  to  post 
pone  bringing  up  any  Men  till  they  were  drafted,  which  I 
recommended  to  him  to  be  done  with  the  greatest  expedi 
tion  ;  also,  if  it  would  not  be  contrary  to  the  governor's 
orders  to  him,  to  march  his  Men  so  soon  as  drafted  to  this 
place,  as  it  would  save  much  time  and  expence. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  277 

TO    GOVERNOR  DINWIDDIE. 

WINCHESTER,  3  May,  1756. 

HONBLE.   SIR, 

I  received  your  two  letters  of  the  23d  and  26th 
ultimo. 

I  have  sent  down  an  Indian  scalp,  which  was  taken 
off  at  the  place  where  Captain  Mercer  had  his  en 
gagement.  He  was  found  thrust  under  some  rocks, 
and  stones  piled  up  against  them.  They  have  reason 
to  believe  there  were  more  killed,  from  the  quantity 
of  blood  found  on  the  ground  where  the  Indians  fired 
from,  and  from  other  discoveries  of  their  attempts  to 
make  more  graves.  But  a  hard  shower  of  rain  pre 
vented  their  making  a  farther  search. 

We  have  some  reason  to  believe,  the  Indians  are 
returned  to  Fort  Duquesne,  as  some  scouts  from  Fort 
Cumberland  saw  their  tracks  that  way  ;  and  many 
corroborating  accounts  affirm,  that  the  roads  over  the 
Allegany  Mountains  are  as  much  beaten,  as  they 
were  last  year  by  General  Braddock's  army.  From 
these  and  other  circumstances  we  may  judge  their 
numbers  were  considerable.  Whether  they  are  gone 
for  the  season,  or  only  to  bring  in  a  larger  party,  I 
am  at  a  loss  to  determine. 

For  which  reason,  and  from  the  scarcity  of  pro 
visions  on  this  side  Fort  Cumberland,  I  must  beg 
leave  humbly  to  offer  it  to  your  Honor's  superior  judg 
ment,  if  it  would  not  be  advisable  to  stop  all  the  mili 
tia,  that  are  ordered  from  the  ten  counties,  save  about 
five  or  six  hundred  from  the  adjacent  ones  ?  which 
will  serve  to  cover  our  frontiers  on  this  quarter, 


278  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

(which  is  the  only  part  that  ever  will  or  can  be  much 
exposed,)  until  the  regiment  is  completed  by  drafts, 
and  until  they  can  erect  fortresses,  if  the  country  in 
tend  a  chain  of  forts  for  their  defence.  Drafts,  if 
they  are  judiciously  chosen,  will  be  of  infinitely  more 
service,  and  much  less  expense  to  the  country,  and 
can  be  immediately  put  to  their  posts. 

I  am  convinced,  that,  if  your  Honor  has  a  mind  to 
stop  any  part  of  the  militia,  you  will  have  full  time, 
notwithstanding  they  are  ordered  to  rendezvous 
at  this  place  on  the  loth  instant.  I  never  knew 
any  yet  to  appear  in  ten  days  after  they  were  ex 
pected  ;  and  I  am  also  apprehensive,  that  having  so 
many  of  the  militia  out  will  be  the  means  of  retarding 
the  drafts,  which,  above  all  things,  I  wish  to  see. 

Though  I  have  often  troubled  you  on  this  head,  I 
must  again  beg  leave  to  desire  your  particular  in 
structions  and  information,  of  what  is  to  be  done,  as, 
being  in  a  state  of  uncertainty,  without  knowing  the 
plan  of  operations,  or  what  scheme  to  go  upon,  re 
duces  me  to  the  greatest  straits,  and  leaves  me  to  guess 
at  every  thing.  Orders,  that  are  absolutely  neces 
sary  to  be  despatched  to  the  officers  one  day,  appear 
the  next  as  necessary  to  be  contradicted  ;  so  that  I 
really  cannot  tell  how  to  act  for  the  good  of  the  ser 
vice;  or  satisfaction  of  any  individual.  Was  the 
regiment  complete,  and  things  put  on  a  proper  foot 
ing,  the  whole  would  go  on  smoothly  and  regularly, 
which  is  now  rendered  impossible.  So  much  am  I 
kept  in  the  dark,  that  I  do  not  know  whether  to  pre 
pare  for  the  offensive  or  defensive  ;  and  what  might  be 


1756]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  279 

absolutely  necessary  in  the  one,  would  be  quite  use 
less  in  the  other. 

Great  inconveniences  arise  from  our  being  so  dis 
persed  through  the  country.  The  men  cannot  be  reg 
ularly  paid  or  supplied.  If  every  company  had  its 
proper  post  assigned,  pay  might  be  sent  to  them,  and 
necessaries  always  provided  in  due  season.  We  could 
also  have  the  same  advantages  were  we  collected  in 
one  place.  But  there  are  so  many  detachments  out, 
one  officer  may  command  men  of  every  company  of 
the  regiment,  and  if  necessaries  are  sent  them  he  is 
removed  from  his  command,  and  those  things  can 
not  be  stopped  out  of  their  pay.  So  by  this  method 
the  country  loses  money,  the  men  are  badly  supplied, 
and  always  discontented. 

I  find  the  act  of  Assembly  against  mutiny  and 
desertion  quite  insufficient,  except  in  those  two  par 
ticular  crimes.  There  is  no  notice,  nor  can  a  court- 
martial  be  held,  by  virtue  of  this  act  against  any  officer 
or  soldier  who  is  charged  with  cowardice,  holding 
correspondence  with  the  enemy,  quitting  or  sleeping 
upon  a  post,  nay,  many  other  crimes,  which  are  pro 
vided  against  in  the  articles  of  war.  I  think,  at  this 
time,  it  would  be  for  the  good  of  the  service  to  make 
an  act  to  enforce  the  articles  of  war  in  general,  except 
two  or  three  particular  ones,  such  as  impressing 
wagons,  &c.  They  are  in  force  in  our  mother  coun 
try.  They  think  them  the  best  calculated  for  keep 
ing  soldiers  under  discipline ;  and  none  of  them 
would  prove  burthensome,  or  inconvenient,  either 
to  the  public  or  any  individual,  and  I  cannot,  nor 


28o  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

I  imagine  few  others  can  assign  any  reason,  why  we 
should  pretend  to  quit  that  which  by  long  experience 
has  been  found  the  best,  to  introduce  one  quite 
insufficient. 

There  are  now  in  town  about  one  hundred  and 
fifty  of  the  Fairfax  militia.  Three  hundred  are 
expected  from  Prince  William.  With  the  soldiers 
and  militia  now  here,  I  intend  to  go  out  and  scour 
the  woods  hereabouts  for  three  or  four  days  until 
the  others  arrive. 

I  want  very  much  to  go  to  Fort  Cumberland  to 
regulate  affairs  there,  but  fear  I  cannot  spare  time,  as 
my  presence  will  be  very  necessary  here. 

Clothes  for  the  men  are  very  much  wanted.  There 
are  none  in  store,  and  some  men,  who  have  been  en 
listed  these  two  months,  to  whom  we  could  give  noth 
ing  but  a  blanket,  shoes,  and  shirt,  are  justly  dissatis 
fied  at  having  two  pence  per  day  stopped  from  them.1 
Provision  here  is  scarce,  and  the  commissary  much 
wanted  to  lay  in  more.  I  have  been,  and  still  am, 
obliged  to  do  this  duty,  as  well  as  most  others,  which 
I  would  take  upon  me,  rather  than  let  any  thing 
be  wanting  for  the  good  of  the  country,  which  I 
could  do. 

I  enclose  your  Honor  the  sentence  of  a  general 

1  The  soldiers  were  paid  eight  pence  a  day.  Out  of  this  amount  two  pence 
a  day  were  reserved  for  supplying  them  with  clothes.  The  system  of  stoppages 
may  be  best  illustrated  by  the  orders  that  Washington  gave  to  the  paymaster 
in  November,  1775  :  two  pence  per  month  was  to  be  deducted  from  "  each  non 
commissioned  officer  and  soldier  for  purchasing  medicines.  This  is  to  be  paid 
to  the  surgeon  quarterly.  There  is  also  six-pence  per  month  to  be  stopped  from 
the  drummers,  to  be  paid  to  the  Drum  major  for  teaching  them  and  repairing 
the  drums.  ...  If  any  non-commissioned  officer  or  soldier  should  happen 
to  die,  he  is  to  be  continued  on  the  pay-roll  as  an  effective  man  for  twenty  eight 
days,  to  pay  for  his  coffin,  &c." 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  281 


court-martial,  which  was  held  here  upon  a  sergeant 
for  running  away  with  his  party.1  They  have,  I  think, 
very  justly  adjudged  him  to  suffer  death,  which  sen 
tence  I  hope  you  will  approve  of  as  there  never  was  a 
fitter  object  to  make  an  example  of,  being  the  second 
time  he  has  been  guilty  of  the  same  crime,  nor  a  bet 
ter  time,  as  the  newly  drafted  recruits  for  the  regi 
ment  may  be  here  by  that  time  to  see  it  executed, 
and  it  will  be  a  good  warning  to  them. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

WINCHESTER,  23  May,  1756. 

SIR, 

The  method  I  shall  use  to  inform  your  Honour 
of  the  proceedings  of  the  militia,  is  to  enclose  a  tran 
script  of  my  journal  that  relates  to  that  affair,  and  to 
send  a  copy  of  a  council  of  war  held  here  by  the  field- 
officers  of  these  counties,  you  were  pleased  to  order 
to  our  assistance.2  These  I  hope  will  be  sufficient  to 
discover  the  springs  that  actuated  my  conduct. 

1  Nathan  Lewis,  who  had  shown  his  cowardice  in  the  affair  at  Edwards'  Fort 
in  which  John  Mercer  was  killed. 

-  The  militia,  who  had  assembled  at  Winchester  upon  the  recent  alarm,  had 
given  the  commander  infinite  trouble  and  anxiety.  On  this  subject  Colonel 
William  Fairfax  wrote  to  him  ; — 

"  I  am  sensible,  that  such  a  medley  of  undisciplined  militia  must  create  you 
various  troubles,  but,  having  Caesar's  Commentaries,  and  perhaps  Quintus  Cur- 
tius,  you  have  therein  read  of  greater  fatigues,  murmurings,  mutinies,  and  defec 
tions,  than  will  probably  come  to  your  share  ;  though,  if  any  of  those  casualties 
should  interrupt  your  quiet,  I  doubt  not  you  would  bear  them  with  a  magna 
nimity  equal  to  that  of  any  of  the  heroes  of  those  times. 

' '  The  Council  and  Burgesses  are  mostly  your  friends  ;  so  that  if  you  have  not 
always  particular  instructions  from  the  Governor,  which  you  think  necessary 
and  desire,  the  omission,  or  neglect,  may  proceed  from  the  confidence  enter 
tained  in  your  ability  and  discretion  to  do  what  is  fit  and  praiseworthy." 


282  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


The  spirit  of  desertion  was  so  remarkable  in  the 
militia,  that  it  had  a  surprising  effect  upon  the  regi 
ment,  and  encouraged  many  of  the  soldiers  to  desert : 
but  as  I  never  had  failed  in  sending  officers  on  differ 
ent  roads  upon  the  first  reports,  so  neither  did  I  neg 
lect  it  now,  and  luckily  caught  two,  who  being  brought 
to  trial,  were  both  convicted,  as  your  Honor  will  see 
by  the  court's  proceedings.  James  Thomas,  one  of 
them,  was  among  the  first  of  my  followers,  and  al 
ways  behaved  himself  with  the  greatest  sobriety, 
honesty  and  diligence,  so  far  as  I  have  ever  seen 
or  heard.  And  I  imagine  if  he  did  not  lose  the 
money,  as  he  says  in  his  defence,  he  might  be  pre 
vailed  upon  to  spend  a  part  in  liquor,  and  then 
was  afraid  to  meet  his  officer  with  the  rest. 

The  other  criminal,  Henry  Campbell,  is  a  most 
atrocious  criminal,  and  richly  deserves  an  ignomin 
ious  death  for  a  former  as  well  as  the  present  offence. 
He  was  once  a  sergeant  and  entrusted  with  some 
goods  from  Alexandria,  part  of  which  he  embezzled, 
and,  because  it  could  not  be  absolutely  proved,  was 
only  reduced.  After  that  (in  December  last,)  he 
deserted,  and  carried  several  men  with  him  ;  and, 
upon  the  most  solemn  promises  of  good  behaviour, 
was  pardoned,  but  for  this  only  reason — we  had  no 
power  to  hold  general  courts  martial.  And  now  he 
was  instrumental  in  carrying  off  seven  others,  two 
only  of  whom  were  taken.  For  these  reasons  I  hope 
your  Honor  will  think  him  as  worthy  an  example 
against  desertion,  as  Lewis  against  cowardice,  whose 
execution  I  have  delayed  until  the  arrival  of  the 


1756]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  283 


drafts.  These  examples  and  proper  encouragement 
for  good  behaviour  will  I  hope,  bring  the  soldiers 
under  proper  discipline. 

I  found  it  absolutely  impossible  to  go  to  Fort  Cum 
berland  at  this  time,  without  letting  matters  of  greater 
importance  suffer  in  my  absence  here  ;  such  a  multi 
plicity  of  different  kinds  of  business  am  I  at  present 
engaged  in.  Governor  Innes  is  gone  up,  who,  I  hoper 
will  assist  with  his  advice  in  settling  things  to  rights, 
if  any  irregularities  have  been  practised  contrary  to 
the  custom  of  the  army  ;  but  I  cannot  find  by  any 
inquiries  that  I  have  been  able  to  make,  that  there 
have  been. 

I  have  ordered  a  sufficiency  of  officers  to  be  left  at 
Fort  Cumberland,  and  the  rest  to  repair  to  this  place, 
in  order  to  proceed  to  Fredericksburg,  agreeably 
to  your  Honor's  commands.  And  as  soon  as  the 
gentlemen  Associators  arrive  here,  I  shall  take  that 
place  in  my  way  to  Williamsburg,  to  settle  my 
accounts,  and  receive  more  money,  which  is  already 
scarce  with  me.  I  am  heartily  glad,  your  Honor  has 
fixed  upon  those  gentlemen  to  point  out  the  place  for 
erecting  of  forts,  but  am  sorry  to  find  their  motions 
so  slow.1  The  summer  season  will  be  so  far  advanced, 

1  This  company  appears  to  have  originated  among  the  lawyers  and  the  associ 
ation  was  entered  into  on  May  30.  On  the  8th  the  governor  wrote  that  "  these 
gentlemen  will  march  from  north  to  south,  with  your  advice,  to  propose  the 
proper  places  to  erect  these  forts."  They  then  numbered  about  one  hundred 
men  with  the  attorney  general,  Peyton  Randolph,  at  their  head.  Being  volun 
teers,  serving  at  their  own  cost,  the  Governor  gave  them  no  orders.  They 
marched  towards  Winchester,  but  the  alarm  subsided  before  they  had  an  oppor 
tunity  of  putting  their  martial  spirit  to  the  test. 

Mr.  Robinson,  the  speaker,  after  giving  notice  to  Colonel  Washington  of  the 


284  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

that,  if  we  meet  with  opposition  in  conducting  the 
work,  the  difficulties  and  delays  that  must  attend  the 
execution  cannot  be  described. 

It  gave  me  infinite  concern  to  find  the  Assembly 
had  levied  their  troops  until  December  only.  By  the 
time  they  shall  have  entered  into  the  service,  they 
will  claim  a  discharge.  To  get  the  least  smattering 
of  the  duty  they  cannot,  and  we  find  by  experience, 
that  our  poor  and  ragged  soldiers  would  kill  the 
most  likely  militia  in  five  days'  marching,  so  little  are 
the  latter  acquainted  with  fatigue.  Men  would  al 
most  as  soon  have  entered  the  service  for  seventeen 
months,  as  for  seven,  and  in  that  time  I  am  convinced 
we  could  have  enlisted  them  all  upon  our  own  terms. 
As  it  is,  some  perhaps  may  be  got.  Pray  does  your 
Honor  approve  that  they  should.  One  of  those  would 
be  of  more  worth  than  two  of  the  others. 


organization  of  this  company  of  gentlemen  volunteers,  added  : — "  The  Council 
and  House  of  Burgesses  have  agreed  on  a  representation  to  his  Majesty,  in 
which  you  and  the  other  officers  are  recommended  to  his  Majesty's  favor.  Our 
hopes,  dear  George,  are  all  fixed  on  you  for  bringing  our  affairs  to  a  happy 
issue."  The  Governor  wrote  as  follows  to  Major-General  Abercrombie,  May 
28th: 

"  As  we  are  told  the  Earl  of  Loudoun  is  to  raise  three  regiments  on  this  con 
tinent,  on  the  British  establishment,  I  dearn't  venture  to  trouble  him  immedi 
ately  on  his  arrival  with  any  recommendations  ;  but,  good  Sir,  give  me  leave  to 
pray  your  interest  with  his  Lordship  in  favor  of  Colonel  George  Washington, 
who,  I  will  venture  to  say,  is  a  very  deserving  gentleman,  and  has  from  the 
beginning  commanded  the  forces  of  this  dominion.  General  Braddock  had  so 
high  an  esteem  for  his  merit,  that  he  made  him  one  of  his  aid-de-camps,  and,  if 
he  had  survived,  I  believe  he  would  have  provided  handsomely  for  him  in  the 
regulars.  He  is  a  person  much  beloved  here,  and  he  has  gone  through  many 
hardships  in  the  service,  and  I  really  think  he  has  great  merit,  and  believe  he 
can  raise  more  men  here,  than  any  one  present  that  I  know.  If  his  Lordship 
will  be  so  kind  as  to  promote  him  in  the  British  establishment,  I  think  he  will 
answer  my  recommendation." 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  285 


Your  Honor  in  a  letter  of  the  -  -  ult.  approved 
the  scheme  I  sent  down  for  forming  the  regiment  into 
two  battalions  of  twenty  companies,  (giving  the  field- 
officers  each  one,)  but  never  gave  any  directions  con 
cerning  the  appointment.  Nor  do  I  think  there  can 
be  any  plan  judiciously  concerted,  until  we  know 
what  number  of  forts  are  to  be  built  upon  our  fron 
tiers,  as  the  number  of  our  companies  must  in  a  great 
measure  depend  upon  the  divisions  of  the  regiment. 
As  the  case  now  stands,  there  are  several  vacancies 
in  the  regiment,  and  I  have  but  one  blank  commis 
sion.  Though,  if  I  had,  I  should  not  think  it  pru 
dent  to  fill  up  more,  until  matters  are  a  little  better 
regulated. 

At  this  place  I  have  begun  the  fort  according  to 
your  orders,  and  found,  as  little  of  the  matter  as  I 
know  myself,  that  the  work  would  not  be  conducted, 
if  I  was  away,  which  was  one  among  many  reasons, 
that  detained  me  here.1  I  have  also  ordered  Captain 
Stewart,  who  commands  at  Conococheague,  to  fortify 
that  place  as  well  as  he  can,  with  the  tools  he  can  pro 
cure,  and  shall  endeavour  in  all  things,  so  far  as  I  am 
capable,  to  act  for  the  best. 

Mr.  Dick,  (who  is  just  returned  from  the  north 
ward,)  says,  there  are  orders  for  drawing  out  all  the 
ammunition  and  other  stores  that  belong  to  the  train 
at  Fort  Cumberland,  and  to  send  them  immediately 
round  to  New  York.  I  have  thought  it  expedient  to 
give  your  Honor  the  earliest  advice  that  you  may 
order  accordingly  ;  for  should  this  be  done,  it  will 

1  This  fort,  built  at  Winchester,  was  called  Fort  Loudoun. 


286  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

leave  that  place  entirely  defenceless,  and  stop  the 
source  that  can  supply  us  otherwise.  I  have  given 
Colonel  Stephen  previous  notice  of  it,  and  have  de 
sired  he  will  work  on  the  conductor  of  the  train,  (in 
whose  care  it  is  left,)  to  have  the  forts  of  Ashby, 
Cockes  &c.,  plentifully  furnished,  before  such  an  order 
arrives.1  I  am,  &c. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

WINCHESTER,  25  June,  1756. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

I  doubt  not  but  your  Honor  will  be  as  much  sur 
prised,  as  I  have  been  concerned  and  vexed,  at  my 
stay  here. 

When  I  left  Williamsburg,  I  did  it  with  a  design 
to  proceed  with  the  utmost  expedition  to  Fort  Cum 
berland.  In  order  thereto  I  arrived  at  Fredericks- 
burg  to  dinner,  the  day  after  I  left  your  Honor,  at 
one  o'clock,  and  gave  the  officer,  posted  at  that  place, 
a  list  of  such  tools  as  were  wanted  to  build  the  chain 
of  forts,  and  ordered  they  might  be  sent  by  a  wagon, 
pressed  for  that  purpose,  immediately  to  Winchester, 

"  The  Assembly  have  resolved  that  their  troops  shall  not  march  out  of  the 
colony.  Whether  this  is  binding  on  the  whole,  or  only  the  drafts,  I  know  not, 
and  therefore  I  would  not  advise  your  going  into  Maryland,  unless  it  be  to  pro 
cure  some  manifest  advantage  to  Virginia,  in  keeping  the  enemy  out  of  it,  &c. 
To  range  for  and  search  them  in  another  province  I  cannot  think  consistent 
with  the  intention  of  the  Assembly.  Nor  is  it  the  design  of  the  Assembly  or 
Governor,  as  the  men  are  raised  solely  for  the  defence  of  the  Colony,  and  not 
acting  in  conjunction  with  other  corps,  that  Governor  Sharpe,  or  his  officers, 
shou'd  have  any  connection  with  them.  You  are  therefore  to  pay  no  regard  to 
any  orders  that  you  may  receive  from  him,  or  any  other  than  the  governor  of 
Virginia,  myself,  or  your  superior  officers  in  the  Virginia  Regiment." — To 
Captain  Robert  Stewart,  2  June,  1756. 


1756]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  287 


to  which  place  I  repaired  to  get  every  thing  in  readi 
ness,  and  wait  their  coming  to  escort  them  to  Fort 
Cumberland. 

After  I  had  been  here  two  or  three  days  I  received 
a  letter  enclosing  a  list  of  the  tools  from  the  officer, 
who  informed  me  that  he  had,  according  to  order, 
despatched  them  in  a  wagon,  hired  for  that  purpose  ; 
for  which  wagon  I  have  been  waiting  with  the  greatest 
impatience  and  uneasiness  imaginable.  How  to  ac 
count  for  this  delay  I  am  quite  at  a  loss  (as  I  am 
certain  they  were  sent)  unless  the  wagoner  has  lost 
his  horses  or  run  off  with  the  wagon  and  contents. 

I  thought  it  needless  to  proceed  without  them,  as 
nothing  can  be  done  for  want  of  tools.  I  have  sent 
two  or  three  expresses  to  hurry  them  on,  and  shall 
make  no  delay  when  they  arrive.  I  intend  to  take 
the  advice  of  a  council  of  war,  (when  I  arrive  at  Fort 
Cumberland,)  about  the  line  on  which  these  forts  are 
to  be  erected,  &c.  and  shall  visit  all  the  ground  that 
I  conveniently  can,  and  direct  the  building. 

It  is  a  work,  that  must  be  conducted  tedious  for 
these  reasons,  vizt.,  the  scarcity  of  tools,  smallness  of 
our  numbers,  and  want  of  conductors.  The  strength  of 
our  forces  will  not  admit  of  many  divisions,  because, 
in  that  case,  each  party  may  probably  be  demolished. 
We  can,  therefore,  only  attempt,  with  such  men  as 
can  be  drawn  out  of  the  garrisons  already  established, 
to  build  fort  after  fort,  and  not,  by  attempting 
too  many  at  a  time,  thereby  run  the  risk  of  having 
the  whole  demolished.  To  go  on  in  the  manner 
above  mentioned  must  be  extremely  tedious,  unless 


288  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [I756 


your  Honor  will  be  pleased  to  put  the  militia  that  are 
upon  our  southern  frontiers  under  the  command  of 
Captain  Hog,  and  order  them  to  begin  on  the  Mayo 
River,  and  proceed  in  their  building  until  they  meet 
our  parties,  who  will  advance  to  the  southward.  I 
can  point  out  no  other  method  at  present  to  expedite 
this  necessary  work.  If  your  Honor  approve  this 
scheme,  and  will  let  me  know  by  express,  I  shall 
despatch  another  to  Captain  Hog,  to  inform  him 
thereof,  and  shall  enclose  him  such  a  plan,  as  the 
whole  will  be  directed  by.  Your  Honor's  orders  to 
the  militia,  and  indeed  to  the  inhabitants  of  those 
parts,  to  assist  with  their  advice  in  fixing  upon  the 
places,  and  with  their  labor  in  forwarding  the  work, 
must  be  absolutely  necessary. 

Your  Honor  never  gave  me  a  decisive  answer  to  a 
question  I  asked,  about  giving  the  field-officers  com 
panies.  For  which  reason  I  have  presumed  to  re 
peat  it  again,  because  there  are  two  companies  now 
vacant,  by  the  death  of  Captain  John  Mercer,  and 
the  resignation  of  Captain  Savage,  and  should  either 
be  given  to  the  field-officers,  or  oldest  lieutenants. 
There  is  no  advantage  can  possibly  arise  to  the  field- 
officers  by  having  companies,  (but  trouble  there 
certainly  will)  as  they  are  allowed,  I  suppose,  the 
same  pay  now,  as  though  they  had. 

The  only  reason  that  urges  me  to  repeat  it  is 
because  I  look  upon  this  to  be  a  singular  instance  to 
the  contrary,  and  running  the  country  to  the  ad 
ditional  expense  of  three  supernumerary  captains. 

Two  hundred    and   forty-six   drafts   are   the   total 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  289 

number  brought  in,  out  of  which  number  several 
have  deserted.  Three  were  discharged,  being  quite 
unfit  for  service,  (and  indeed  several  more  ought  to 
be,  if  men  were  not  so  scarce,)  and  there  remain  now 
in  confinement  six  Quakers,  who  will  neither  bear 
arms,  work,  receive  provisions  or  pay,  or  do  any 
thing  that  tends,  in  any  respect,  to  self-defence.  I 
should  be  glad  of  your  Honor's  directions  how  to 
proceed  with  them.1  I  cannot  yet  return  to  your 
Honor  the  names  of  the  volunteers,  that  will  be 
appointed  to  the  vacancies,  but  as  soon  as  I  arrive  at 
Fort  Cumberland  shall  acquaint  you  according  to 
request. 

Governor  Sharpe  is  building  a  fort  on  Potomac 
River,  about  fifteen  miles  above  Conococheague, 
which  may  be  of  great  service  towards  the  protection 
of  our  people  on  that  side.  It  is  thought  the  fort  will 
cost  the  province  of  Maryland  near  thirty  thousand 
pounds,  before  it  is  finished.2  I  am,  &c.3 

"  If  the  six  Quakers  will  not  fight  you  must  compel  them  to  work  on  the 
forts,  to  carry  timber,  &c.  ;  if  they  will  not  do  [so]  confine  them  with  a  short 
allowance  of  bread  and  water,  till  you  bring  them  to  reason." — Dinwiddie  to 
Washington ,  June,  1756. 

-  On  the  same  day  he  wrote  the  Governor  : — "I  was  in  hope  that  by  gar 
risoning  the  forts  with  part  of  the  militia,  we  should  have  been  able  to  have 
mustered  a  greater  number  of  soldiers  to  work  upon  the  forts  that  are  to  be 
built.  But  I  am  under  the  greatest  apprehensions  that  all  who  are  now  up  will 
desert.  They  go  off  in  twenties,  and  all  threaten  to  return,  if  they  are  not 
relieved  in  a  very  short  time  or  discharged.  ...  If  they  should  go,  as  I  sup 
pose  they  will,  we  shall  again  be  much  exposed  to  all  excursions,  and  cannot 
defend  so  extensive  a  frontier."  The  Governor  replied  :  "  I  am  really  ashamed 
of  the  dastardly  pusillanimous  spirits  of  the  people  in  general  in  this  time  of 
danger,  and  we  must  depend  much  more  on  the  protection  of  Heaven  than  the 
second  means  expected  from  us  by  God." 

:i  The  Governor  and  Assembly  of  Maryland  had  come  at  last  to  a  temporary 
reconciliation  of  their  differences,  so  far  as  to  agree  in  a  bill  for  raising  forty 


29o  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

TO    CAPTAIN    WAGGENER. 

FORT  CUMBERLAND,  13  July,  1756. 

SIR, 

The  companies  of  the  Virginia  Regiment  are  com 
pleted  to  an  equal  number,  except  yours,  which, 
through  mistake  of  the  returns,  is  not.  But  as  I  ex 
pect  more  men  every  minute,  you  shall  be  immedi 
ately  completed. 

As  you  have  on  command  with  you  several  men  of 
other  companies,  the  officers  have  received  orders  to 
apply  to  you  for  them,  and  you  must  deliver  them 
up.  I  desire  you  will  send  James  Campbell,  the 
Drummer,  by  the  first  escort  that  comes  to  Win 
chester. 

From  the  great  confidence  I  repose  in  your  dili 
gence,  I  have  appointed  you  to  a  command,  on 
which  much  depends  ;  and  I  doubt  not  you  will  see 
the  work  carried  on  with  expedition.  And  I  must 
particularly  recommend  it  to  you  to  keep  up  a  strict 
command,  both  over  officers  and  men,  as  you  will  be 
answerable  for  any  delays  or  neglect  which  may  hap 
pen  for  want  of  due  discipline  ;  and  I  would  not  wish 
your  good  nature  should  occasion  you  to  overlook  a 
fault  in  an  officer,  who  may  be  your  best  friend. 

thousand  pounds  for  his  Majesty's  service.  Of  this  sum  eleven  thousand 
pounds  were  to  be  appropriated  to  building  a  fort  on  the  frontiers,  near  but 
not  beyond  the  North  Mountain  ;  and  twenty-five  thousand  for  carrying  on  any 
expedition  for  the  public  service,  in  which  the  other  colonies  might  join.  By 
the  same  act  the  Governor  was  authorized  to  raise  two  hundred  men,  to  be  em 
ployed  in  constructing  the  fort. — Acts  of  Assembly  passed  in  May,  1756. — 
McMahon's  History  of  Maryland,  vol.  i.,  p.  305. — The  fort  was  called  FORT 
FREDERIC.  It  was  a  work  of  considerable  magnitude,  situated  on  an  eminence 
about  five  hundred  yards  from  the  Potomac  River,  of  a  quadrangular  form,  and 
constructed  of  durable  materials. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  291 

As  I  am  Informed  by  the  people  who  met  me  at 
Pearsalls,  that  there  is  a  fort  now  kept  by  the  country 
people,  about  twenty  miles  from  your  upper  one,  in 
a  proper  place  ;  if,  upon  arriving  there  you  find  it 
will  do  with  a  little  alteration  or  amendment,  I 
would  have  you  take  it  in  behalf  of  the  country, 
leave  men  to  garrison  it,  and  so  proceed  on  to  the 
next  place.  When  you  arrive  there,  you  may  get 
all  the  timbers  ready,  and  by  that  time  I  shall  send 
you  a  plan  of  the  kind  of  forts  I  would  have  you 
build. 

The  people  whom  I  have  conversed  with  on  the 
subject,  seem  to  think  there  will  be  no  difficulty  in 
providing  provisions  for  the  men.  I  would  have  you 
provide  for  these  in  the  same  manner  you  have 
hitherto  done  for  your  own  company  ;  and  whatever 
orders  you  give  on  that  account  shall  be  duly  hon 
ored.  I  would  have  you  from  time  to  time  transmit 
me  an  account  of  all  occurrences. 

The  governor  has  ordered  the  militia  to  be  dis 
charged  as  soon  as  harvest  is  over,  since  they  are  so 
unwilling  to  continue  until  December ;  and  should 
you  march  on  with  all  the  men  to  building  these  forts, 
it  might  give  the  inhabitants  uneasiness,  and  raise 
complaints  to  be  left  unguarded.  I  would,  therefore, 
desire  you  to  leave  small  parties  at  proper  places  to 
keep  them  quiet  and  easy,  in  case  you  see  occasion 
for  it. 

If  you  have  occasion  for  more  ammunition,  you 
must  send  to  Fort  Cumberland  for  what  you  want. 


292  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


INSTRUCTIONS    FOR    CAPTAIN    PETER    HOG. 

SIR, 

As  the  Assembly  has  voted  a  chain  of  Forts  to  be  built  on  the 
Frontiers,  the  Governor  has  ordered  out  the  Militia  of  Augusta  to 
assist  you  in  erecting  them,  and  it  was  determined  in  a  Council  of 
War  held  at  Fort  Cumberland,  agreeable  to  the  Governor's  orders, 
that  you  should  have  the  care  of  constructing  them,  "  and  that 
you  should  receive  directions  to  Build  at  or  about  20  or  30  miles 
distance,  as  the  situation  of  the  Country  requires,  or  Ground  will 
permit,  and  to  have  particular  regard  to  the  Body  of  Inhabitants 
to  be  defended,  and  the  passes  most  frequented  by  the  Enemy, 
and  that  Capt.  Hog  begin  to  build,  observing  the  above  consid 
erations,  to  the  Southward  of  Fort  Dinwiddie,  extending  the 
Line  towards  Mayo  River  as  directed  by  the  Assembly." 

You  are,  therefore,  as  soon  as  possible,  to  proceed  to  Augusta 
Court-house  and  consult  with  the  Comanding  Officers,  and 
others  of  that  County,  and  fall  upon  the  most  expeditious 
methods  to  raise  the  Militia,  with  which  and  your  own  Com 
pany,  except  about  30  private  which  you  are  to  leave  under  the 
Command  of  Lt.  Bullet,  at  Fort  Dinwiddie,  and  set  immediately 
upon  that  Duty,  taking  Care  to  observe  the  orders  herewith  sent 
you  by  his  Honor,  the  Governor,  and  to  draft  the  best  Work  men 
to  take  with  you. 

If  you  are  apprehensive  that  the  Enemy  will  annoy  you,  and 
endeavour  to  obstruct  your  erecting  these  Forts,  You  are  first  to 
proceed  to  the  place  which  shall  be  judged  most  convenient  for 
the  defence  of  the  Inhabitants,  and  Erect  your  first  Fort  there — 
if  not — proceed  as  first  directed. 

You  are,  while  upon  this  Work,  to  keep  out  constant  covering 
parties,  and  above  all  things  guard  against  a  surprise. 

I  have  sent  you  herewith  a  plan  of  the  kind  of  Forts  you  are  to 
build,  which  you  must  follow  exactly. 

The  men  drafted  from  your  Company  for  this  command  will 
receive  double  pay  for  every  day  they  work,  which  you  are  to  be 
exact  in  taking  account  of.  'Tis  the  Same  that's  allowed  the  sol 
diers  here  who  work,  and  the  Militia  will  receive  6d.  extra  for 
every  day  they  work.  Both  Soldiers  and  Militia  here  are  con 
tented  with  this  allowance. 


1756]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  293 

I  hope  your  own  Company,  with  the  Addition  of  the  Militia, 
will  be  of  sufficient  force  to  conduct  this  work,  but  lest  dividing 
your  Men  may  subject  your  seperated  partys  to  the  insult  of  the 
Enemy,  I  would  have  you  keep  in  a  Body  and  Build  Fort  after 
Fort,  leaving  Garrisons  in  them  from  15  to  30  men  under  com 
mand  of  a  sub  or  Trusty  Sergeant. 

As  the  difficulty  of  getting  Tools  in  these  parts  is  not  easily  to 
be  conceived,  I  would  advise  you  to  pursue  the  same  methods  in 
Augusta  that  I  have  done  here,  vizt :  to  get  of  the  Inhabitants, 
giving  receipts  for  the  Quantity  and  Sorts  of  Each,  and  paying 
for  the  use,  also  the  damage  and  Loss,  if  any  is  sustained,  but  to 
buy  would  be  best  ;  if  this  you  can  do,  take  particular  care  of  the 
whole  you  receive. 

Given  under  my  hand,  at  Winchester,  2ist  of  July,  1756.' 


TO    CAPTAIN    STEWART. 

WINCHESTER,  22  July,  1756. 
SlR  : 

Herewith  I  enclose  you  two  plans  of  the  kind  of 
Forts  that  are  intended  to  be  built — One  of  the 
ground-work,  the  other  of  the  houses  and  all  con 
veniences, — with  such  directions  that  I  think  it 

1  "  There  is  a  part  of  your  recruiting  accompt  which  much  astonishes  me,  and 
I  thought  you  nor  no  officer,  who  valued  his  character,  would  have  presumed  to 
have  done  such  a  thing,  as  he  must  be  certain  it  would  appear  as  a  palpable 
fraud  in  him.  Three  men  were  enlisted  here  by  Sergeant  Wilper  ;  he  received 
both  money  and  provision  from  me  for  carrying  them  up  to  you,  and  as  that 
afterwards  appeared  insufficient,  had  a  further  allowance  made.  And  will  you 
after  that  presume  to  charge  eight  pence  per  diem  for  their  subsistence  'till  they 
were  delivered  to  you  ?  Did  you  pay  a  farthing  on  that  account  ?  And  do  you 
not  know  the  eight  pennies  were  allowed  the  officers  for  the  expence  of  main 
taining  and  marching  their  recruits  to  the  rendezvous  ?  You  have  been  paid 
these  ten  months  for  a  full  company,  and  by  your  returns,  have  never  been 
complete.  I  have  instructions  to  allow  for  no  men  but  those  present.  There 
fore,  I  hope  you  will  account  for  all  the  non-effective  money  you  have  received, 
by  the  next  opportunity,  agreeable  to  your  returns." — To  Captain  Hog,  21 
July, 


294  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

impossible  for  you  to  err  if  you  will  attend  thereto. 
Enclosed  you  will  also  receive  a  list  of  such  tools  as 
I  have  been  able  to  procure,  with  which  and  such  as 
you  may  get  of  the  inhabitants  by  borrowing,  hiring 
and  buying,  you  must  be  content.  These  must  be 
put  in  the  hands  of  the  best  tradesmen,  and  most 
laborious  workmen  ;  who  will  receive  six-pence  extra 
ordinary  pay  for  every  day  they  work,  an  account 
whereof  must  be  kept  (exactly)  by  yourself  and  offi 
cers.  The  men  that  remain  after  the  workers  are 
draughted,  must  act  as  covering  parties,  to  prevent 
surprizes,  against  which  you  must  carefully  guard. 
It  is  impossible  for  me  to  fix  upon  the  identical  piece 
of  ground  to  erect  this  fort  on.  Therefore,  I  shall 
confine  you  to  the  most  convenient  spot,  between  the 
mouth  of  Sleepy  Creek  and  Barracks,  which  you  will 
make  choice  of,  with  the  approbation  of  your  officers. 
There  is  a  hill  which  overlooks  Boyle's  field  and  ex 
tensive  country  round  that  may  be  made  infinitely 
strong,  and  will  answer  the  purpose  well,  if  it  is  not 
too  high  and  inaccessible.  This  you  must  examine  into. 

I  have  too  great  an  opinion  of  your  good  sense  and 
discretion  to  think  you  need  any  admonition  to  in 
duce  you  to  a  diligent  discharge  of  your  duty.  You 
see  our  situation,  know  our  danger,  and  bear  witness 
of  the  people's  sufferings,  which  are  sufficient  excite 
ments  to  a  generous  mind. 

As  many  things  will  occur  that  I  cannot  possibly 
direct  in,  let  the  interest  of  the  service  and  your  own 
prudence,  assisted  by  the  advice  of  the  officers  under 
your  command,  be  your  direction.  This  instant  I 
received  yours  of  yesterday's  date,  and  am  extremely 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  295 

sorry  that  the  Indians  have  visited  us  at  this  critical 
juncture  of  harvesting,  especially  as  it  will  prevent 
your  proceedings  in  the  operations  ordered.  As  your 
conduct  must  be  guided  by  the  movements  and  num 
bers  of  the  enemy,  I  will  not  take  upon  me  to  order 
positively  at  this  distance,  but  recommend  it  to  you  to 
consult  your  officers  on  all  occasions,  and  act  by  their 
advice.  If  you  can  learn  from  good  intelligence,  that 
their  numbers  are  great  and  motions  designed  for 
Virginia,  endeavor  to  give  the  inhabitants  notice  that 
they  may  lodge  their  women  and  children,  and  assist 
against  the  enemy. 

If  you  find  they  are  only  flying  parties  of  the  In 
dians,  I  would  advise  the  settlers  by  no  means  to 
neglect  their  harvest,  as  their  whole  support  depends 
upon  it,  and  your  assistance  to  get  it  in. 

I  must  order  above  all  things  that  you  will  send 
out  small  parties,  or  rather  single  persons,  as  spies 
every  day,  up  and  down  the  river  for  a  number  of 
miles,  to  see  if  they  can  make  any  discovery  of  the 
enemy's  crossing.  I  have  sent  you  two  barrels  of 
powder,  and  four  boxes  of  ball.  As  to  cartridge  paper, 
I  neither  have  nor  can  get  any  upon  no  terms.  You 
must  get  horns  and  pouches,  if  you  send  over  the  neigh 
borhood  for  them.  Transmit  me  constant  accounts 
of  the  enemy,  if  they  continue  in  your  neighborhood. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

WINCHESTER,  4  August,  1756. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

Giving  the  necessary  orders  and  directions,  about 
the  chain   of  forts  to  be  built  on  the  frontiers,  has 


296  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


kept  me  so  closely  employed,  that  I  could  not  write 
fully  to  your  Honor  until  this,  But  I  have  got  that 
trouble  noiv  pretty  well  off  my  hands,  as  I  have 
despatched  orders,  plans,  and  tools  to  all  the  officers 
appointed  to  that  duty. 

By  the  enclosed  proceedings  of  a  council  held  at 
Fort  Cumberland,  you  will  see  our  determination, 
there  and  where  it  is  necessary  to  erect  the  forts. 
Although  we  have  not  kept  strictly  to  the  act  of 
Assembly,  I  hope  it  will  be  overlooked,  as  I  am 
sensible  that  this  will  be  the  best  chain  that  can 
possibly  be  erected  for  the  defence  of  the  people, 
and  that  the  Assembly  aimed  at  that,  but,  being  un 
acquainted  with  the  situation  of  the  country,  had 
fallen  into  an  error.1  Agreeable  to  this  council  the 
chain  is  ordered  to  be  built. 


1  The  following  extract  from  the  Orderly  Book,  issued  in  general  orders  by  the 
Commander  two  days  after  he  reached  Fort  Cumberland,  will  show  that  he  en 
forced  rigid  rules  of  discipline  : — 

"  Colonel  Washington  has  observed,  that  the  men  of  his  regiment  are  very 
profane  and  reprobate.  He  takes  this  opportunity  of  informing  them  of  his 
great  displeasure  at  such  practices,  and  assures  them,  if  they  do  not  leave  them 
off,  they  shall  be  severely  punished.  The  officers  are  desired,  if  they  hear  any 
man  swear,  or  make  use  of  an  oath  or  execration,  to  order  the  offender  twenty- 
five  lashes  immediately,  without  a  court-martial.  For  the  second  offence,  they 
will  be  more  severely  punished." 

To  a  captain  he  also  wrote,  about  the  same  time  ; — "Your  suffering  such 
clamors  among  the  men  argues  very  great  remissness  in  you.  I  imagined  your 
being  put  there  over  them  was  partly  with  an  intent  to  keep  them  quiet  and 
passive,  but  this  express,  sent  purely  to  humor  them,  would  indicate  that  you 
are  afraid  to  do  your  duty.  Let  me  tell  you,  in  your  own  words,  that  '  I  was 
very  much  surprised '  at  the  contents  of  your  letter,  written  in  such  a  command 
ing  style.  And  your  demands  were  so  express  and  peremptory,  that  the  direc 
tion  was  the  only  thing,  which  gave  me  the  least  room  to  suspect  it  could  be 
written  to  any  but  John  Roe,  or  some  other  of  your  menial  servants. 

"  I  am  sorry  to  find  your  conduct  so  disagreeable  to  all  the  officers,  as  to 
occasion  two,  who  were  appointed  to  your  company,  to  resign.  I  must  there- 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  297 

Your  Honor,  by  the  enclosed  rolls  of  the  com 
panies,  may  see  their  present  establishment ;  and  I 
send  you  a  copy  of  their  former  one,  agreeable  to 
your  orders,  together  with  the  number  of  drafts  from 
each  county  delivered  at  Fredericksburg.  But  many 
of  them  deserted  on  their  march  to  this  place,  and 
after  their  arrival  here  ;  so  we  are  short  of  that  num 
ber  now.  What  remain,  are  divided  among  the 
companies,  to  make  them  equal. 

Captains  Hog  and  Waggener's  rolls  I  cannot  yet 
send,  as  they  are  not  come  to  hand. 

The  two  vacant  companies,  Captain  Savage's  and 
the  late  John  Mercer's,  as  I  had  your  Honor's  appro 
bation  for  the  field  officers  having  companies,  are 
disposed  of  to  Colonel  Stephen  and  myself.  The 
next  vacancy  the  Major  must  fill. 

I  am  very  glad  your  Honor  intends  to  order  the 
drafts  now  to  be  made  to  be  sent  here.  Prince  Wil 
liam,  Fairfax  and  Culpeper,  are  more  convenient  to 
this  place  than  Fredericksburg.  Then  their  being 
ordered  here  saves  a  ninety  miles  march. 

I   make  no  doubt,  that  your  Honor  has  ere  this 

fore  desire  you  will  act  circumspectly,  as  I  assure  you,  if  I  have  any  just  com 
plaints  made  against  you,  you  may  expect  to  answer  them." 

Again,  to  another  captain  he  wrote  : — "  You  are  now  to  acquaint  Mr.  Lemon 
that  he  is  to  remain  at  his  fort,  and  act  as  lieutenant  to  the  Rangers,  until 
further  orders,  and  when  he  has  retired  from  that,  he  may  seek  a  service  which 
he  more  prefers,  since  he  has  refused  my  offer.  Tell  him,  also,  not  to  stir  from 
thence  at  his  peril,  until  he  has  leave  ;  if  he  does,  I  will  arrest  him  for  diso 
bedience  of  orders,  and  try  him  so  soon  as  he  arrives  here." 

"  Notwithstanding  there  have  been  orders  given  that  no  man  should  cut  off 
his  hair,  the  Colonel  has  observed  that  some  of  them  have  acted  contrary  to 
these  orders.  He  desires  the  officers  will  take  notice  of  those  persons  and  con 
fine  them." 


298  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

heard  of  the  defeat  of  Lieutenant  Rutherford  T  of  the 
Rangers,  escorting  an  express  to  me  at  Fort  Cumber 
land,  and  of  the  dastardly  behaviour  of  the  militia, 
who  ran  off  without  one  half  of  them  having  dis 
charged  their  pieces,  altho  they  were  apprised  of  the 
ambuscade  by  one  of  the  flanking  partys,  before  the 
Indians  fired  upon  them  ;  and  ran  back  to  Ashby's 
Fort,  contrary  to  orders,  persuasions,  threats,  &c. 
They  are  all  ordered  in,  as  soon  as  the  people  have 
secured  their  harvest.  Those  of  King  George  and 
Caroline  counties  are  already  here.  The  rest  I  ex 
pect  shortly.  Through  the  passive  behaviour  of  their 
officers  they  have  been  very  refractory. 

Captain  Stewart's  troop  has  for  these  twelve  months 
past,  and  must  still  continue  to  do  duty  on  foot.  Their 
pay  is  very  great.  I  should  be  glad  of  your  Honor's 
orders  in  regard  to  them,  whether  they  are  to  be  con 
tinued.  I  think  with  the  number  of  men  we  have, 
there  is  but  a  poor  prospect  of  finishing  our  forts  in 
time,  and  a  much  worse  of  defending  our  frontiers 
properly,  and  I  would  be  glad  some  expedient  could 
be  fallen  upon  to  augment  it. 

There  is  an  act  of  Parliament  to  allow  all  servants 
to  enlist,  and  the  owners  to  be  paid  a  reasonable  al 
lowance  for  them.  If  we  had  this  privilege,  we  could 
soon  complete  the  regiment  ;  and  I  doubt  not  but 
his  Majesty  would  order  them  to  be  paid  for,  if  we 
enlisted,  as  soon  as  for  the  regulars  ;  nay,  should  he 

1  John  Rutherford,  of  prominence  in  New  York  where  he  had  been  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Council,  had  come  to  Virginia  with  the  Independent  company  in 
1754.  He  was  afterwards  a  major  in  the  Royal  American  regiment  and  was 
killed  before  Ticonderoga  in  1758. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  299 


not,  the  ten  pounds'  fine  through  the  country  would 
go  a  considerable  way  towards  it.1  And  this  we  may 
depend  upon,  if  we  have  not  this  liberty  granted  us, 
the  servants  will  all  run  off  to  the  regular  officers, 
who  are  recruiting  about  us  ;  and  that  would  be  to 
weaken  our  colony  much,  when  it  could  receive  no 
immediate  benefit  from  it,  but  only  be  benefited  in  a 
general  way.  For  my  part,  I  see  no  other  expedient.2 

1  The  act  of  Assembly  allowed  a  person  drafted  to  pay  ^10  and  escape  serv 
ice.  The  result  was  that  most  of  the  drafts  paid  the  fine  and  the  companies 
remained  unfilled. 

a  This  question  of  enlisting  indented  servants,  that  is  immigrants  who  had 
hired  themselves  out  for  a  term  of  years  to  repay  the  money  that  had  been  ad 
vanced  for  their  passage,  proved  a  knotty  problem  to  the  Colonies.  When 
completing  the  regiments  after  Braddock's  defeat,  the  recruiting  officers  did 
not  hesitate  to  take  such  servants,  often  secretly  and  generally  without  making  - 
recompense  to  the  masters.  In  Maryland  the  planters  of  the  Eastern  shore 
were  so  incensed  by  such  acts  that  they  attacked  the  recruiting  officers  and 
"  some  blood  was  spilt."  Shirley,  who  became  commander-in-chief  after  Brad- 
dock's  death,  though  he  could  cite  the  example  of  Massachusetts,  where  in 
dented  servants  had  been  impressed  for  garrisoning  the  frontier  forts,  was  con 
vinced  of  its  impolicy  when  applied  to  the  Middle  Colonies.  The  Assembly 
of  Pennsylvania  earnestly  protested  against  the  practice. — Penn.  Col.  Records , 
vii.,  37.  And  Franklin  in  his  draft  of  instructions  for  the  agents  of  the  Colo 
nies,  instanced  it  as  one  of  the  grievances  of  which  the  Province  had  cause  to 
complain. —  Works,  ii.,  491,  492,  and  513.  "  You  must  know  that  most  of 
the  servants  in  this  country  are  more  particularly  iheir  masters'  property,  than 
they  are  in  any  other  parts  of  his  Majesty's  dominions,  and  that  masters  of 
such  servants  will  easily  resign  their  interest  in  them  cannot,  I  think,  be  ex 
pected." — J.  Ridout,  29  July,  1756.  Penn.  Archives,  ii.,  734.  In  Virginia 
such  servants  were  expressly  exempted  from  military  duty,  but  slaves  appear 
to  have  been  taken.  "  I  think  it  will  be  advisable  to  detain  both  mulattoes 
and  negroes  in  your  company,  and  employ  them  as  Pioneers  or  Hatchetmen." 
—  Washington  to  Hog,  27  December,  1755. 

When  Lord  Loudoun  succeeded  Governor  Shirley,  as  commander  of  the 
forces  in  America,  he  was  empowered  to  raise  a  regiment  in  the  colonies,  con 
sisting  of  four  battalions,  to  be  commanded  by  officers  bearing  the  King's 
commission,  and  called  the  Royal  American  Regiment.  He  was  authorized, 
also,  to  enlist  servants  of  the  above  description,  paying  to  their  masters  a 
proper  compensation  for  the  time  they  had  yet  to  serve.  Recruiting  officers 


300  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


Now  your  Honor  sees  plainly  the  effect  the  act  of 
Assembly,  in  regard  to  the  drafts,  has  had,  and  how 
little  our  strength  has  been  augmented  by  that 
scheme,  and  in  three  or  four  months  we  shall  not  be 
the  better  for  them.  Then  they  are  to  be  dis 
charged. 

I  am  confident,  if  we  had  authority  to  enlist  serv 
ants,  the  regiment  would  have  been  complete  ere 
this,  and  with  little  trouble,  for  many  have  offered, 
and  many  have  been  discharged  after  enlisting.  Mr. 
Kirkpatrick  will  deliver  your  Honor  a  list  of  the 
preferments  in  my  Regiment,  with  the  dates  of  the 
officers  commissions.  There  are  five  or  six  more 
still  waiting.  Lieutenant  Stark  has  followed  Fra- 
zier's  example,  upon  the  like  occasion,  being  ap 
pointed  to  Captain  Hog's  company. 

I  have  sent  Lieutenant  Bullet  to  relieve  Lieutenant 

were  now  employed  in  Virginia,  enlisting  men  for  the  Royal  Regiment,  and 
interfered  essentially  with  the  enlistments  for  the  service  of  the  colony.  The 
Governor  endeavored  to  prevail  on  the  Assembly  to  draft  militia  for  this 
regiment,  but  without  success.  They  voted  eight  thousand  pounds  to  be  paid 
for  enlisting  men,  and  transporting  them  to  New  York. — Dinwiddie's  Letter- 
Books. 

The  Maryland  Assembly  appropriated  five  thousand  pounds  to  aid  enlist 
ments  in  that  colony  for  the  Royal  Regiment,  and  resolved  to  raise  three  hun 
dred  men.  A  bounty  was  given  not  exceeding  five  pounds  for  each  man  en 
listed.  A  letter  was  received  by  the  Governor  from  Henry  Fox,  one  of  his 
Majesty's  principal  Secretaries  of  State,  directing  that  the  compensation  to 
masters  for  enlisted  servants  should  be  paid  by  the  colony  ;  but  the  Assembly 
refused  to  comply  with  this  order  by  a  majority  of  more  than  two  to  one. — See 
Votes  and  Proceedings  for  September,  1756. 

Governor  Dinwiddie  said  in  reply: — "  If  you  can  enlist  servants  agreeably 
to  the  act  of  Parliament,  the  masters  of  such  servants  shall  be  paid  for  the 
time  they  have  to  serve  in  proportion  to  the  first  purchase,  but  I  think  you 
should  be  careful  not  to  enlist  any  convicts,  who  probably  may  be  factious  and 
bad  examples  to  the  others." 


1756]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  301 


McNeill,  whose  seniority  entitles  him  to  Captain 
Lieutenancy,  and  he  has  my  promise  when  a  vacancy 
happens  to  have  his  commission  antedated,  and  to 
take  his  proper  rank  in  the  regiment,  as  I  take  him 
to  be  a  very  diligent  good  officer,  and  as  he  was  over 
looked  in  the  promotions,  this  indulgence  has  been 
promised  him. 

I  could  wish  we  were  clear  of  Fort  Cumberland. 
It  takes  a  great  part  of  our  small  force  to  garrison  it, 
and  I  see  no  service  that  it  is  to  our  colony  ;  for 
since  the  Indians  have  drove  the  inhabitants  so  low 
down,  they  do  not  hesitate  to  follow  them  as  far  as 
Conococheague  and  this  place.  There  have  been 
several  families  murdered  within  two  miles  of  the 
mouth  of  Conococheague,  on  the  Maryland  side, 
this  week  ;  and  Fort  Cumberland  is  now  so  much 
out  of  the  way,  that  they  seldom  hear  of  those  things 
within  a  month  after  they  are  done.  Our  men  want 
many  necessaries,  until  the  arrival  of  their  regimen 
tals,  which  cannot  be  had  without  sending  to  Phila 
delphia  ;  and  the  great  loss,  we  shall  suffer  by  sending 
them  our  paper  money,  has  prevented  my  purchasing 
these  things,  until  the  men  are  almost  naked. 

I  should  be  glad  your  Honor  would  send  me  a  let 
ter  of  credit  to  Mr.  Allen,  or  some  person  there  ;  or 
gold  or  bills,  for  we  cannot  afford  to  put  up  with  the 
loss  of  sending  paper  money,  which  I  am  credibly 
informed,  may  be  bought  up  in  Philadelphia  for  fif 
teen  per  cent  their  currency  ;  so  that  the  least  we 
would  lose  by  that  traffic  would  be  ten  per  cent. 

We  are  in  great  want  of  drums  here,  and  none  can 


302  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [I756 


be  bought.  We  now  have  many  young  drummers 
learning  here,  so  I  must  beg  you  will  please  to  order 
some  immediately  from  Williamsburg  to  us,  for  we 
cannot  do  without  them. 

The  rangers  are  still  paid  out  of  the  money  in  my 
hands.  I  never  received  but  one  hundred  pounds 
from  Lord  Fairfax,  or  Colonel  George. 

Captain  Gist  has  some  accompts  against  the  Coun 
try  for  necessary  services.  I  doubt  not  your  Honor  will 
consider  the  justice  of  them,  and  assist  the  poor  man 
in  the  affair,  as  he  is  put  to  great  inconveniences  for 
want  of  the  money,  has  been  obliged  to  advance  his 
own,  as  far  as  it  would  go,  and  people  to  whom  he 
owes  balances  upon  that  account  are  daily  threaten 
ing  him  with  suits. 

Captain  McNeill  writes  me  that  out  of  the  three 
companies  of  rangers  on  the  frontiers  of  Augusta, 
which  ought  to  be  one  hundred  and  twenty  men, 
there  are  not  thirty.  I  hope  your  Honor  will  have 
that  affair  inquired  into. 

I  am  to  be  summoned  against  one  Napp  for  making 
counterfeit  paper  money  here.  I  desire  your  direc 
tions,  whether  I  must  appear  or  not.  It  may,  per 
haps,  be  at  a  time  when  I  am  much  wanted  here. 

I  could  by  no  means  bring  the  Quakers  to  any 
terms.  They  chose  rather  to  be  whipped  to  death 
than  bear  arms,  or  lend  us  any  assistance  whatever 
upon  the  fort,  or  any  thing  of  self-defence.  Some 
of  their  friends  have  been  security  for  their  appear 
ance,  when  they  are  called  for  ;  and  I  have  released 
them  from  the  guard-house  until  I  receive  further 


1756]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  303 

orders  from  your  Honour,  which  they  have  agreed  to 
apply  for.1 

I  am  informed  there  has  been  application  made  to 
your  Honor,  for  the  discharge  of  some  of  the  militia 
who  enlisted  here.  As  the  case  may  have  been 
represented  to  your  Honor  in  a  wrong  light  by  preju 
diced  persons,  I  shall  give  you  a  true  state  of  it,  from 
my  own  knowledge. 

After  the  militia  were  fixed  on  to  march  to  their 
different  posts,  it  was  common  for  twenty  or  more  to 
desert  of  a  night.  In  consequence  of  which  I  de 
spatched  the  militia  officers  with  what  remained,  and 
some  of  my  own  officers  in  pursuit  of  these  deserters, 
who  apprehended  seventeen  or  eighteen  of  them  and 
brought  them  to  town.  The  militia  had  then  marched. 
To  send  these  men  after  them  I  was  certain  would 
not  answer  ;  to  avoid  that,  was  the  cause  of  their  de 
sertion.  And  I  could  not  spare  men  to  send  an 
escort  with  them  to  their  different  parties  ;  and  if  I 
had  let  them  pass  unpunished,  it  would  have  occa 
sioned  all  the  militia  at  work  on  the  fort  to  desert. 
So  I  thought  it  most  advisable  to  punish  them,  to 
deter  the  rest,  and  prevent  a  second  fault  in  them, 
and  accordingly  ordered  them  twenty  lashes  each,  and 
then  intended  to  have  set  them  to  work  on  the  fort. 

When  they  had  marched  from  the  guard-house 
(where  several  had  enlisted  before  any  punishment 
was  ordered  them)  some  of  the  officers  applied  for 

1  "  A  great  body  of  Quakers  waited  on  me,  in  regard  to  their  friends  with 
you,  praying  they  may  not  be  whipped.  Use  them  with  lenity,  but  as  they  are 
at  their  own  expense  1  would  have  them  remain  as  long  as  the  other  Draughts." 
— Dinividdie ,  19  Aug. ,  1756. 


304  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

money,  and  said  all  the  militia  would  enlist  ;  which  I 
gave  them,  and  at  the  same  time  a  charge,  to  use  no 
unfair  means  or  threats,  which  they  engaged. 

In  order  to  prevent  any,  I  sent  out  Captain  Mer 
cer  to  acquaint  them  with  my  charge  to  the  officers, 
and  to  tell  them,  that  if  any  unfair  means  had  been 
made  use  of  to  engage  them  to  take  the  money,  to 
declare  it,  and  they  should  be  allowed  to  return  it, 
and  further  be  acquainted  with  the  indulgence  allowed 
them  by  Act  of  Parliament  ;  and  that  they  had  a 
right  to  return  the  money  within  twenty  four  hours, 
if  they  should  repent  of  what  they  had  done  in  that 
time.  They  all  declared  their  willingness  to  enlist, 
said  no  unfair  means  had  been  made  use  of,  and  that 
it  was  better  to  enlist  at  once  than  to  be  subject  to 
be  draughted  every  week.  When  they  were  soldiers 
they  knew  what  to  depend  upon,  which  they  could 
not  before,  as  their  being  draughted  at  an  unreason 
able  time  might  ruin  them.  They  used  the  same 
arguments  again  to  Captain  Mercer,  when  he  read 
the  Articles  of  War  to  them  ;  and  he  again  repeated 
what  he  had  told  them  before  in  the  morning,  as  I  have 
been  assured  by  several  of  the  officers  then  present. 

The  men  have  always  appeared  well  satisfied,  and 
never  have  made  the  least  complaint  ;  nor  will  not,  I 
am  sensible,  if  they  are  not  persuaded  to  it  by  the 
people  below.  They  have  now  been  enlisted  upwards 
of  ten  weeks,  and  are  very  good  men,  upon  the  whole. 

I  dare  say  your  Honor  will  judge  the  men  to  be 
fairly  enlisted,  and  that  they  are  no  ways  entitled  to 
a  discharge,  which  will  be  applied  for  by  some  gentle- 


1756]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  305 


men  below.  But  I  shall  take  your  Honor's  directions 
on  that  point. 

In  obedience  to  your  Honor's  commands  to  incor 
porate  the  rangers  into  the  regiment,  I  gave  furloughs 
to  the  Captains  (who  both  desired  it)  knowing  they 
would  oppose  any  measures  to  enlist  the  men  ;  and 
then  sent  some  of  my  officers  to  use  their  influence 
to  engage  the  men.  Their  success  I  have  not  yet 
heard  of,  but  should  be  glad  to  know  if  you  approve 
of  this  method,  or  will  direct  any  other.  As  rangers 
under  the  present  establishment,  they  are  of  no  use 
or  benefit  to  the  country.  This,  I  believe,  your 
Honor,  as  well  as  the  country,  have  long  since  been 
convinced  of. 

I  have  supplied  the  Nottoway  Indians  with  some 
necessaries,  and  have  allowed  them  to  take  fheir  arms 
with  them  ;  but  they  have  received  no  pay,  and  say 
they  were  promised  a  bit '  per  day.  Captain  Tom 
has  promised  to  go  to  the  Tusks  with  a  speech  and 
wampum,  which  I  have  given  them.  He  says  they 
have  an  hundred  fighting-men  to  spare.  They  would 
be  a  great  assistance  to  us,  if  they  could  be  engaged 
to  come.2 


1  A  small  piece  of  silver,  probably  the  Spanish  eighth  of  a  dollar,  or  twelve 
cents  and  a  half. 

a  The  Juscaroras  were  a  tribe  of  Indians  originally  settled  in  the  eastern 
part  of  North  Carolina.  In  1700  they  had  fifteen  towns,  containing  a  popula 
tion  of  about  4,000  souls.  Ten  years  later,  in  retaliation  for  some  injuries, 
they  made  a  savage  attack  upon  the  whites,  which  was  severely  punished, 
many  of  the  Indians  being  sold  as  slaves,  even  in  the  northern  colonies. 
Broken  in  power,  they  allied  themselves  with  the  Five  Nations,  making  the 
sixth  nation.  In  1736,  according  to  a  French  estimate,  they  numbered  250 
warriors,  or  1,250  souls  ;  and  in  1763  Sir  William  Johnson  placed  the  popula 
tion  at  only  700. 


3o6  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


Besides  the  men  on  the  rolls  sent  your  Honor, 
there  are  about  one  hundred  drafts,  not  disposed  of 
in  the  different  companies  which  are  at  work  on  the 
fort,  and  garrisoning  some  of  the  country  forts. 

I  have  just  received  your  Honor's  letter  of  the  1 2th 
ultimo.  If  Mr.  Timberlake  will  enter  as  a  volunteer 
in  the  regiment,  and  wait,  as  others  have  done,  his 
turn,  I  shall  be  glad  to  serve  him.  But  I  cannot  pre 
tend  to  put  him  over  young  gentlemen  who  have 
served  some  months  at  their  own  expense,  waiting 
preferment,  without  orders  from  your  Honor  ;  as  such 
things  have  caused  the  greatest  discontent  and  con 
fusion  in  the  regiment  already. 

I  observe  your  Honor's  proposal  to  Lord  Loudoun  ' 
of  carrying  on  an  expedition  against  the  Ohio.  I 
have  always  thought  it  the  best  and  only  method  to  put 
a  stop  to  the  incursions  of  the  enemy,  as  they  would 
then  be  obliged  to  stay  at  home  to  defend  their  own 
possessions.  But  we  are  quite  unprepared  for  such 
an  undertaking.  If  it  is  fixed  upon,  now  is  the  time 
for  buying  up  provisions,  and  laying  them  in  at  the 
most  convenient  place.  The  Pennsylvania  butchers 
are  buying  quantities  of  beef  here,  which  should  be 
put  a  stop  to,  if  we  are  to  march  towards  the  Ohio. 
If  we  are  still  to  remain  on  the  defensive,  and  garri 
son  the  chain  of  forts,  provisions  must  be  laid  in  at 

1  "  The  events  of  the  ensuing  campaign,  in  which  the  interest,  honour,  and 
safety  of  His  Majesty's  American  Dominions  are  so  deeply  concerned  are  in 
the  hands  of  Providence  ;  but  his  Majesty  as  far  as  he  has  been  able  to  provide 
for  the  success  of  arms  by  the  choice  of  a  general,  seems  to  have  done  it  in  the 
appointment  of  the  Earl  of  Loudoun." — Dunk  Halifax  to  the  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania,  n  May,  1756.  The  Earl  was  distinguished  by  his  incompetency 
and  was  recalled  when  Pitt  came  into  power. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  307 


each  of  them  ;  and  I  much  fear,  if  we  march  from  the 
frontiers,  all  the  inhabitants  will  quit  their  plantations. 
Your  Honor's  sentiments  and  orders  on  this  head 
will  be  very  agreeable  to  me,  and  shall  be  punctually 
complied  with.  By  the  latest  advices  from  Augusta, 
it  is  thought  that  these  outrages  were  committed  by 
the  Cherokees.  There  have  been  no  accounts  of  any 
thing  since  the  first  attempt ;  but  still,  I  think  it 
would  not  be  improper  to  keep  the  militia  on  the 
frontiers  to  oppose  a  second  ;  and  if  your  Honor 
should  think  it  proper  to  order  them  to  assist  on  the 
forts  to  be  built  in  Augusta,  I  think  they  could  not 
better  employ  their  time. 


TO    JOHN    ROBINSON. 

WINCHESTER,  5  August,  1756. 

DEAR  SIR, 

I  hope  you  will  not  be  surprized  at  my  sudden 
demands  for  money,  nor  at  the  uncommon  length  of 
this  epistle. 

The  five  thousand  pounds  last  received  went  chief 
ly  in  paying  arrears  which  were  due  the  soldiers  for 
two  months  before  ;  discharging  sundry  accompts  for 
necessaries  for  the  regiment ;  with  many  other  things, 
as  will  appear  per  accompts.  And  the  disappoint 
ments  I  have  so  often  met  with  in  settling  my 
accompts  with  the  gentlemen  of  the  Committee,  and 
laying  sundry  matters  before  them  for  their  approba 
tion,  oblige  me  to  be  more  particular  and  prolix  in 
this  letter. 


3o8  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

I  flatter  myself  that  my  accompts  will  appear  in  so 
clear  a  light  that  "there  can  arise  no  scruple  in  the 
settlement,  and  that  they  may  be  adjusted  in  as  full 
and  distinct  a  manner  by  Mr.  Kirkpatrick,  as  if  I 
were  present  myself.  There  were  some  objections 
made  to  a  few  trifling  articles  before  (none  of  which 
I  believe  exceeded  twenty  shillings)  for  want  of  re 
ceipts.  In  this  I  own  I  was  a  little  remiss,  sometimes 
paying  horse  hire  for  a  day  or  two,  and  such  like  in 
cidental  charges  for  the  use  of  the  public,  without 
thinking  it  very  material  to  draw  receipts.  Indeed,  I 
have  often  made  these  payments  at  times  when  I  had 
no  opportunity  of  being  thus  particular.  But  I  be 
lieve  the  whole  amount  of  these  does  not  exceed  five 
pounds,  and  since  that  time  I  have  not  parted  with  a 
sixpence  without.  The  paymaster  I  have  sent  down 
to  evince  any  doubt  that  may  arise  in  his  accompts. 
I  believe  they  are  strictly  just,  tho'  a  little  broken 
and  irregular,  representing  our  disjointed  service  in  a 
true  state.  This  was  impossible  to  be  avoided  ;  tho' 
if  you  will  consider,  Sir,  the  disagreeable  services  we 
have  been  engaged  in,  the  extent  of  ground  and  peo 
ple  to  be  defended,  and  the  division  of  our  force  in 
recruiting,  marching,  counter-marching,  and  garrison 
ing  of  forts,  guarding  stores,  &c,  which  rendered 
them  so  extremely  difficult  to  pay,  as  well  as  to  sup 
ply  with  such  necessaries  and  conveniences,  as  to 
render  the  service  tolerably  supportable.  Mr.  Boyd 
was  obliged  to  pay  the  men  when  and  where  he  could 
meet  with  them,  without  adhering  to  that  regular 
form  which  ought  to  be  observed.  The  Commissary 


1756]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  309 


stands  charged  with  £—  —,  which  I  have  not  had  an 
opportunity  to  settle.  Upon  my  return  from  Fort 
Cumberland  a  few  days  ago,  I  found  him  retired  at 
his  own  house,  indisposed  ;  but  received  a  letter  in 
forming  that  the  money  was  just  expended.  This  I 
have  no  doubt  of,  knowing  the  demands  he  has  had 
on  account  of  provisions  for  the  drafts  and  militia 
(occasioned  by  our  whole  stock  being  laid  in  at  Fort 
Cumberland  by  the  Governor's  orders  ;  which  renders 
it  useless  to  all  the  forces  on  this  side)  ;  wagonage  of 
all  the  flour  and  stores  from  Conococheague,  to 
secure  them  here  ;  purchasing  of  tools,  &c  ;  for  erect 
ing  the  public  works,  ordered  by  Act  of  Assembly,  &c. 

All  accompts  that  appeared  extravagant  or  not 
clear  in  other  respects,  or  that  I  conceived  I  had  no 
power  to  settle,  I  have  referred  them  to  the  gentle 
men  of  the  Committee.  Among  these  is  Finnie's, 
for  money  advanced  the  soldiers  while  he  was  recruit 
ing.  This  accompt  may  be,  and  doubtless  is  just  ; 
yet  as  it  happened  at  a  time  when  I  had  no  concern 
with  the  forces,  it  is  not  to  be  expected  I  can  have 
any  knowledge  of  the  matter.  Therefore,  unless  it 
was  to  meet  with  your,  or  the  concurrence  of  the 
Committee,  I  should  not  care  to  pay  it.  Moses 
Ouales,  who  gives  Mr.  Finnic  an  order  upon  you  for 
five  pounds  eighteen  shillings,  was  among  those  who 
escaped  from  the  overthrow  of  General  Braddock, 
but  was  slain  in  Captain  Mercer's  defeat. 

Captain  McKenzie's  accompt  for  the  hire  of  a  ves 
sel  to  transport  his  recruits  to  Alexandria,  I  did  not 
care  to  allow  without  directions  ;  tho'  several  officers 


3io  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


have  petitioned  in  the  same  manner,  because  they 
were  to  receive  two  pistoles  a  man,  and  eight  pence 
per  day  subsistence,  as  a  full  allowance  (tho'  too 
small)  until  they  came  to  the  rendezvous. 

The  article  of  rugs,  he  should  be  allowed.  Doctor 
Shepherd  also  prefers  an  account  for  attending  and 
administering  to  sundry  recruits,  while  they  lay  at 
Alexandria :  as  also  Dr.  Halkerson,  for  those  at 
Fredericksburg.  These  accompts  you  will  please  to 
have  examined,  and  deliver  your  statements  thereon- 

Ensign  Fleming  has,  at  my  request,  acted  as  sur 
geon  to  Captain  Hog's  company.  He  encloses  an 
accompt.  Pray  order  what  you  think  sufficient  for 
his  trouble.  Lieutenant  Baker's  accompt  is  also 
among  these  for  twenty-three  pounds,  nine  shillings 
and  eleven  pence — expences  in  going  for  and  bring 
ing  the  Nottaway  Indians.  In  this  I  must  crave  di 
rections.  I  could  not  get  a  more  particular  accompt 
than  the  one  now  sent,  he  being  on  command.  Cap 
tain  Gist  also  has  at  divers  times  entreated  me,  in  the 
most  interesting  manner,  to  intercede  in  his  behalf, 
that  he  may  get  the  balance  of  his  accompt,  his  dis 
tresses  calling  aloud  for  all  the  assistance  that  all 
these  sums  can  contribute.  I  do  not  know  really, 
who  to  apply  to  for  this  purpose,  or  whose  right  it  is 
to  pay  the  accompt,  but  it  is  certainly  wrong  not  to 
pay  him  at  all.  If  a  hearty  zeal  for  the  interest  of 
this  colony,  many  losses  in  serving  it  and  true  dis 
tress,  can  recommend  him  to  any  favor,  he  certainly 
merits  indulgence.  When  he  offers  his  accompts  to 
the  Governor,  his  Honor  bids  him  go  to  the  commit- 


1756]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  3n 

tee  ;  and  the  ofentlemen  of  the  committee  think  the 

o 

Governor  should  pay  it.  So  that  the  poor  man  suf 
fers  greatly  and  would  be  glad  to  know  his  doom  at 
once,  as  it  has  been  so  long  depending.  Many  ap 
plications  have  been  made  to  me  for  the  ferriages  of 
the  forces  in  passing  Shenandoah,  Capecapon,  the 
South  Branch  &c.  I  should  be  glad  to  know 
whether  they  are  to  be  paid,  and  at  what  rates.  I 
could  heartily  wish  the  governor  and  Committee 
would  resolve  me,  whether  Fort  Cumberland  is  to  be 
garrisoned  with  any  of  the  Virginia  forces  or  not. 
It  lies  in  a  most  defenceless  posture,  and  I  do  not 
care  to  be  at  expence  in  erecting  new,  or  repairing 
the  old  works,  until  I  am  satisfied  in  this  point. 

This  place  at  present  contains  all  our  provisions 
and  valuable  stores,  and  is  not  capable  of  an  hour's 
defence,  if  the  enemy  were  to  bring  only  one  single 
half-pounder  against  it  ;  which  they  might  do  with 
great  ease  on  horseback.  Besides,  it  lies  so  remote 
now  from  this,  as  well  as  the  neighbouring  inhabitants, 
and  at  the  same  time  is  not  a  whit  more  convenient 
than  Cocke's  Fort,  on  Patterson's  Creek,  to  the 
enemy,  which  is  twenty  five  miles  nigher  this  way, 
that  it  requires  as  much  force  to  keep  the  communi 
cation  open  to  it,  as  a  fort  at  the  Meadows  would  do, 
and  employs  1 50  men,  who  are  a  dead  charge  to  the 
country,  as  they  can  be  of  no  other  use  than  just  to 
protect  and  guard  the  stores,  which  might  as  well  be 
lodged  at  Cox's;1  indeed  better,  for  these  reasons 
it  would  then  be  more  contiguous  to  this,  to  the  in- 

1  This  fort  was  on  Patterson's  Creek,  twenty-five  miles  from  Fort  Cumberland, 


12  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


habitants,  and  to  the  enemy,  if  we  should  ever  carry 
an  expedition  over  the  mountains,  by  opening  a  road 
the  way  the  Indians  have  blazed*  A  strong  garrison 
there  would  not  only  protect  the  stores,  but  also  the 
few  remaining  inhabitants  on  the  Branch, 2  and  at 
the  same  time  waylay  and  annoy  the  enemy,  as  they 
pass  and  repass  the  mountains.  Whereas,  those  at 
Fort  Cumberland,  lying  out  in  a  corner,  quite  remote 
from  the  inhabitants,  to  where  the  Indians  always  re 
pair  to  do  their  murders,  can  have  no  intelligence  of 
any  thing  that  is  doing,  but  remain  in  total  ignorance 
of  all  transactions.  When  I  was  down,  I  applied  to 
the  Governor  for  his  particular  and  positive  directions 
in  this  affair.  The  following  is  an  exact  copy  of  his 
answer. — "  Fort  Cumberland  is  a  King's  fort,  and 
built  chiefly  at  the  charge  of  the  colony,  therefore 
properly  under  our  direction,  until  a  governor  is  ap 
pointed."  3  Now  whether  I  am  to  understand  this  ay 
or  no,  to  the  plain,  simple  question  asked,  vizt.— 
"  Is  the  fort  to  be  continued  or  removed  ?  "  —I  know 
not.  But  in  all  important  matters  I  am  directed  in 
this  ambiguous  and  uncertain  way.4 

1  The  Indians  and  first  settlers  mark  a  path  through  the  wood  by  cutting  the 
bark  from  the  trees.     This  is  called  blazing. 
'  The  South  Branch  of  the  Potomac. 

3  This  is  not  strictly  what  the  Governor  wrote.      "  As  to  Fort  Cumbld,  it's  a 
King's  Fort,  &  a  Magazine  for  stores.       Its  not  in  my  power  to  order  it  to  be 
'deserted.     ...     at  present  it  must  be  properly  supported  with  men." 

4  On  this  head   Mr.  Speaker  Robinson  replied  : — "  The  Committee  were  all 
of  opinion  with  you,  that  the  keeping   Fort  Cumberland  was  an  unnecessary 
expense  ;  but  upon  my  mentioning  their  opinion  to  the   Governor,  he  appeared 
very  warm,  and  said  my  Lord  Loudoun  might  do  what  he  pleased,  but  for  his 
part  he  would  not  remove  the  garrison,  or  order  the  fort  to  be  demolished  for 
his  right  hand." 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  313 


Great  and  inconceivable  difficulties  arise  in  the  ex 
ecution  of  my  commands,  as  well  as  infinite  loss  and 
disrepute  to  the  service,  by  my  not  having  power  to 
pay  for  deserters.  I  would,  therefore,  humbly  recom 
mend  it  to  the  consideration  of  the  Committee, 
whether  it  would  not  be  more  for  the  interest  of  the 
country,  (I  am  sure  it  would  be  of  the  service,)  were 
I  allowed  to  pay  these  demands,  rather  than  have 
them  levied  in  the  public  claims.  Many  of  our  de 
serters  are  apprehended  in  Maryland,  and  some  in 
Pennsylvania,  and,  for  the  sake  of  a  reward,  are 
brought  hither.  But  when  they  are  to  receive  certifi 
cates  only,  that  they  are  entitled  to  two  hundred 
pounds  of  tobacco,  and  those  certificates  are  to  be 
given  in  to  a  court  of  claims,  there  to  lie  perhaps  till 
they  are  quite  forgot,  gives  so  much  dissatisfaction, 
that  many,  I  believe,  rather  than  apprehend  one, 
would  aid  fifty  to  escape,  and  this,  too,  among  our 
own  people.  By  this  means  the  country  loses  num 
bers  of  men  :  consequently  the  sums  of  money  which 
each  man  costs,  besides  many  incident  charges,  such 
as  horse  hire,  expenses  in  sending  after  and  advertis 
ing  them. 

Another  thing,  which  I  should  be  glad  to  know, 
and  that  is,  whether  the  act  of  Assembly  prohibits  the 
whole  forces,  or  only  the  drafts,  from  marching  out  of 
Virginia,  and  whether  it  is  contrary  to  law,  even  to 
take  the  drafts  out,  provided  it  is  clone  with  their  own 
will.  If  we  cannot  take  any  of  the  forces  out  of  the 
colony,  the  disadvantages,  the  country  may  labor 
under,  are  not  to  be  described  ;  for  the  enemy,  in  that 


3i4  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

case,  may  commit  the  most  unheard-of  cruelties,  and, 
by  stepping  across  the  Potomac,  evade  the  pursuit, 
and  mock  our  best  endeavors  to  scourge  them. 

The  inconveniences  that  arise  from  paying  the  sol 
diers  in  large  bills,  are  not  to  be  conceived.  We  are 
obliged  afterwards  to  give  the  pay  of  two  or  three 
soldiers  to  one  man.  He,  ten  to  one,  drinks,  games, 
or  pays  it  away  ;  by  which  means  the  parties  are  all 
dissatisfied,  and  perpetually  complaining  for  want  of 
their  pay.  It  also  prevents  them  from  laying  out 
their  pay  for  absolute  necessaries,  and  obliges  them 
many  times  to  drink  it  out ;  for  they  put  it  into  the 
tavern-keeper's  hands,  who  will  give  no  change,  unless 
they  consent  to  take  the  greatest  part  in  liquor.  In 
short,  for  five  shillings  casAyou  may  at  any  time  pur 
chase  a  month's  pay  from  the  soldiers  ;  in  such  con 
tempt  do  they  hold  the  currency.  Besides  small  bills, 
(if  the  thing  is  practicable,)  I  should  be  extremely 
glad  to  receive  some  part  of  the  money  in  Spanish 
and  Portugal  gold  and  silver.  There  are  many  things 
wanted  for  the  use  of  the  regiment,  which  cannot  be 
had  here,  and  may  [be  obtained]  at  Philadelphia  ;  but 
their  undervaluing  of  our  money,  has  prevented  my 
sending  thither. 

When  I  went  to  Fort  Cumberland  I  left  fifty 
pounds  with  Capt.  Peachy,  to  pay  the  workmen 
once  a  week,  as  I  had  usually  done,  which  money, 
with  some  of  his  own,  he  was  robbed  of,  and  the 
most  diligent  search  has  not  been  successful  in  get 
ting  the  least  intelligence  of  it.  I  should  be  glad  to 
know  whether  I  am  to  suffer  this  loss,  or  whether  I 
may  with  propriety  charge  it  to  the  country  ? 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  315 

At  the  repeated  instances  of  the  soldiers,  I  must 
pay  so  much  regard  to  their  representations,  as  to 
transmit  their  complaints.  They  think  it  extremely 
hard,  as  it  is  indeed,  Sir,  that  they,  who  perhaps  do 
more  duty,  and  undergo  more  fatigue  and  hardship, 
from  the  nature  of  the  service  and  situation  of  the 
country,  than  any  troops  upon  the  continent,  should 
be  allowed  the  least  pay,  and  smallest  encouragements 
in  other  respects.  The  Carolinians  received  British 
pay ;  the  Marylanders,  I  believe,  do  the  same  ;  Penn 
sylvania  is  exorbitant  in  rewarding  their  soldiers * ;  the 
Jerseys  and  New  Yorkers,  I  do  not  remember  what 
it  is  they  give ;  but  the  New  England  govern 
ments  give  more  than  a  shilling  per  day,  our  money, 
besides  an  allowance  of  rum,  peas,  tobacco,  ginger, 
vinegar,  &c,  &c. 

Our  soldiers  complain,  that  their  pay  is  insufficient, 
even  to  furnish  shoes,  shirts,  stockings,  &c,  which 
their  officers,  in  order  to  keep  them  fit  for  duty, 
oblige  them  to  provide.  This,  they  say,  deprives 
them  of  the  means  of  purchasing  any  of  the  con 
veniences  or  necessaries  of  life,  and  obliges  them  to 
drag  through  a  disagreeable  service,  in  the  most 
disagreeable  manner.  That  their  pay  will  not  afford 
more  than  enough  (if  that)  to  keep  them  in  clothes, 
I  should  be  convinced  of  for  these  reasons,  if  experi 
ence  had  not  taught  me.  The  British  soldiers  are 
allowed  eight  pence  sterling  per  day,  with  many 
necessaries  that  ours  are  not,  and  can  buy  what  is 
requisite  upon  the  cheapest  terms  ;  and  lie  one  half 
the  year  in  camp,  or  garrison,  when  they  cannot  con- 

1  Pennsylvania  was  paying  its  soldiers  i8</.  a  day  and  subsistence. 


3i6  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

sume  the  fifth  part  of  what  ours  do  in  continual 
marches  over  mountains,  rocks,  rivers,  &c,  [who  are] 
computed  to  receive  only  --  per  day.  Then,  Sir,  is  it 
possible  that  our  men,  who  receive  a  fourth  less,  have 
two  pence  per  day  stoppages  for  their  regimental 
clothing,  and  all  other  stoppages  made  that  British 
soldiers  have,  and  are  obliged,  by  being  in  continual 
action,  to  lay  in  triple  the  quantity  of  ammunition 
and  clothes,  and  at  double  the  price,  should  be  able 
to  clear  quarters  ?  It  is  not  to  be  done,  and  this  is 
the  reason  why  the  men  have  always  been  so  naked 
and  bare  of  clothes. 

And  I  dare  say  you  will  be  candid  enough  to  allow, 
that  there  are  few  men  who  would  choose  to  have  their 
lives  exposed,  without  some  view  or  hope  of  a  reward, 
to  the  incessant  insults  of  a  merciless  enemy.  Another 
thing  there  is  which  gives  them  great  uneasiness,  and 
that  is,  seeing  no  regular  provision  made  for  the  maimed 
and  wounded.  They  acknowledge  the  generosity  of 
the  Assembly,  and  have  the  highest  veneration  for 
that  respectable  House  ;  they  look  with  gratitude  on 
the  care,  that  has  been  taken  of  their  brother  soldiers  ; 
but  say,  this  is  only  an  act  of  will,  and  another  As 
sembly  may  be  much  less  liberal.  We  have  no 
certainty,  that  this  generosity  may  continue,  conse 
quently  can  have  nothing  in  view  but  the  most  gloomy 
prospects,  and  no  encouragement  to  be  bold  and 
active  ;  and  the  probable  effects  of  which  are  wounds, 
which  no  sooner  happen  and  they  unfit  for  service 
than  they  are  discharged,  and  turned  upon  an  un 
charitable  world  to  beg,  steal,  or  starve  !  In  short, 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  317 


they  have  a  true  sense  of  all  that  can  happen,  and  do 
not  think  slightly  of  the  fatigues  they  encounter,  in 
scouring  these  mountains  with  their  provisions  on 
their  backs,  lying  out  and  watching  for  the  enemy, 
with  no  other  covering  or  conveniency  to  shelter 
them  from  the  inclemency  of  the  weather,  than  trees 
and  rocks  !  The  old  soldiers  are  affected,  and  com 
plain  of  their  hardships  and  little  encouragement  in 
piteous  terms  ;  and  they  give  these  as  reasons  for  so 
much  desertion.  The  money  that  is  given  in  paying 
for  deserters,  expresses,  horse-hire,  losses  and  abuse 
of  horses,  would  go  a  great  length  toward  advancing 
their  pay,  which  I  hope  would  contribute  not  a  little 
to  remove  the  cause  of  this  expense.  I  would  not 
have  it  here  understood,  tho',  that  I  mean  to  recom 
mend  any  thing  extraordinary ;  no,  I  would  give 
them  British  pay,  and  entitle  them  to  the  same 
privileges  during  their  stay  in  the  service,  and  as 
a  reward  or  compliment  for  their  toil,  rather  than  a 
matter  of  right.  Were  the  country  to  give  them 
one  suit  of  regimental  clothes  a  year,  without  re 
ceiving  the  two  pence  stoppage,  it  would  be  a 
full  allowance,  and  give  great  content  and  satis 
faction.  All  they  want  (they  say)  is  to  be  entitled 
to  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  soldiers,  of  which 
they  are  well  informed,  by  some  who  have  been 
a  number  of  years  in  the  army,  then  they  should 
think  it  no  hardship  to  be  subject  to  the  punishments 
and  fatigues.  Were  this  done,  and  an  order  given 
by  the  Committee  empowering  me  to  provide  for 
them,  according  to  the  rules  and  customs  of  the  army, 


3i8  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


I  then  should  know  what  I  was  about,  and  I  could  do 
it  without  hesitation  or  fear,  and,  am  convinced,  to 
the  satisfaction  and  interest  of  the  country.  As  the 
case  now  stands,  we  are  upon  such  odd  establishment, 
under  such  uncertain  regulations,  and  subject  to  so 
much  inconvenience,  that  I  am  wandering  in  a  wilder 
ness  of  difficulties,  and  am  ignorant  of  the  ways  to 
extricate  myself,  and  to  steer  for  the  satisfaction  of 
the  country,  the  soldiers,  or  myself.  Having  no  cer 
tain  rules  for  the  direction  of  my  conduct,  I  am 
afraid  to  turn  to  this  hand  or  to  that,  lest  it  should 
be  censured.  If  such  an  order,  as  I  before  spoke  of, 
was  to  issue  from  your  Board,  I  would  then  immedi 
ately  provide  upon  the  best  terms  a  quantity  of  all 
kinds  of  ammunition,  clothes,  &c.  for  the  use  of  the 
regiment,  and  deliver  them  out  to  each  company,  as 
their  wants  required,  taking  care  to  deduct  the  value 
of  all  such  things  from  their  pay.  By  this  means  the 
soldiers  would  be  always  provided  and  fit  for  duty, 
and  do  it  cheerfully,  and  the  country  sustains  no 
other  loss,  than  advancing  and  lying  out  of  the  money 
for  a  few  months  to  lay  in  those  stores,  as  this  money 
is  always  restored  by  the  soldiers  again.1 

I  have  hitherto  been  afraid  to  advance  any  sums  of 
money  for  this  salutary  purpose,  and  always  bought 
at  extravagant  prices,  and  have  been  obliged  to  send 
to  different  parts,  ere  they  could  be  had,  which  has 
also  contributed  to  the  cause  of  their  nakedness. 
The  officers  are  almost  as  uneasy  and  dispirited  as 
the  men,  doing  every  part  of  duty  with  languor  and 

1  These  requests,  in  regard  to  the  soldiers,  were  so  far  complied  with,  that 
they  afterwards  received  full  pay  without  any  stoppage  for  their  clothing. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  319 


indifference.  When  they  are  ordered  to  provide 
themselves  with  suitable  necessaries,  they  complain 
of  an  uncertain  establishment,  and  the  probability  of 
being  disbanded,  and  so,  things  rendered  useless. 
So  that  I  really  most  heartily  wish  for  a  change. 
The  surgeon  has  entreated  me  to  mention  his  case, 
which  I  shall  do  by  enclosing  his  letters.  He  has 
behaved  extremely  well,  and  discharged  his  duty,  in 
every  capacity,  since  he  came  to  the  regiment.  He 
has  long  discovered  an  inclination  to  quit  the  service, 
the  encouragement  being  so  small  ;  and  I  believe 
would  have  clone  it,  had  not  the  officers,  to  show 
their  regard  and  willingness  to  detain  him,  subscribed 
each  one  day's  pay  in  every  month.  This,  as  they 
are  likely  to  be  so  much  dispersed,  and  can  receive 
no  benefit  from  him,  they  intend  to  withdraw,  (he 
says)  and  therefore  begs  me  to  solicit  the  gentlemen 
of  the  Committee  in  his  behalf  ;  otherwise  he  shall  be 
obliged  to  seek  some  other  method  of  getting  his 
livelihood. 

If  it  is  thought  necessary  to  establish  an  hospital, 
I  believe  there  can  scarcely  be  a  doubt  but  that  this 
is  the  place  ;  and  then  I  hope  he  will  be  appointed 
director,  with  advanced  pay.  Whether  or  not,  I 
could  really  wish  his  pay  or  perquisites  was  increased, 
for  the  reasons  he  gives. 

I  beg,  Sir,  with  very  great  earnestness,  that  the 
gentlemen  of  the  Committee  will  communicate  their 
sentiments  fully  upon  all  these  several  matters,  and 
approve  or  disapprove  of  every  thing  therein.  I  only 
wait  to  know  their  intention,  and  then  act  in  strict 
conformity  thereto. 


320  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


Since  writing  the  preceding  pages,  I  find  on  ex 
amining  Mr.  Boyd's  accompts  that  he  has  unadvisably 
paid  Mr.  Finnic  what  arrears  were  due  Quales.  But 
having  already  appealed  for  approbation  of  the  Com 
mittee  in  this  and  other  accompts,  which  I  had 
no  distinct  knowledge  of,  or  concern  in,  I  yet  submit 
to  your  determination,  and  Mr.  Finnic  must  abide  by 
your  judgment,  and  refund  if  found  reasonable. 

If  the  Committee  find  my  account  satisfactory  and 
distinct,  as  I  have  no  doubt  of  it,  it  would  be  a  great 
obligation,  if  they  would  make  a  final  settlement  to 
that  date,  and  begin  a  new  account,  as  it  would  be 
the  means  of  keeping  matters  more  clear  and  intelli 
gible  hereafter.  For  long  accounts  and  references  to 
doubtful  points,  instead  of  gaining  any  light,  are  but 
darkened  and  confused  by  procrastination.  The  late 
regulation  of  our  companies  will  occasion  more  regu 
larity  in  the  paymaster's  account,  and  be  more  satis 
factory  in  every  shape,  for  the  future.  Besides,  the 
gentlemen  of  the  Committee  will  find  little  trouble, 
or  difficulty,  in  overhauling  short  accounts,  kept  in  a 
regular  method,  plain  and  perspicuous,  which  is  the 
very  life  of  business. 

I  would  again  entreat  your  regard  to  my  request, 
for  these  and  many  other  reasons. 


TO    CAPTAIN    WAGGENER. 

WINCHESTER,  5  August,  1756. 


SIR, 

I  have  so  many  places  and  people  to  defend  ;  so 
great  calls  from  every  quarter  for  men,  and  so  little 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  321 

prospects  for  getting  any,  that  I  find  it  impossible  to 
comply  with  the  act  of  Assembly,  and  opinion  of  the 
Council  of  War,  in  building  the  chain  of  forts  on 
the  frontiers.  You  must  therefore,  notwithstanding 
all  the  orders  which  have  heretofore  been  given,  im 
mediately  despatch  Captain  Bell,  with  his  whole  com 
pany  to  Captain  Cox's  fort ;  where  he  is  to  remain 
himself  with  twenty  men,  taking  command  of  said 
fort,  and  escorting  all  Expresses,  wagons,  &c,  to 
and  from  Fort  Cumberland,  as  far  as  Ashby's  and 
Pearsalls.  The  rest  of  his  men  he  is  to  divide  into 
two  equal  parts  ;  one  of  which,  with  his  Ensign,  is 
to  march  to,  and  be  stationed  at  Kirkendalls,  for  the 
protection  of  the  people  there.  The  other  party, 
with  a  trusty  sergeant  is  to  march  to,  and  put  them 
selves  under  the  direction  of  the  officer  commanding 
at  Ashby's,  in  order  to  strengthen  that  garrison  and 
enable  them  to  afford  escorts  with  the  greater  safety. 
Your  own  and  the  two  remaining  companies,  you  are 
to  dispose  of  in  the  most  eligible  manner  for  the  pro 
tection  of  the  inhabitants  above  the  Trough  ;  and 
I  could  most  earnestly  wish  that  you  would,  if  the 
thing  is  practicable,  erect  a  fort  in  that  settlement, 
twenty  miles  above  your  upper  fort,  that  the  people 
in  those  parts  may  be  sheltered  from  the  enemy,  and 
that  we  may  so  far  as  is  possible,  shew  our  willingness 
to  comply  with  the  laws  of  our  country  that  direct 
this  chain. 

I  wrote  you  yesterday,  desiring  that  all  the  cap 
tains  would  be  punctual  in  making  me  exact  weekly 
returns,  to  be  signed  by  themselves  and  officers,  of 


322  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


the  state  and  strength  of  their  companies,  and  must 
repeat  those  orders,  as  I  am  fully  resolved  to  suspend 
the  first  captain  or  commander  of  a  company  that 
neglects  in  sending  me  them  ;  or  that  is  careless  in 
correcting  or  returning  them  exact,  tho'  they  may 
vary  but  a  man. 

All  the  militia  that  are  not  already  marched,  must 
be  immediately  ordered  down,  to  call  at  this  place  to 
lodge  their  arms. 

TO    COLONEL    STEPHEN. 

WINCHESTER,  5  August,  1756. 

SIR, 

Yours  of  the  2Oth  ultimo  and  ist  inst.  I  have 
just  received.  I  am  sorry  to  hear  you  even  men 
tion  recalling  Capt.  McKenzie  from  his  post.  It 
must  have  been  an  extraordinary  occasion  that  would 
have  reconciled  me  to  that  proceeding,  which  would 
have  left  Cox's,  Pearsalls,  and  Kirkendalls  forts  quite 
defenceless,  to  strengthen  a  garrison  which  was  only 
intended  to  defend  the  stores,  and  might  be  protec 
ted  by  100  against  musketry,  as  well  as  by  more  ; 
and  all  the  men  we  have  could  not  save  it  against 
any  thing  else.  I  have,  in  order  to  strengthen  the 
several  garrisons  that  maintain  the  communica 
tions  with  Fort  Cumberland,  ordered  Captain  Bell 
to  march  to  Cox's,  and  there  remain  with  twenty 
men,  while  the  rest  of  his  company  is  equally  di 
vided,  one  part  to  strengthen  Ashby's,  the  other  to 
protect  the  inhabitants  at  Kirkendalls.  By  this 
means  McKenzie's  company  will  be  kept  entire  at 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  323 


Pearsalls,  and  enable  him  to  furnish  the  stronger  es 
corts.  I  hope  you  will  mention  that  matter  to  Ruth 
erford,  which  we  talked  of  at  Fort  Cumberland,  about 
recruiting  the  rangers.  The  militia  now  can  neither 
serve  nor  disserve  us,  for,  they  are  by  the  Governor's 
directions,  all  called  in.  The  views  of  the  enemy  are 
designed  against  the  lower  inhabitants.  They  have 
laid  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  waste,  as  low  as  Car 
lisle,  the  inhabitants  of  which  place  we  are  told  are 
flying  with  the  utmost  consternation.  They  have 
made  an  attempt  on  the  Virginia  side,  killed  one  and 
captivated  another  on  the  Conococheague  road,  four 
miles  hitherwards,  but  retreated  back,  for  how  long  a 
time,  God  knows.  I  communicated  the  contents  of 
yours  to  the  Doctor  concerning  medicines,  and  he 
will  send  them  up  so  soon  as  procured.  At  present 
he  has  none  of  them. 

Having  occasion  to  write  to  Captain  Waggener,  I 
have  ordered  him  to  despatch  the  men  belonging  to 
your  garrison  immediately.  Yesterday  I  wrote  you, 
and  desired  that  all  the  Captains  would  be  punctual 
in  making  me  weekly  returns,  signed  by  themselves 
and  officers,  signifying  the  state  and  strength  of  their 
companies,  and  shall  here  repeat  these  orders,  be 
cause  I  am  fully  resolved  to  suspend  the  first  Cap 
tain  (or  commander  of  a  company)  that  fails  in  this 
point,  or  that  is  negligent  and  incorrect  in  making 
them  out,  tho'  they  may  err  but  in  one  man. 

By  my  returns  of  the  regiment  including  drafts, 
scouts  and  rangers,  I  can  only  make  926  men  ;  while 
Mr.  Boyd,  exclusive  of  Captain  Hog's  company,  has 


324  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


issued  pay  for  1080.  What  am  I,  or  what  are  the 
Governor  and  Committee,  before  whom  all  these 
widely  different  returns  must  be  laid  for  examination, 
to  think  of  them  ?  Sure  the  least  they  can  say  is, 
that  it  is  unhappy  for  the  country  to  have  officers  so 
little  acquainted  with  the  management  of  their  com 
panies  as  to  make  returns  to  me  for  926  men  only, 
and  others  to  the  Paymaster  for  1080.  You  desire 
to  have  a  map  sent  you  of  the  lakes,  &c.  I  have 
none  but  Evans's,  which  you  have  also :  nor  have  I 
heard  a  syllable  from  Major  Lewis,  altho'  Mr.  Jones 
is  now  here  from  Augusta  ;  nor  any  thing  about  an 
engagement  on  the  Lakes. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

WINCHESTER,  14  August,  1756. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

The  return  of  the  express,  that  came  with  La 
Force's  escape,  (for  which  accident  I  am  extremely 
concerned,  and  fear  its  productions  if  he  is  not  re 
taken,)  affords  me  an  opportunity  to  inform  your 
Honor  of  some  occurrences,  which  have  happened 
since  my  last.1 

Repeated  complaints  and  applications  from  all  quar 
ters  for  men,  but  more  especially  from  the  garrisons 
which  secure  the  communication  with  Fort  Cumber- 


J  La  Force,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  one  of  the  prisoners  taken  in  the 
skirmish  with  Juinonville's  party.  He  was  capable,  enterprising,  active,  and 
had  been  instrumental,  before  his  capture,  in  exciting  the  Indians  to  commit 
depredations  on  the  frontiers.  He  was  thrown  into  the  jail  at  Williams- 
burg.  From  this  abode,  after  more  than  two  years'  confinement,  he  had  the 
address  to  escape,  but  was  seized  before  he  had  advanced  far  into  the  country, 
remanded  to  prison,  and  loaded  with  irons. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  325 


land,  (a  place  very  useless  in  itself,  and  expensive  to 
the  country  ;  containing  an  hundred  and  fifty  men 
solely  employed  in  guarding  the  stores,  which  could 
be  better  defended  at  any  other  place)  obliged  me  to 
order  a  company  from  Captain  Waggener's  detach 
ment  (for  none  else  could  spare  a  man)  to  reinforce 
and  enable  those  garrisons  to  send  escorts  with 
wagons  and  expresses,  going  to  and  returning  from 
Cumberland  Fort.  This  reduced  Captain  Waggener's 
command  to  a  number  insufficient  to  disperse  parties 
among  the  settlers,  and  retain  a  strength  to  conduct 
the  buildings.  Therefore,  the  grand  point  then 
turned  on  this  :  whether  he  was  to  neglect  the  inhabi 
tants  and  build  the  forts,  or  neglect  the  forts  and 
mind  the  inhabitants. 

His  council  were  of  the  latter  opinion  unanimously, 
and  sent  to  know  my  sentiments,  which  I  own  corre 
sponded  with  theirs,  for  these  reasons.  First,  I  look 
upon  it,  that  the  protection  of  the  inhabitants  was  the 
motive  for  ordering  these  forts  ;  and  to  lose  them, 
while  we  are  at  work,  is  perverting  the  intention.  Sec 
ondly,  we  have  built  some  and  altered  other  forts,  as 
far  south  on  the  Potomac  waters  as  any  settlers  have 
been  molested  ;  and  there  only  remains  one  body  of 
inhabitants,  at  a  place  called  the  Upper  Tract,  which 
needs  a  guard  upon  these  waters,  and  thither  I  have 
ordered  a  party.  After  this,  if  I  am  not  misin 
formed,  there  is  nothing  but  a  continued  series  of 
mountains  uninhabited,  until  we  get  over  on  James 
river  waters,  not  far  from  that  fort,  which  takes  its 
name  from  your  Honor  ;  down  which  to  Mayo  River, 


326  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


Captain  Hog,  by  your  Honor's  orders,  is  to  have  the 
direction  of.  If  I  have  done  amiss,  in  not  adhering  to 
the  letter  of  the  law,  I  hope  your  Honor  will  intimate 
the  same,  and  give  directions  how  I  am  to  proceed. 

There  have  been  two  or  three  men  killed  and 
scalped  at  different  places,  since  my  last,  though  every 
precaution  has  been  taken  to  prevent  it.  The  fa 
tiguing  service,  low  pay,  and  great  hardships  in  which 
our  men  have  been  engaged,  cause,  notwithstanding 
the  greatest  care  and  vigilance  to  the  contrary,  great 
and  scandalous  desertions.  Yesterday  I  received  an 
account  from  Captain  Stewart,  of  sixteen  men  desert 
ing  in  a  party.  Frequently  two  or  three  went  off 
before,  as  they  have  done  from  this  place.  We  never 
fail  to  pursue,  and  use  all  possible  means  to  appre 
hend  them  ;  but  seldom  with  success,  as  they  are  gen 
erally  aided  and  assisted  off  by  the  inhabitants. 
There  are  now  two  parties  in  pursuit  of  these  fellows, 
who  have  made  towards  the  northward  to  enlist  with 
the  recruiting  officers  in  Pennsylvania,  &c.  I  fear 
without  a  stop  can  be  put  to  it  we  shall  lose  numbers 
of  our  men.1  A  report  prevailed  in  town  yesterday, 

1  "  The  many  desertions  from  your  corps  and  our  militia  give  me  much  con 
cern,  as  it  must  be  known  to  the  enemy,  and  encourage  their  so-frequent  inva 
sions  and  hostilities.  Our  several  captains  were  ordered  out  last  Sunday,  to 
enquire  after,  search  for,  and  apprehend  the  deserters  from  Captain  Minor  and 
Captain  Hamilton,  but  without  success,  which  denotes  a  too-great  pusillanimity 
or  want  of  consideration  on  our  country's  lying  naked  and  almost  defenceless 
against  an  implacable  and  bloodthirsty  crew  of  savages.  None  can  wonder  if 
Colonel  Washington  is  uneasy  at  the  backwardness  of  the  Lower  Country's  not 
sending  their  drafted  men  to  complete  his  regiment.  He  has  great  reason  to 
repeat  and  often  enforce  his  representations.  It  is  on  record,  you  know, 
that  a  certain  widow  gained  her  suit  by  much  importunity  and  teasing." —  W. 
Fairfax  to  Bryan  Fairfax,  J  August,  1756. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  327 


said  to  come  from  a  man,  who  had  it  from  a  person 
who  was  at  Governor  Morris's  treaty  with  the  Indians, 
and  heard  them  say,  that  a  large  body  composed  of 
different  nations,  and  headed  by  some  French,  in 
tended  to  attack  Fort  Cumberland  this  fall.  Reports 
of  this  kind  often  take  rise  without  good  foundation  ; 
yet,  as  this  is  an  affair  of  great  importance,  the  slight 
est  intelligence  ought  not  to  be  discountenanced,  es 
pecially  when  we  consider  that  our  provision,  and, 
what  is  still  more  valuable,  all  our  ammunition  and 
stores,  are  lodged  in  that  defenceless  place.  The 
consequence  of  a  successful  enterprise  of  this  sort, 
and  the  absolute  impossibility  (considering  the  weak 
ness  of  the  place,  badness  of  situation,  and  division  of 
our  force)  of  preventing  its  falling,  are,  without  pre 
vious  notice,  motives  sufficient  to  apprehend  the 
worst.  Therefore,  notwithstanding  I  enlarged  on 
this  subject  in  a  former  letter,  think  it  my  duty  to 
hint  this  again,  and  to  get  directions  how  I  am  to 
proceed. 

It  is  true,  I  give  no  credit  to  this  intelligence,  be 
cause  I  flatter  myself  such  important  information  as 
this  would  be  communicated,  in  the  most  distinct  and 
expeditious  manner,  by  Governor  Morris  ;  yet,  as  I 
before  said,  it  being  an  expedition  they  cannot  fail  of 
succeeding  in,  what  should  deter  them  from  attempt 
ing  it  ?  We  have  certain  advice,  that  two  of  our  de 
serters  have  reached  Fort  Duquesne,  and  were  heard 
to  speak  in  high  terms,  before  they  went  off  (but  this 
was  not  known  till  after  they  were  gone)  of  the  re 
ward  that  would  be  got  for  communicating  the  weak- 


328  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


ness  of  the  works  and  garrison  at  Fort  Cumberland. 
All  the  militia  are  returned  save  thirty  from  Cul- 
peper,  who  stay  willingly  with  Captain  Fields. 

As  a  general  meeting  of  all  the  persons  concerned 
in  the  estate  of  my  deceased  brother  r  is  appointed  to 
be  held  at  Alexandria,  about  the  middle  of  Septem 
ber  next,  for  making  a  final  settlement  of  all  his 
affairs  ;  and  as  I  am  very  deeply  interested,  not  only 
as  an  executor  and  heir  to  part  of  his  estate,  but  also 
in  a  very  important  dispute,  subsisting  between  Colo 
nel  Lee,2  who  married  the  widow,  and  my  brothers  and 
self,  concerning  advice3  in  the  will,  which  brings  the 
whole  personal  estate  in  question, — I  say,  as  this  is  a 
matter  of  very  great  moment  to  me,  I  hope  your 
Honor  will  readily  consent  to  my  attending  this  meet 
ing,  provided  no  disadvantage  is  likely  to  arise  during 
my  absence  ;  in  which  case,  I  shall  not  offer  to  quit 
my  command. 

If  war  is  to  be  declared  at  this  place,  I  should  be 
glad  if  your  Honor  would  direct  the  manner.  I 
know  there  is  ceremony  required,  but  the  order  I  am 
ignorant  of.4  I  am,  &c. 


ADDRESS   TO   HIS   COMMAND. 

You  see,  gentlemen  soldiers,  that  it  hath  pleased  our 
most  gracious  sovereign  to  declare  war  in  form  against 

1  Lawrence  Washington. 

'-'  George  Lee,  an  uncle  of  Arthur  and  Richard  Henry  Lee. 

:1  Sparks  suggests  "  a  devise." 

4  War  against  France  had  been  formally  declared  by  the  King  on  May  lyth. 
It  was  published  in  Williamsburg  August  7th.  Governor  Dinwiddie  answered  : — 
' '  The  method,  that  you  are  to  declare  war,  is  at  the  head  of  your  companies, 
with  three  volleys  of  small  arms  for  his  Majesty's  health  and  a  successful  war." 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  329 


the  French  King,  and  (for  divers  good  causes,  but  more  par 
ticularly  for  their  ambitious  usurpations  and  encroachments 
on  his  American  dominions)  to  pronounce  all  the  said 
French  King's  subjects  and  vassals  to  be  enemies  to  his 
crown  and  dignity  ;  and  hath  willed  and  required  all  his 
subjects  and  people,  and  in  a  more  especial  manner  com 
manded  his  captain-general  of  his  forces,  his  governors,  and 
all  other  his  commanders  and  officers,  to  do  and  execute  all 
acts  of  hostility  in  the  prosecution  of  this  just  and  honora 
ble  war.  And  though  our  utmost  endeavors  can  contribute 
but  little  to  the  advancement  of  his  Majesty's  honor  and 
the  interest  of  his  governments,  yet  let  us  show  our  willing 
obedience  to  the  best  of  kings,  and,  by  a  strict  attachment 
to  his  royal  commands,  demonstrate  the  love  and  loyalty 
we  bear  to  his  sacred  person  ;  let  us,  by  rules  of  unerring 
bravery,  strive  to  merit  his  royal  favor,  and  a  better  estab 
lishment  as  reward  for  our  services.1 


TO    LORD    FAIRFAX.2 

WINCHESTER,  29  August,  1756. 

MY   LORD, 

It  is  with  infinite  concern,  I  see  the  distresses  of 
the  people,  and  hear  their  complaints,  without  being 
able  to  afford  them  relief.  I  have  so  often  troubled 


1  Printed  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  MassacJnisetts  Historical  Society,  xiv. , 
p.  264.  I  am  unable  to  trace  it  in  the  gazettes  of  that  time. 

a  Thomas,  the  sixth  Lord  Fairfax,  possessed  by  inheritance  a  large  tract  of 
land  in  what  was  called  the  Northern  Neck  of  Virginia,  between  the  Potomac 
and  Rappahannoc  Rivers,  estimated  to  contain  five  millions  two  hundred 
thousand  acres.  For  a  time  he  employed  his  cousin,  William  Fairfax,  as  agent 
to  manage  these  lands,  and,  about  the  year  1739,  he  came  himself  over  to  Vir 
ginia.  He  stayed  a  year,  and  went  back  to  England.  Four  years  afterwards, 
that  is,  in  1745,  he  returned  to  Virginia,  where  he  passed  the  remainder  of  his 
days.  He  resided  a  year  in  the  family  of  Mr.  William  Fairfax,  at  Belvoir. 
At  length  he  determined  to  establish  himself  on  the  western  side  of  the  Blue 
Ridge,  where  he  built  a  hunting  lodge,  called  Greenway  Court,  a  few  miles  from 
Winchester,  laid  out  a  beautiful  farm,  and  put  it  under  high  cultivation.  Here 


330  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

your  Honor  for  aid  from  the  militia,  that  I  am  almost 
ashamed  to  repeat  my  demands  ;  nor  should  mention 
them  again,  did  I  not  think  it  absolutely  necessary  at 
this  time  to  save  the  most  valuable  and  flourishing 
part  of  this  county  from  immediate  desertion.  And 
how  soon  the  remainder  part,  as  well  as  the  adjacent 
counties,  may  share  the  same  fate,  is  too  obvious  to 
reason,  and  to  your  Lordship's  good  sense  for  me  to 
demonstrate.  The  whole  settlement  of  Conoco- 
cheague  in  Maryland  is  fled,  and  there  now  remain 
only  two  families  from  thence  to  Fredericktown, 
which  is  several  miles  below  the  Blue  Ridge.  By 
which  means  we  are  quite  exposed,  and  have  no  bet 
ter  security  on  that  side,  than  the  Potomac  River, 
for  many  miles  below  the  Shenandoah  ;  and  how 
great  security  that  is  to  us,  may  easily  be  discerned, 
when  we  consider,  with  what  facility  the  enemy  have 
passed  and  repassed  it  already.  That  the  Maryland 
settlements  are  all  abandoned  is  certainly  fact,  as  I 
have  had  the  accounts  transmitted  to  me  by  several 

he  lived  in  the  exercise  of  a  plain  but  generous  and  elegant  hospitality  till  his 
death,  which  happened  December  7,  1781,  in  his  ninety-second  year. 

In  this  retreat  Lord  Fairfax  devoted  himself  to  the  management  of  the  large 
tracts  of  land,  of  which  he  was  the  proprietor,  and  also  to  the  discharge  of  such 
public  offices,  as  rendered  him  useful  to  his  neighborhood.  He  was  lieutenant 
of  the  county  of  Frederick,  presided  in  the  county  courts  at  Winchester,  and  was 
overseer  of  the  public  roads.  He  was  remarked  for  some  peculiar  traits  of 
character,  and  was  fond  of  the  chase  and  other  active  amusements  ;  but  his 
mind  was  highly  cultivated,  and  his  literary  taste  and  accomplishments  were 
considerable.  He  was  greatly  esteemed  by  his  intimate  friends,  and  died  much 
lamented.  A  portrait  of  Lord  Fairfax  exists  in  Alexandria,  Va. 

His  barony  descended  to  his  only  surviving  brother,  Robert  Fairfax,  who  was 
the  seventh  Lord  Fairfax,  and  who  died  at  Leeds  Castle,  in  England,  1791. 
The  title  next  fell  upon  Bryan  Fairfax,  of  Towlston  Hall,  in  Virginia,  who  was 
the  eighth  and  last  Lord  Fairfax,  and  who  died  August  /th,  1802,  at  the  age  of 
seventy-five.  During  the  latter  years  of  his  life,  he  was  a  clergymen  of  the 
Episcopal  Church. — Burnaby's  Travels  in  America,  3d  edition,  p.  159. — Sparks. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  331 


hands,  and  confirmed  yesterday  by  Henry  Brinker, 
who  left  Monocacy  the  day  before,  and  also  affirms,  that 
three  hundred  and  fifty  wagons  had  passed  that  place 
to  avoid  the  enemy,  within  the  space  of  three  days. 

I  thought  it  expedient  to  communicate  the  above 
in  order  to  inform  your  Lordship  of  the  reasons  for 
asking  succours  for  these  unhappy  people,  and  how 
absolutely  necessary  it  is  to  use,  (without  delay,)  such 
vigorous  measures  as  will  save  that  settlement  from 
total  desolation. 

We  see,  my  Lord,  the  absurdity  of  the  people's 
arguments,  and  the  consequences  of  leaving  one 
county,  nay,  one  part  of  the  county,  or,  to  go  still 
farther,  a  single  company,  that  is  more  exposed  than 
another,  to  defend  itself  and  the  parts  in  danger. 
When  Hampshire  was  invaded,  and  called  on  Fred 
erick  for  assistance,  the  people  of  the  latter  refused 
their  aid,  answering,  "  Let  them  defend  themselves, 
as  we  shall  do  if  they  come  to  us."  Now  the  enemy 
have  forced  through  that  county,  and  begin  to  infest 
this,  those  a  little  removed  from  danger  are  equally 
infatuated  ;  and  will  be,  I  fear,  until  all  in  turn  fall  a 
sacrifice  to  an  insulting  and  merciless  enemy. 

These  observations  may  be  improperly  offered  to 
your  Lordship,  but  they  occur  in  so  refulgent  a  light 
to  me,  that  I  could  not  resist  the  impulse  of  dictating 
them.  I  am  so  weak-handed  here,  that  I  could  not, 
without  stagnating  the  public  works,  spare  a  man  to 
these  people's  assistance.  Yet  I  look  upon  the  re 
taining  of  them  to  be  so  essential  to  the  well-being 
of  the  county  in  general,  that  I  have  ordered  all  the 
men,  that  can  possibly  be  spared,  to  march  thither- 


332  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [I756 


wards  ;  and  they  accordingly  set  out  to-morrow 
morning,  to  remain  there  until  your  Lordship  can 
relieve  them,  that  they  may  return  to  these  works, 
which  in  my  opinion  are  of  no  little  importance  to 
the  safety  of  the  county,  if  we  should  be  attacked  by 
numbers,  as  we  have  reason  to  apprehend.  I  hope 
your  Lordship  will  exert  your  authority  in  raising 
men  for  this  salutary  end,  and  that  you  will  think  it 
advisable  to  make  every  company  furnish  their  quota. 
This  will  redress  the  complaints  of  the  people  below, 
who  say  they  cannot  leave  their  families  to  the  mercy 
of  the  enemy,  while  they  are  scouring  the  woods. 

This  is  the  reason  given  by  some  why  Caton's 
party  consists  but  of  ten  men,  while  others  say  it 
proceeds  from  dislike  to  the  man.  I  acquainted  his 
Honor  the  Governor  with  your  Lordship's  order  for 
raising  fifty  men  for  this  service,  who  approved 
thereof,  and  has  been  pleased  to  direct  me  to  con 
tinue  them  there  so  long  as  I  see  cause. 

I  cannot  conclude  without  again  mentioning  how 
agreeable  it  would  be,  if  your  Lordship  would  order 
a  party  immediately  to  these  parts,  that  1  may  with 
draw  my  men  to  their  duty  at  this  place.  I  am,  my 
Lord,  &c.  

TO    COLONEL    STEPHEN. 

WINCHESTER,  6  September,  1756. 

SIR, 

Yours  of  the  i;th  &  23d  August  I  received.  Mr. 
Boyd  is  just  returned  from  Williamsburg,  settling  his 
accompts  and  getting  a  supply  of  cash.  He  will  be 
with  you  to  pay  you  off. 


T756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  333 

I  am  in  hopes  our  men  for  the  future  will  be  better 
satisfied,  as  the  Committee  have  allowed  them  %d  per 
day  and  their  clothes  without  any  stoppages  or  de 
ductions.  The  Governor  expects  this  encouragement 
will  engage  the  Rangers  to  enlist. 

I  wrote  him  about  Fort  Cumberland  being  put 
down  ;  but  he  says,  as  it  is  a  King's  fort  he  cannot 
venture  to  abandon  it,  without  further  orders  from  a 
higher  power.  He  says,  Lord  Loudoun  will  be  at 
Williamsburg  about  the  2Oth  November,  and  then 
the  affair  may  be  properly  represented  to  him.  He 
has  however  sent  me  orders  to  draw  from  thence  a 
sufficient  quantity  of  stores  for  this  and  the  other 
forts,  and  I  have  accordingly  sent  wagons  to  be 
loaded  with  ammunition,  &c.  for  that  purpose. 

The  Governor  informs  me  too,  that  he  just  re 
ceived  an  express  from  Major  Lewis,  acquainting 
him  that  he  might  expect  150  Cherokees  to  be  at 
this  place  in  a  fortnight ;  that  the  Catawba  King  was 
gone  to  South  Carolina,  and  had  engaged  to  send  50 
warriors  to  our  assistance,  on  his  return  from  thence. 
This  will  be  a  considerable  help  to  us,  as  we  shall  be 
able  to  carry  the  war  into  their  own  country,  and  use 
them  in  the  same  manner  they  have  us  for  12  months 
past.  He  adds,  that  the  Catawbas  and  Cherokees 
are  very  firmly  attached  to  our  interest,  and  will  still 
furnish  us  with  more  assistance  when  the  fort  in  that 
country  is  completed.  'T  is  already  in  great  forward 
ness.  I  have  wrote  to  Captain  Waggener  of  this, 
and  ordered  him  to  keep  up  a  correspondence  with 
yours  and  the  other  forts,  that  you  may  hear  from 


334  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

each  other  every  week.  I  beg  you  will  see  to  have 
every  man  at  the  fort  supplied  with  a  powder-horn 
and  shot-bag. 

The  Governor  has  sued  Hedgman  for  scandal  and 
has  ordered  Lieutenant  Hall  to  attend  the  General 
Court,  the  i4th  of  October,  as  an  evidence.  Acquaint 
Mr.  Hall  of  this,  and  send  him  down.  I  have  got 
orders  from  the  Governor  to  enlist  servants,  the 
masters  to  be  paid  a  reasonable  price  upon  the  first 
purchase,  deducting  for  the  time  they  have  served. 
You  will  observe  this,  if  any  should  fall  in  with  you. 
Complaint  has  been  made  that  the  officers  and 
soldiers  upon  party,  take  up  the  strays  they  find  in 
the  woods.  Let  these  practices  be  discouraged. 
Ensign  Roy  had  my  promise  to  be  appointed  to  my 
company,  as  it  is  the  company  he  before  belonged 
to,  in  case  my  brother  did  not  accept,  and  he  has 
declined  it.  I  desire  you  will  send  Mr.  Roy  down 
immediately  to  this  place.  I  have  received  no 
monthly  returns,  which  I  expected  regularly,  besides 
weekly  ones. 

Let  all  your  leisure  hours  be  employed  in  disci 
plining  the  men  ;  for  as  Lord  Loudoun  is  to  be  here, 
and  will  probably  see  them,  I  would  willingly  have 
them  make  the  best  appearance  possible. 

The  wagons  must  be  despatched  as  soon  as  possi 
ble,  loaded  with  powder  chiefly,  the  rest  with  gren 
ades,  musket-ball  and  a  quantity  of  flints,  with  some 
1 2  Ib.  &  4  Ib.  grape-shot. 

The  powder  is  the  most  material,  so  let  the  greater 
proportion  of  that  be  sent.  The  men  returned  by 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  335 

the  officers  above-mentioned,  at  this  place,  are  em 
ployed  on  the  public  works,  but  they  must  still  con 
tinue  them  on  their  rolls  and  returns,  and  shall  have 
them  returned  to  their  companies,  as  soon  as  they 
have  done  here,  if  they  belong  properly  to  them. 

Waters  and  Burrass  behaved  extremely  ill  when 
they  were  sent  down  last.  If  I  could  lay  my  hands 
on  them,  I  would  try  the  effect  of  1000  lashes  on  the 
former,  and  whether  a  general  court-martial  would  not 
condemn  the  latter  to  a  life  eternal  !  I  shall  not  at  this 
time  enumerate  the  different  kinds  of  charges  laid 
to  both,  but  desire  you  will  enquire  minutely  of  Mr. 
Burrass  what  he  did  with  the  mare  he  brought  from 
Fort  Cumberland.  She  was  a  creature  belonging  to 
the  heirs  of  Theobald,  caught  by  Captain  Ashby  for 
me.  I  intended  to  have  had  her  appraised,  and 
allowed  the  heirs  her  full  value.  She  was  first  carried 
to  Fort  Cumberland,  then  brought  down  by  that  vil 
lain  Burrass,  and  here  sold  or  swapped,  I  want  to 
know  to  whom,  that  I  may  get  her  and  do  as  I  first 
intended.  Captain  Peachy  applied  to  me  for  leave 
to  take  up  strays,  &c.  and  said  it  was  practised  by  the 
Marylanders  &  Pennsylvanians.  If  the  people  of 
those  provinces  are  guilty  of  unlawful  practices,  I 
cannot  think  it  should  be  any  excitement  to  us  to 
follow  their  example  :  for  under  that  pretence  of 
getting  strays  in  the  mountains,  is  carried  on  a  scene 
of  the  greatest  iniquity  that  can  be  imagined.  The 
horses  on  Pattersons  Creek,  South  Branch,  and  other 
of  our  deserted  settlements  hitherwards,  are  taken 
up,  sold  and  made  away  with,  to  the  infinite,  detri- 


336  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


ment  and  oppression  of  the  people  who  complain  of 
these  grievances  in  the  most  sensible  manner,  and 
urge  that  they  are  more  oppressed  by  their  own  peo 
ple,  than  by  the  enemy.  Were  there  a  limitation 
given,  the  officers  might,  but  the  soldiers  would  not 
observe  any,  and  all  strays  whatever  got,  would  be 
said  to  come  within  limited  bounds.  However,  if 
you  think  you  can  put  the  garrison  of  Fort  Cumber 
land  under  proper  restraints  in  this  particular,  I 
would  rather  that  they  be  benefited  by  any  advan 
tages  of  this  kind  than  the  enemy,  or  those  who 
have  no  pretence  should  take  them  off.  Therefore 
suffer  no  horses  to  be  deemed  strays,  or  taken  up  as 
such,  which  run  anywhere  below  the  Flats,  either  on 
the  Virginia  or  Maryland  side  ;  and  if  any  are  caught 
above,  if  it  is  not  known  to  whom  they  belong,  let 
them  be  appraised  by  indifferent  officers,  upon  their 
honor  ;  and  the  valuation,  with  the  marks  and  brand, 
be  registered  in  a  book  for  that  purpose.  Then  let 
the  person  who  takes  such  horses  up,  and  claims  them 
by  this  right,  deliver  to  the  owner,  if  any  should 
come,  the  valuation,  if  such  horses  should  be  sold,  or 
in  his  use  and  service,  or  else  to  deliver  up  the  horse. 
But  if  the  horse  should  die,  be  killed,  or  stray  away 
from  the  Fort,  in  what  case  the  person  who  takes  him 
up,  not  to  be  answerable  for  the  horse  or  valuation. 
No  person  tho'  is  under  any  pretence  to  take  up  with 
a  view  of  keeping  and  detaining  as  his  property, 
horses  where  the  owner  is  known.  I  will  by  no 
means  consent  that  any  horse  below  the  Flats  shall 
be  taken  upon  the  above  terms,  lest  the  property  of 
the  people  be  affected,  when  they  may  have  better 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  337 


chances  of  securing  their  own.  In  the  above  I  have 
given  you  my  sentiments,  which  you  may  in  a  court 
of  officers  put  under  proper  articles  and  heads,  and 
made  publick  to,  and  strictly  practised  in  the  garri 
son,  under  very  severe  penalties  on  officers,  and 
heavy  corporal  punishments  on  the  soldiers. 

One  thing  more  I  think  necessary,  before  any  offi 
cer  or  soldier  can  pretend  to  lay  just  claim  under  the 
aforesaid  articles  :  that  it,  to  advertise  in  the  nearest 
publick  places  in  Maryland  and  Virginia,  such  as 
Winchester  &  Frederick-Town,  any  horses  so  taken, 
that  the  real  owners  upon  procuring  attested  proof, 
may  receive  their  creatures  by  coming  or  sending  for 
them.  You  will  receive  herewith  a  cask  of  shoes, 
containing  14  dozen  pairs,  which  are  to  be  distributed 
among  the  needy  of  the  soldiers,  taking  care  that 
account  is  kept  to  whom  they  are  delivered,  so  that 
the  price  may  be  stopped  from  their  pay,  at  the  usual 
rates  of  7/6  per  pair,  and  let  me  be  immediately 
advised  of  their  delivery  and  payment.  You  will 
order  as  strong  an  escort  with  the  wagons  as  you 
can,  as  far  as  Pearsalls  ;  and  should  any  of  the 
wagoners  want  provisions,  let  them  be  served,  order 
ing  your  commissary  to  remit  an  account  of  it  to  the 
commissary  here,  that  it  may  be  deducted  from  their 
wages. 

TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

WINCHESTER,  8  September,  1756. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

I  received  your  favours  of  the  igth,  2Oth,  and  2ist 
ultimo,  and  wrote  immediately  to  the  commanding 


338  THE  WAITINGS  OF  [1756 

officers  of  the  counties  of  Prince  William,  Culpeper, 
and  Fairfax,  to  march  their  drafts  to  this  place. 
There  are  none  of  them  yet  arrived,  nor  do  I  know 
whether  they  are  made. 

Your  Honor's  letter  of  the  iQth  mentions  that  I 
may  enlist  servants  agreeable  to  the  act  of  Parlia 
ment  ;  but  as  I  have  not  yet  seen  that,  am  at  a  loss 
how  to  proceed,  until  I  receive  your  further  orders 
or  a  copy  of  the  act.1  It  will  occasion  great  mur 
muring  and  discontent  to  the  masters,  if  they  are  not 
paid  immediately  for  their  servants  ;  so  I  hope  your 
Honor  will  order  them  to  make  application  to  you 
for  the  money.  When  these  points  are  settled,  and 
I  have  received  your  Honor's  farther  orders,  I  shall 
send  out  some  officers  to  recruit.  It  is  the  best,  most 
expeditious,  nay,  only  method,  I  know  of  now  to 
recruit  the  forces,  as  I  doubt  not  we  shall  meet  with 
as  good  success  as  our  neighborhood.  And  I  am 
credibly  informed,  an  officer  of  the  regulars  enlisted 
30  in  one  day  in  Maryland.  I  shall  in  the  meantime 
recruit  all  that  offer,  to  prevent  their  leaving  the 
Colony,  but  shall  be  glad  of  farther  instructions.  A 
copy  of  the  act  I  ought  to  have  above  all  things. 
The  men  are  much  satisfied  with  the  augmentation 
of  their  pay,  but  nothing  will  prevent  their  desertion 
while  they  are  kindly  received  and  entertained  thro' 


1  The  Governor  had  merely  copied  the  words  from  one  of  Washington's  let 
ters,  and  was  ignorant  of  any  act  of  Parliament  authorizing  the  enlistment  of 
servants.  When  the  General  Assembly  met  towards  the  end  of  September  the 
Governor  stated  that  he  had  been  "  ordered  to  recommend  "  a  proper  provision 
for  paying  the  masters  of  servants  as  should  enlist,  and  the  Assembly  so  pro 
vided. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  339 


the  Colony,  and  even  under  the  eye  of  the  civil  magis 
trate.  Perhaps  a  proclamation  of  pardon  to  all  who 
would  surrender  themselves  and  return  to  their  duty 
might  be  of  service.  Those  delivered  to  the  consta 
bles  are  always  suffered  to  escape,  and  no  notice 
taken  of  it.  All  the  necessaries  I  can  get  in  the 
Colony,  the  men  do  not  want  for  ;  but  others  indis 
pensably  necessary  cannot  be  had.  We  are  in  great 
want  of  drums.  I  got  one  from  Colonel  Randolph. 
We  have  got  no  conveniences  to  mend  old  drums, 
tho'  we  do  the  best  with  what  we  have,  which  I 
believe  is  scarcely  more  than  four  very  bad  ones  to 
the  whole  regiment  :  and  we  have  drummers  for  all 
the  companies  learning. 

I  shall  be  down  at  the  time  your  Honor  directs  to 
wait  upon  the  Earl  of  Loudoun.  I  am  in  hopes  they 
can  do  without  me  in  Napp's  affair.  I  have  ordered 
Lieutenant  Hall  down  to  the  day  you  appointed.1 
The  Quakers  still  remain  here,  and  shall  until  the 
other  drafts  are  discharged.  Thro'  the  means  of 
their  officers  chiefly,  I  believe,  the  Rangers  are  quite 
adverse  to  enlisting  into  the  regiment.  Cockes  tells 
them  they  are  obliged  to  serve  no  longer  than  he 
commands  them,  and  it  was  upon  these  terms  they 
say,  they  enlisted,  and  that  they  will  serve  if  they  can 
continue  under  the  command  of  their  own  Captains. 
So  they  must  be  discharged,  as  the  fund  is  exhausted. 
They  are  acquainted  with  the  late  encouragement, 

1  "  I  desire  you  will  order  Lieut.  Hall  down  here  till  the  I4th  of  Octr.,  to 
be  evidence  against  Mr.  lledgeman,  who  has  treated  my  character  in  a  villain 
ous  manner  and  with  great  injustice,  and  I  am  determined  to  make  an  example 
of  him." — Dinwiddie  to  Washington,  19  Aug.,  1756. 


340  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


but  nothing  will  engage  them  to  enlist.  I  should  be 
glad  of  express  orders  in  this  affair.  It  may  be  of 
service  in  engaging  the  Tusks  to  assist  us,  if  the 
Nottaways  are  paid  ;  and  I  refer  them  to  your  Honor 
for  a  consideration.  The  Indians  are  a  very  covet 
ous  people,  and  expect  to  be  well  rewarded  for  the 
least  service. 

I  am  afraid  military  threats  will  not  deter  the 
Pennsylvanian  butchers  from  driving  away  the  cattle. 
I  would  have  been  glad  to  have  received  particular 
directions  concerning  the  provisions,  as  to  the  quan 
tity,  and  where  it  must  be  deposited.  I  fear  it  is 
scarcely  practicable  to  get  Indians  to  go  now  to  the 
Twightwees  ;  I  doubt  not  it  would  be  of  service,  but 
how  it  is  to  be  effected  I  know  not,  as  we  have  no 
Indians  in  our  assistance,  but  those  expected  from 
the  Southward.  People  here  in  general  are  very 
selfish  ;  every  person  expects  forces  at  his  own  door, 
and  is  angry  to  see  them  at  his  neighbours.  I  im 
agine  they  are  much  of  the  same  stamp  in  Augusta. 

I  wish  the  new  commission  for  this  county  may 
have  the  intended  effect.  The  number  of  tippling 
houses  kept  here  is  a  great  grievance. 

All  the  efforts  which  have  been  made  here  to  raise 
the  militia  have  proved  ineffectual. 

War  having  been  proclaimed  here  and  at  Fort 
Cumberland,  and  the  guns  from  Rock  Creek  brought 
up  some  time  ago,  Ensign  Fleming,  in  Captain 
Hog's  absence,  will  be  wanted  at  his  post.  But  your 
Honor  will  be  pleased  to  do  as  you  like  in  the  affair. 
I  am  glad  the  Cherokees  have  determined  to  come  to 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  34T 


our  assistance,  and  to  hear  of  the  firm  attachment  of 
them  and  the  Catawbas  to  our  interest.  They  will 
be  of  particular  service — more  than  twice  their  num 
ber  of  white  men.  When  they  arrive,  which  I  pray 
may  be  soon,  we  may  deal  with  the  French  in  their 
own  way ;  and,  by  visiting  their  country,  will  keep 
their  Indians  at  home.  I  sent  off  expresses  to  en 
quire  for  fuzees  for  them.  Have  not  yet  heard  from 
Colonel  Mason.  In  Fredricksburg,  I  am  informed, 
there  are  about  29.  Mr.  Hunter  of  that  place  informs 
me  that  Mr.  George  Braxton  has  at  least  5oo  very 
good,  light  and  fit  for  Indians.  I  shall  send  immedi 
ately  to  Fort  Cumberland  for  a  sufficient  quantity  of 
the  stores.  Our  men  are  very  much  harassed  in  en 
deavoring  to  protect  the  frontiers,  which  the  great 
extent  of  territory  renders  impossible  to  be  done 
properly  with  our  small  numbers.  But  we  have  been 
happy  in  being  tolerably  peaceable  and  holding  our 
own  of  late,  while  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  fly  in 
the  utmost  consternation.  The  frontiers  of  Mary 
land  are  abandoned  for  many  miles  below  the  Blue 
Ridge,  as  low  as  Frederick-Town,  thro'  which  place 
I  am  credibly  informed  no  less  than  350  wagons, 
transporting  the  affrighted  families,  passed  in  the 
space  of  three  days.  By  which  means,  Potowmack 
River,  which  is  now  our  frontier,  is  deserted  on  the 
Maryland  side  40  miles  below  Conococheague,  and 
as  much  in  a  parellel  below  Winchester,  and  is  now 
more  than  any  the  theater  of  bloodshed  and  cruelty. 
Those  Indians  who  are  now  coming  should  be 
shewed  all  possible  respect,  and  the  greatest  care 


342  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


taken  of  them,  as  upon  them  much  depends.  'T  is  a 
critical  time,  they  are  very  humoursome,  and  their  as 
sistance  very  necessary  !  One  false  step  might  not 
only  lose  us  that,  but  even  turn  them  against  us. 
All  kinds  of  necessary  goods,  &c,  should  be  got  for 
them. 

If  your  Honor  does  not  care  to  trouble  yourself 
about  it,  and  please  to  give  me  orders,  and  furnish 
me  with  money  or  letters  of  credit  (for  our  paper 
money  passes  to  great  disadvantage,  and  the  Commit 
tee  will  not  agree  to  provide  those  necessaries  as  they 
expect  Indian  affairs  come  more  properly  under  your 
regard)  I  will  get  them  immediately  from  Philadel 
phia,  which  is  the  only  place  that  I  know  of  that  we 
can  possibly  be  supplied  from. 

Sometime  ago  I  wrote  to  your  Honor  about  Jen- 
kins'  pay,  which  you  then  ordered  me  to  advance.  But 
as  the  Committee  have  ordered  that  £6  10,  which 
I  paid  him,  should  be  got  back,  I  thought  proper  to 
acquaint  your  Honor  with  it,  as  I  must  bring  it  in 
now  as  a  private  charge  against  your  Honor — it 
being  disallowed  in  my  accompt.  I  have  also  paid 
the  expresses  with  the  declaration  of  war  and  the 
proclamation  concerning  La  Force,  which  I  shall 
include  in  the  same  accompt,  and  settle  with  your 
Honor  at  meeting.  Your  Honor  mentions  that  when 
the  drafts  are  discharged,  the  number  of  officers 
must  be  reduced.  It  is  true  we  have  a  greater  num 
ber  than  is  necessary  for  that  of  the  men,  at  present  ; 
but  as  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  keep  the  forces, 
and  a  larger  number  than  we  now  have,  I  think  some 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  343 


means  should  be  fallen  upon  to  augment  them.  And 
altho'  the  officers  have  not  complied  with  their 
promises,  I  will  venture  to  say  they  did  it  as 
well  as  any  after  appointed  will  do,  unless  some 
scheme  is  fallen  upon,  and  a  better  foundation  for  re 
cruiting.  And  as  the  most  of  our  present  corps  are 
gentlemen  of  family,  and  have  now  been  sometime  in 
the  service,  I  fear  we  should  exchange  for  the  worse, 
if  we  aim  at  a  change. 

I  think  it  highly  necessary  some  vigorous  measures 
should  be  taken  to  engage  or  compel  the  deserters  to 
return  to  their  duty.  It  certainly  would  be  of  service 
were  the  King's  attorneys  in  the  several  counties, 
ordered  to  prosecute  all  who  harbour  them,  without 
respect  of  persons.  The  immediate  loss  we  suffer  for 
want  of  their  services  is  greater  than  the  prejudice 
they  do  the  service  in  general  thro'  the  country,  by 
asserting  falsehoods  of  the  ill-treatment  they  re 
ceived  from  their  officers,  and  the  great  want  of 
every  thing  in  the  regiment  except  bad  usage.  This 
they  do,  in  order  to  gain  the  compassion  of  credulous 
people,  who  immediately  receive  them  with  open  arms, 
listen  to  their  complaints,  and  industriously  propa 
gate  them  thro'  the  country,  and  screen  the  offenders 
from  justice !  There  is  one  Crisp  here,  a  ship- 
carpenter,  who  says  he  was  enlisted  by  your  Honor 
at  2/  per  clay.  He  is  of  no  service  to  us  now,  and  I 
should  be  glad  to  know  what  must  be  done  with  him, 
and  who  is  to  pay  his  wages  ?  For  the  Committee 
I  know  will  grudge  him  2/  per  day,  for  which  we  re 
ceived  no  equivalent  service  of  any  kind. 


344  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


As  it  seems  uncertain  when  the  Assembly  will 
meet,  I  think  it  my  indispensable  duty  to  observe  to 
your  Honor  the  bad  consequences  that  may  arise 
from  want  of  proper  measures  to  reinforce  the  re 
quirement,  or  to  keep  up  a  sufficient  strength  for  the 
protection  of  the  frontiers,  when  the  drafts  are  to  be 
discharged  in  December.1  The  timorous  disposition 
of  the  inhabitants  occasions  much  confusion  and 
trouble ;  and  constantly  are  for  flying  off  on  the 
least  noise  or  report  of  danger.  And  if  they  are  less 
ened  in  their  sense  of  security  by  a  reduction  of  our 
forces,  what  must  then  be  the  event  ? 

The  only  body  of  inhabitants  is  now,  and  has  for 
some  time  past  been  settled  on  the  South  Branch  ; 
and  it  is  with  the  greatest  difficulty  they  can  be  pre 
vailed  upon  to  stay.  Should  they  once  give  way,  we 
shall  not  have  a  soul  betwixt  this  and  Fort  Du 
Quesne,  except  what  few  soldiers  are  contained  in 
the  little  forts  on  Pattersons  Creek. 

At  present,  affairs  are  still  and  peaceable,  but  how 
long  they  will  remain  so  is  uncertain.  The  French, 
flushed  with  so  much  success  in  all  their  attempts 
hitherto,  may  have  some  grand  scheme  in  view,  and 
surprize  us,  as  in  that  most  unlucky  affair  of  Oswego, 
which  I  heartily  wish  may  be  yet  groundless. 

These  letters  enclosed  will  show  your  Honor  what 
obstacles  we  meet  with  in  enlisting  servants  ;  and  as 
I  expect  opposition  will  be  made  in  every  place  I 

1  The  Assembly  convened  September  23.  Eight  thousand  pounds  were  ap 
propriated  to  raise  Virginia's  proportion  of  the  Royal  American  Regiment. 
— Hening,  vii.,  p.  61, 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  345 

send  to  recruit  at,  I  beg  your  Honor  would  be  per 
emptory  and  particular  in  your  instructions  relative 
to  this  affair,  both  as  to  masters  and  magistrates. 

Mr.  Jones  is  just  came  to  town  from  Augusta,  who 
informs  me  no  account  of  the  Cherokees  is  yet 
known  of  in  that  county  ;  so  that  we  need  not  look 
for  them  these  two  or  three  weeks  yet. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  23  September,  1756. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

Under  your  kind  indulgence  I  came  to  this  place  a 
few  days  ago,  expecting  to  meet  the  executors  of  my 
deceased  brother,  in  order  to  make  a  final  settlement 
of  his  affairs.  I  was  disappointed  tho'  in  this  design, 
by  the  Assembly  having  called  away  the  principal 
persons  concerned,  which  I  was  unacquainted  with 
until  Jenkins'  return,  about  the  same  time  that  I 
got  down.  I  shall  remark,  in  obedience  to  your 
Honor's  request,  such  things  relating  to  the  Virginia 
regiment  as  occur  to  me  now,  requiring  the  Assem 
bly's  attention  ;  '  and  if  any  thing  further  presents  it 
self,  I  shall  communicate  it  from  Winchester,  for 
which  place  I  shall  set  out  this  afternoon.  I  have 
often  urged,  for  one  thing,  the  necessity  of  enforcing 
the  articles  of  war  in  all  their  parts,  where  it  is  not 
incompatible  with  the  nature  of  this  service.  I  have 
been  surprised,  as  often  as  I  have  reflected,  and  really 

1  This  letter,  through  the   delay  of  the  messenger,  did   not  reach  Dinwiddie 
until  the  Assembly  had  been  prorogued. 


346  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

cannot  devise  any  reason,  why  the  Assembly  should 
be  so  much  averse  to  established  rules  for  the  regu 
lation  of  their  forces,  which  long  experience  in  estab 
lished  armies  fully  evinces  the  necessity  of.  And  my 
surprise  is  yet  increased,  when  I  consider  how  cau 
tiously  worded  the  act  of  Parliament  is,  to  preserve 
the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  people  against  the 
arbitrary  proceedings  of  the  military  officers. 

We  are  under  a  kind  of  regulation  at  present,  that 
renders  command  extremely  difficult  and  precarious, 
as  no  crimes,  I  believe,  are  particularly  notified  but 
mutiny  and  desertion  in  the  act  of  Assembly,  not 
withstanding  there  are  many  others  equally  punisha 
ble  by  act  of  Parliament. 

One  thing  more,  which  particularly  requires  atten 
tion,  is  the  billeting,  quartering,  and  dieting  of  soldiers 
upon  the  inhabitants,  which  in  many  cases  cannot  be 
avoided. 

I  have,  in  several  letters  to  your  Honor,  expressed 
my  opinion  with  candor  and  freedom,  about  the  situ 
ation,  works,  and  garrison  at  Fort  Cumberland.  I 
shall,  nevertheless  (as  you  command  me  to  lay  before 
your  Honor  such  things  as  require  the  Assembly's 
notice,)  repeat  on  this  occasion  my  apprehensive  fears 
once  more  for  that  place,  to  avoid,  if  any  accident 
should  happen  to  it,  the  malicious  reflections,  which  in 
separably  attend  misfortunes  of  the  kind.  I  have 
upon  all  occasions  said,  that  Fort  Cumberland  is  a 
place  of  no  strength,  and  never  can  be  tenable  from 
the  badness  of  the  ground.  It  is  far  remote  from 
any  of  our  inhabitants,  exposed  to  the  insults  of  the 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  347 


enemy,  renders  the  communication  between  that  and 
the  inhabitants  difficult,  and  it  is  not  the  more  con 
venient  for  annoying  the  enemy  ;  contains  all  our  val 
uable  stores  (save  what  I  have  removed  to  Winches 
ter),  and  a  garrison  of  one  hundred  and  seventy, 
which  are  too  many  a  number  to  be  spared  from 
other  places,  just  to  defend  the  stores  at  this,  and  not 
enough  to  afford  detachments  to  waylay  and  surprise 
the  enemy.  I  shall,  therefore,  beg  leave  to  observe, 
in  regard  to  Fort  Cumberland,  that  if  it  is  continued, 
we  [must  be]  confined  to  act  defensively,  and  keep 
our  forces  dispersed  as  they  now  are.  The  place 
must  be  fortified  with  strong  works,  or  else  inevita 
bly  fall,  garrison  and  stores,  into  the  enemy's  hands. 
How  fatal  a  stroke  !  And  what  noise  this  will  make, 
the  censure  of  mankind  will  speedily  declare. 

I  enclose  your  Honor  Colonel  Stephen's  letter  on 
this  head,  in  answer  to  one  I  wrote  to  him  on  the 
subject. 

I  did,  from  the  beginning,  express  my  sentiments 
against  having  small  garrisons  in  a  chain  of  forts 
along  our  frontiers — garrisons  not  sufficient  to  de 
fend  the  walls  (how  then  the  inhabitants  when  the 
enemy  are  about  ?)  and  shall  now  give  a  few7  reasons 
upon  which  this  opinion  was  grounded.  We  have  a 
frontier  of  such  immense  extent,  that  to  build  forts 
at  convenient  distances  would  employ  such  numbers 
of  men,  or  divide  our  troops  into  such  trifling  [par 
ties,]  that  no  one  part  could  defend  itself,  much  less 
the  inhabitants,  were  the  country  invaded. 

The  most  effectual  way  that  I  can  see,  though  none 


348  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


can  answer  while  we  act  defensively,  is  to  have  no 
more  than  three  or  four  large,  strong  forts,  built  at 
convenient  distances,  upon  our  frontiers  ;  in  which 
strong  garrisons  must  be  maintained,  that  parties 
able  to  cope  with  when  they  hear  of  or  do  meet  the 
enemy  may  be  sent  out,  and  these  parties  in  constant 
succession  to  be  ranging  and  scouring  the  country. 
Here  a  difficulty  will  arise,  as  others  will  in  every  de 
fensive  plan  that  can  be  offered.  How  are  these 
ranging  parties,  sent  out  in  this  manner,  and  proba 
bly  remaining  on  the  scout  from  ten  to  fourteen 
days,  to  be  supplied  with  provisions,  the  inhabitants 
being  so  thinly  settled,  and  the  forts  so  far  extended  ? 
The  difficulty  is  great,  yet  not  sufficient  to  render 
this  plan  inferior  to  the  former.  For  in  the  other 
case,  when  the  enemy  is  heard  of,  the  garrison  can 
only  send  out  parties,  more  fit  to  reconnoiter  than 
oppose.  These  parties,  if  they  prove  too  small 
(which  in  all  probability  they  may),  are  certain  of 
falling  a  prey  to  the  enemy,  whose  numbers  cannot 
be  known  until  thus  proved.  I  could  urge  many 
things  more  on  this  head,  but  believe  it  useless. 
What  I  have  already  said,  I  hope,  is  sufficient  to  give 
your  Honor  a  hint  of  the  matter,  and  that  is  all  I 
aimed  at.  We  may  form  many  schemes  to  defend 
ourselves,  but  experience  will  show,  that  none  but 
removing  the  cause  will  prove  effectual.  Unless  the 
Assembly  concerts  some  measures  to  augment  their 
force,  the  country,  I  fear,  must  inevitably  fall.  The 
frontiers,  since  this  time  a  twelve  month,  are  totally 
deserted  for  fifty  miles  and  upwards  quite  from  north 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  349 


to  south,  and  all  below  that  greatly  thinned  by  the 
removal  of  numbers  ;  occasioned  in  some  measure 
by  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  giving  ground  so 
much  faster  than  we  do,  which  exposes  a  very  fine 
country  of  ours  on  that  side,  as  low  as  Monocacy  in 
Maryland,  several  miles  on  this  side  the  Blue  Ridge. 

I  believe  I  might  also  add,  that  no  person,  who 
regards  his  character,  will  undertake  a  command 
without  the  means  of  preserving  it ;  since  his  conduct 
is  culpable  for  all  misfortunes,  and  never  right  but 
when  successful. 

I  cannot  think  any  number  under  two  thousand 
men  sufficient  to  cover  our  extensive  frontiers,  and 
with  them  it  is  impossible  to  prevent  misfortunes, 
however  easy  the  world  may  think  it.  What  means 
can  be  used  to  raise  these  men,  I  know  not,  unless 
the  listing  servants  is  thought  expedient  ;  and  that 
(alone)  will  prove  ineffectual.  Some  resolve  should 
be  come  to  about  the  ranging  companies.  Under 
what  regulations  those  are  in  Augusta,  and  what 
service  they  have  done  the  country,  I  know  not. 
Those  on  this  quarter  have  done  little  service,  and 
amount  (both  companies)  to  about  thirty  men  only 
at  this  time.  I  apprehend  it  will  be  thought  advisa 
ble  to  keep  a  garrison  always  at  Fort  Loudoun  ;  for 
which  reason  I  would  beg  leave  to  represent  the 
great  nuisance  the  number  of  tippling-houses  in  Win 
chester  are  of  to  the  soldiers,  who,  by  this  means,  in 
despite  of  the  utmost  care  and  vigilance,  are,  so  long 
as  their  pay  holds  good,  incessantly  drunk,  and  unfit 
for  service. 


35o  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

The  rates  of  their  liquor  are  immoderately  high, 
and  the  publicans  throughout  the  country  charge  one 
shilling  per  meal,  currency,  for  soldier's  diet ;  and  the 
country  only  allows  the  recruiting  officer  eight  pence 
per  day  for  the  maintenance  of  a  soldier,  by  which 
means  he  loses  in  proportion  as  he  gets  men,  which 
is  much  complained  of,  and  is  in  reality  a  discoura 
ging  circumstance  meriting  redress.  The  want  of  a 
chaplain  does,  I  humbly  conceive,  reflect  dishonor 
upon  the  regiment,  as  all  other  officers  are  allowed. 
The  gentlemen  of  the  corps  are  sensible  of  this,  and 
did  propose  to  support  one  at  their  private  expense. 
But  I  think  it  would  have  a  more  graceful  appear 
ance  were  he  appointed  as  others  are.  I  could  wish 
some  method  were  practised  to  bring  the  commonalty 
acquainted  with  the  laws  against  entertaining  of  de 
serters,  and  to  enforce  those  laws  more  effectually 
than  they  ever  have  been.  The  number  of  cattle 
that  has  been  drove,  and  now  is  continually  driving 
to  Pennsylvania,  may  be  thought  worth  noticing. 

I  informed  your  Honor  immediately  after  my  ac- 
compts  were  cursorily  examined  in  April  last,  that 
the  Committee  objected  to  the  money  advanced  Jen 
kins  ;  and  you  ordered  me  to  pay  him  as  the  money 
became  due,  .which  you  would  see  me  paid.  In 
August  last,  when  my  accompts  were  again  exam 
ined,  and  the  same  charge  still  remaining,  the  Com 
mittee  resolved  that  I  should  get  it  back  from  Jen 
kins  ;  which  cannot  be  done,  unless  your  Honor  will 
please  to  do  it.  As  they  have  absolutely  refused  to 
allow  this  charge,  I  should  be  glad  to  receive  direc- 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  35I 


tions  how  to  act  with  Jenkins  ;  and  to  know  whether 
you  would  have  him  continued  any  longer  as  a  rider. 
There  is  an  officer  of  the  American  Regiment  re 
cruiting  at  Alexandria,  and  purposes  to  go  thro'  the 
country,  and  pass  into  Carolina.  He  has  enlisted 
some  servants,  and  purposes  to  take  all  he  can  meet 
with.  This,  I  believe,  may  evince  the  necessity  of 
our  following  his  example,  otherwise  we  suffer  our 
country  to  be  weakened  by  those  and  receive  no 
immediate  advantage  from  it  ;  tho'  I  imagine  the 
expense  will  be  near  the  same  to  the  country,  their 
being  in  the  King's  or  country's  service.1 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

WINCHESTER,  28  September,  1756. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

I  arrived  here  last  night,  and  find  things  in  the 
peaceable  state  I  left  them  on  this  Quarter ;  and 
therefore  set  out  to-morrow  for  Augusta.  As  Mr. 

1  For  some  time  complaints  were  freely  made  of  the  misbehavior  of  the  offi 
cers  in  the  Virginia  regiment.  In  May  both  the  Governor  and  the  Speaker  had 
written  to  Washington  of  the  reported  immoralities  and  drunkenness  among  his 
force,  and  the  gross  neglect  of  duty  that  prevailed,  but  his  friends  were  agreed 
that  no  charge  had  been  made  against  him  personally.  In  the  fall  the  attacks 
came  to  a  head  and  a  series  of  crimes  and  misdeeds  of  which  the  Virginia  regi 
ment  had  been  guilty  was  published  in  the  Virginia  Gazette,  the  official  paper 
of  the  colony,  over  the  signature  "  Centinel  X."  This  scurrilous  writing  an 
gered  Washington,  and  in  spite  of  the  advice  of  his  brother,  of  the  Speaker,  and 
other  intimate  friends  to  take  no  notice  of  it,  he  determined  to  resign  or  to 
obtain  such  a  vindication  as  would  prove  the  falsity  of  the  charges.  The  prin 
cipal  officers  under  his  command  threatened  to  throw  up  their  commissions,  and 
appealed  to  the  Governor  and  the  Assembly  for  redress,  and  satisfaction  equiv 
alent  to  the  injury,  that  is,  a  public  declaration  of  confidence  in  them.  In  his 
cash  book  is  an  entry  of  ios.,  sent  to  Augustine  Washington,  for  "publishing 
an  answer  to  the  loth  centmel,"  but  no  such  answer  appeared  in  print. 


352  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


Walker  has  declined,  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to 
have  a  Commissary  immediately  appointed,  who 
should  have  express  orders  where,  and  for  what  num 
ber  of  men  to  lay  in  Provisions ;  and  should  be  fur 
nished  with  cash  before  he  sets  out,  as  every  thing 
will  be  got  with  less  trouble  &  cheaper  by  that 
means.  The  time  for  buying  provisions  will  soon  be 
elapsed.  I  have  ordered  the  Assistant  Commissary 
here,  that  time  may  not  be  lost,  to  lay  in  twelve 
months  provision  for  a  thousand  men.  To  have  at 
each  fort  as  much  provision  as  will  maintain  the 
Garrison  until  the  ist  May — and  the  rest  to  be  lodged 
at  this  place  of  safety  ;  so  that  in  case  an  Expedition 
should  be  determined  upon  in  the  Spring,  it  may  be 
in  readiness,  and  the  several  Garrisons  rendezvous'd, 
without  the  incumbrances  of  transporting  stores  & 
Provisions.  These  orders  I  have  given,  not  knowing 
what  else  would  be  satisfactory  ;  being  ignorant  of 
the  plans,  &c  concerted,  and  acting  entirely  like  a 
Wanderer  in  unknown  paths  !  If  it  should  not  cor 
roborate  with  your  Honor's  sentiments  &  with 
those  of  the  Assembly,  it  is  not  too  late  to  alter  the 
directions,  and  give  any  others.  It  is  for  this  purpose 
I  mention  it  now  that  your  Honor  may,  as  Assembly 
are  sitting,  appoint  the  Commissary,  and  give  me 
directions  what  quantity  of  provision  to  provide  and 
in  what  magazines  to  lodge  them  ;  and  then  I  will 
take  the  blame  if  it  is  not  done,  late  as  the  season  is. 
The  number  of  little  paultry  forts  along  the  fron 
tiers,  render  the  forces  very  difficult  &  expensive  to 
be  supplied  with  provision.  If  the  Assembly  should 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  353 

continue  determined  to  act  defensively  and  should 
come  into  a  Resolve  of  building  a  few  Forts  instead 
of  the  many  intended,  I  would  recommend  only  one 
at  the  most  convenient  place  in  each  frontier  county, 
vizt.,  Hampshire,  Augusta,  &  Bedford,  and  that  the 
one  in  Hampshire  be  built  on  a  line  betwixt  this 
&  Fort  Du  Quesne,  and  made  cannon-proof  ;  as  it 
lies  most  exposed  and  has  a  free  communication  for 
carriages  from  the  Enemy.  As  to  the  others — there 
being  no  possibility,  without  first  opening  the  roads, 
to  approach  them  with  Artillery  I  conceive  if  they  are 
built  large,  regular  and  defensible  against  musketry 
it  is  sufficient — for  others  will  be  very  expensive. 

I  desired  to  know  in  my  last  what  should  be  done 
with  the  Ranging  Companies,  since  that,  I  am  told 
they  have  all  deserted  to  a  few.  Their  posts  must 
be  filled  with  a  Company  of  the  Regiment  from  the 
Branch  ;  which  will  occasion  fresh  uneasiness  to  the 
Inhabitants,  as  they  are  continually  pestered  by  the 
enemy  ;  a  party  of  whom  was  defeated  the  other  day 
by  Ensign  Smith  &  12  men  of  the  Regiment,  who 
killed  one  man,  took  a  number  of  -  moccasins, 

scalping  knives,  and  4  neat  french  Fuzees. 

As  Captain  Mercer  is  summoned  and  must  appear 
against  Napp  (as  /  do  not)  at  the  6th  day  of  the 
court,  I  expect  he  will  get  a  supply  of  cash  from  the 
Treasurer,  the  last  being  all  gone. 

Blankets,  Shirts  &  Cartridge-paper  are  much 
wanted  for  immediate  use  ;  and  must  if  possible 
be  soon  provided,  as  we  cannot  do  without  them. 
They  have  had  information  on  the  Branch,  that  the 


354  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


Dunkers  (who  are  all  Doctors)  entertain  the  Indians 
who  are  wounded  here,  and  that  there  were  several 
there  with  them.  Captain  Spotswood  marched  out 
with  80  men  to  their  Houses,  to  bring  in  all  he  finds 
there. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

HALIFAX,  10  October,  1756. 

SIR, 

This  day  within  five  miles  of  the  Carolina  line,  as 
I  was  proceeding  to  the  southernmost  fort  in  Halifax, 
I  met  Major  Lewis  on  his  return  from  the  Cherokees, 
with  seven  men  and  three  women  only  of  that  nation. 
The  causes  of  this  unhappy  disappointment  I  have 
desired  him  to  communicate,  that  your  Honor  may 
take  measures  accordingly.1  This  account  is  sent  by 
express,  to  give  the  earliest  notice  while  the  Assem 
bly  is  sitting.  I  shall  defer  giving  a  particular  detail 
of  my  remarks  and  observations  on  the  situation  of 
our  frontiers,  until  I  return  to  Winchester,  as  I  ex 
pect  by  that  time  to  be  more  intimately  acquainted 
with  the  unhappy  circumstances  of  the  people.  Yet 
I  shall  not  omit  mentioning  some  occurrences,  which 
have  happened  in  my  tour  to  this  place.  I  wrote 
your  Honor  from  Winchester,  that  I  should  set  out 
the  next  day  for  Augusta.  I  accordingly  did,  with 
Captain  McNeill  ;  and  hearing  at  the  Court-House, 
that  the  Indians  still  continue  their  depredations, 

1  There  had  been  sanguine  expectations  that  four  hundred  Cherokee  Indians 
would  join  the  Virginia  forces  ;  and  it  was  supposed  that  Major  Lewis  would 
return  with  that  number. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  355 

although  not  so  openly  as  at  first,  I  applied  to  Colo 
nel  Stewart,  then  present,  to  raise  a  party  of  the 
militia,  and  said  I  would  head  them,  and  march  to 
Jackson's  River,  to  try  to  scour  the  woods,  and,  if  pos 
sible,  fall  in  with  the  enemy.  He  gave  me  very  little 
encouragement  to  expect  any  men,  yet  desired  I 
would  wait  four  days,  until  Monday,  and  he  would 
use  his  endeavours  to  collect  a  body.  Until  Tuesday 
I  waited,  and  only  five  men  appeared.  This  being 
too  inconsiderable  a  number  to  expose  to  a  trium 
phant  enemy,  I  was  advised  to  apply  to  Colonel  Bu 
chanan  for  men,  between  whom  and  Colonel  Stewart 
there  was  contention  about  command.  As  Colonel 
Buchanan  lived  at  Limey's  Ferry,  on  James  River, 
sixty  miles  along  the  road  to  Voss's,  on  the  Roanoke, 
where  Captain  Hog  was  building  a  fort,  to  which 
place  I  did  intend  [to  proceed,]  if  I  could  have  got 
men  to  range  along  the  frontiers  with  me.  I  set  out 
immediately  for  his  house,  attended  by  Captain 
Preston,  who  was  kind  enough  to  conduct  me  along, 
and  acquainted  the  Colonel  with  the  motives  that 
brought  me  thither.  He  told  me  with  very  great 
concern,  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  raise  men  ;  for 
that,  three  days  before,  some  of  the  militia  in  a  fort, 
about  fifteen  miles  above  his  house,  at  the  head  of 
Catawba  Creek,  commanded  by  one  Colonel  Nash, 
was  attacked  by  the  Indians,  which  occasioned  all 
that  settlement  to  break  up  totally,  even  to  the  ferry 
at  Luney's  ;  that  he  had  ordered  three  companies  to 
repair  thither,  to  march  against  the  enemy,  and  not 
one  man  came,  except  a  captain,  lieutenant,  &c,  and 


356  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [I756 

seven  or  eight  men  from  Bedford.  Finding  then 
that  it  was  impossible  to  get  a  party  to  range  and 
scour  the  frontiers,  it  remained  only  to  proceed  with 
out  men  to  see  the  situation  of  the  forts,  or  to  return 
back  again.  The  latter  I  was  loath  to  do,  as  I  had 
got  thus  far,  and  was  anxious  to  see  what  posture  of 
defence  they  were  in.  I  therefore  determined  to  come 
forward,  at  least  to  Voss's,  and  accordingly  set  out  in 
company  with  Colonel  Buchanan,  who,  being  desirous 
that  I  might  see  and  relate  their  unhappy  circum 
stances,  undertook  to  accompany  me.  We  got  safely 
to  Voss's,  where  Captain  Hog,  with  only  eighteen 
of  his  company,  was  building  a  fort,  which  must  em 
ploy  him  till  Christmas  without  more  assistance.  One 
Captain  Hunt  from  Lunenburg,  was  there  with  thirty 
men  ;  but  none  of  them  would  strike  a  stroke,  unless 
I  would  engage  to  see  them  paid  forty  pounds  of 
tobacco  per  day,  which  is  provided  by  act  of  Assem 
bly  for  militia  carpenters.  This  I  certainly  could  not 
do,  as  your  Honor,  (who  I  thought  had  ordered  them 
purposely  out  for  this  duty,)  had  given  no  directions 
in  the  affair.  Whatever  expectations  your  Honor 
may  have  had  from  the  militia  assistance,  I  am  told 
they  never  lent  a  hand,  save  a  few,  that  first  came 
out  with  Captain  Hog,  whom  he  has  paid  after  the 
same  rates  with  our  men,  at  sixpence  per  diem. 
Voss's  place  is  a  pass  of  very  great  importance,  being 
a  very  great  inroad  of  the  enemy,  and  [would]  secure,  if 
it  was  strongly  garrisoned,  all  Bedford  and  the  great 
est  part  of  this  county,  notwithstanding  they  have 
built  three  forts  here,  and  one  of  them,  if  no  more, 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  357 


erected  in  my  opinion  in  a  very  out-of-the-way  place. 
This  they  call  Fort  Trial. 

From  Voss's  I  came  off  with  a  servant  and  a  guide, 
to  visit  the  range  of  forts  in  this  country  ;  and  in  less 
than  two  hours  after,  two  men  were  killed  along  the 
same  road,  as  will  appear  by  Captain  McNeill's  letter, 
which  I  have  just  received,  and  herewith  send,  to  let 
your  Honor  see,  by  the  account  of  Captain  Hunt's 
behaviour,  what  dependence  may  be  put  in  the  mili 
tia.  The  inhabitants  are  so  sensible  of  their  clanger,  * 
if  left  to  the  protection  of  these  people,  that  not  a 
man  will  stay  at  his  place.  This  I  have  from  their 
own  mouths,  and  the  principal  persons  of  Augusta 
county.  The  militia  are  under  such  bad  order  and 
discipline,  that  they  will  go  and  come  when  and  where 
they  please,  without  regarding  time,  their  officers,  or 
the  safety  of  the  inhabitants,  but  consulting  solely 
their  own  inclinations.  There  should  be,  according 
to  your  Honor's  orders,  one  third  of  the  militia  of 
these  parts  now  on  duty  at  once  ;  instead  of  that,  I 
believe  scarce  one-thirteenth  is  out.  They  are  to  be 
relieved  every  month  ;  they  are  more  than  that  time 
marching  to  and  from  their  stations,  and  will  not 
wait  one  day  longer  than  the  limited  time,  whether 
they  are  relieved  or  not,  let  the  necessity  for  it  be 
ever  so  urgent.'  An  instance  of  this  kind  happened 
in  my  presence  about  four  days  ago,  in  the  case  of 
Captain  Daniel  from  Albemarle,  who  was  intreated 
by  Colonel  Buchanan  to  stay,  at  the  time  he  was 
gathering  or  attempting  to  gather  men,  upon  that 
alarm  at  the  Catawba  settlement  before  mentioned. 


35 8  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


But  his  month  was  out,  and  go  he  must  and  did. 
Nay,  I  believe  I  may  venture  to  say,  that,  whether 
his  month  had  been  out  or  not,  this  would  have  in 
duced  him  to  go  ;  for  this  gentleman  went  away  from 
Voss's,  because  he  thought  it  a  dangerous  post,  giving 
that  for  his  reason,  and  left  Captain  Hog  with 
eighteen  men,  exposed  to  the  insults  of  the  enemy. 
Perhaps  it  may  be  thought  I  am  partial  in  my  rela 
tion,  and  reflect  unjustly.  I  really  do  not,  Sir.  I 
scorn  to  make  unjust  remarks  on  the  behaviour  of 
the  militia,  as  much  as  I  despise  and  contemn  the 
persons,  who  detract  from  mine  and  the  character  of 
the  regiment.  Were  it  not,  that  I  consulted  the 
good  of  the  public,  and  thought  these  garrisons  mer 
ited  redress,  I  should  not  think  it  worth  my  mention. 
I  only  want  to  make  the  country  sensible,  how  ardent 
ly  I  have  studied  to  promote  her  cause,  and  wish  very 
sincerely,  my  successor  may  fill  my  place  more  to 
their  satisfaction  in  every  respect,  than  I  have  been 
able  to  do.  I  mentioned  in  my  last  to  your  Honor, 
that  I  did  not  think  a  less  number  than  two  thousand 
men  would  be  sufficient  to  defend  our  extensive  and 
much  exposed  frontiers  from  the  ravages  of  the 
enemy.  I  have  not  had  one  reason  to  alter  my 
opinion,  but  many  to  strengthen  and  confirm  it.  And 
I  flatter  myself,  the  country  will,  when  they  know  my 
determinations,  be  convinced  that  I  have  no  sinister 
views,  no  vain  motives  of  commanding  a  number  of 
men,  that  urge  me  to  recommend  this  number  to  your 
Honor,  but  that  it  proceeds  from  the  knowledge  I  have 
acquired  of  the  country,  people,  &c,  to  be  defended. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  359 


Your  Honor,  I  hope,  will  give  directions  about  lay 
ing  in  provisions  on  our  southern  frontiers.  It  is  not 
in  my  power  to  do  it,  as  I  know  not  what  troops  can 
or  will  be  put  there  ;  for  the  regiment  is  at  present 
too  weak  to  allow  any  men  to  march  from  the  quar 
ter  in  which  they  are  now  stationed.  I  set  out 
this  day  on  my  return  to  the  fort,  at  the  head  of 
Catawba,  where  Colonel  Buchanan  promised  to  meet 
me  with  a  party  to  conduct  me  along  our  frontiers,  up 
Jackson's  River  to  Fort  Dinwiddie,  and  higher  if 
needful.  If  he  does  not  meet  me,  I  shall  immediately 
proceed  to  Winchester,  as  it  will  be  impossible  to  do 
any  thing  without  men. 

If  your  Honor  think  proper  to  advance  the  pay  of 
the  militia,  in  order  to  engage  them  to  work,  please 
to  acquaint  Captain  Hog  therewith,  and  send  him 
money  for  that  purpose,  and  were  there  more  men 
ordered  to  cover  his  party,  and  assist  in  the  work,  it 
would  be  highly  advisable,  for  he  is  greatly  exposed. 
Major  Lewis  is  extremely  unwell.  This  express  is 
referred  to  your  Honor  for  pay.  I  have  not  money 
to  do  it.  I  am  hurried  a  good  deal,  but  have  given  a 
plain  account  of  all  those  several  matters  mentioned 
in  the  foregoing  sheet.  I  am,  &c. 


TO    MAJOR    DAVID    LEWIS.1 

FORT  DINWIDDIE,  18  October,  1756. 

SIR, 

Lieutenant  Bullet,  who  commands  at  this  place,  in 
the   absence  of  Captain  Hog,  tells  me  that  he   ap- 

1  Of  the  Albemarle  Militia,  at  Miller's  Fort. 


360  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

plied  to  you  for  a  few  men  to  join  such  parties  as  this 
Garrison  can  afford — to  range  the  woods,  and  assist 
the  inhabitants  in  securing  their  Grain,  gathering 
their  Corn,  &c,  and  that  you  have  refused  to  aid  him. 
I  conceive  if  you  did  so,  it  must  have  proceeded  from 
a  misapprehension  of  his  meaning.  Therefore  I  ap 
ply  to  you  myself  on  this  head  ;  and  desire  your 
compliance,  or  reasons  for  refusing. 

I  presume,  Sir,  it  will  be  needless  to  acquaint  you— 
your  own  good  sense  will  doubtless  evince  it,  that  the 
intent  of  sending  men  hither  was  to  protect  the  fron 
tier  inhabitants,  and  offer  them  comfort  by  relieving 
their  distresses,  and  wants  ;  which  [will]  not  in  any 
wise  be  accomplished,  while  you  remain  in  a  body  at  a 
certain  place,  forted  in,  as  if  to  defend  yourselves  were 
the  sole  end  of  your  coming. 

You  will  I  hope  excuse  the  liberty  I  have  taken  in 
mentioning  this  affair,  when  I  tell  you  I  am  in  a  great 
measure  authorized  by  the  Governor  to  direct  in 
these  matters. 


TO    LIEUTENANT-COLONEL    STEPHEN. 

WINCHESTER,  23  October,  1756. 

SIR  : 

Last  night  I  returned  from  a  very  long  and  trouble 
some  jaunt  on  the  Frontiers,  as  far  as  Mayo  ;  where 
affairs  seem  to  be  in  a  dangerous  situation  :  and  to 
add  to  our  misfortunes,  I  find  our  neighbourhood 
here  on  the  wing,  you  and  your  Garrison  in  great  dis 
tress  &  danger ;  the  Enemy  ravaging  the  country 
about  Conogochieg,  Stony-Run,  and  South  Branch  ; 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  361 

loud  and  general  complaints  for  protection  ;  few  or 
no  men  to  send  abroad  for  any  Service. — In  short, 
so  melancholy  a  scene,  without  the  power  of  changing 
it  to  our  satisfaction  and  interest,  fills  me  with  the 
greatest  anxiety  &  uneasiness.  I  shall  recite  you 
all  the  Governor's  last  letter  to  me  relative  to  Fort 
Cumberland  as  I  had  written  for  his  positive  direc 
tions,  vizt.  : 

You  have  frequently  complained  to  me  of  the  situation, 
&c,  of  Fort  Cumberland,  and  I  have  wrote  you  how  disa 
greeable  it  was  to  me  to  give  up  any  place  of  strength,  as 
it  wou'd  raise  the  spirits  of  the  enemy,  at  the  same  time 
they  wou'd  suspect  us  to  be  in  fear  of  them :  and  there 
fore  if  that  place  could  be  stationed  l  with  safety,  until  Lord 
Loudoun  gives  orders  thereon,  I  should  be  glad.  But  as  you 
are  upon  the  spot,  and  think  it  very  prejudicial  to  the  Ser 
vice  to  keep  that  Fortress ;  I  desire  you  may  call  a  council 
of  officers  and  consult,  whether  it  is  most  advisable  to  keep 
it  or  to  demolish  it,  if  the  last,  you  must  take  care  to  have 
all  the  ammunition,  &c.  brought  to  Winchester;  and  de 
stroy  every  thing  which  you  conceive  may  be  of  service  to 
the  enemy.  This  affair  is  now  left  to  the  determination  of 
a  Council  of  Officers  ;  and  I  desire  you  to  be  very  explicit 
in  your  arguments  on  this  head,  as  they  must  be  laid  before 
Lord  Loudoun.  I  was  always  averse  to  small  garrisons  on 
our  frontiers,  as  they  in  course  divided  our  men  into  small 
parties,  but  you  know  the  Assembly  were  so  fond  of  them, 
that  they  passed  a  Law  for  that  purpose — and  I  cannot  at 
present  alter  that  determination.2 

Thus  far  his  Honor.     As  it  appears  to  be  an  affair 

1  Dinwiddie  wrote  sustained. 

-  Washington  has  made  a  few  verbal  changes.  The  original  may  be  found 
in  Dinwiddie  Papers,  ii.,  p.  522. 


362  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

of  much  importance,  I  cannot  pretend  to  offer  my 
advice,  but  would  desire  you  and  the  officers  there  to 
deliberate  seriously  in  Council,  what  you  think  most 
proper,  to  be  done  ;  and  send  me  immediate  notice 
that  I  may  come  up  with  a  sufficient  number  of  wag 
gons,  (if  to  be  abandoned)  to  remove  the  Stores,  and 
likewise  to  hold  a  General  Court  Martial  on  the  mat 
ter,  to  avoid  future  reflection.  I  have  frequently 
mentioned  my  dislike  to  the  place,  for  these  Reasons  : 
—First,  Its  insufficiency  for  any  tolerable  defence— 
Secondly,  its  distance  from  the  inhabitants — difficulty 
of  communication— and  answering  no  other  purpose 
than  burying  the  service  of  170  Men,  in  guarding  the 
Stores,  which  might  be  more  conveniently  done  in 
other  forts.  Indeed,  had  we  men  enough  to  afford 
constant  scouting  parties  from  that  place  and  cou'd 
defend  the  country  hereabouts,  I  shou'd  approve  its 
being  supported  and  improved  in  strength  on  account 
of  the  advantages  we  might  expect  from  it — but  as 
this  is  not  the  case,  I  look  upon  it  as  rather  preju 
dicial  to  the  country.  The  additional  works  you 
mention  as  necessary  to  strengthen  the  fort,  I  cannot 
consent  to  without  positive  orders  from  the  Governor  ; 
as  I  shou'd  become  answerable  from  my  own  Estate 
for  such  expenses ;  unless  commanded  by  the  Governor 
or  Assembly.  The  Assembly  is  prorogu'd  to  the 
second  Thursday  of  next  month,  when  we  may  de 
pend  upon  some  alterations  in  our  present  constitu 
tion  :  and  if  you  think,  after  the  removal  of  part  of 
the  Stores,  it  can  be  maintained,  till  we  have  their 
determination — it  probably  may  be  more  advisable, 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  363 


as  His  Excellency  Lord  Loudoun  is  then  expected. 
But  upon  the  whole — as  you  must  be  a  better  judge 
of  your  own  situation  &  danger,  and  the  Governor 
leaving  the  affair  to  a  council  of  Officers,  I  refer  the 
case  entirely  to  your  discretion  ;  hoping  you  will  ob 
serve  the  greatest  circumspection  &  prudence  in  all 
your  measures  ;  so  that  we  may  be  liable  to  no  blame 
for  any  future  consequences.  Enclosed  is  a  scheme 
I  intend  to  offer  the  Assembly,  if  they  cannot  be  per 
suaded  off  their  defensive  notions,  although  I  am  de 
termined  to  urge  my  utmost  to  evince  the  advantages 
and  necessity  of  an  offensive  campaign  ;  as  you  & 
every  body  else  must  allow  that  carrying  the  war  into 
the  enemy's  country  is  the  surest  method  of  peace  at 
home  &  success  abroad.  And  until  an  attempt  is 
formed  against  Duquesne,  so  as  to  remove  the  foun 
tain  of  all  our  disturbance  and  trouble,  we  never  may 
expect  a  peaceable  day.  The  policy  of  the  French 
is  so  subtle  that  not  a  friendly  Indian  will  we  have  on 
the  continent,  if  we  do  not  soon  dislodge  them  from 
the  Ohio. 

I  shall  exert  every  power  to  make  this  plan  go 
clown  with  the  Assembly,  and  press  them  to  vigor 
ous  measures  for  the  safety  and  interest  of  the  Coun 
try,  preferably  to  the  Defensive,  and  demonstrate  fully 
to  them  every  thing  I  think  demands  their  concern, 
as  to  the  Frontiers.  I  also  would  have  you  collect 
whatever  comes  under  your  own  observation  in  these 
respects,  that  we  may  omit  nothing  requisite  for  the 
Assembly's  regard.  As  the  fund  for  support  of  the 
Rangers  is  long  since  exhausted,  the  Governor  avers 


364  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

them  to  be  discharged.  You  will  therefore  acquaint 
the  officers  and  men  of  these  Companies,  that  they 
are  discharged  accordingly,  &c,  &c.T 


COUNCIL  OF  WAR  ON  FORT  CUMBERLAND. 

A  Council  of  War,  held  at  Fort  Cumberland,  October 
3Oth,  1756,  in  pursuance  of  an  Order  received  from  Colonel 
George  Washington,  agreeable  to  an  order  from  Governor 
Dinwiddie  to  consult  whether  it  is  most  for  the  advantage 
of  His  Majesty's  Service,  to  keep  or  demolish  Fort  Cum 
berland. 

PRESENT. 

Lieut.  Colo  :  Adam  Stephen,  President. 

MEMBERS  : 

Capt.  Wm.  Bronaugh  Capt.  Hen.  Woodward 

Capt.  Robt.  Spotswood  Capt.  Chas.  Lewis 

Capt.  Wm.  Peachy  Lt.  Peter  Steenberger 

Lt.  Austin  Brockenborough         Lt.  James  Baker 
Lt.  Mordecai  Buckner  Ens.  Wm.  Dangerfield 

Ensn.  Edwd.  Hubbard  Ens.  Nathl.  Thompson 

Ens.  Charles  Smith  Ens.  Jno.  Lawson 

Ens.  Griffin  Pert. 

In  the  first  place,  the  particular  situation  and  structure 
of  the  Fort  was  considered,  namely, — Its  beirrg  built  of 
stockades  about  nine  feet  high  above  ground  and  never  in 
tended  for  defence  against  artillery. — That  it  is  commanded 

J  Winchester,  Thursday,  2Sth  October,  1756.  ¥*xd&Blackney.  As  Colonel 
Washington  is  to  hold  conference  with  the  Catawba  Indians,  betwixt  eleven 
&  twelve  o'clock — He  desires  all  the  Officers  in  town  to  attend  at  that  time  ; 
and  during  the  time  of  conference,  he  orders  a  Sergeant  &  Drummer  to  beat 
through  the  Town,  ordering  all  Soldiers  &  Towns  people  to  use  the  Indians 
civilly  and  kindly,  to  avoid  giving  them  liquor,  and  to  be  cautious  what  they 
speak  before  them,  as  all  of  them  understand  English,  and  ought  not  to  be 
affronted. — Orderly  Book. 


< 


. 


^ 


.,FORT 
C£fr '"'CLIMB  INLAND 


FORT    CCMHERLAM)    AM)    V1C1M1V. 


"  Reduced,  but  not  in  fac-simile,  from  a  sketch  among  the  Sparks  maps  in 
the  library  of  Cornell  University.  .  .  The  original  is  on  a  sheet  14  x  12  inches, 
and  is  endorsed  on  the  back  in  Washington's  handwriting,  apparently  at  a 
later  date,  '  Sketch  of  the  Situation  of  Fort  Cumberland.'"  From  the  Nar 
rative  and  Critical  History  of  America,  by  courtesy  of  the  publishers. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  365 

by  a  rising  ground  about  150  yards  N.  W.  of  the  stockades, 
and  overlooked  by  several  Hills  within  cannon  shot  ;  so 
that  no  person  can  move  about  the  place  without  being 
seen.  This  is  verified  in  the  instance  of  a  French  spy 
lately  taken  ;  who  gave  an  account  exactly  of  the  number 
of  Sergeants  and  Soldiers  in  the  Garrison. — That  the  Bar 
racks  are  without  the  Fort  ;  ill-built,  &  easily  set  on  fire  by 
the  enemy  ;  as  any  number  of  men  can  come  under  the 
banks  of  Potomac  and  Will's  Creek,  within  pistol  shot  of  the 
Barracks,  and  fort  itself,  without  being  exposed  to  a  shot 
from  cannon  or  small  arms — That  notwithstanding  its  small 
strength  &  situation,  it  is  the  only  place  to  the  southward  of 
Albany  exposed,  to  an  attack  from  cannon,  as  there  is  no 
other  road  for  carriages  of  any  kind,  leading  thro'  any  pass 
of  the  Alleghany  Mountains. — That  there  is  no  water  to  be 
had  except  from  the  river  or  creek — to  the  latter  of  which 
there  is  a  subterraneous  passage  opened  lately,  but  not  to 
be  depended  upon,  without  a  strong  Garrison  to  defend  it. 
Secondly  ;  As  to  the  situation  of  Fort  Cumberland  respect 
ing  Virginia  in  particular,  it  was  considered — That  it 
was  a  great  distance  from  the  inhabitants,  and  conse 
quently  the  more  difficult  to  be  supplied  with  provi 
sions,  &c. — That  a  strong  Fortress  with  a  numerous  gar 
rison,  situated  somewhere  toward  the  head  of  the  waters 
of  Patterson's  creek,  wou'd  contribute  more  to  the  im 
mediate  protection  of  the  Frontiers,  as  that  wou'd  be 
nearer  the  inhabitants,  and  as  near  the  enemy  and  warri 
ors'  path,  much  frequented  by  scalping  parties  of  them 
designed  against  the  Virginia  frontiers. — Thirdly — Upon 
consideration  of  the  situation  of  Fort  Cumberland,  as  it  re 
gards  His  Majesty's  service,  and  Virginia,  Maryland  and 
Pennsylvania  in  general. — It  appears,  that  a  strong  Fortress 
near  that  place,  or  more  advanced  towards  the  enemy,  well 
garrisoned,  is  absolutely  necessary,  and  wou'd  be  of  the 
greatest  service  for  the  protection  of  the  Frontiers  of  the 
three  colonies  for  the  following  reasons,  ist.  The  nearer 


366  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


we  are  to  enemy  well  supported,  the  more  will  they  dread 
our  incursions  ;  and  we  the  more  easily  command  the  passes 
of  the  Alleghany  mountains.  2ly. — It  appears  to  us  the 
most  imprudent  step,  to  leave  the  only  road  fit  for  wheel- 
carriages,  in  the  power  of  the  enemy.  3ly.  The  command 
of  the  River  Potomack,  being  one  of  the  principal  objects 
which  the  enemy  has  in  view  on  this  quarter  is  by  all  means 
to  be  guarded.  Their  being  masters  of  it  wou'd  forward 
their  designs  &  help  them  to  penetrate  more  readily  into  the 
Heart  of  the  Country.  It  is  to  be  observed,  that  it  is  only 
about  70  miles  land-carriage,  from  the  river  of  Monongahela 
to  this  place,  &  that  the  advantageous  navigation  by  small 
craft  and  battoes,  is  well  known  to  the  French. 

4\y.  That  Fort  Cumberland  is  about  30  miles  from 
Rays-town,  on  the  Frontiers  of  Pennsylvania,  thro'  which 
passes  an  Indian  road,  much  frequented  by  the  enemy 
marching  against  that  province,  and  the  Frontiers  of  Mary 
land.  That  it  is  not  much  farther  from  the  waters  of  a 
creek  called  the  Loyal  Hanan,  alias,  Camihony ; 1  upon 
which  lies  the  common  hunting  ground  of  the  Indians  as 
they  march  to  and  return  from  War — That  the  infesting 
these  roads  and  interrupting  them  thereabouts  wou'd  con 
tribute  most  of  all  to  the  protection  of  the  three  provinces, 
next  to  making  incursions  into  the  enemy's  country,  and 
going  against  their  Towns. 

It  has  likewise  been  considered  that  the  moving  the  Guns, 
&c,  from  Fort  Cumberland  to  Winchester  would  raise  the 
spirits  of  the  Enemy,  and  encourage  them  to  make  a  vigor 
ous  attack  upon  some  of  the  small  Forts  and  the  Inhabitants 
of  the  Branch.  That  it  wou'd  be  leaving  every  thing  to 
chance  and  running  the  greatest  risque  of  losing  all,  to  move 
them  to  any  other  place  on  the  frontiers,  before  provision 
is  made  for  reception  of  the  Stores,  and  mounting  of  the 

1  This  place  is  variously  spelled  in  the  colonial  records,  the  more  frequent 
forms  being  Loyal  Hanning,  Loyal  Hening,  and  Loyal  Hanna  or  Hanny. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  367 

cannon. — In  case  they  are  removed  to  Winchester  there  is 
the  greatest  reason  to  think,  that  the  whole  South  Branch 
Settlement  will  break  up,  and  that  the  neighbourhood  of 
Winchester,  nay,  even  to  the  Blue  Ridge  of  mountains,  will  in 
a  short  time  be  as  much  depopulated,  as  the  neighbourhood 
of  Fort  Cumberland  is  at  present.  After  a  deliberation  of 
two  days  on  the  above  circumstances — the  Question  being 
proposed — What  was  most  advisable  to  be  done? — it  was 
unanimously  agreed  as  follows  ;  vizt.  :  That  being  sensible 
of  the  great  advantages  of  a  strong  Garrison  in  Fort  Cum 
berland, — or  at  a  place  further  to  the  westward,  to  His 
Majesty's  Service — that  Garrison  with  equity  to  be  support 
ed  and  maintained  by  the  three  provinces  as  it  would 
contribute  equally  to  the  protection  of  all,  and  be  of  the 
greatest  service,  in  case  of  an  expedition  carried  on  from 
Potomack  to  Ohio  in  the  Spring.  Fort  Cumberland  and 
the  Store-houses  there  wou'd  be  particularly  useful ;  but  in 
the  mean  time,  to  pretend  to  maintain  a  Fort  most  exposed 
to  an  attack  of  any  on  the  continent,  with  a  Garrison  of  160 
men,  and  the  place  not  proof  against  cannon,  would  be 
ridiculous  &  absurd. 

The  matter  being  of  so  great  importance,  it  is  possible, 
that  on  a  just  representation  of  circumstances,  His  Excel 
lency,  The  Right  Honble.  the  Earl  of  Loudoun,  will  give 
orders  about  strengthening  His  Majesty's  Fort  at  Will's 
Creek  and  reinforcing  the  Garrison,  so  as  to  make  it  useful 
in  covering  the  frontiers  of  the  three  provinces.  We  also 
are  of  opinion,  that  as  the  designs  of  the  Enemy  against  this 
place  may  be  retarded  for  some  time,  by  the  late  capture  of 
a  couple  of  their  Spies ;  and  that  their  intelligence  re 
ceived  from  Deserters  will  be  rendered  of  less  effect,  from 
the  pulling  down  the  Redoubt,  and  erecting  a  sort  of  - 

-  in  another  place — That  it  is  most  advisable  to  apply 
to  Colonel  Washington  for  an  immediate  reinforcement  to 
the  Garrison — That  some  of  the  most  valuable  Stores — not 
immediately  useful  for  the  defence  of  the  Fort,  be  removed 


368  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [I756 

to  Winchester.  That  the  works  begun  for  the  strengthen 
ing  of  the  Fort,  by  orders  of  the  Commandant,  upon  hear 
ing  the  Enemy  were  on  their  march  against  it,  be  continued, 
and  that  we  defer  giving  our  judgment  with  respect  to 
keeping  or  demolishing  Fort  Cumberland,  the  only  fort 
belonging  to  His  Majesty  on  this  Quarter — and  desire  that 
our  consideration  of  the  case,  and  narration  of  circum 
stances,  be  transmitted  to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  to  whom,  or 
to  His  Excellency,  the  Right  Honble.  the  Earl  of  Loudoun, 
we  leave  the  decision  of  the  fate  of  Fort  Cumberland. — Re 
solving  in  the  mean  time  to  maintain  it  as  far  as  lies  in  our 
power,  until  we  receive  Orders  on  that  head — begging  that 
we  may  do  so  as  soon  as  possible,  having  certain  intelli 
gence  of  the  enemy's  designs  against  us,  as  soon  as  it  shall 
be  in  their  power  to  attack  us. 

REMARKS    ON    THE    COUNCIL    OF    WAR. 

Upon  receiving  orders  from  His  Honor  Governor 
Dinwiddie  to  hold  a  Council  of  War  upon  the  neces 
sity  of  continuing  or  discontinuing  Fort  Cumberland 
—I  immediately  directed  Lt.  Col.  Stephen  (it  being 
impracticable  to  attend  myself,  while  absent  on  a  tour 
reviewing  the  southern  frontiers)  to  summon  the  of 
ficers  of  that  Fort  and  the  neighboring  Garrisons  to 
take  the  affair  into  their  serious  consideration.  Their 
sentiments  in  my  opinion  are  fully  &  impartially  de 
livered  on  the  other  side,  both  in  respect  of  its  con 
dition,  situation  &  importance,  as  respecting  Virginia, 
and  the  provinces  of  Pennsylvania  &  Maryland  in 
general.  The  situation  of  Fort  Cumberland  is  ex 
tremely  unsuitable  for  defence,  and  in  no  ways  fit  for 
fortification — and  a  fort  some-where  in  that  neighbour 
hood  rather  more  advanced  to  the  westward,  well- 


1756]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  369 


fortified  and  strongly  garrisoned  wou'd  contribute 
much  to  the  mutual  safety  &  interest  of  these  three 
Colonies. 

Because  it  secures  the  only  gap  of  the  Alleghany 
at  present  made  passable  for  wheel-carriages  and 
which  wou'd  forward  an  Expedition  to  the  Ohio. 
Now  wou'd  the  three  Colonies  consent  to  furnish 
proportionable  supplies  for  so  beneficial  and  salutary 
a  design — I  shou'd  think  it  highly  expedient  to  main 
tain  that  pass  by  erecting  a  Fortress  of  strength 
towards  the  Little  Meadows,  in  advance  to  the  Ene 
my,  which  wou'd  give  us  yet  more  advantages  and 
Fort  Cumberland  wou'd  still  answer  its  present  pur 
poses  without  attempting  its  improvement  while  cov 
ered  by  the  other.  Or  should  Virginia  herself  take 
the  weight  of  this  Enterprize — or  could  it  be  accom 
plished  by  any  means  whatever, — I  shou'd  be  ex 
tremely  fond  of  the  expedient.  But  to  view  Fort 
Cumberland  in  its  present  defenceless  posture,  rela 
tive  to  Virginia  in  particular, — and  at  this  gloomy 
juncture  of  affairs — I  can  not  entertain  very  favourable 
sentiments  of  supporting  //,  for  these  reasons,  vizt. 
i  st.  'Tis  evident  the  Maryland  Assembly  have  given 
up,  all  their  lands  above  the  Tonollaways,  by  build 
ing  Fort  Frederick  below — ordering  in  the  Inhabi 
tants  above — and  withdrawing  their  Troops  from 
Fort  Cumberland. — From  them  we  may  expect  small 
succours — and  what  hope  we  may  have  of  Pennsyl- 
vanias  aid  towards  this  salutary  purpose,  I  am  yet  to 
learn.  They  have  large  and  extensive  frontiers,  and 
have  hitherto  acted  on  the  Defensive. 


370  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

2\y.  Fort  Cumberland  lying  in  the  province  of 
Maryland  &  remote  from  our  Settlements,  can  of 
course  contribute  little  to  their  protection,  without  a 
numerous  garrison  is  kept  therein  to  detach  strong 
parties  to  reconnoiter  at  a  distance,  and  waylay  the 
enemy  almost  at  their  own  homes  ;  as  there  are  vari 
ous  paths  that  lead  to  the  inhabitants,  without  coming 
near  Fort  Cumberland. 

3ly.  Fort  Cumberland  being  in  Maryland,  it  pre 
vents  a  great  part  of  our  Force  from  acting  there  ;  in 
consequence  of  an  Act  of  Assembly,  prohibiting  those 
Troops  to  march  out  of  the  Colony.  These  forces, 
thus  restricted  are  to  be  discharged  the  ist  Decem 
ber  ;  by  which  means  not  only  Fort  Cumberland,  but 
many  other  places  will  be  rendered  so  weak  (without 
immediate  supplies  ;  and  how  easily  these  are  ob 
tained,  I  appeal  to  sad  experience)  that  their  conquest 
wou'd  be  easy,  if  attempted.  Lastly. — As  to  the 
works — they  are  already  well  described,  as  quite  in 
sufficient  to  resist  a  common  swivel ;  and  must  require 
new  improvement,  if  continued  which  wou'd  be  better 
be  bestowed  on  a  new  and  more  suitable  situation  ; 
and  without  the  conjunction  of  the  two  provinces  to 
carry  on  this  proposal,  it  wou'd  be  next  to  impossible 
for  Virginia  (which  has  hitherto  defrayed  the  charge 
and  refuses  any  further  supplies  for  that  purpose)  to 
maintain  and  support  His  Majesty's  fort  under  their 
present  feeble  force.  For  by  putting  a  Garrison  there 
of  strength  requisite  to  defend  it,  and  keep  up  the 
difficult  communication  with  the  inhabitants  at  so 
great  a  distance  wou'd  employ  more  than  half  our 


1756]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  371 

men,  and  of  consequence  unguard  the  rest  of  our 
frontiers.— 

As  to  the  Address  of  the  Council  to  me  for  rein 
forcement — they  must  have  known  that  it  was  out  of 
my  power  to  grant  it.  The  Garrison  at  that  place 
was  appointed  in  consequence  of  a  former  council  of 
war  ;  and  a  large  proportion  of  our  force  alloted  to 
act  on  the  defensive  there.  Whilst  the  remainder 
were  divided  for  the  protection  of  other  places  ;  which 
wou'd  be  equally  unadvisable  to  leave  open  and  ex 
posed. 

Upon  the  whole,  were  it  at  any  other  time  than 
this — knowing  the  weakness  of  our  strength  doubting 
the  assistance  of  our  neighbours,  and  dreading  the 
consequence  of  leaving  the  place  longer  exposed,  al- 
tho'  great  part  of  the  Stores  is  already  removed — I 
shou'd  vote  for  demolishing  it.  But  the  affair  being 
of  great  importance,  I  only  offer  my  sentiments  ;  and 
submit  to  his  Honor  the  Governor  and  the  approach 
ing  Assembly,  for  a  determination  of  the  case.1 


LOCATION    OF   THE   FORTS. 

A  Plan  of  the  Number  of  Forts,  and  strength  necessary  to 
each  extending  entirely  across  our  Frontiers,  from  South  to 
North.— 


1  On  September  22d  Lord  Loudoun  wrote  from  Albany  :  "  And  do  hope  and 
trust  that  the  Government  of  Virginia  will  not  suffer  the  post  of  Fort  Cumber- 
berland  to  be  wrested  from  them."  Dinwiddie  instructed  Washington  to  main 
tain  the  fort  if  possible. 


372 


THE   WRITINGS  OF 


Names  of  the  forts,  or  persons 
commandg.  in  'em. 

On  what  waters  placed. 

Distance 
from  each 
other  in  miles. 

No.    of    men 
Garrisoning 
each. 

Capt.  Harris 

Mayo 

20 

Galloway 

Smith's  river 

15 

20 

Terry 

Black  water 

26 

20 

Hog 

Roanoke 

26                    150 

Not  built 

Do      at  Bryants 

1  8                  50 

Fort  William 

Catawba  Bra.  of  Jas.  river 

18                  75 

Not  built 

Craik's     Creek,     Bra.    of 

Jas.  river 

15                  40 

Dickinsons 

Jackson's  river 

18 

250 

Brakenridge 

Do 

16 

40 

Fort  Dinwiddie 

Do 

14 

100 

Christy 

Do 

15 

40 

Between  this  &  Trout  Rock 

—  not  yet  built 

18 

50 

Trout  Rock,  not  built 

So.  Branch 

15 

75 

Upper  Settlement 

Do 

20 

60 

Fort  Defiance 

Do 

20 

60 

Fort  Pleasant 

Do 

20 

60 

Fort  at  Cockes's 

Patterson's  Creek 

2O 

500 

Fort  at  Ashby's 

Do 

12 

60 

Fort  at  Parkers 

So.  Branch 

IO 

30 

Enochs,  not  built 

Cacapehon 

15 

75 

Maidstone 

Potomack 

30 

125 

Winchester 

TOO 

Total 


2,000 


This  plan  is  calculated  upon  the  most  moderate  and  easy 
terms  for  sparing  the  country  expences,  and  I  believe  with 
tolerable  justness  may  answer  the  design  of  protecting  the 
inhabitants.  It  may  be  objected,  that  the  distance  between 
some  of  the  forts  is  too  small ;  in  answer  to  which  I  must 
observe  they  are  generally  fixed  upon  the  heads  of  creeks, 
&c,  extending  towards  the  Alleghany  mountains  with 
almost  inaccessible  mountains  between  them,  and  are 
placed  in  the  most  commodious  manner  for  securing  the 
inhabitants  of  such  waters.  Some  Garrisons  are  larger  than 
others,  according  as  they  cover  a  thick  or  thin  settlement. 
The  fort  at  Voss's  (which  Capt.  Hog  is  now  building)  is  in 
a  much  exposed  gap  ;  subject  to  the  inroads  of  the  Southern 
Indians,  and  in  a  manner  covers  the  greatest  part  of  Bedford 
&  Halifax. 


1756]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  373 


Dickinsons  is  situated  for  the  defence  of  a  once  numerous 
&  fertile  settlement,  on  the  Bull  Cow  &  Calf  pastures ;  and 
lies  directly  in  the  Shawnese  path  to  Ohio,  and  must  be  a 
place  of  rendezvous,  if  an  Expedition  is  conducted  against 
the  Ohio  Indians  below  Duquesne. 

The  Garrisons  on  the  Potomack  waters,  are  yet  larger 
than  any ;  because  an  invasion  is  most  to  be  dreaded  on 
this  Quarter. 

It  will  be  seen  Fort  Cumberland  is  not  mentioned  in  this 
plan.  If  we  act  only  on  the  defensive  (a  system  on  which 
this  plan  is  founded)  I  think  it  employs  a  large  garrison  to 
very  little  advantage  to  Virginia.  If  we  act  offensively,  it 
may  be  of  infinite  use,  if  properly  fortified  ;  and  the  Garrison 
at  Cockes's  will  then  only  consist  of  about  50  or  60,  as  the 
rest  may  be  removed  to  Fort  Cumberland.1 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

WINCHESTER,  9  November,  1756. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

In  mine  from  Halifax  I  promised  your  Honor  a 
particular  detail  of  my  remarks  and  observations  upon 
the  situation  of  our  frontiers,  when  I  arrived  at  this 

1  "As  to  the  affair  of  Fort  Cumberland,  I  own  it  gives  me  great  uneasiness  ; 
and  I  am  of  the  same  opinion  with  you,  that  it  was  very  material  to  have  sup 
ported  that  fort  this  winter,  and  after  that  we  could  easily  have  made  it  a 
better  post  than  ever  it  has  been,  from  what  I  hear  of  it.  I  can't  agree  with 
Co.  Washington  in  not  drawing  into  him  the  posts  from  the  stockade  forts  in 
order  to  defend  the  advanced  one  ;  and  I  should  imagine  much  more  of  the 
frontier  will  be  exposed  by  retiring  their  advanced  post  near  Winchester,  where 
I  understand  he  is  retired  ;  for,  from  your  letter,  I  take  it  for  granted  he  has 
before  this  executed  his  plan  without  waiting  for  any  advice.  If  he  leaves  any 
of  the  great  quantity  of  stores  behind,  it  will  be  very  unfortunate,  and  he  ought 
to  consider  it  must  lie  at  his  own  door.  This  proceeding,  I  am  afraid,  will 
have  a  bad  effect  as  to  the  Dominion,  and  will  not  have  a  good  appearance  at 
home." — Loudoun  to  Dinwiddie,  November  or  December,  1756. 


374  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

place.  Although  I  was  pretty  explicit  in  my  former, 
I  cannot  avoid  recapitulating  part  of  the  subject  now, 
as  my  duty,  and  its  importance  for  redress  are  strong 
motives. 

From  Fort  Trial  on  Smith's  River,  I  returned  to 
Fort  William  on  the  Catawba,  where  I  met  Colonel 
Buchanan  with  about  thirty  men,  (chiefly  officers,)  to 
conduct  me  up  Jackson's  River,  along  the  range  of 
forts.  With  this  small  company  of  irregulars,  with 
whom  order,  regularity,  circumspection,  and  vigilance 
were  matters  of  derision  and  contempt,  we  set  out, 
and,  by  the  protection  of  Providence,  reached  Augus 
ta  Court-House  in  seven  days,  without  meeting  the 
enemy  ;  otherwise  we  must  have  fallen  a  sacrifice, 
through  the  indiscretion  of  these  whooping,  hallooing 
gentlemen  soldiers  ! 

This  jaunt  afforded  me  an  opportunity  of  seeing 
the  bad  regulation  of  the  militia,  the  disorderly  pro 
ceedings  of  the  garrisons,  and  the  unhappy  circum 
stances  of  the  inhabitants. 

First,  of  the  militia.  The  difficulty  of  collecting 
them  on  any  emergency  whatever,  I  have  often 
spoken  of  as  grievous  ;  and  I  appeal  to  sad  experience, 
both  in  this  and  other  counties,  how  great  a  disad 
vantage  it  is  ;  the  enemy  having  every  opportunity  to 
plunder,  kill,  and  escape,  before  they  can  afford  any 
assistance.  And  not  to  mention  the  expensiveness 
of  their  service  in  general,  I  can  instance  several 
cases,  where  a  captain,  lieutenant,  and,  I  may  add,  an 
ensign,  with  two  or  three  sergeants,  and  six  or  eight 
men,  will  go  upon  duty  at  a  time,  The  proportion 


756]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  375 


of  expense  in  this  case  is  so  unjust  and  obvious,  your 
Honor  wants  not  to  be  proved. 

Then  these  men,  when  raised,  are  to  be  continued 
only  one  month  on  duty,  half  of  which  time  is  lost  in 
their  marching  out  and  home,  (especially  those  from 
the  adjacent  counties,)  who  must  be  on  duty  some 
time  before  they  reach  their  stations  ;  by  which  means 
double  sets  of  men  are  in  pay  at  the  same  time,  and 
for  the  same  service.  Again,  the  waste  of  provision 
they  make  is  unaccountable  ;  no  method  or  order  in 
being  served  or  purchasing  at  the  best  rates,  but  quite 
the  reverse.  Allowance  for  each  man,  as  other  sol 
diers  do,  they  look  upon  as  the  highest  indignity,  and 
would  sooner  starve,  than  carry  a  few  days'  provision 
on  their  backs  for  conveniency.  But  upon  their 
inarch,  when  breakfast  is  wanted,  knock  down  the 
first  beef,  &c,  they  meet  with,  and,  after  regaling 
themselves,  march  on  until  dinner,  when  they  take 
the  same  method,  and  so  for  supper  likewise,  to  the 
great  oppression  of  the  people.  Or,  if  they  chance 
to  impress  cattle  for  provision,  the  valuation  is  left  to 
ignorant  and  indifferent  neighbours,  who  have  suf 
fered  by  those  practices,  and,  despairing  of  their  pay, 
exact  high  prices,  and  thus  the  public  is  imposed  on 
at  all  events.  I  might  add,  I  believe,  that,  for  the 
want  of  proper  laws  to  govern  the  militia  by  (for  I 
cannot  ascribe  it  to  any  other  cause),  they  are  obsti 
nate,  self-willed,  perverse,  of  little  or  no  service  to  the 
people,  and  very  burthensome  to  the  country.  Every 
mean  individual  has  his  own  crude  notions  of  things, 
and  must  undertake  to  direct.  If  his  advice  is 


376  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


lected,  he  thinks  himself  slighted,  abused,  and  in 
jured  ;  and,  to  redress  his  wrongs,  will  depart  for  his 
home.  These,  Sir,  are  literally  matters  of  fact,  part 
ly  from  persons  of  undoubted  veracity,  but  chiefly 
from  my  own  observations. 

Secondly,  concerning  the  garrisons.  I  found  them 
very  weak  for  want  of  men  ;  but  more  so  by  indo 
lence  and  irregularity.  None  I  saw  in  a  posture  of  de 
fence,  and  few  that  might  not  be  surprised  with  the 
greatest  ease.  An  instance  of  this  appeared  at  Dick 
inson's  Fort,  where  the  Indians  ran  down,  caught 
several  children  playing  under  the  walls,  and  had  got 
to  the  gate  before  they  were  discovered.  Was  not 
Voss's  Fort  surprised,  and  a  good  many  souls  lost,  in 
the  same  manner  ?  They  keep  no  guard,  but  just 
when  the  enemy  is  about ;  and  are  under  fearful  ap 
prehensions  of  them  ;  nor  ever  stir  out  of  the  forts, 
from  the  time  they  reach  them,  till  relieved  on  their 
month  being  expired  ;  at  which  time  they  march  off, 
be  the  event  what  it  will.  So  that  the  neighborhood 
may  be  ravaged  by  the  enemy,  and  they  not  the 
wiser.  Of  the  ammunition  they  are  as  careless  as  of 
the  provisions,  firing  it  away  frequently  at  targets  for 
wagers.  On  our  journey,  as  we  approached  one  of 
their  forts,  we  heard  a  quick  fire  for  several  minutes, 
and  concluded  for  certain  that  they  were  attacked  ; 
so  we  marched  in  the  best  manner  to  their  relief ;  but 
when  we  came  up,  we  found  they  were  diverting  at 
marks.  These  men  afford  no  assistance  to  the  un 
happy  settlers,  who  are  drove  from  their  plantations, 
either  in  securing  their  harvests,  or  gathering  in  their 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  377 


corn.  Lieutenant  Bullet,  commanding  at  Fort  Cum 
berland,  sent  to  Major  Lewis  of  Albemarle,  who 
commanded  a  party  of  sixty  militia  at  Miller's,  about 
fifteen  miles  above  him,  where  were  also  thirty  men 
of  Augusta,  for  some  men  to  join  his  small  parties  to 
gather  the  corn.  Major  Lewis  refused  assistance, 
and  would  not  divide  his  men.  I  wrote  to  him, 
but  got  no  answer.  Mr.  Bullet  has  done  what  he 
could  with  his  few  men,  not  quite  thirty.  Of  the 
many  forts,  which  I  passed  by,  I  saw  but  one  or  two 
that  had  their  captains  present,  they  being  absent 
chiefly  on  their  own  business,  and  had  given  leave  to 
several  of  the  men  to  do  the  same.  Yet  these  per 
sons,  I  will  venture  to  say,  will  charge  the  country 
their  full  month's  pay.1 

Thirdly,  the  wretched  and  unhappy  situation  of  the 
inhabitants  needs  few  words,  after  a  slight  reflection 
on  the  preceding  circumstances,  which  must  certainly 
draw  after  them  very  melancholy  consequences  with 
out  speedy  redress.  They  are  truly  sensible  of  their 
misery  ;  they  feel  their  insecurity  from  militia  preser- 

1  "  Their  diligence  and  resolution  in  pursuing  the  enemy  are  exemplified  in 
Capt.  Hunt  of  Lunenburgh,  who  was  persuaded  by  Capt.  McNeill,  on  seeing  a 
poor  man  inhumanly  massacred  on  the  road  cloce  by  where  I  came,  togo  in  search 
of  the  savages.  They  followed  the  tracks,  and  came  to  a  run,  thro'  which  they 
had  just  passed,  it  being  muddy  and  the  stones  yet  wet.  The  number  of  the 
enemy  was  supposed  to  be  about  20,  by  all  the  signs  that  appeared.  Here  the 
captain  stopped,  and  finding  he  came  fast  up  with  them,  thought  proper  to  de 
sist  his  pursuit,  and  after  some  consultation  with  his  men,  contrary  to  the  ad 
vice  and  entreaties  of  Capt.  McNeill,  &c.,  &c.,  did  retreat,  as  appears  by  the 
dispositions  of  Capt.  McNeill  and  Colo.  Buchanan  on  this  occasion.  Nor  is 
this  the  only  instance.  Some  militia  of  this  county  under  Capt.  Riddle,  upon  a 
late  alarm,  refused  to  proceed,  on  coming  to  fires  from  which  the  Indians  had 
just  fled — all  owing  to  want  of  due  command  and  obedience." — To  Robinson, 
g  Nov.,  1756. 


378  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

vation,  who  are  slow  in  coming  to  their  assistance, 
indifferent  about  their  preservation,  unwilling  to  con 
tinue,  and  regardless  of  every  thing  but  their  own 
ease.  In  short,  they  are  so  affected  with  approach 
ing  ruin,  that  the  whole  back  country  is  in  a  general 
motion  towards  the  southern  colonies  ;  and  I  expect 
that  scarce  a  family  will  inhabit  Frederick,  Hamp 
shire,  or  Augusta,  in  a  little  time.  They  petitioned 
me  in  the  most  earnest  manner  for  companies  of  the 
regiment.  But  alas  !  it  is  not  in  my  power  to  assist 
them  with  any,  except  I  leave  this  dangerous  quarter 
more  exposed  than  they  are.  I  promised,  at  their 
particular  request,  to  address  your  Honor  and  the 
Assembly  in  their  behalf,  and  that  a  regular  force 
may  be  established  in  lieu  of  the  militia  and  ranging 
companies,  which  are  of  much  less  service,  and  infi 
nitely  more  cost  to  the  country.  Were  this  done, 
the  whole  would  be  under  one  direction,  and  any 
misbehaviour  could  never  pass  with  impunity. 
Whereas  the  others  are  soldiers  at  will,  and  in  fact 
will  go  and  come  when  and  where  they  please,  with 
out  regarding  the  orders  or  directions  of  any.  And, 
indeed,  the  manner  in  which  some  of  the  ranging 
captains  have  obtained  their  commissions,  if  I  am 
rightly  informed,  is  by  imposture  and  artifice.  They 
produce  a  list,  I  am  told,  to  your  Honor,  of  sundry 
persons,  who  are  willing  to  serve  under  them.  One 
part,  it  is  said,  are  of  fictitious  names  ;  another,  the 
names  of  persons  who  never  saw  the  list ;  and  the  re 
mainder  are  persons  drawn  into  it  by  fallacious 
promises,  that  cannot  be  complied  with  without 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  379 


detriment  to  the  service.  But  were  it  otherwise, 
surely  any  person,  who  considers  the  pay  of  the 
soldiers  and  that  of  the  militia,  will  find  a  consider 
able  difference,  tho'  both  under  the  best  regulations. 
As  defensive  measures  are  evidently  insufficient 
for  the  security  and  safety  of  the  country,  I  hope 
no  arguments  are  requisite  to  convince  of  the 
necessity  of  altering  them  to  a  vigorous  offensive 
war,  in  order  to  remove  the  cause.1  But,  should  the 
Assembly  still  indulge  that  favorite  scheme  of  pro 
tecting  the  inhabitants  by  forts  along  the  frontiers, 
in  which  many  of  them  too  put  their  dependence, 
and  as  the  building  of  these  forts  has  been  encour 
aged  and  confirmed  by  an  act  of  the  Assembly,  I 
take  the  liberty  to  present  your  Honor  with  a  plan  of 
the  number  of  forts,  and  strength  necessary  to  each, 
reaching  entirely  across  our  frontiers  from  north  to 

1  "  The  certainty  of  advantage  by  an  offensive  scheme  of  action,  is  beyond 
any  doubt  much  preferable  to  our  defensive  measures,  and  requires  no  argu 
ments  with  you,  Sir,  I  presume  for  proof.  Our  scattered  force  avails  little  to 
stop  the  secret  incursions  of  the  savages,  so  separated  and  dispersed  into  weak 
parties  ;  and  can  only  perhaps  put  them  to  flight,  or  'fright  them  to  another 
part  of  the  country,  which  answers  not  the  end  proposed.  Whereas,  had  we 
strength  enough  to  invade  their  lands,  and  assault  their  towns,  we  should  then 
restrain  them  from  coming  abroad,  and  leave  their  families  exposed.  We 
should  then  remove  the  principal  cause,  and  have  stronger  probability  of  suc 
cess.  We  should  then  be  free  from  the  many  alarms,  mischiefs  and  murders 
that  now  attend  us.  We  should  then  inspirit  up  the  hearts  of  our  few  Indian 
friends,  and  gain  more  esteem  with  them.  In  short  could  Pennsylvania  and 
Maryland  be  induced  to  join  us  in  an  expedition  of  this  nature,  and  to  petition 
his  Excellency  Lord  Loudoun  for  a  small  train  of  artillery,  with  some  engineers, 
we  should  then  be  able  in  all  human  probability  to  subdue  the  terror  of  Fort 
Duquesne,  retrieve  our  character  with  the  Indians,  and  restore  peace  to  our  un 
happy  frontiers.  I  wish  sincerely  the  three  colonies  could  be  brought  to  act  in 
conjunction,  as  our  frontiers  are  so  contiguous,  and  our  mutual  interest  so 
closely  connected." — To  Robinson,  9  Nov.,  1756. 


380  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [I756 

south.  This  plan  is  calculated  upon  the  most  mod 
erate  and  easy  terms  for  sparing  the  country's  ex 
pense,  and,  I  believe,  with  tolerable  propriety  to 
answer  the  wished-for  design  of  protecting  the  set 
tlers.  Besides,  most  of  the  forts  are  already  built  by 
the  country-people  or  soldiers,  and  require  but  little 
improvement,  save  one  or  two,  as  Dickinson's  and 
Cox's.  Your  Honor  will  see  Fort  Cumberland  ex 
cluded  in  this  list. 

The  advantage  of  having  the  militia  in  Augusta,  &c, 
under  one  command,  I  have  already  hinted  at ;  and  I 
think  Major  Lewis  should  have  your  Honor's  orders 
to  take  that  duty  in  hand,  with  directions  and  orders 
to  secure  those  important  passes  of  Dickinson's  and 
Voss's,  by  building  a  fort  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Dickinson's,  or  by  other  means.  And  were  it  prac 
ticable  to  get  the  people  to  assemble  in  little  towns 
contiguous  to  these  forts,  it  would  contribute  much 
to  their  mutual  peace  and  safety,  during  the  contin 
uance  of  the  Indian  war.1  The  Augusta  people  com 
plain  greatly  for  want  of  money. 

The  other  day  eleven  Indians  of  the  Catawba  tribe 
came  here,  and  we  undoubtedly  might  have  had  more 
of  them,  had  the  proper  means  been  used  to  send 
trusty  guides  to  invite  and  conduct  them  to  us  ;  but 
this  is  neglected.  One  Matthew  Tool  makes  his 


1  ' '  And  indeed  the  most  probable  method  to  render  this  plan  efficacious, 
would  be  to  induce  the  inhabitants  to  assemble  in  townships,  contiguous  to 
these  forts,  as  many  of  them  seem  agreeable  to  the  proposal,  and  would  be  more 
encouraged  by  the  sanction  of  the  Assembly.  Then  they  could  cultivate  their 
lands,  preserve  their  stocks,  and  contribute  to  their  mutual  security.  Thus  did 
the  New  Englanders  settle  when  infested  as  we  are  now,  and  answers  well  in 
either  case,  offensive  and  defensive." — To  Robinson,  9  Nov.,  1756. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  381 


boast  of  stopping  them  until  he  shall  be  handsomely 
rewarded  for  bringing  them  ;  and  Major  Lewis  can 
inform  your  Honor  of  one  Bemer,  who  uses  every 
method  to  hinder  the  Cherokees  from  coming  to  our 
assistance.  Complaint  should  be  made  to  Governor 
Littleton  of  these  persons.  Indian  goods  are  much 
wanted  to  reward  the  Catawbas,  and  encourage  them 
to  engage  in  our  service.  In  what  manner  are  they 
to  be  paid  for  scalps  ?  Are  our  soldiers  entitled  to 
the  reward  like  indifferent  people  ?  It  is  a  tedious 
and  expensive  way  to  defer  payment  until  proved  and 
sent  to  your  Honor. 

Your  Honor  and  the  Assembly  should  determine 
these  points  and  many  others  very  essential,  vizt.,  a 
proper  method  of  paying  rewards  for  taking  up  de 
serters,  the  present  being  very  discouraging,  in  delay 
ing  payment  until  Courts  of  Claims,  &c. ;  means  to 
replace  the  drafts,  that  must  be  discharged  in  Decem 
ber  ;  ascertaining  the  pay  of  workmen  employed  on 
all  public  works,  or  empowering  the  commanding 
officer  to  agree  on  the  cheapest  terms  with  them  ; 
how  the  servants  enlisted  for  the  Virginia  regiment 
are  to  be  paid  for.  We  have  already  recruited  fifty 
odd  and  are  daily  dunned  for  payment  by  the 
masters.  A  report  prevails,  to  my  great  surprise, 
tho'  disbelief,  that  your  Honor  had  told  some  persons, 
who  applied  to  you  for  satisfaction  for  their  servants, 
that  I  had  no  orders  to  enlist  any.  This  false  rumor 
occasions  very  strange  reflections,  and  must  make  me 
appear  in  a  very  unjust  light  to  the  world.  I  have, 
therefore,  desisted  from  recruiting  until  your  Honor 


382  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


directs  me  in  what  manner  those  already  obtained  are 
to  be  satisfied  ;  and  I  beg  your  Honor  will  give  me 
immediate  advice  on  the  affair,  as  the  people  are  im 
patient,  and  threaten  us  with  prosecutions  from  all 
quarters. 

Your  Honor  has  herewith  a  copy  of  the  council  of 
war,  held  in  behalf  of  Fort  Cumberland,  in  which  the 
arguments  are  justly  and  fully  laid  down,  both  with 
regard  to  Virginia  in  particular,  and  in  general,  as  to 
the  three  colonies  whose  mutual  interest  highly  con 
cerns,  and  should  be  by  them  equitably  supported. 
On  the  back  of  the  copy  are  my  sentiments  on  the 
matter  candidly  offered  your  Honor,  and  to  your 
Honor  I  leave  the  determination  of  this  important 
affair,  with  the  officers  of  the  council.  I  have  fre 
quently  wrote  your  Honor,  desiring  you  would  ap 
point  a  commissary  in  lieu  of  Mr.  Walker,  who 
has  declined  acting,  and  been  absent  for  many 
months  ;  but  as  I  never  had  your  Honor's  answer, 
I  have  in  consequence  of  your  first  and  since  re 
peated  instructions  made  choice  of  a  person,  who  I 
believe  will  do  that  duty  with  every  necessary  dili 
gence  and  care  ;  and  hope  your  Honor  will  approve 
my  proceeding.  The  £100  paid  Colo.  Stephen  of 
the  Ranger's  money  (by  Colonel  Fairfax)  have  al 
ready  been  accounted  for  to  the  Committee.  I  have 
since  received  from  Colo.  Fairfax  ,£68.13.9  on  the 
country's  credit,  and  to  be  settled  with  my  other 
accompts. 

As  touching  a  chaplain,  if  the  government  will 
grant  a  subsistence,  we  can  readily  get  a  person  of 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  383 

merit  to  accept  of  the  place,  without  giving  the 
commissary  any  trouble  on  that  point,  as  it  is  highly 
necessary  we  should  be  reformed  from  those  crimes 
and  enormities  we  are  so  universally  accused  of.1 

Your  Honor  has  had  advice  of  two  spies,  that 
were  taken  at  Fort  Cumberland  ;  one  of  whom  they 
quickly  hung  up  as  his  just  reward,  being  a  deserter ; 
the  other  was  sent  to  Governor  Sharpe,  to  give  in 
formation  of  the  infernal  practices  followed  by  some 
of  the  priests  of  that  province,  in  holding  correspond 
ence  with  our  enemy.2  I  am,  &c. 

N.  B.     I  am  just  setting  out  for  Fort  Cumberland. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

ALEXANDRIA,  24  November,  1756. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

At  this  place,  on  my  way  to  Williamsburg,  I   re 
ceived  your  Honor's  letter  of  the  i8th  instant,3  and 

1  In  reply  to  a  request  for  the  appointment  of  a  chaplain  to  the  regiment, 
Governor  Dinwiddie  had  written  to  him  : — "  I  have  recommended  to  the  com 
missary  to  get  a  chaplain,  but  he  cannot  prevail  with  any  person  to  accept  of  it. 
I  shall  again  press  it  to  him." 

2  One  of  these  priests  was  William  Johnston  or  Johnson,  who  had  lived  among 
the  French  and  their  allies  for  two  years.     Govr.  Sharpe  suspected  that  he  had 
been  engaged  in  the  attacks  on  the  frontier  settlements,  and  had  surrendered 
to  the  English  when  found  on   a  reconnoiter  to  discover  the   expediency  of 
attacking  Fort  Cumberland. — Penn.  Colonial  Records,  vii.,  341. 

8  Dinwiddie  had  written  : — 

"  The  abuses  mentioned  in  yours  I  have  been  made  acquainted  with  from 
several  hands  ;  but  I  expected  you  would  have  been  more  particular  in  regard 
to  the  officers  neglecting  their  duty,  and  the  different  forts  not  being  properly 
garrisoned  with  men, — nay,  without  their  officers.  This  vague  report  makes  it 
impossible  for  me  to  call  on  the  delinquents.  .  .  . 

"  I  am  of  opinion  the  string  of  forts  proposed  is  only  weakening  our  strength, 


384  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


shall  take  care  to  pay  the  strictest  obedience  to  your 
orders,  and  the  opinion,  so  far  as  I  can.  The  de 
tachment  ordered  from  Winchester  exceeds,  I  be 
lieve,  the  number  of  enlisted  men  we  have  there  ; 
and  the  drafts,  which  made  our  strength  at  that 
place  to  consist  of  about  one  hundred  and  sixty  men, 
will  leave  us  in  seven  days.  I  have  no  hope  of  en 
listing  any,  nor  prolonging  their  stay,  as  we  have 
heretofore  engaged  those,  who  were  willing  to  serve. 
However  my  true  endeavors  shall  be  strictly  aiding 
for  this  (more  than  ever)  necessary  purpose. 

I  am  very  sorry  any  expression  in  my  letter  should 

and  will  be  a  poor  defence  to  our  frontiers.  I  hope  you  will  keep  the  Indians 
properly  employed.  Major  Lewis  has  orders  to  send  up  the  Cherokees.  You 
seem  to  charge  neglect  in  me,  not  having  proper  conductors.  This  charge  is 
unmannerly,  as  I  did  what  I  thought  proper,  though  disappointed  by  the  vil- 
lanous  traders.  .  .  . 

"  If  you  had  sent  down  the  amount  of  the  money  due  for  the  servants  en 
listed,  I  should  have  given  a  warrant  for  the  money.  It's  probable  I  might 
have  refused  payment  to  masters  of  some  servants  enlisted,  for  want  of  certifi 
cates,  but  never  said  you  did  not  act  properly  in  enlisting  them.  .  .  . 

"  In  regard  to  a  chaplain,  you  should  know,  that  his  qualifications  and  the 
bishop's  letter  of  license  should  be  produced  to  the  commissary  and  myself  ; 
but  this  person  is  also  nameless.  I  received  the  opinion  of  the  council  of  war 
in  regard  to  Fort  Cumberland  ;  as  it  was  an  affair  of  great  consequence,  I 
called  the  council  for  their  advice  and  enclose  you  their  and  my  opinion 
thereon.  In  consequence  thereof,  I  hereby  order  you  immediately  to  march 
one  hundred  men  to  Fort  Cumberland  from  the  forces  you  have  at  Winchester, 
which,  Captain  Mercer  says,  are  one  hundred  and  sixty  enlisted  men.  You  are 
to  remain  at  Fort  Cumberland,  and  make  the  place  as  strong  as  you  can,  in 
case  of  an  attack.  You  are  to  send  out  parties  from  the  fort  to  observe  the 
motions  of  the  enemy,  if  they  should  march  over  the  Alleghany  mountains. 
Any  stores  at  the  fort,  not  absolutely  necessary  for  its  defence,  you  are  to  send 
to  Winchester. 

"  You  are  to  order  one  of  your  subaltern  officers,  (in  whom  you  can  confide,) 
to  command  at  Winchester,  and  to  oversee  the  finishing  of  the  fort  building  at 
that  place.  These  orders  I  expect  you  will  give  due  obedience  to,  and  I  am 
with  respect,"  &c. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  385 

be  deemed  unmannerly.  I  never  intended  insults  to 
any  ;  on  the  contrary,  have  endeavoured  to  demean 
myself  in  that  proper  respect  due  to  superiors.  In 
the  instance  mentioned,  I  can  truly  say,  so  far  from 
intending  a  charge  or  affront  of  any  kind,  it  was 
distant  from  my  thoughts  ;  and  I  meant  no  more 
than  to  show  what  strange,  what  unaccountable  in 
fatuation  prevailed  among  the  magistrates,  &c.,  of  the 
back  parts  of  Carolina  ;  who  were  so  regardless  of 
the  common  cause,  as  to  allow  fifty  Catawbas  to 
return,  when  they  had  proceeded  near  seventy  miles 
on  their  march,  for  want  of  provisions  and  a  con 
ductor  to  entice  them  along.  This  was  a  fact  I  did 
not  suppose  your  Honor  was  uninformed  of,  know 
ing  Colonel  Cobb  had  wrote  you  on  the  subject.  I 
therefore  thought  I  might  be  less  explicit,  and  not 
have  incurred  this  censure  by  that  means. 

I  seem  also  to  be  reprimanded  for  giving  a  vague 
account  of  my  tour  to  the  southward.  1  was  rather 
fearful  of  blame  for  prolixity  and  impertinence,  in 
meddling  with  matters  I  had  no  immediate  concern 
with  ;  and  related  them  rather  as  hints,  to  set  you 
upon  inquiring,  than  as  a  circumstantial  account  of 
the  facts.  And  this  I  chose  more  especially  to  do, 
as  Colonels  Lewis  and  Buchanan,  from  whom,  being 
heads  of  the  militia,  these  representations,  fully 
authenticated,  more  properly  came.  And  they  were 
represented,  at  least  by  the  latter,  then  on  his  road 
to  do  so  ;  and  had  as  he  told  me,  taken  the  testi 
mony  and  depositions  of  several  persons  for  this 
purpose,  in  order  to  demonstrate  the  thing  more 


386  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

clearly  and  to  show  who  had  and  who  had  not  done 
their  duty.  When  I  went  to  Augusta,  it  was  with  a 
good  design, — to  relieve,  if  possible,  a  much  dis 
tressed  settlement  ;  but,  finding  this  impracticable 
without  men,  and  hearing  some  complaints  of  Cap 
tain  Hog,  and  at  the  same  time  being  desirous  of 
seeing  in  what  manner  he  proceeded,  I  continued  on 
in  no  small  danger  ;  yet  pleased  with  reflecting  on 
this  extraordinary  duty,  and  of  bringing  myself  more 
intimately  acquainted  with  the  situation  of  our  fron 
tiers,  which,  Sir,  I  related  as  well  as  I  was  capable, 
with  a  design,  from  which  I  have  never  intentionally 
swerved,  to  serve  my  country.  And  am  sorry  to 
find,  that  this,  and  my  best  endeavours  of  late,  meet 
with  unfavorable  constructions.  What  it  proceeds 
from,  I  know  not.  If  my  open  and  disinterested 
way  of  writing  and  speaking  has  the  air  of  pertness 
and  freedom,  I  shall  correct  my  error  by  acting  re 
servedly,  and  shall  take  care  to  obey  my  orders 
without  offering  any  thing  more.  I  should  not  have 
presumed  to  have  appointed  a  commissary,  had  not 
your  first  instructions  been  plain  and  explicit  on  this 
point,  and  reiterated  letters  since  that  invested  me 
with  power.  The  omission  of  the  name  was  a  neglect 
indeed  accidental,  not  designed.  The  gentleman  in 
tended  was  Mr.  Ramsay  of  this  place,  well-known, 
well-esteemed,  and  of  unblemished  good  character, 
practised  in  business  and  comes  now  properly  recom 
mended.  I  should  not  have  appointed  this  gentle 
man  or  any  other  to  serve  as  commissary,  had  not 
Mr.  Walker  in  repeated  letters  desired  it,  and  his 


1756]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  387 

absence  from  and  neglect  of  duty  rendered  another 
highly  necessary.  This,  I  presume,  you  were  un 
acquainted  with,  when  you  desired  his  continuance. 
Nor  may  you  know  that  Mr.  Walker  intends  to  re 
side  at  home  and  act  by  a  deputy,  which,  if  I  may  be 
allowed  to  say,  is  equally  inconsistent,  as  if  I  were  to 
do  it.  This  it  is  that  encourages  Mr.  Ramsay  to 
wait  upon  your  Honor  to  be  thoroughly  informed. 
As  the  duty  now  will  become  more  divided  between 
Fort  Cumberland  and  the  lower  forts,  it  may  not  be 
thought  amiss  if  Mr.  Ramsay  is  appointed  to  join  a 
second  in  the  commission.  The  business  by  this 
means  must  be  conducted  infinitely  better,  and  in 
that  case  I  would  beg  leave  to  mention  Mr.  Carlyle, 
who  is  willing  to  act,  and  whose  knowledge  and  ex 
perience  in  this  business  are  so  well  known,  and  need 
no  recapitulation.  They  are  both  agreed  to  hold  it 
in  conjunction  upon  the  same  terms  that  Mr.  Walker 
now  has  it. 

When  I  spoke  of  a  chaplain,  it  was  in  answer  to 
yours.  I  had  no  person  in  view,  tho'  many  have 
offered  ;  and  only  said,  if  the  country  would  provide 
subsistence,  we  could  procure  a  chaplain,  without 
thinking  there  was  offence  in  the  expression. 

Because  I  was  told  the  commissary  had  endeavored, 
but  could  get  no  one  to  accept  of  it.  When  I  spoke 
about  scalps,  I  had  the  Indians  chiefly,  indeed  solely, 
in  my  view,  knowing  their  jealous,  suspicious  natures 
are  apt  to  entertain  doubts  of  the  least  delay  and  a 
suspension  of  rewards  causes  a  dissatisfaction  and 
murmuring  among  them,  which  might  be  productive 


388  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

of  bad  events  at  this  critical  juncture.1  So  soon  as 
I  march  from  Winchester,  which  will  immediately 
happen,  as  I  am  setting  out  thence,  and  sent  orders 
by  Jenkins  to  have  the  troops  paid  and  in  readiness 
to  march,  I  shall  write  your  Honor  a  more  distinct 
account  of  the  situation  of  that  place,  which  will  be 
left  entirely  destitute  of  all  protection,  notwithstand 
ing  it  now  contains  all  the  public  stores  of  any  im 
portance,  as  they  were  removed  from  Fort  Cumber 
land,  and  in  the  most  dangerous  part  of  our  frontiers, 
at  least  in  a  part  that  has  suffered  this  summer  more 
than  any  (which  has  been  so  well  secured)  by  the 
ravages  of  the  enemy.  The  works,  which  have  been 
constructed  and  conducted  on  with  infinite  pains  and 
labor,  will  be  unfinished  and  exposed  ;  and  the  mate 
rials  for  completing  the  building,  which  have  been 
collected  with  unspeakable  difficulty  and  expense, 
left  to  be  pillaged  and  destroyed  by  the  inhabitants 
of  the  town  ;  because,  as  I  before  observed,  one 
hundred  men  will  exceed  the  number,  I  am  pretty 
confident,  which  we  have  there,  when  the  drafts  go 
off.  So,  to  comply  with  my  orders,  (which  I  shall 
literally  do,  if  I  can,)  not  a  man  will  be  left  there  to 
secure  the  works,  or  defend  the  King's  stores,  which 
are  almost  wholly  removed  to  that  place. 

1  Atkin  disapproved  of  offering  high  rewards  to  Indians  for  scalps,  as  it  en 
couraged  "private  scalping,  whereby  the  most  innocent  and  helpless  persons, 
even  women  and  children  "  were  murdered  for  their  scalps.  He  instanced  also 
some  case  where  the  Indians  picked  quarrel  among  themselves  that  the  scalp  of 
the  killed  might  be  sold.  Further  the  high  rewards  sharpened  the  ingenuity  of 
the  Indians  ;  "  for  the  Cherokees  in  particular  have  got  the  art  of  making  four 
scalps  out  of  one  man  killed."  Atkin  asserted  that  he  was  "well  assured 
Lord  Loudoun  detests  that  practice  [of  purchasing  scalps],  and  that  the  French 
general  Montcalm  in  Canadas  does  the  same.  Sir  Wm.  Johnson  gives  no  re 
ward  at  all  in  particular  for  scalps  by  name." — Penn.  Archives,  iii.,  199. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  389 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

FORT  LOUDOUN,  2  December,  1756. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

When  I  wrote  your  Honor  from  Alexandria,  I  ex 
pected  to  have  been  at  or  near  Fort  Cumberland  by 
this  ;  but,  upon  coming  here,  and  expecting  wagons 
and  provisions  in  readiness  to  go  up  with  this  escort, 
I  received  the  enclosed  from  the  commissary,  which 
I  send  to  evince  that  no  delays  or  protracting  of  or 
ders  proceed  from  me.  The  return  of  our  strength, 
which  I  called  in  so  soon  as  I  arrived,  is  herewith 
sent,  signed  by  the  adjutant,  amounting,  exclusive 
of  the  drafts,  to  eighty-one  effectives,  including  the 
sick,  and  young  drummers,  who  were  sent  here  to 
learn. 

When  Captain  Mercer  went  down,  our  strength 
consisted  of  about  twenty-five  more,  including  drafts, 
which  have  been  sent  ever  since  the  middle  of  Octo 
ber,  to  Conococheague,  Swearingen's  Ferry,  &c,  to 
encourage  that  body  of  inhabitants  to  stay  at  their 
places,  who  otherwise  were  determined  to  forsake 
them.  Your  Honor's  late  and  unexpected  order  has 
caused  the  utmost  terror  and  consternation  in  the 
people,  and  will,  I  fear,  be  productive  of  numberless 
evils,  not  only  to  this  place,  and  the  public  works 
erecting  here,  but  to  the  country  in  general,  who 
seem  to  be  in  the  greatest  dread  for  the  consequences. 
The  stores  of  every  kind  have  all  been  brought  from 
Fort  Cumberland,  save  those  indispensably  necessary 
there,  at  a  very  great  expense,  and  lie  in  the  court 
house  and  other  public  buildings,  to  the  no  small  in 
convenience  and  detriment  of  the  county.  I  have 


39o  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 


frequently  been  importuned  by  the  members  of  the 
court,  and  other  public  officers,  to  remove  them,  and 
have  as  often  by  gentle  persuasives  protracted  the 
time  ;  which  was  the  more  cheerfully  granted,  as  it 
was  evident  that  there  were  no  other  places  to  receive 
them,  and  that  I  strove  with  the  utmost  diligence  to 
prepare  the  proper  receptacles.  What  course  to  take 
with  them  now,  I  know  not,  and  hope  you  will  direct. 
I  am  convinced,  were  your  Honor  informed  how 
much  this  place  (which  is  in  every  degree  our  utmost 
and  most  exposed  frontier,  there  being  no  inhabitants 
between  this  and  the  Branch,  and  none  there  but 
what  are  forted  in,) — I  say,  I  am  convinced,  if  your 
Honor  were  truly  informed  of  the  situation  of  this 
place,  of  its  importance  and  danger,  you  would  not 
think  it  prudent  to  leave  such  a  quantity  of  valuable 
stores  exposed  to  the  insults  of  a  few ;  for  a  very 
few  indeed  might  reduce  them  and  the  town  too, 
to  ashes.  In  the  next  place,  as  I  observed  in  my 
last  letter,  the  works,  which  have  been  begun  and 
continued  with  labor  and  hardship,  lie  open,  untena 
ble,  and  exposed  to  the  weather,  to  say  no  more  ;  and 
the  materials,  which  have  been  collected  with  cost 
and  infinite  difficulty,  to  the  mercy  of  every  pillager  ; 
our  timber  and  scantling,  used  and  burnt  by  the 
town's  people  ;  our  plank,  which  has  been  brought 
from  far,  stolen  and  destroyed  ;  and  the  lime,  if  not 
stolen,  left  to  be  wasted,  &c.,  &c.  And  this  is  not 
the  worst.  A  building,  which  in  time  might  and 
would  have  been  very  strong  and  defensible,  and  an 
asylum  in  the  greatest  danger,  in  a  manner  totally 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  391 

abandoned.  As  the  case  now  stands,  we  have  no 
place  tenable,  no  place  of  safety  ;  all  is  exposed  and 
open  to  attacks  ;  and  by  not  having  a  garrison  kept 
at  this  place,  no  convoys  can  get  up  to  us,  and  the 
communication  with  the  inhabitants  entirely  cut  off, 
so  that  soldiers  and  inhabitants  cannot  be  assisting 
each  other. 

In  regard  to  myself  residing  at  Fort  Cumberland,  I 
shall  lay  before  your  Honor  such  inconveniences  as 
must  unavoidably  arise,  while  we  pursue  these  defen 
sive  measures  ;  in  doing  which,  I  think  I  only  do  my 
duty.  First,  as  Fort  Cumberland  lying  more  ad 
vanced,  and  wide  of  all  other  forts,  will  prevent  me 
from  having  the  immediate  direction  of  any  but  that. 
Secondly,  the  stores  being  at  this  place,  and  I  at  that, 
will  render  it  impossible  to  deliver  them  regularly.  I 
either  must  trust  to  a  subaltern  officer  to  order  them 
discretionally,  or  else  an  express  must  be  first  sent  to 
me,  and  then  I  must  send  to  the  storekeeper  to  de 
liver  the  necessaries  wanting  to  each  garrison.  How 
inconsistent  this  is  for  many  reasons,  your  Honor 
may  judge ;  but  more  especially,  when  it  is  known 
that  there  is  no  travelling  to  Fort  Cumberland  but 
endangering  of  life,  without  a  pretty  strong  escort. 
Thirdly,  by  being  at  Fort  Cumberland  a  total  stag 
nation  of  business  must  ensue,  because  money  is 
lodged  with  me  for  discharging  all  contingent  ex 
penses  arising  in  the  service,  and  no  persons  will,  or 
can,  come  to  me  there.  In  course  they  will  be  slack 
in  furnishing  us  with  wagons  and  necessaries  of  every 
kind,  which  now  by  due  payment  may  be  had  at  call 


392  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

And  lastly,  Winchester  is  in  the  center,  as  it  were,  of 
all  the  forts,  is  convenient  for  receiving  intelligence 
and  distributing  orders ;  and  notwithstanding  any 
thing  to  the  contrary,  lies  in  a  vale  of  land,  that  has 
suffered  more  than  any  other  from  the  incursions  of 
the  enemy.  I  hope,  after  receiving  a  peremptory 
order,  the  mentioning  of  these  things  will  not  appear 
presuming  or  odd.  I  do  not  hesitate  a  moment  to 
obey  ;  on  the  contrary,  shall  comply  the  minute  I 
can.  I  mean  nothing  more  than  to  point  out  the 
consequences,  that  must  necessarily  attend,  as  I  ap 
prehend  your  Honor  was  not  thoroughly  apprised  of 
our  situation.  Some,  Sir,  who  are  inclined  to  put  an 
unfavorable  construction  upon  this  generous  recital, 
may  say,  that  I  am  loath  to  leave  this.  I  declare, 
upon  my  honor,  I  am  not,  but  had  rather  be  at  Fort 
Cumberland,  (if  I  could  do  my  duty  there,)  a  thou 
sand  times  over  :  for  I  am  tired  of  the  place,  the  in 
habitants,  and  the  life  I  lead  here  ;  and  if,  after  what 
I  have  said,  you  should  think  it  necessary  that  I  re 
side  at  that  place,  I  shall  acquiesce  with  pleasure  and 
cheerfulness,  and  be  freed  from  much  anxiety,  plague, 
and  business.  To  be  at  Fort  Cumberland  sometimes, 
I  think  highly  expedient,  and  have  hitherto  done  it. 
Three  weeks  ago  I  came  from  that  place. 

I  have  used  every  endeavour  to  detain  the  drafts, 
but  all  in  vain.  They  are  home-sick  and  tired  of 
work.  They  all  declare,  if  an  expedition  is  conducted 
in  the  spring,  they  will  serve  two,  three,  or  four 
months  ;  these  tho'  are  words  of  course.  The  Ca- 
tawbas  are  out  on  the  scout  with  an  officer  and  some 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  393 


men  of  ours.  They  proposed,  when  I  was  at  Fort 
Cumberland,  to  stay  only  one  moon,  and  then  to  set 
out  for  their  nation,  with  a  report  of  the  country  and 
its  conveniences  to  the  enemy,  (but  rather  with  a  re 
port  of  our  usage,  I  believe.)  It  therefore  behooves 
us  to  reward  them  well,  and  keep  them  in  temper. 
They  applied  to  me  for  several  necessaries,  such 
as  each  a  suit  of  clothes,  wampum,  pipe,  toma 
hawks,  and  silver  trinkets  for  the  wrists  and  arms, 
&c.  The  wampum  and  tomahawks  I  have  pur 
chased.  The  want  of  the  others  may  occasion  some 
murmuring,  and  there  are  very  few  things  suitable  at 
Fort  Cumberland.  They  seemed  very  desirous,  that 
an  officer  should  return  with  them,  and  gave  strong 
assurances  of  his  bringing  in  a  number.  If  your 
Honor  approves  it,  I  shall  endeavour  to  fix  upon  some 
officer,  that  falls  most  in  with  their  customs,  and  send 
him  upon  this  duty.  The  Indians  expect  to  be  sent 
back  upon  horses.  Does  your  Honor  approve  that 
they  should  ?  I  will  not  take  upon  me  to  buy  horses 
without  your  orders.  The  Cherokees  are  not  yet  ar 
rived,  nor  the  arms  from  Augusta.  I  am,  &c. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

FORT  LOUDOUN,  4  December,  1756. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

Since  writing  to  your  Honor  yesterday,  a  very  base 
and  villainous  scheme  has  been  discovered  ;  which 
has  been  I  believe,  the  sole  cause  of  18  Soldiers 


394  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

deserting  from  us  last  night.  The  Gentleman  con 
cerned  is  our  (late  Ensign)  Denis  McCarty ;  of 
whose  Character  and  practises,  the  enclosed  Depo 
sitions  will  afford  your  Honor  a  Specimen,  and  with 
whom  all  his  ties  of  honor  and  morality  are  of  no 
force.  By  virtue  of  your  Honor's  Commission  to 
recruit  for  the  Royal  American  Regiments,  and 
under  the  specious  pretence  of  immunity,  offered 
in  a  late  proclamation,  he  boasts  the  power  & 
authority  of  enlisting  Deserters  and  Delinquents  of 
any  kind  whatever.  With  these  pretences  &  his 
ungenerous  principles,  he  scandalously  &  under- 
handedly  seduced  these,  and  I  am  afraid  many  more 
to  abandon  their  duty  and  desert  the  Service.  The 
Behaviour  of  Mr.  McCarty  while  in  our  Regiment 
was  not  so  becoming  and  genteel  as  it  ought  :  and 
had  he  not  apprehended  the  danger  of  a  Court  Mar 
tial  with  disgrace,  he  would  not  have  resigned  to  your 
Honor  with  so  much  privacy.  I  hope  this  flagrant 
instance  of  his  unnatural,  unjust  and  dishonorable 
proceedings  will  prompt  your  Honor  to  punish  such 
pernicious  practises  so  destructive  in  their  conse 
quences,  and  so  fatal  in  their  effects.  I  have  de 
spatched  a  party  of  25  men  under  Capt.  Mercer  with 
orders  that  every  endeavour  and  all  possible  diligence 
be  made  use  of  to  apprehend  those  Deserters,  who  I 
imagine  are  gone  to  McCarty  and  should  be  glad 
your  Honor  wou'd  direct  what  punishment  shou'd  be 
inflicted  ;  as  the  act  for  that  purpose  is  sometime  ago 
expired.  The  loss  of  the  Drafts  and  those  desertions, 
render  us  unable  to  manage  such  heavy  timber  as  is 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  395 

required  about  the  Fort  ;  or  even  sufficient  to  do 
other  necessary  work  there.  These  misfortunes  and 
the  want  of  flour  with  the  Commissary,  conspire  to 
retard  my  march  longer  than  I  had  expected. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

FORT  LOUDOUN,  10  December,  1756. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

Capt.  Mercer  returned  the  7th  with  sixteen  of  the 
Deserters  ;  the  other  two  escaped  his  diligence.  They 
confirm  the  suspicion  of  Mr.  McCarty's  villany,  by 
confessing  he  had  inveigled  them  with  promises  of 
protection,  rewards,  and  good  usage  !  and  a  deep-laid 
plan  was  concerted  for  accomplishing  his  base  de 
signs, — binding  each  individual  with  an  oath  to 
follow  him  ;  to  stand  true  to  each  other  in  case  of 
being  pursued  ;  to  kill  the  officer  who  attempted  the 
command  ;  and  in  case  of  a  separation,  private  in 
structions  to  repair  to  McCarty,  or  some  of  his 
friends  who  were  to  receive  and  entertain  them. 
These  proceedings  and  the  within  depositions  must 
convince  your  Honor,  how  dangerous  a  person  of 
Mr.  McCarty's  principles  must  be  to  the  peace  and 
quiet  of  Society. 

The  Soldiers  surrendered  to  Capt.  Mercer  upon 
promise  of  pardon  ;  and  as  they  seem  sorry  for  their 
Behaviour,  assuring  all  duty  and  obedience  for  the 
future,  I  thought  it  most  expedient  to  forgive  them 
knowing  we  have  no  law  at  present  to  punish  them, 


396  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

and  believing  the  poor  ignorant  fellows  less  culpable 
than  their  Seducer. 

I  hope  your  Honor  will  therefore  approve  of  my 
measures  in  this  matter. 

Before  this  reaches  your  Honor  I  imagine  you  will 
have  received  Capt.  John  McNeill's  relative  to  the 
Servants  recruited  in  Augusta — I  desired  him  to 
transmit  the  valuation  of  them,  according  to  your 
Honor's  directions  fully  authenticated,  in  order  to  re 
ceive  the  money.  Capt.  McNeill's  distance  from  me 
deprived  me  of  the  opportunity  of  certifying  the  ac- 
compts  ;  and  to  prevent  loss  of  time,  expence  and 
trouble,  I  ordered  him  to  take  this  method,  which  I 
hope  will  not  be  disagreeable  to  your  Honor. 

Upon  receiving  your  Honor's  and  the  Council's  re 
solve  to  make  Fort  Cumberland  tenable,  I  wrote  to 
Lt.  Colonel  Stephen  to  set  immediately  about  it,  but 
the  want  of  tools  for  three  parts  of  the  men  there  will 
prevent  its  progress. 

At  Alexandria  I  gave  orders  to  purchase  a  quanti 
ty  ;  and  Colonel  Carlyle  had  gone  to  Annapolis  for 
that  purpose  ;  so  I  look  daily  for  the  tools.  The  de 
mand  upon  us  at  this  time  for  money  is  very  great, 
buying  provision,  &c.  We  have  almost  exhausted 
the  last  sum  received,  and  must  be  under  the  necessi 
ty  of  applying  to  your  Honor  for  another  supply  in  a 
little  time.  We  long  much  for  the  arrival  of  the  sol 
diers  Clothing.  The  weather  very  severe,  the  Ser 
vice  hard,  and  men  naked — are  motives  too  strong 
for  their  accepting  the  specious  promises  of  McCarty 
and  others. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  397 

TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

FORT  LOUDOUN,  19  December,  1756. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

Your  letter  of  the  loth  came  to  hand  the  i5th;  in 
consequence  of  which  I  despatched  orders  immedi 
ately  to  all  the  garrisons  on  the  Branch  to  evacuate 
their  forts,  and  repair  to  Pearsall's,  where  they  would 
meet  the  flour,  &c.  from  this  place,  and  to  escort  it 
to  Fort  Cumberland.  I  expect  the  provisions  pur 
chased  for  the  support  of  these  forts,  and  now  lying 
in  bulk,  will  be  wasted  and  destroyed,  notwithstand 
ing  I  have  given  directions  to  the  assistant  commis 
sary  on  the  Branch,  and  to  Waggener's  company,  to 
use  their  utmost  diligence  in  collecting  the  whole, 
and  securing  them  where  his  company  is  posted.  An 
escort,  with  all  the  flour  we  have  been  able  to  pro 
cure  (which  amounts  to  an  insufficient  quantity  for 
want  of  water),  sets  out  from  this  on  Tuesday  next. 
I  expect  to  depart  sooner  myself,  after  leaving  direc 
tions  with  Captain  Mercer,  whom  I  have  appointed 
to  command  here,  and  shall  repair  as  expeditiously  as 
possible  to  Fort  Cumberland. 

I  am  a  little  at  loss  to  understand  the  meaning  of 
your  Honor's  orders,  and  the  opinion  of  the  Council, 
when  I  am  directed  to  evacuate  all  the  stockade  forts, 
and  at  the  same  time  to  march  only  one  hundred  men 
to  Fort  Cumberland,  and  to  continue  the  like  num 
ber  here  to  garrison  Fort  Loudoun.  If  the  stockade 
forts  are  all  abandoned,  there  will  be  more  men  than 
are  required  for  these  two  purposes,  and  the  com 
munication  between  them,  of  near  eighty  miles,  will 


398  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

be  left  without  a  settler,  unguarded  and  exposed.1 
But  I  mean  nothing  by  asking  this  question,  than  to 
know  your  Honor's  intentions,  which  I  would  will 
ingly  pay  strict  obedience  to. 

Mr.  Walker  has  been  here,  settled  his  accompts, 
and  gone  home  again,  fully  resolved  no  longer  to 
continue  commissary.  I  acquainted  him  with  the 
contents  of  your  Honor's  letters  of  November,  and 
he  has  wrote  you  (he  tells  me)  his  reasons  for  resign 
ing.  What  Indian  goods  were  left  by  Colo.  Innes  I 
know  not  ;  no  return  was  ever  given  to  me,  nor  to 
the  commanding  officer,  when  he  went  away,  if  I  am 
rightly  informed. 

I  shall  when  I  arrive  at  Fort  Cumberland  get  a  re 
turn  of  them,  and  transmit  to  your  Honor. 

A  return  of  the  stores  at  this  place  is  enclosed.  I 
should  have  sent  it  before,  but  waited  to  add  those 
at  Fort  Cumberland,  of  which  there  are  none  yet 
come  down. 

If  Captain  McNeill  goes  to  the  Cherokee  nation,  it 
would  be  well  for  him  to  conduct  the  Catawbas  home. 
But  when  I  recommended  an  officer's  going  with 

1  "  I  heartily  commiserate  the  poor,  unhappy  inhabitants,  left  by  this  means 
exposed  to  every  incursion  of  a  merciless  enemy,  and  wish  it  were  in  my  power 
to  offer  them  better  support,  than  good  wishes  (merely)  will  afford.  You  may 
assure  the  settlement,  that  this  unexpected,  and,  if  I  may  be  allowed  to  say, 
unavoidable  step  was  taken  without  my  concurrence  and  knowledge  ;  that  it  is 
an  express  order  from  the  Governor,  and  can  neither  be  evaded  nor  delayed. 
Therefore,  any  representations  to  me  of  their  danger,  and  the  necessity  of  con 
tinuing  troops  among  them,  will  be  fruitless  ;  for,  as  I  before  observed,  I  have 
inclination,  but  \\opower  left,  to  serve  them.  It  is  also  the  Governor's  order, 
that  the  forts  be  left  standing  for  the  inhabitants  to  possess  if  they  think 
proper." — To  Captain  William  Bronaugh,  17  Dec.,  1756.  A  similar  order 
was  sent  to  the  commanders  of  other  forts  on  the  South  Branch. 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  399 


them,  it  was  with  a  view  of  engaging  a  body  of  their 
men  to  come  to  our  assistance  in  the  spring,  and  to 
march  in  with  their  warriors,  not  choosing  to  trust 
altogether  to  their  unmeaning  promises  and  capri 
cious  humors.  But  your  Honor  will  be  pleased  to 
direct  as  you  see  proper  in  this  affair.  I  have  ad 
vanced  very  little  money  hitherto  to  the  masters  of 
servants,  because  I  waited  your  directions  on  this 
head.  I  received  forty-one  last  night  from  Captain 
McNeill,  who  desires  leave  to  continue  recruiting.  I 
do  not  consent  to  it,  until  I  know  whether  it  is 
agreeable  to  your  Honor,  and  whether  I  may  send 
out  as  many  other  officers  as  can  be  spared  for  the 
same  service.  If  this  is  approved  of  I  should  be  glad 
that  your  Honor  would  send  me  general  instructions, 
that  I  may  know  how  to  give  mine,  and  to  act  con 
sistently  with  the  rules  for  recruiting  servants  for  his 
Majesty's  regiments.  I  should  have  been  exceedingly 
glad,  if  your  Honor  and  the  Council  had  directed  in 
what  manner  Fort  Cumberland  is  to  be  strengthened  ; 
2.  e.,  whether  it  is  to  be  made  cannon-proof  or  not ; 
and  that  you  would  fix  the  sum  beyond  which  we 
shall  not  go,  for  I  must  look  to  you  for  the  expense, 
knowing  that  the  country  has  already  rejected  some 
articles  of  this.  Immediately  upon  receiving  your 
Honor's  letter  to  McCarty,  I  enclosed  it  to  Colonel 
Fairfax  (as  directed),  and  desired  him  to  do  what  is 
needful  in  regard  to  the  commission,  as  it  was  not  in 
my  power  to  deal  with  him  as  he  deserved  :  first,  be 
cause  he  has  left  this  service  ;  and  next,  because  if 
he  was  still  in  it,  we  have  no  martial  law  to  punish 


400  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

him,  the  mutiny  and  desertion  act  having  expired  in 
October  last.  The  same  with  respect  to  the  soldiers, 
but  their  penitent  behavior  induced  me  to  pass  by 
their  faults.  I  have  read  that  paragraph  in  Lord  Lou- 
doun's  letter,  (which  your  Honor  was  pleased  to  send 
me,)  over  and  over  again,  but  am  unable  to  compre 
hend  the  meaning  of  it.  What  scheme  it  is,  I  was 
carrying  into  execution  without  waiting  advice,  I  am 
at  a  loss  to  know,  unless  it  was  building  the  chain  of 
forts  along  our  frontiers,  which  I  not  only  undertook 
conformably  to  an  act  of  Assembly,  and  by  your  own 
orders,  but,  with  respect  to  the  places,  in  pursuance 
of  a  council  of  war.  If,  under  these  circumstances, 
my  "  conduct  is  responsible  for  the  fate  of  Fort 
Cumberland,"  it  must  be  confessed,  that  I  stand 
upon  a  tottering  foundation  indeed.  I  cannot  charge 
my  memory  with  either  proposing,  or  intending,  to 
draw  the  forts  nearer  to  Winchester.  The  garrison 
of  Fort  Cumberland,  it  is  true,  I  did  wish  to  have  re 
moved  to  Cox's,  which  is  nearer  to  Winchester  by 
twenty-five  miles  ;  but  not  further  from  the  enemy 
than  where  it  now  is,  if  a  road  from  thence  to  the 
Little  Meadows,  which  is  about  twenty  miles  distant, 
and  the  same  from  that  place  (i.  e.  Fort  Cumberland,) 
and  more  in  the  warriors'  path,  was  opened.  How 
ever,  I  see  with  much  regret,  that  His  Excellency 
Lord  Loudoun  seems  to  have  prejudged  my  pro 
ceedings,  without  being  thoroughly  informed  what 
were  springs  and  motives,  that  have  actuated  my 
conduct.  How  far  I  have  mistaken  the  means  to 
recommend  my  services,  I  know  not,  but  I  am  certain 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  401 


of  this,  that  no  man  ever  intended  better,  or  studied 
the  interest  of  his  country  with  more  affectionate 
zeal,  than  I  have  done  ;  and  nothing  gives  me  greater 
uneasiness  and  concern,  than  that  his  Lordship  should 
have  imbibed  prejudices  so  unfavorable  to  my  char 
acter,  as  to  excite  his  belief  that  I  was  capable  of 
doing  any  thing,  "  that  will  have  a  bad  effect  as  to 
the  Dominion,  and  no  good  appearance  at  home." 

As  I  had  your  Honor's  permission  to  be  down 
when  his  Lordship  shall  favor  us  with  a  visit,  I  de 
sired  Colonel  Carlyle  to  inform  me  when  he  should 
pass  thro'  Alexandria,  and  I  will  set  out  accordingly. 
I  hope  nothing  has  intervened  to  alter  this  indul 
gence.  It  is  a  favor  I  should  not  have  thought  of 
asking,  had  I  believed  the  service  would  suffer  in  my 
absence  ;  but  I  am  convinced  it  will  not.  And  I 
cannot  help  saying,  I  believe  we  are  the  only  troops 
upon  the  continent,  that  are  kept  summer  and  win 
ter  to  the  severest  duty,  with  the  least  respite  or 
indulgence. 

Captn.  Pearis  came  to  town  the  other  day  with  six 
Cherokees  and  two  squaws.  He  brought  no  orders 
from  your  Honor,  and  applies  to  me  for  direction  of 
his  services.  I  have  desired  him  to  carry  the  Indians 
to  Fort  Cumberland — as  we  can  make  nothing  of 
them  without  an  interpreter — and  there  wait  the 
return  of  your  Honor's  instructions.  Lt.  Baker  has 
leave  of  absence  upon  very  urgent  business,  relative 
to  an  estate  left  him.  He  applied  to  your  Honor 
and,  having  received  no  answer,  I  made  free  to  grant 
this  indulgence  in  so  material  a  point.  Lt.  Lowry 


402  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

has  applied  for  permission  to  quit  the  service  ;  I  re 
ferred  him  to  your  Honor,  and  he  now  waits  your 
answer  in  a  state  of  much  anxiety  and  sickness.  His 
resignation  I  apprehend  will  occasion  no  void  or  any 
loss  to  the  service.  I  have  therefore  allowed  him  to 
go  down,  in  order  to  support  his  spirits  and  comply 
with  your  Honor's  pleasure,  whatever  that  be.  While 
Lt.  Baker  is  absent,  I  would  offer  it  to  your  Honor 
as  expedient,  he  should  make  interest  among  the 
Tusks  and  Nottoways.  His  intimacy  with  these 
nations  may  be  of  service  in  engaging  some  assistance 
from  them,  and  I  think  him  very  capable  of  the  under 
taking.  He  might  also  recruit,  if  your  Honor  ap 
proves  of  the  proposal  I  have  already  offered. 

The  delay  of  the  soldiers'  clothes  occasions  un 
accountable  murmurs  and  complaints,  and  I  am  very 
much  afraid  we  shall  have  few  men  left,  if  they  arrive 
not  in  a  week  or  two.  Your  Honor  would  be  aston 
ished  to  see  the  naked  condition  of  the  poor  wretches, 
And  how  they  possibly  can  subsist,  much  less  work, 
in  such  severe  weather,  [is  not  easy  to  conceive.] 
Had  we  but  blankets  to  give  them,  or  any  thing  to 
defend  them  from  the  cold,  they  might  perhaps  be 
easy. 

I  have  formerly  hinted  to  your  Honor  our  necessity 
for  a  speedy  supply  of  cash,  and  have  advised  with 
the  Speaker  likewise,  that  he  might  not  be  unpre 
pared.  I  purpose  to  send  down  by  the  loth  of  next 
month  or  sooner  if  I  could  be  served.  The  men  are 
quite  impatient,  and  the  want  of  small  bills  is  very 
prejudicial  to  their  peace.  I  should  be  glad  your 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  403 

Honor  would  advise  per  return  of  Jenkins  how  soon 
I  may  send  down.  I  cannot  supply  your  Honor  with 
a  return  of  our  strength  as  yet,  because  our  scattered 
disposition  hinders  a  regular  discharge  of  the  adju 
tant's  duty.  I  am,  &c. 


TO    JOHN    ROBINSON. 

WINCHESTER,  19  December,  1756. 

SIR, 

You  are  no  stranger,  I  presume,  to  the  late  resolu 
tions  of  the  Governor  and  Council,  the  consequence 
of  which  I  meditate  with  great  concern.  We  are  or 
dered  to  reinforce  Fort  Cumberland  with  one  hun 
dred  men,  and,  to  enable  me  to  carry  that  number 
thither,  all  the  stockade  forts  on  the  Branch  are  to  be 
evacuated,  and  in  course  all  the  settlements  aban 
doned,  except  what  lie  under  the  immediate  protec 
tion  of  Captain  Waggener's  fort,  the  only  place  ex 
empted  in  their  resolve.  Surely  his  Honor  and  the 
Council  are  not  fully  acquainted  with  the  situation 
and  circumstances  of  the  unhappy  frontiers,  thus  to 
expose  so  valuable  a  tract  as  the  Branch,  in  order 
to  support  a  fortification,  in  itself  (considering  our 
present  feebleness)  of  very  little  importance  to  the 
inhabitants  or  the  colony.  The  former  order  of  Coun 
cil  would  have  endangered  not  only  the  loss  of  Fort 
Loudoun,  the  stores,  and  Winchester,  but  a  general 
removal  of  the  settlers  of  this  vale,  even  to  the  Blue 
Ridge.  This  last  hath  the  same  object  in  view,  vizt, 
Fort  Cumberland,  and,  to  maintain  it,  the  best  lands 


404  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

in  Virginia  are  laid  open  to  the  mercy  of  a  cruel  and 
inhuman  enemy.  These  people  have  long  struggled 
with  the  dangers  of  savage  incursions,  daily  soliciting 
defence,  and  willing  to  keep  their  ground.  To  en 
courage  them,  all  my  little  help  has  been  adminis 
tered,  and  they  seemed  satisfied  with  my  intentions, 
resolving  to  continue  while  any  probability  of  sup 
port  remained.  The  disposition  I  had  made  of  our 
small  regiment  gave  general  satisfaction  to  the  settle 
ments,  and  content  began  to  appear  everywhere. 
The  necessary  measures  for  provisions  and  stores 
were  agreeably  concerted,  and  every  regulation  estab 
lished  for  the  season.  But  the  late  command  reverses, 
confuses,  and  incommodes  every  thing  ;  to  say  noth 
ing  of  the  extraordinary  expense  of  carriage,  disap 
pointments,  losses,  and  alterations,  which  must  fall 
heavy  on  the  country.  Whence  it  arises,  or  why,  I 
am  truly  ignorant  ;  but  my  strongest  representations 
of  matters  relative  to  the  peace  of  the  frontiers  are 
disregarded  as  idle  and  frivolous  ;  my  propositions 
and  measures,  as  partial  and  selfish  ;  and  all  my  sin- 
cerest  endeavours  for  the  service  of  my  country  per 
verted  to  the  worst  purposes.  My  orders  are  dark, 
doubtful,  and  uncertain  ;  to-day  approved,  to-morrow 
condemned.  Left  to  act  and  proceed  at  hazard,  ac 
countable  for  the  consequences,  and  blamed  without 
the  benefit  of  defence,  if  you  can  think  my  situation 
capable  to  excite  the  smallest  degree  of  envy,  or  af 
ford  the  least  satisfaction,  the  truth  is  yet  hid  from 
you,  and  you  entertain  notions  very  different  from  the 
reality  of  the  case.  However,  I  am  determined  to 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  405 

bear  up  under  all  these  embarrassments  some  time 
longer,  in  hope  of  better  regulation  on  the  arrival  of 
Lord  Loudoun,  to  whom  I  look  for  the  future  fate  of 
Virginia. 

His  Lordship,  I  think,  has  received  impressions 
tending  to  prejudice,  by  false  representations  of  facts, 
if  I  may  judge  from  a  paragraph  of  one  of  his  letters 
to  the  Governor,  and  on  which  is  founded  the  resolve 
to  support  Fort  Cumberland  at  all  events.  The  se 
verity  of  the  season,  and  nakedness  of  the  soldiers, 
are  matters  of  much  compassion,  and  give  rise  to  in 
finite  complaints.  Nor  is  it  possible  to  obviate  them, 
unless  their  clothing  come  in  immediately.  You  would 
be  surprised  how  the  poor  creatures  live,  much  more 
how  they  can  do  duty.  Had  we  but  blankets,  they 
might  be  appeased  for  a  little  time  ;  and  as  we  have 
not,  I  fear  many  will  desert. 

I  advised  you  formerly  of  our  necessity  for  cash, 
and  would  earnestly  desire  it  soon.  I  think  of  send 
ing  down  by  the  loth  of  next  month,  or  sooner  if 
agreeable.  Please  to  inform  me,  by  Jenkins,  what  I 
may  depend  upon  on  that  head,  as  our  men  are  im 
patient,  and  with  some  reason,  when  without  both 
money  and  clothes.  I  need  not  urge  the  comparative 
advantage  of  small  bills  ;  as  you  are  truly  sensible 
how  disadvantageous  large  ones  are  in  paying  indi 
viduals  and  occasioning  many  other  inconveniences. 
We  shall  have  occasion  for  at  least  six  thousand 
pounds  to  clear  us  to  the  ist  of  January.  The  com 
missary  wants  above  half  that  sum  to  furnish  his  stocks 
of  provisions,  &c;  the  other  will  be  exhausted  in  pay- 


406  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

ing  the  troops.  We  ought  always  to  have  money  in 
hand,  as  we  are  often  reduced  to  many  inconveni 
ences  on  account  of  waiting  for  it,  not  to  mention  the 
expense  and  trouble.1 

Mr.  Kirkpatrick  will  have  my  accompts  to  lay  be 
fore  the  Committee,  and  will  shew  how  the  money  has 
been  applied. 

TO    THE    SPEAKER    OF    THE    HOUSE    OF    BURGESSES. 

December,  1756. 

DEAR  SIR, 

It  gave  me  infinite  concern  to  hear  by  several 
letters,  that  the  Assembly  are  incensed  against  the 
Virginia  Regiment  ;  and  think  they  have  cause  to 
accuse  the  officers  of  all  inordinate  vices  ;  but  more 
especially  of  drunkenness  and  profanity  !  How  far 
any  one  individual  may  have  subjected  himself  to 
such  reflections,  I  will  not  pretend  to  determine,  but 
this  I  am  certain  of  ;  and  can  with  the  highest  safety 
call  my  conscience,  my  God  !  and  (what  I  suppose 
will  still  be  a  more  demonstrable  proof,  at  least  in  the 

1  In  reply  to  this  letter  Mr.  Speaker  Robinson  wrote  : — 

"  I  am  truly  concerned  at  the  uneasiness  you  are  under  in  your  present  situ 
ation,  and  the  more  so,  as  I  am  sensible  you  have  too  much  reason  for  it.  The 
resolution  of  defending  Fort  Cumberland,  and  evacuating  the  other  forts,  was 
taken  before  I  knew  or  mistrusted  any  thing  of  the  matter.  I  must  confess  I 
was  not  a  little  surprised  at  it,  and  took  the  liberty  to  expostulate  with  many  of 
the  Council  upon  it,  who  gave  me  in  answer,  that  Lord  Loudoun  had  insisted 
that  Fort  Cumberland  should  be  preserved,  and,  as  we  had  so  few  troops,  it 
could  not  be  done  without  breaking  up  the  small  forts,  and  taking  the  men  from 
them. 

"  It  was  to  no  purpose  to  tell  them  that  our  frontiers  would  thereby  be  en 
tirely  exposed  to  our  cruel  and  savage  enemy,  and  that  they  could  receive  no 
protection  from  Fort  Cumberland,  as  it  was  in  another  province,  and  so  remote 
from  any  of  our  inhabitants  ; — and  further,  that  the  act  of  Assembly,  which 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  407 

eye  of  the  World)  the  Orders  and  Instructions  which 
I  have  given,  to  evince  the  purity  of  my  own  inten 
tions  and  to  shew  on  the  one  hand,  that  my  incessant 
endeavours  have  been  directed  to  discountenance 
Gaming,  drinking,  swearing,  and  other  vices,  with 
which  all  camps  too  much  abound  :  while  on  the 
other,  I  have  used  every  expedient  to  inspire  a  laud 
able  emulation  in  the  officers,  and  an  unerring  exer 
cise  of  Duty  in  the  Soldiers.  How  far  I  may  have 
mistaken  the  means  to  attain  so  salutary  an  end  be 
hooves  not  me  to  determine  :  But  this  I  presume  to 
say,  that  a  man's  intentions  should  be  allowed  in  some 
respects  to  plead  for  his  actions.  I  have  been  more 
explicit  Sir,  on  this  head  than  I  otherwise  shou'd,  be 
cause  I  find  that  my  own  character  must  of  necessity 
be  involved  in  the  general  censure,  for  which  reason 
I  can  not  help  observing,  that  if  the  country  think 
they  have  cause  to  condemn  my  conduct,  and  have  a 
person  in  view  that  will  act ;  that  he  may  do.  But 
who  will  endeavour  to  act  more  for  her  Interests  than 
I  have  done  ?  It  will  give  me  the  greatest  pleasure 

o  o  JL 

gave  the  money  solely  for  the  defence  and  protection  of  our  frontiers,  would  be 
violated,  and  the  money  applied  otherwise  than  the  Assembly  intended.  Yet, 
notwithstanding  all  I  could  say,  they  persisted  in  their  resolution,  without  alleg 
ing  any  other  reason,  than  that  it  was  in  pursuance  of  Lord  Loudoun's  desire. 
"  It  cannot  be  a  difficult  matter  to  guess,  who  was  the  author  and  promoter 
of  this  advice  and  resolution,  or  by  whom  Lord  Loudoun  has  been  persuaded, 
that  the  place  is  of  such  importance.  But  supposing  it  were  really  so,  it  ought 
to  be  defended  by  the  people  in  whose  province  it  is  [Maryland],  or  at  least  at 
the  expense  of  the  three  colonies  jointly,  and  our  own  frontiers  not  left  exposed 
for  the  defence  of  a  place,  from  which  we  cannot  receive  the  least  advantage  or 
protection.  The  present  unhappy  state  of  our  country  must  fill  the  rnind  of 
every  well-wisher  to  it  with  dismal  and  gloomy  apprehensions  ;  and  without 
some  speedy  alterations  in  our  counsels,  which  may  God  send,  the  fate  of  it 
must  soon  be  determined." 


4o8  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

to  resign  a  command  which  I  solemnly  declare  I 
accepted  against  my  will. 

I  know,  Sir,  that  my  inexperience  may  have  led  me 
into  innumerable  errors.  For  which  reason,  I  shou'd 
think  myself  an  unworthy  member  of  the  community 
and  greatly  deficient  in  the  love  I  owe  my  country 
which  has  ever  been  the  first  principle  of  my  actions, 
were  I  to  require  more  than  a  distant  hint  of  its  dis 
satisfaction  to  resign  a  commission  which  I  confess  to 
you  I  am  no  ways  fond  of  keeping. 

These  sentiments  I  communicate  to  you,  Sir,  not 
only  as  to  a  Gentleman  for  whom  I  entertain  the 
highest  respect,  and  greatest  friendship  ;  but  also  as 
a  member  of  the  Assembly — that  the  contents,  if  you 
think  proper,  may  be  communicated  to  the  whole. 
For,  be  assured,  I  shall  never  wish  to  hold  a  Com 
mission,  when  it  ceases  to  be  by  unanimous  consent. 

The  unhappy  differences  which  subsisted  so  long 
about  command  did,  I  own,  prevent  me  from  going 
to  Fort  Cumberland,  to  enforce  those  orders,  which 
I  never  failed  to  send  there  ;  and  caused,  I  dare  say, 
many  gross  irregularities  to  creep  into  that  Garrison 
(which  you  know  is  in  another  Colony).  But  whose 
fault  was  that  ?  Ought  it  not  to  have  been  attributed 
to  the  officer  commanding  there  (Capt.  Dagworthy)  ; 
whose  business  it  was  to  suppress  vice  in  every  shape  ? 
Surely  it  was. 

However,  I  am  far  from  attempting  to  vindicate 
the  characters  of  all  the  officers  :  For  that  I  am 
sensible  would  be  a  task  too  arduous.  There  are 
some  who  have  the  seeds  of  Idleness  too  strongly  in- 


1756]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  409 

stilled  into  their  constitution,  either  to  be  serviceable 
to  themselves,  or  beneficial  to  the  Country.  Yet 
even  those  have  not  missed  my  best  advice  :  nor 
have  my  unwearied  endeavours  ever  been  wanting"  to 
serve  my  country  with  the  highest  integrity.  For 
which  reasons  I  shou'd  ever  be  content  in  retirement, 
and  reflect  with  no  little  pleasure,  that  no  sordid 
views  have  influenced  my  conduct,  nor  have  the  hopes 
of  unlawful  gains  swerved  me  in  any  measure  from 
the  strictest  dictates  of  Honor  !  I  have  diligently 
sought  the  public  welfare  ;  and  have  endeavoured  to 
inculcate  the  same  principles  on  all  that  are  under 
me.  These  reflections  will  be  a  cordial  to  my  mind 
so  long  as  I  am  able  to  distinguish  between  Good  & 
Evil. 


TO    THE    WORSHIPFUL   THE   SPEAKER    AND   GENTLEMEN    OF 
THE   HOUSE    OF  BURGESSES. 

The  Address  of  the  Officers  of  the  Virginia  Regiment. 

The  act  being  expired  which  rendered  your  Forces  sub 
ject  to  military  discipline  has  made  us  with  some  impatience 
wait  for  the  time  of  this  present  Session  of  Assembly  :  For, 
as  from  experience,  we  are  become  very  sensible,  that  our 
vigilant  and  active  Enemy  have  usually  made  their  horrid 
incursions  early  in  the  Spring.  But,  a  little  time  will  re 
main  to  put  our  Regiment  into  such  a  fitness  as  may  be 
capable  of  defending  our  Frontiers,  and  acting  offensively, 
when  supported  by  a  renewal  of  the  Act  and  proper  Orders  to 
execute  in  our  future  marches  :  and  we  being  now  reminded 
that  in  a  late  Virginia  Gazette,  a  narrative  was  published, 
under  the  title  of  "  The  Centinels,  No.  X."  wherein  the 


4io  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1756 

Officers  of  our  Regiment  were  particularly  charged  with 
many  immoral  practises,  which  Gazette  is  dispersed 
throughout  His  Majesty's  Dominions  ;  and  as  the  said 
unjust  aspersions  therein  contained  may  obtain  too  easy 
credit — not  being  in  a  like  public  manner  gainsaid  or  an 
swered — We  humbly  entreat  that  you  will  kindly  take  into 
consideration, — and  agreeably  to  the  hopes  assured  us  by 
Colo.  Washington,  give  us  public  testimony,  that  in  your 
esteem  we  have  not  deserved  the  obloquoy  complained  of. 
We  can  not  omit  mentioning  that  notwithstanding  our 
early  entrance  into  the  Service  of  our  Country ;  the  many 
attacks  and  skirmishes  had  with  several  of  the  French  parties 
and  their  Indians,  wherein  great  slaughter  on  both  sides 
hath  been  effected  :  and  when  the  approaching  Winter  has 
necessitated  Regular  Troops  to  retreat  into  Winter  quarters, 
the  Officers  and  Soldiers  of  our  Regiment,  have  been  con 
stantly  and  fully  employed  in  building  a  new  Fort  at  Win 
chester  ;  and  by  adding  new  works  to  Fort  Cumberland 
thereby  endeavouring  to  make  it  defensible :  Likewise 
erecting  other  Fortresses,  and  transporting  Stores  &  pro 
visions  which  have  proved  very  laborious  and  fatiguing  : 
also  the  workmen's  wages  too  low  and  discouraging.  Under 
this  head,  we  further  take  the  humble  liberty  to  remonstrate 
the  little  or  no  notice  taken  of  our  Address  at  Home,  setting 
forth  the  frequent  trials  of  our  Loyalty,  courage  and  activity 
to  do  His  Majesty's  good  &  faithful  service  ;  not  without 
presuming  we  might  be  thought  of,  and  put  on  the  Honor 
able  Establishment,  among  the  many  Battalions  raised  and 
lately  sent  over  to  assist  and  strengthen  our  operations 
against  the  common  Enemy.  As  we  have  on  many  occa 
sions  been  convinced  of  your  friendly  thoughts  and  dispo 
sitions  toward  us,  which  we  shall  desire  no  longer  than  our 
merit  may  claim  ;  So  we  with  grateful  hearts  present  our 
selves,  and  refer  all  our  interest  and  concerns  to  your  Wis 
dom  and  Judgment ;  subscribing  ourselves  as  we  truly  are 
your  most  faithful  and  obedient  Servants — 


Reproduced   in  fac-simile  from  the  London  Magazine  of   December,  1756,  and    printed   in    the  Narrative  and  Critical 

Historv  of  America . 


1757]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  4n 

TO    GOVERNOR  DINWIDDIE. 

FORT  CUMBERLAND,  [12]  January,  1757. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

Your  letter  of  the  27th  ultimo  came  to  hand  the 
9th  instant.  I  wrote  to  your  Honor  by  Capt.  Spots- 
wood  (who  was  charged  with  the  care  of  the  Ca- 
tawba  Indians  as  far  as  Williarnsburgh,)  that  I  had 
sent  Colo.  Stephen  with  a  detachment  to  bring  the 
mutineers  on  the  Branch  to  this  place  in  irons.  They 
were  secured  before  he  got  there  and  he  has  brought 
all  but  six,  who  deserted  from  Capt.  Joshua  Lewis's 
company,  before  he  reached  it.  We  have  held  a 
General  Court  Martial  on  the  Ring-leaders  ;  flogged 
several  severely  ;  and  have  some  under  sentence  of 
death.  The  proceedings  of  the  Court  I  thought  it 
needless  to  send,  or  ask  warrants  for  execution,  as 
we  have  no  Law  to  inflict  punishments  even  of  the 
smallest  kind.1 

I  shall  keep  those  criminals  in  irons,  and  if  pos 
sible,  under  apprehensions  of  death,  until  some 
favourable  opportunity  may  countenance  a  reprieve. 
We  have  as  many  men  at  work  here,  preparing 
Timber  to  strengthen  the  works,  as  tools  will  sup 
ply  :  but  I  wish  I  had  been  ordered  to  build  a  new 
fort  altogether,  rather  than  attempt  to  repair  the  old 
one. 


1  "  As  your  people  are  enlisted  with  the  money  raised  for  his  Majesty's  serv 
ice,  and  paid  with  the  same,  and  incorporated  into  a  regiment  in  his  pay,  I 
conceive  they  are  subject  to  the  articles  of  war,  and  all  other  regulations  as  his 
Majesty's  more  immediate  regular  forces.  In  this  opinion,  the  Attorney-Gen 
eral  agrees  with  me." — Dinwiddie  to  Washington,  26  January,  1757. 


4i2  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

Your  Honor  thinks  Mr.  Walker's  discontinuing 
was  for  want  of  countenance — I  must  beg  leave  to 
answer,  and  I  dare  believe  Mr.  Walker  will  do  me 
the  justice  to  declare,  that  I  have  uniformly  treated 
him  with  all  the  respect  and  complaisance  in  my 
power.  That  I  did  not  approve  of  his  staying  is 
certainly  true  ;  I  thought  it  was  doing  injustice  to  the 
service  for  him  to  be  absent  when  his  presence  was 
requisite,  and  mentioned  this  circumstance  to  him 
accordingly.  And  since  the  subject  hath  been  men 
tioned,  I  beg  leave  to  add  that  if  your  Honor  con 
ceives  Mr.  Walker  has  been  at  any  trouble  in  laying 
in  provision,  you  have  been  exceedingly  mis-informed. 
He  left  the  Service  the  last  of  June  or  ist  of  July, 
and  has  never  done  a  day's  duty  since  ;  either  in 
making  contracts,  directing  the  purchases,  or  con 
cerning  himself  in  any  manner  whatever  with  the 
business  ;  nay,  no  more  than  a  stranger  wou'd  do  : 
but  either  declined  the  Service  altogether  at  that 
time,  or  intended  to  throw  the  principal  burden  of 
his  office  upon  me.  Had  Mr.  Walker  continued  to 
discharge  the  duties  of  a  Commissary  I  never  shou'd 
have  thought  of  any  other,  as  there  is  the  greatest 
friendship  between  us.  The  part  I  have  acted  with 
that  Gentleman,  I  shou'd  have  acted  with  my  brother 
had  he  been  in  his  place.  But,  to  acquit  myself  of 
all  suspicion  of  this  sort,  I  shall  observe  that  there 
never  was  the  least  disagreement  between  Mr.  Walker 
and  myself,  either  in  words  or  actions  before  he  left 
the  Service,  (which  he  did  with  my  knowledge,) 
since  which  I  have  never  seen  him  at  this  place, 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  413 


until  he  came  up  in  December  to  settle  his  ac- 
compts  :  nor  did  I  hear  from  him  in  all  that  time 
but  once,  when  he  informed  me  it  was  his  intention 
to  resign. 

If  your  Honor  thinks  it  proper  to  send  Capt. 
McNeill  (whom  I  also  esteem  a  very  sensible  judi 
cious  Officer)  home  with  the  Catawba  Indians,  you 
will  please  to  send  for  him  :  He  must  be  at  Winches 
ter  by  this  time,  Capt.  Spotswood  having  had  charge 
of  them  to  Williamsburgh  only.  When  I  left  Win 
chester,  I  gave  directions  about  carrying  on  the 
works  at  Fort  Cumberland  with  all  possible  dispatch. 
But  a  letter  from  Capt.  Mercer  which  accompanied 
your  Honor's,  informs  me,  that  they  are  at  a  loss  in 
respect  of  the  manner  of  making  the  Ambrazures 
through  the  parapet ;  although  I  gave  directions  in 
person  before  I  came  away  on  this  head  ;  they  pro 
pose  a  method  that  will  spoil  the  whole  work.  And 
as  I  could  not  make  them  sensible  of  my  plan  by  in 
struction  only  when  present,  I  have  little  hope  of  ac 
complishing  it  by  writing — consequently  am  reduced 
to  a  disagreeable  dilemma  ! 

I  have  directed  the  provision  on  the  Branch  to  be 
smoked,  if  there  are  conveniences  for  doing  it. 

No  more  forts  were  evacuated  than  were  requisite 
to  reinforce  this  Garrison  with  100  men,  and  to  con 
tinue  100  at  Fort  Loudoun,  according  to  order.  The 
others  are  continued  at  their  former  posts,  as  may  be 
seen  by  the  return  of  our  strength,  which  I  have 
caused  to  be  noted.  A  Return  of  the  Indians  was 
sent  in  my  last.  I  am  &c. 


4i4  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

TO    THE    EARL    OF    LOUDOUN. 

[March,]  1757. 

MY  LORD, 

The  posture  of  affairs  in  this  quarter  is  really 
melancholy,  and  the  prospect  was  rendered  more 
gloomy  while  there  appeared  no  hopes  of  amend 
ment  ;  but,  from  the  presence  of  your  Lordship  at 
this  time  in  the  Dominion,  we  conceive  hopes  of  see 
ing  these  threatening  clouds  dispelled. 

The  sums  of  money,  my  Lord,  which  have  been 
granted  by  this  colony  to  carry  on  war,  have  been 
very  considerable ;  and  to  reflect  to  what  little  pur 
pose  is  matter  of  great  concern,  and  will  seem  sur 
prising  to  those,  who  are  not  acquainted  with  the 
causes,  and  the  confusion  with  which  all  our  affairs 
have  hitherto  been  conducted,  owing  to  our  having 
no  fixed  object,  or  pursuing  any  regular  system,  or 
plan  of  operation. 

As  I  have  studied  with  attention  and  care  the 
nature  of  the  service  in  which  we  are  engaged,  have 
been  engaged  therein  from  the  beginning  of  the 
present  broils,  and  have  been  an  eyewitness  to  all 
the  movements  and  various  proceedings,  I  beg  leave 
to  offer  a  concise  and  candid  account  of  our  circum 
stances  to  your  Lordship  ;  from  which  many  errors 
may  be  discovered,  that  merit  redress  in  a  very  high 
degree. 

It  was  not  until  it  was  too  late,  we  discovered  that 
the  French  were  on  the  Ohio  ;  or  rather,  that  we 
could  be  persuaded  they  came  there  with  a  design 
to  invade  his  Majesty's  dominions.  Nay,  after 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  415 

I  was  sent  out  in  December,  1753,  and  brought 
undoubted  testimony  even  from  themselves  of  their 
avowed  design,  it  was  yet  thought  a  fiction,  and  a 
scheme  to  promote  the  interest  of  a  private  com 
pany,  even  by  some  who  had  a  share  in  the  govern 
ment.  These  unfavorable  surmises  caused  great 
delay  in  raising  the  first  men  and  money,  and  gave 
the  active  enemy  time  to  take  possession  of  the  Fork 
of  Ohio  (which  they  now  call  Duquesne),  before  we 
were  in  sufficient  strength  to  advance  thither,  which 
has  been  the  chief  source  of  all  our  past  and  present 
misfortunes.  For  by  this  means,  (the  French  getting 
between  us  and  our  Indian  allies,)  they  fixed  those 
in  their  interests,  who  were  wavering,  and  obliged 
the  others  to  neutrality,  'till  the  unhappy  defeat  of 
his  (late)  Excellency  General  Braddock. 

The  troops  under  Colonel  Dunbar  going  into 
quarters  in  July,  and  the  inactivity  of  the  neighbour 
ing  colonies,  and  the  incapacity  of  this,  conspired  to 
give  the  French  great  room  to  exult,  and  the  Indians 
little  reason  to  expect  a  vigorous  offensive  war  on  our 
side,  and  induced  the  other,  which  promised  the 
greatest  show  of  protection.  This  is  an  undeniable 
fact,  and  that  all  of  the  Indians  did  not  forsake  the 
English  interest,  'till  three  months  after  the  battle  of 
Monongahela,  but  actually  waited  to  see  what  meas 
ures  would  be  concerted  to  regain  our  losses,  and 
afford  them  the  protection  we  had  but  too  liberally 
promised. 

Virginia,  it  is  true,  was  not  inactive  all  this  time : 
On  the  contrary,  voted  a  handsome  supply  for  raising 


416  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 


men  to  carry  on  the  war,  or,  more  properly,  to  defend 
herself ;  matters  being  reduced  to  this  extremity  for 
want  of  assistance.  But  even  in  this  she  signally 
failed,  arising,  I  apprehend,  from  the  following 
causes  : 

The  men  first  levied  to  repel  the  enemy  marched 
for  Ohio  the  beginning  of  April,  i  754,  without  tents, 
without  clothes,  in  short,  without  any  conveniences 
to  shelter  them,  (in  that  remarkably  cold  and  wet 
season,)  from  the  inclemency  of  the  weather,  or  to 
make  the  service  tolerably  agreeable.  In  this  state 
did  they,  notwithstanding,  continue,  till  the  battle  of 
the  Meadows,  in  July  following,  never  receiving  in  all 
that  space  any  subsistence  ;  and  were  very  often  un 
der  the  greatest  straits  and  difficulties  for  want  of 
provisions. 

These  things  were  productive  of  great  murmurings 
and  discontent,  and  rendered  the  service  so  distaste 
ful  to  the  men,  that,  not  being  paid  immediately  upon 
coming  in,  they  thought  themselves  bubbled,  and  that 
no  reward  for  their  services  was  ever  intended.  This 
caused  great  desertion  ;  and  the  deserters,  spreading 
over  the  country,  recounting  their  sufferings  and 
want  of  pay,  (which  rags  and  poverty  sufficiently 
testified,)  fixed  in  the  mind  of  the  populace  such 
horrid  impressions  of  the  hardships  they  had  encoun 
tered,  that  no  arguments  could  remove  these  preju 
dices,  or  facilitate  the  recruiting  service. 

This  put  the  Assembly  upon  enacting  a  law  to 
impress  vagrants,  which  added  to  our  difficulties, 
for,  compelling  these  abandoned  miscreants  into  the 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  417 

service,  they  embraced  every  opportunity  to  effect 
their  escape,  gave  a  loose  to  their  vicious  principles, 
and  invented  the  most  unheard-of  stories  to  palliate 
desertion  and  gain  compassion  ;  in  which  they  not 
only  succeeded,  but  obtained  protection  also.  So 
that  it  was  next  to  impossible,  after  this,  to  apprehend 
deserters,  while  the  civil  officers  rather  connived  at 
their  escape,  than  aided  in  securing  them. 

Thus  were  affairs  situated,  when  we  were  ordered, 
in  September,  1755,  to  recruit  our  force  to  twelve 
hundred  men.  'T  is  easy  therefore  to  conceive,  under 
these  circumstances,  why  we  did  not  fulfil  the  order, 
especially  when  the  officers  were  not  sufficiently  al 
lowed  for  this  arduous  task.  We  continued,  however, 
using  our  endeavours  until  March  following,  without 
much  success. 

The  Assembly,  meeting  about  that  time,  came  to 
a  resolution  of  augmenting  our  numbers  to  fifteen 
hundred  men,  by  drafting  the  militia,  (who  were  to 
continue  in  the  service  until  December  only,)  and  by 
a  clause  in  the  act  exempting  all  those,  who  should 
pay  ten  pounds,  our  numbers  were  very  little  increased, 
one  part  of  the  people  paying  that  sum,  and  many  of 
the  poorer  sort  absconding.  This  was  not  the  only 
pernicious  clause,  for  the  funds  arising  from  these 
forfeitures  were  thrown  into  the  treasury  ;  whereas, 
had  they  been  deposited  in  proper  hands  for  recruit 
ing,  the  money  might  have  turned  to  good  account. 
But  a  greater  grievance  than  either  of  these  was 
restraining  the  forces  from  marching  out  of  the 
colony,  or  acting  offensively,  and  ordering  them  to 


4i8  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

build  forts,  and  garrison  them,  along  our  frontiers 
(of  more  than  three  hundred  miles  in  extent.)  How 
equal  they  or  any  like  number  are  to  the  task,  and 
how  repugnant  a  defensive  plan  is  to  the  true  interest 
and  welfare  of  the  colony,  I  submit  to  any  judge  to 
determine  who  will  consider  the  following  particulars. 
First,  that  erecting  forts  at  greater  distances  than 
fifteen  or  eighteen  miles,  or  a  day's  march  asunder, 
and  garrisoning  them  with  less  than  eighty  or  a  hun 
dred  men,  is  not  answering  the  intention  ;  because,  if 
they  are  at  a  greater  distance  from  each  other,  it  is 
inconvenient  for  the  soldiers  to  scout  between,  and 
it  gives  the  enemy  full  scope  to  make  their  incursions 
without  being  discovered,  until  they  have  fallen  on 
the  inhabitants  and  committed  a  ravage.  And,  after 
they  are  discovered,  the  time  required  in  assembling 
troops  from  forts  more  distant,  prevents  a  pursuit 
being  made  in  time,  and  allows  the  enemy  to  escape 
without  danger  into  a  country  so  mountainous,  and 
full  of  swamps  [and]  hollow  ways  covered  with  woods. 
Then,  to  garrison  them  with  less  than  eighty  or  a 
hundred  men,  the  number  is  too  small  to  afford  de 
tachments,  but  what  are  very  liable  to  be  cut  off  by 
the  enemy,  whose  numbers  in  this  close  country  can 
scarcely  be  known  till  they  are  proved.  Indian 
parties  are  generally  intermixed  with  some  French 
men,  and  are  so  dexterous  at  skulking,  that  their 
spies,  lying  about  these  small  forts  for  some  days  and 
taking  a  prisoner,  make  certain  discoveries  of  the 
strength  of  the  garrison  ;  and  then,  upon  observing  a 
scouting  party  coming  out,  will  first  cut  it  off,  and 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  419 


afterwards  attempt  the  fort.  Instances  of  this  have 
lately  happened. 

Secondly,  our  frontiers  are  of  such  extent,  that  if 
the  enemy  were  to  make  a  formidable  attack  on  one 
side,  before  the  troops  on  the  other  could  get  to  their 
assistance,  they  might  overrun  the  country  ;  and  it  is 
not  improbable,  if  they  had  a  design  upon  one  part, 
they  would  make  a  feint  upon  the  other. 

Thirdly,  what  it  must  cost  the  country  to  build 
these  forts,  and  to  remove  stores  and  provisions  into 
them  ;  and 

Fourthly,  and  lastly  where  and  when  this  expense 
will  end  ?  For  we  may  be  assured,  if  we  do  not  en 
deavour  to  remove  the  cause,  we  shall  be  as  liable  to 
the  same  incursions  seven  years  hence  as  now  ;  in 
deed  more  so.  Because,  if  the  French  are  allowed  to 
possess  those  lands  in  peace,  they  will  have  the  entire 
command  of  the  Indians,  and  grow  stronger  in  their 
alliance  ;  while  we,  by  our  defensive  schemes  and 
pusillanimous  behaviour,  will  exhaust  our  treasury, 
reduce  our  strength,  and  become  the  contempt  of 
these  savage  nations,  who  are  every  day  enriching 
themselves  with  the  plunder  and  spoils  of  our  people. 

It  will  evidently  appear  from  the  whole  tenor  of 
my  conduct,  but  more  especially  from  reiterated  rep 
resentations,  how  strongly  I  have  urged  the  Govern 
or  and  Assembly  to  pursue  different  measures,  and 
to  convince  them,  by  all  the  reasonings  I  was  capable 
of  offering,  of  the  impossibility  of  covering  so  ex 
tensive  a  frontier  from  Indian  incursions,  without 
more  force  than  Virginia  can  maintain.  I  have  en- 


42o  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

deavoured  to  demonstrate,  that  it  would  require 
fewer  men  to  remove  the  cause,  than  to  prevent  the 
effects,  while  the  cause  subsists.  This,  notwith 
standing,  as  I  before  observed,  was  the  measure 
adopted,  and  the  plan  under  which  we  have  acted  for 
eight  months  past,  with  the  disagreeable  reflection  of 
doing  no  essential  service  to  our  country,  nor  gaining 
honor  to  ourselves,  or  reputation  to  our  regiment. 
However,  under  these  disadvantageous  restraints  I 
must  beg  leave  to  say,  that  the  regiment  has  not 
been  inactive  ;  on  the  contrary,  it  has  performed  a 
vast  deal  of  work,  and  has  been  very  alert  in  defend 
ing  the  people,  which  will  appear  by  observing,  that, 
notwithstanding  we  are  more  contiguous  to  the 
French  and  their  Indian  allies,  and  more  exposed  to 
their  frequent  incursions,  than  any  of  the  neighbour 
ing  colonies,  we  have  not  lost  half  the  inhabitants, 
which  others  have  done,  but  considerably  more  sol 
diers  in  their  defence.  For  in  the  course  of  this 
campaign,  since  March,  I  mean,  (as  we  have  had  but 
one  constant  compaign,  and  continued  scene  of  ac 
tion,  since  we  first  entered  the  service),  our  troops 
have  been  engaged  in  upwards  of  twenty  skirmishes, 
and  we  have  had  near  a  hundred  men  killed  and 
wounded — from  a  small  regiment  dispersed  over  the 
country,  and  acting  upon  the  defensive,  as  ours  is  by 
order.  This,  I  conceive,  will  not  appear  inconsidera 
ble  to  those,  who  are  in  the  least  degree  acquainted 
with  the  nature  of  this  service,  and  the  posture  of 
our  affairs  ;  however  it  may  seem  to  chimney-corner 
politicians,  who  are  thirsting  for  news,  and  expecting 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  421 


by  every  express  to  hear  in  what  manner  Fort  Du- 
quesne  was  taken,  and  the  garrison  led  away  captive 
by  our  small  numbers  ;  altho'  we  are  restrained  from 
making  the  attempt,  were  our  hopes  of  success  ever 
so  rational  ! 

The  next  things,  I  shall  beg  leave  to  mention,  are 
our  military  laws  and  regulations. 

The  first  men  raised,  if  I  rightly  remember,  were 
under  no  law  ;  if  any,  the  military T  law,  which  was 
next  of  kin  to  it.  But  under  this  we  remained  a 
short  time,  and,  instilling  notions  into  the  soldiers, 
who  knew  no  better,  that  they  were  governed  by  the 
articles  of  war,  we  felt  little  inconveniences  ;  and  the 
next  campaign  we  were  joined  by  the  regulars,  and 
made  subject  to  their  laws.  After  the  regulars  left 
us,  the  Assembly,  as  I  before  mentioned,  passed  an 
act  in  September  following  to  raise  twelve  hundred 
men,  and,  in  order  (I  suppose)  to  improve  upon  the 
act  of  Parliament,  prepared  a  military  code  of  their 
own,  but  such  a  one  as  no  military  discipline  could 
be  preserved  by  while  it  existed.  This  being  repre 
sented  by  the  most  pressing  and  repeated  remon 
strances,  induced  the  Assembly  to  pass  a  bill  in 
October  following,  for  one  year  only,  making  mutiny 
and  desertion  death,  but  took  no  cognizance  of 
many  other  crimes,  equally  punishable  by  act  of  Par 
liament.  So  that  no  officer,  or  soldier,  accused  of 
cowardice,  holding  correspondence  with  the  enemy, 
quitting  a  post,  or  sleeping  upon  it,  and  many  other 
crimes  of  a  capital  dye,  or  pernicious  tendency,  could 

1  Sparks  very  properly  suggests  that  this  word  should  be  militia. 


422  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

be  legally  tried.  Neither  was  there  any  provision 
made  for  quartering  or  billeting  of  soldiers,  impress 
ing  wagons,  &c.,  &c. 

But  that  which  contributed  the  most  towards  ren 
dering  this  law  inconvenient  and  absurd,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  demonstrate  that  the  Assembly  fully  in 
tended  to  prevent  any  enterprise  of  their  troops  out 
of  the  colony,  was  a  clause  forbidding  any  courts- 
martial  to  sit  out  of  it  ;  by  which  means  all  proceed 
ings  held  at  Fort  Cumberland  (in  Maryland)  were  il 
legal,  and  we  were  obliged  to  remove  to  Virginia  for 
trial  of  offenders,  or  act  contrary  to  law,  and  be  open 
to  prosecution.  How  then  were  we  to  behave  upon 
a  march  perhaps  fifty,  eighty,  or  a  hundred  miles  dis 
tant  ?  These  circumstances  concurring  to  render  the 
law  ineffectual,  induced  me  again  to  recommend  an 
amendment,  which  I  did  with  all  the  force  and  energy 
of  argument  I  was  master  of.  But  no  regard  has 
hitherto  been  paid  to  my  remonstrances.  To  what 
cause  it  is  owing,  I  know  not,  unless  to  short  sittings 
and  hurry  of  business  ;  for  I  can  conceive  of  no  rea 
son  upon  earth,  why  the  Assembly  should  be  against 
instituting  rules  for  the  regulation  of  their  forces, 
which  long  experience  in  established  armies  has  fully 
evinced  the  necessity  of.  But,  to  cut  short  the  ac 
count,  we  are  under  no  government  at  all,  to  speak 
properly.  Indeed,  there  is  a  jumble  of  laws  that  have 
little  meaning  or  design  in  them,  but  to  conspire  to 
make  the  command  intricate,  precarious  in  support 
ing  authority,  and  not  to  offend  the  civil  powers,  who, 
[are]  tenacious  of  liberty,  and  prone  to  censure  and 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  423 


condemn  all  proceedings  not  strictly  lawful,  not  con 
sidering  what  cases  may  arise  to  render  them  necessary. 

Another  grievance,  which  this  act  subjects  us  to,  is 
the  method  prescribed  to  pay  for  deserters.  Many 
of  our  deserters  are  apprehended  in  Maryland  and 
Pennsylvania,  and,  for  the  sake  of  reward,  are  brought 
to  the  regiment  ;  instead  thereof  they  receive  certifi 
cate  only,  that  they  are  entitled  to  two  hundred 
weight  of  tobacco.  This  certificate  is  to  be  given 
into  a  Court  of  Claims,  they  refer  it  to  the  Assembly  ; 
and  there  it  may  lie  perhaps  two  or  three  years 
before  it  is  paid.  This  causes  great  dissatisfaction, 
and  the  ill-disposed  to  aid,  rather  than  prevent,  the 
escape  of  soldiers. 

No  regular  provision  is  established  for  the  maimed 
and  wounded,  which  is  a  discouraging  reflection,  and 
grievously  complained  of.  The  soldiers  justly  ob 
serve,  that  the  result  of  bravery  is  often  a  broken 
leg,  arm,  or  incurable  wound  ;  and  when  they  are  dis 
abled,  and  no  longer  fit  for  service,  they  are  dis 
charged,  and  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  begging 
from  door  to  door,  or  perish  thro'  indigence.  It  is 
true,  no  instance  of  this  kind  hath  yet  appeared  ;  on 
the  contrary,  the  Assembly  have  dealt  generously  by 
those  unfortunate  soldiers,  who  have  met  with  this 
fate.  But  then,  this  provision  is  not  established,  nor 
in  any  wise  compulsory,  and  a  man  may  suffer  in  the 
interval  of  their  sitting. 

After  giving  this  short  and  genuine  account  of  our 
military  laws,  and  then  observing  that  these  laws  are 
expired,  I  conceive  there  need  but  few  arguments  to 


424  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

prove  the  difficulty  of  keeping  soldiers  under  proper 
discipline,  who  know  they  are  not  (legally)  punish 
able  for  the  most  atrocious  crimes.  When  this  hap 
pens  to  be  the  case,  as  it  is  ours  at  present,  how  is  it 
to  be  wondered  at,  if  mutiny,  desertion,  and  all  other 
irregularities  should  creep  into  the  camp,  or  garrison, 
more  especially  if  we  consider  that  hard  duty,  want 
of  clothes  and  almost  every  necessary  that  renders  a 
soldier's  life  comfortable  and  easy,  are  strong  incen 
tives, — and,  to  go  further,  when  these  in  themselves 
intolerable  grievances  are  set  to  view  in  the  most 
glaring  point  of  light  by  a  person,  who,  lost  to  all 
sense  of  honor  and  virtue,  (and  building,  I  am  sorry 
to  say,  upon  a  proclamation  inviting  the  deserters 
from  the  Virginia  Regiment  to  enlist  into  the  Royal 
American  Regiment,)  hath  made  use  of  every  artifice 
to  represent  the  fatigues  and  hardships  of  this  service, 
and  the  ease  and  conveniences  of  the  other,  to  seduce 
them  from  their  duty  ? 

Want  of  clothing  may  be  esteemed  another  princi 
pal  grievance,  which  our  soldiers  have  labored  under. 
In  the  first  twelve  months  of  their  service  they  re 
ceived  no  clothing;  but  in  March,  1754,  they  were 
presented  each  with  a  suit  made  of  thin,  sleazy  cloth 
without  lining,  and  flannel  waistcoats  of  an  inferior 
sort.  After  that  no  others  were  sent  for  (and  two 
pence  stoppages  drawn  from  every  man's  pay,  recruits 
not  excepted,)  until  repeated  complaints  and  remon 
strances  from  me,  enforced  in  June  last  by  a  repre 
sentation  of  many  gentlemen  of  the  Assembly,  (who 
had  formed  an  association,  and  saw  the  disagreeable 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  425 

situation  of  the  soldiers,)  induced  the  Committee,  to 
whom  those  addresses  were  presented,  to  send  for 
clothing,  &c.  These  were  to  have  been  here  by  the 
middle  of  October,  but  no  advice  is  received  of  them 
yet,  which  gives  the  soldiers  some  pretence  to  suspect 
they  are  deceived.  And  it  is  owing  to  this  irregular 
pay,  and  the  causes  aforementioned,  that  their  late 
disobedience  ought  to  be  ascribed.  For  I  can  truly 
say,  and  confidently  assert,  that  no  soldiers  ever  were 
under  better  command  than  these  were  before. 

Perhaps  it  may  be  asked,  by  gentlemen  not  thor 
oughly  acquainted  with  the  nature  of  our  service,  why 
the  officers  do  not  see  that  their  men's  pay  is  more 
properly  applied  ?  In  answer  I  must  beg  leave  to 
observe,  that,  after  the  soldiers  have  appropriated  a 
part  for  purchasing  reasonable  and  fit  necessaries,  the 
remainder  is  barely  sufficient  to  keep  them  in  shoes, 
owing,  in  the  first  place,  to  the  very  great  consump 
tion  the  service  occasions,  and,  in  the  next,  to  the 
exorbitant  price,  which  this  article  bears.  I  have 
known  a  soldier  go  upon  command  with  a  new  pair 
of  shoes,  which  shoes  perhaps  have  stood  from  seven 
shillings  and  sixpence  to  ten  shillings,  and  return 
back  without  any  ;  so  much  do  they  wear  in  wading 
creeks,  fording  rivers,  clambering  mountains  covered 
with  rocks,  &c. 

As  great  a  grievance  as  any  I  have  mentioned  is 
yet  unnoticed,  i.  e.,  the  militia  under  their  present 
regulation.  A  representation  of  this  matter  comes 
better  and  more  properly  from  others  ;  yet  my  zeal 
for  the  service  and  my  interest  in  the  welfare  of  my 


426  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

country,  have  influenced  me  to  touch  slightly  on 
some  things  relative  to  their  conduct,  as  I  cannot 
enter  deeply  into  the  causes  that  produce  them. 

The  difficulties  and  delays  in  collecting  the  militia 
in  time  of  danger,  are  so  prejudicial,  that  the  enemy 
has  every  opportunity  to  plunder,  kill,  scalp,  and 
escape,  before  they  appear.  The  want  of  orders, 
regularity  and  obedience  prevents  any  good  effects 
which  their  assistance  and  force  might  otherwise 
have.  For  every  petty  person  must  assume  com 
mand,  direct  and  advise  (and  must  be  caressed)  or 
otherwise  takes  huff,  thinks  his  wisdom  and  merit 
slighted,  and  makes  off  in  high  indignation  and  con 
tempt  of  the  laws. 

The  expence  of  supporting  them  is,  make  the  best 
of  it,  burthensome  ;  but  where  there  are  instances  of 
a  captain,  Lieutenant  and  ensign  going  upon  duty 
(together  with  two  or  three  sergeants  and  six  or 
eight  men)  at  a  time,  the  disproportion  of  officers 
and  men  is  so  remarkable  as  to  need  no  other  proof 
of  the  injustice. 

Their  waste  of  provisions  is  unaccountable,  follow 
ing  no  method  in  serving  a  certain  quota  to  each 
man.  Mention  a  stated  allowance,  and  you  offer  an 
affront  ;  and  they  would  rather  starve  than  carry  pro 
visions  on  their  backs  as  other  soldiers  do.  But 
heedless  and  prodigal,  they  regale  on  the  best,  with 
out  regarding  expence  or  the  oppression  they  spread 
to  gratify  their  humor. 

When  they  come  into  service  it  is  with  the  utmost 
difficulty  they  are  prevailed  upon  to  take  measures  for 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  427 

self-defence,  much  less  for  the  protection  of  the  in 
habitants  ;  But  indolent  and  careless,  and  always 
unguarded,  are  liable  to  be  surprized.  By  this 
means  Voss's  fort  was  taken  (and  the  garrison  de 
stroyed),  and  Dickinson's  was  on  the  point  of  sharing 
the  same  fate  ! 

To  set  forth  all  the  reasons  that  can  contribute  to 
render  the  militia  of  little  use,  and  to  point  out  all 
the  causes  which  combine  to  make  our  service  in 
finitely  hard  and  disagreeable,  would  swell  these 
observations  into  a  volume,  and  require  time,  and  a 
more  able  pen  than  mine.  But  there  are  yet  some 
things  that  require  to  be  spoken  of — the  ill-judged 
economy  that  is  shown  in  raising  of  men.  We  are 
either  insensible  of  danger,  till  it  breaks  upon  our 
heads,  or  else,  thro'  mistaken  notions  of  economy, 
evade  the  expence,  till  the  blow  is  struck,  and  then 
run  into  an  extreme  of  raising  militia.  These,  after 
an  age,  as  it  were,  is  spent  in  assembling  them,  come 
up,  make  a  noise  for  a  time,  oppress  the  inhabitants, 
and  then  return,  leaving  the  frontiers  unguarded  as 
before.  And  this  plan  is  pursued,  notwithstanding 
former  experience  convinces  us,  if  reason  did  not, 
that  the  French  and  Indians  are  watching  their  op 
portunity,  when  we  are  lulled  into  fatal  security,  un 
prepared  to  resist  an  attack,  to  muster  their  forces  to 
invade  the  country,  and  by  ravaging  one  part  terrify 
another,  and  then  retreat  when  our  militia  assemble, 
repeating  the  stroke  as  soon  as  they  are  dispersed, 
sending  down  parties  in  the  intermedium  to  discover 
our  motions,  procure  intelligence,  and  sometimes  to 


428  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

divert  our  troops.  Such  an  invasion  we  may  expect 
in  March,  if  measures  to  prevent  it  are  neglected,  as 
they  hitherto  have  been. 

The  want  of  tools  occasions  insurmountable  diffi 
culties  in  carrying  on  our  works,  either  offensive  or 
defensive.  Cartridge-paper  is  an  article  not  to  be 
met  with  in  Virginia.  And  now,  before  I  sum  up  the 
whole,  I  must  beg  leave  to  add,  my  unwearied  en 
deavours  are  inadequately  rewarded.  The  orders  I 
receive  are  full  of  ambiguity.  I  am  left,  like  a  wan 
derer  in  a  wilderness,  to  proceed  at  hazard.  I  am  an 
swerable  for  consequences,  and  blamed,  without  the 
privilege  of  defence.  This,  my  Lord,  I  beg  leave  to 
declare  to  your  Lordship,  is  at  present  my  situation. 
Therefore,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  if,  under  such 
peculiar  circumstances,  I  should  be  sicken'd  in  a  serv 
ice,  which  promises  so  little  of  a  soldier's  reward.  I 
have  long  been  satisfied  of  the  impossibility  of  con 
tinuing  in  this  service,  without  loss  of  honor.  In 
deed,  I  was  fully  convinced  of  it  before  I  accepted 
the  command  the  second  time,  (seeing  the  cloudy 
prospect  that  stood  before  me  ;)  and  did  for  this 
reason  reject  the  offer,  (until  I  was  ashamed  any 
longer  to  refuse,)  not  caring  to  expose  my  character 
to  public  censure.  But  the  solicitations  of  the  coun 
try  overcame  my  objections,  and  induced  me  to 
accept  it. 

Another  reason  of  late  has  continued  me  in  the 
service  until  now,  and  that  is,  the  dawn  of  hope  that 
arose,  when  I  heard  your  Lordship  was  destined  by 
his  Majesty  for  the  important  command  of  his  armies 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  429 


in  America,  and  appointed  to  the  government  of  his 
dominion  of  Virginia.  Hence  it  was,  that  I  drew  my 
hopes,  and  fondly  pronounced  your  Lordship  our  pa 
tron.  Altho'  I  had  not  the  honor  to  be  known  to 
your  Lordship,  your  Lordship's  name  was  familiar  to 
my  ear,  on  account  of  the  important  services  per 
formed  to  his  Majesty  in  other  parts  of  the  world. 
Do  not  think,  my  Lord,  that  I  am  going  to  flatter  ; 
notwithstanding  I  have  exalted  sentiments  of  your 
Lordship's  character  and  respect  your  rank,  it  is  not 
my  intention  to  adulate.  My  nature  is  open  and 
honest  and  free  from  guile ! 

We  have,  my  Lord,  ever  since  our  defeat  at  the 
Meadows,  and  behaviour  under  his  Excellency  Gen 
eral  Braddock,  been  tantalized,  nay,  bid  to  expect 
most  sanguinely  a  better  establishment,  and  have 
waited  in  tedious  expectation  of  seeing  this  accom 
plished.  The  Assembly,  it  is  true,  have,  I  believe, 
done  every  thing  in  their  power  to  bring  this  about  ; 
first,  by  soliciting  his  Honor,  the  Lieutenant-Govern- 
or,  to  address  his  Majesty  ;  and  next,  by  addressing 
his  Majesty  themselves  in  favor  of  their  regiment. 
What  success  these  addresses  have  met  with,  I  am 
yet  a  stranger  to. 

With  regard  to  myself,  I  cannot  forbear  adding, 
that,  had  his  Excellency  General  Braddock  survived 
his  unfortunate  defeat,  I  should  have  met  with  pre 
ferment  agreeable  to  my  wishes.  I  had  his  promise 
to  that  purpose,  and  I  believe  that  gentleman  was  too 
sincere  and  generous  to  make  unmeaning  offers, 
where  no  favors  were  asked.  General  Shirley  was  not 


43o  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

unkind  in  his  promises,  but  he  has  gone  to  England. 
I  do  not  know,  my  Lord,  in  what  light  this  short  and 
disinterested  relation  may  be  received  by  your  Lord 
ship  ;  but  with  the  utmost  candor  and  submission  it 
is  offered.  It  contains  no  misrepresentations,  nor  ag 
gravated  relation  of  facts,  nor  unjust  reflections. 

Virginia  is  a  country  young  in  war,  and,  till  the 
breaking  out  of  these  disturbances,  has  remained  •  in 
the  most  profound  and  tranquil  peace,  never  studying 
war  nor  warfare.  It  is  not,  therefore,  to  be  imagined, 
that  she  can  fall  into  proper  measures  at  once.  All 
that  can  be  expected  at  her  hands  she  cheerfully  of 
fers, — the  sinews  of  war, — and  these  only  want  your 
Lordship's  ability  and  experience  to  be  properly  ap 
plied  and  directed. 

It  is  for  this  reason  I  have  presumed  to  lay  this  in 
formation  before  your  Lordship,  that,  if  there  be  any 
thing  in  it  which  appears  worthy  of  redress,  and  your 
Lordship  will  condescend  to  point  out  the  way  it  may 
be  obtained. 

And  now,  my  Lord,  how  to  apologize  to  your 
Lordship,  for  assuming  a  freedom,  which  must  (at 
any  rate)  give  you  trouble,  I  know  not,  unless  an  af 
fectionate  zeal  to  serve  my  country,  steady  attach 
ment  to  her  interests,  the  honor  of  arms,  and  crying 
grievances  she  is  struggling  under,  will  plead  an  ex 
cuse,  till  I  am  so  happy  as  to  have  an  opportunity  of 
testifying  in  person  how  much  I  admire  your  Lord 
ship's  character,  and  with  what  profound  respect  I 
have  the  honor  to  be,  &c.T 

1  Mr.  Cunningham,  aid-de-camp  to  Lord  Lotidoun,  acknowledged  the  receipt 
of  this  letter  on  the  2yth  of  February,  and  added  :  "  His  Lordship  seems  very 


I757J  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  431 


TO    RICHARD    WASHINGTON,    MERCHANT,    LONDON. 

FORT  LOUDOUN,  15  April,  1757. 

DEAR  SIR, 

After  so  long  silence  it  may  be  expected,  I  should 
introduce  this  letter  with  an  apology  for  my  seeming 
neglect.  It  is  necessary  to  urge  something  in  my 
defence,  I  own,  Sir,  that  I  may  satisfy  you  it  pro 
ceeds  from  a  very  different  cause  than  the  want  of 
inclination,  and  what  can  be  so  proper  as  the  truth  ? 

I  have  been  posted,  then,  for  twenty  months  past 
upon  our  cold  and  barren  frontiers,  to  perform,  I 
think  I  may  say,  impossibilities  ;  that  is,  to  protect 
from  the  cruel  incursions  of  a  crafty,  savage  enemy 
a  line  of  inhabitants,  of  more  than  three  hundred 


much  pleased  with  the  accounts  you  have  given  him  of  the  situation  of  affairs 
to  the  southward." 

Colonel  Washington  had  stationed  himself,  according  to  orders,  at  Fort 
Cumberland.  He  went  likewise  to  Philadelphia,  by  consent  of  the  Governor. 

"His  Lordship  has  desired  all  the  southern  governors,"  his  Honor  writes, 
"  to  meet  him  at  Philadelphia,  and  consult  what  is  proper  to  be  done  in  these 
parts.  As  this  appears  to  be  the  design  of  this  meeting,  I  cannot  conceive 
what  service  you  can  be  of  in  going  there,  as  the  plan  concerted  will  in  course 
be  communicated  to  you  and  the  other  officers.  However,  as  you  seem  so  ear 
nest  to  go,  I  now  give  you  leave." 

Lord  Loudoun  did  not  go  to  Virginia,  as  originally  intended,  but  summoned 
the  Governors  of  the  southern  colonies  to  confer  with  him  at  Philadelphia,  where 
they  began  to  assemble  in  the  middle  of  February,  but  did  not  formally  meet 
until  March  15.  The  conference  lasted  nine  days.  The  General  informed  the 
Governors  that  his  instructions  were  to  employ  the  greatest  number  of  the 
troops  to  the  northward  ;  but  to  protect  the  southern  colonies  he  would  leave 
about  1200  men,  and  fearing  an  attack  on  Carolina  from  the  Creek  territory,  he 
further  detailed  Col.  Bouquet  to  Charlestown,  to  command  2000  men,  1300  of 
whom  were  to  be  raised  by  the  southern  colonies,  and  of  this  number  Virginia 
was  to  contribute  400  men. 

This  council  of  Governors  decided  that  the  Virginia  troops  should  be  with 
drawn  from  Fort  Cumberland,  as  soon  as  Maryland  could  garrison  it  under 
Capt  Dagworthy.  Washington  removed  to  Fort  Loudoun. 


432  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [I757 

and  fifty  miles  in  extent,  with  a  force  inadequate  to 
the  task.  By  this  means  I  am  become  in  a  manner 
an  exile,  and  seldom  informed  of  those  opportunities, 
which  I  might  otherwise  embrace,  of  corresponding 
with  my  friends. 

Experience  has  convinced  every  thinking  man  in 
this  colony,  that  we  must  bid  adieu  to  peace  and  safety 
whilst  the  French  are  allowed  to  possess  the  Ohio, 
and  to  practise  their  hellish  arts  among  the  numerous 
tribes  of  Indian  nations  that  inhabit  those  regions. 
They  are  also  convinced  that  it  must  be  attended 
with  an  expense  infinitely  greater  to  defend  our  pos 
sessions,  (as  they  ought  to  be  defended)  against  the 
skulking  enemy,  than  to  remove  the  cause  of  our 
groundless  fears,  in  the  reduction  of  the  place  Fort 
Duquesne  I  mean.  Yet,  from  what  strange  causes  I 
know  not,  no  attempt  this  season  will  be  made,  I 
fear,  to  destroy  this  hold  of  barbarians,  for  they 
deserve  no  better  name,  who  have  become  a  terror  to 
three  populous  colonies.  Virginia  may  justly  say, 
that  she  was  always  willing  to  furnish  her  full  pro 
portion  of  men  and  money  for  this  desirable  end  ; 
and,  I  think  I  can  venture  to  affirm,  that  there  never 
was,  and  verily  I  believe  never  will  be,  a  more  favora 
ble  time  than  the  present  for  an  enterprise  of 
this  kind,  while  the  enemy's  troops  are  doubtless 
drawn  off  to  the  northward,  to  defend  themselves  at 
home  against  the  more  formidable  attacks  of  Lord 
Loudoun. 

I  have  now  to  add,  that  I  am  so  little  acquainted 
with  the  business  relative  to  my  private  affairs,  that 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  433 

I  can  scarce  give  you  any  information  concerning  it. 
I  know  that  I  ought  to  have  some  tobacco,  and  that 
it  ought  to  be  shipped.  I  have  begged  the  favor  of 
Colo.  Carlyle  on  Potomack,  and  Fielding  Lewis,  Esqr., 
on  Rappahannock,  to  do  this  for  me,  and  I  desired 
them  to  write  you  in  my  behalf,  and  draw  for  sundry 
things,  which  I  am  in  want  of ;  but  whether  any  part 
or  all  of  this  is  done,  I  know  not.  I  shall,  therefore, 
desire  these  two  things  of  you  ;  first,  that  you  may 
put  yourself  to  no  real  inconvenience  in  providing 
goods  to  a  greater  amount  than  my  remittances  will 
fetch,  because  I  by  no  means  intended  to  be  trouble 
some,  when  I  solicited  your  correspondence  ;  and, 
secondly,  that  whatever  goods  you  may  send  me, 
where  the  prices  are  not  absolutely  limited,  you  will 
let  them  be  fashionable,  neat,  and  good  in  their 
several  kinds.  Enclosed  is  a  list  of  sundries,  which 
I  should  be  glad  to  receive  agreeably  to  those  direc 
tions.  I  am,  &c. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

FORT  CUMBERLAND,  16  April,  1757. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

Your  letter  by  express,  of  the  5th  instant,  I  fear 
has  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  common  enemy,  for  I 
never  have  seen  it.  The  other  of  the  7th  I  this  day 
received  ;  and  being  exceedingly  embarrassed  to 
come  to  your  Honor's  intentions,  and  really  at  a  loss 
to  know  in  what  manner  to  act,  in  such  perplexed 
and  difficult  circumstances,  I  called  a  council  of  offi- 


434  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

cers  to  my  aid.  The  result  of  their  advice  you  will 
find  in  the  enclosed.1 

It  will  not  be  in  my  power  to  be  in  Williamsburg 
by  the  22d,  as  your  Honor  desires  ;  but  as  soon  after 
as  I  can,  I  certainly  will.  I  shall  leave  orders  with 
Colonel  Stephen  to  march  this  garrison  to  Fort  Lou- 
doun,  as  soon  as  it  is  relieved,  which  cannot  be 
before  this  express  may  return,  and  then  your 
Honor's  further  orders  may  be  received.  We  have 
no  advice  of  Dagworthy's  marching,  tho  orders  were 
sent  to  him. 

I  shall  order  all  the  country's  stores  to  be  carried 


1  In  a  letter,  dated  on  the  5th  of  April,  Governor  Dinwiddie,  believing  that 
Gov.  Sharpe  had  already  directed  Fort  Cumberland  to  be  garrisoned  by  Mary 
land  troops,  had  ordered  the  immediate  evacuation  of  the  place  by  the  Virginia 
troops  ;  and  also,  that  two  hundred  men  should  be  forthwith  despatched  to 
Fredericksburg,  under  Colonel  Stephen,  destined  by  direction  of  LordLoudoun 
for  South  Carolina,  where  an  attack  from  the  enemy  was  apprehended,  both  by 
sea  and  on  the  frontiers.  In  another  letter  dated  on  the  7th,  the  Governor  had 
reiterated  his  orders.  In  this  dilemma  a  council  of  war' was  called,  who  decided 
that  the  fort  ought  not  to  be  evacuated,  till  the  Maryland  forces  under  Captain 
Dagworthy  should  arrive. 

Fort  Cumberland  seemed  destined  to  be  a  perpetual  source  of  uneasiness  in 
some  quarter.  When  the  Maryland  Assembly  met,  Governor  Sharpe  requested 
means  to  supply  provisions  for  that  garrison.  The  Assembly  retorted  with  a 
warmth  of  disapprobation  amounting  to  a  reprimand.  "That  garrison,"  say 
they,  "  was  stationed  contrary  to  the  plain  destination  of  all  the  forces  raised 
and  to  be  supported  by  law  ;  and,  if  any  evil  consequences  have  heretofore  or 
may  hereafter  follow  a  want  of  supplies,  let  those  answer  for  them,  who  have, 
contrary  to  law,  been  the  means  of  stationing  troops  where  they  had  no 
authority  to  place  them." — Votes  and  Proceedings  for  October,  1757. 

The  Maryland  Assembly  denied  the  power  of  Lord  Loudoun  over  the  forces 
raised  and  paid  by  that  colony,  and  his  right  to  command  them  under  any  exi 
gency  without  their  consent.  Whereupon  his  Lordship  wrote  a  letter  to  Governor 
Sharpe,  protesting  against  this  doctrine,  as  without  precedent,  and  peculiar  to 
Maryland  alone. — Ibid,  for  February,  1758,  Governor  Dinwiddie  declared 
it  ' '  inconsistent  and  unmannerly  in  the  Maryland  Assembly  to  make  any 
hesitation,  or  to  dispute  his  Lordship's  power." — Letter  to  Governor  Sharpe. 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  435 

to  Fort  Loudoun,  and  the  two  companies  on  Patter 
son's  Creek  to  be  posted  on  the  Branch,  to  complete 
the  number  that  was  designed  for  that  place.  I  have 
ordered  a  particular  return  of  the  provisions  to  be 
made  out,  and  Colonel  Stephen  to  take  Captain 
Dagworthy's  receipt  for  the  quantity  left. 

We  have  been  at  a  good  deal  of  unavoidable 
expense  and  trouble  to  furnish  the  Indians  with  such 
things  as  they  wanted.  Some  enemy  Indians  killed 
two  Catawbas  on  Thursday  last,  at  about  one  hundred 
and  fifty  yards  from  the  fort,  and  seventy  from  a 
sentry,  and  made  their  escape,  tho  pursued  by 
other  Catawbas  and  near  two  hundred  men.1  And 
the  day  before  yesterday,  two  soldiers  were  killed  and 
a  third  taken  prisoner,  as  they  were  coming  to  this 
place  from  the  fort  below.  The  rest  of  the  party, 
being  ten  in  number,  with  Captain  Waggener  among 
them,  made  their  escape. 

The  enclosed  remonstrance  I  received  just  now 
and  think  it  expedient  to  send  it  to  your  Honor,  that 
you  may  know  the  temper  and  disposition  of  the 
troops.  As  I  expect  to  be  with  your  Honor  in  two 
or  three  days  after  the  express,  I  think  it  needless  to 
add  any  thing  but  an  apology  for  the  incoherence  of 
this  letter.  The  Indians  are  all  around  teazing  and 
perplexing  me  for  one  thing  or  another,  so  that  I 
scarce  know  what  I  write.  I  have  the  honor,  &c. 


1  One  hundred  and  twenty-four  Catawbas  had  arrived,  without  notice,  at 
Fort  Cumberland  on  the  8th.  The  two  Catawbas  were  killed  while  "  pleasuring 
in  a  canoe  some  distance  from  the  fort." — Penn.  Col.  Records,  vii.,  502.  The 
Catawbas  and  Cherokees  were  to  go  on  an  expedition  against  the  Shawnees. 


436  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

WILLIAMSBURGH,   Friday  morning,  29th  April,  1757. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

I  make  use  of  this  as  a  less  troublesome,  the  most 
effectual,  and  (I  think),  most  expeditious  method  of 
recommending  certain  matters  relative  to  the  Regi 
ment,  &c.,  to  your  Honor's  notice.  And  to  begin  : 

The  act  of  Assembly  which  subjected  the  Virginia 
troops  to  Martial  law,  is  now  expired  ;  and  when  in 
force,  was  altogether  ineffectual  for  the  purpose.  It 
is  I  think  quite  obvious,  that  we  can  prepare  no  Law 
more  fit  than  that  provided  by  Act  of  Parliament,  as 
a  military  code  for  the  government  of  our  Troops. 

We  now  have,  and  are  likely  to  get  a  goodly 
number  of  Indians.  I  would  therefore  humbly  rec 
ommend,  that  a  judicious  person  acquainted  with 
their  customs,  be  appointed  to  the  care  of  them  :  To 
conduct  them  agreeably  to  your  Honor's  direction,  or 
to  the  orders  which  he  may  receive  from  the  Com 
manding  Officer — To  make  it  his  business  to  see 
that  they  are  well  supplied  with  provisions  and  com 
mit  no  waste  of  them.  To  provide  them  with  such 
necessaries  as  they  may  stand  in  need  of,  and  are  al 
lowed  by  the  country.  To  keep  regular  accompts  of 
all  expenses  occurring,  &c. 

It  cannot  be  supposed  that  this  duty  (which  will 
fully  employ,  to  execute  [as]  it  shou'd  be,  the  time  of 
any  one  person,)  ought  to  fall  upon  the  Command 
ing  Officer  ;  whose  other  engagements  will  render  it 
absolutely  impossible  for  him  to  pay  so  much  atten 
tion  to  it,  as  the  service  requires.  And  if  they  are 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  437 


neglected  the  consequences  will  be  bad.  The  paying 
a  person  for  this  extraordinary  duty,  will,  in  the  end, 
be  an  advantage  to  the  Country.  A  good  many 
goods  should  be  provided  for  this  purpose,  and  that 
immediately. 

There  are  many  Masters  of  Servants  yet  unpaid, 
who  are  very  anxious  to  receive  their  valuation.  I 
shou'cl  be  glad  if  there  cou'd  be  a  way  pointed  out  to 
do  it,  as  the  owners  look  to  me  for  the  money. 

The  choice  of  good  men  to  complete  the  Regiment 
is  really  a  matter  of  great  importance. 

We  received  (because  necessity  obliged  us)  many 
Drafts  last  year,  who  were  unfit  for  any  sort  of  Duty 
and  who  were  rather  an  expense  than  service  to  the 
Country.  The  Officers  hearing  that  their  numbers 
are  to  be  reduced,  are  very  desirous  of  knowing  who 
are  to  go  out. 

Some  other  method  to  pay  for  Deserters  besides 
that  prescribed  by  act  of  Assembly,  is  absolutely 
necessary.  It  is  also  necessary  that  some  expedient 
should  be  used  to  bring  the  commonalty  acquainted 
with  the  consequences  of  harbouring  and  buying 
clothes  and  arms  from  Deserters,  &c. 

Not  to  confine  the  troops  to  our  own  frontiers 
and  defensive  measures  only.  By  this  means  we  put 
it  into  the  power  of  the  enemy,  to  use  advantages  as 
they  offer.  Last  year  we  could  not,  without  trans 
gressing  the  Law,  move  out  of  the  Colony. 

Paying  Soldiers  in  small  bills  is  an  intolerable 
grievance.  It  wou'd  add  to  the  credit  of  the  Service 
and  be  a  strong  inducement  for  numbers  to  enlist— 


438  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

were  the  Assembly  to  make  some  regular  provision 
for  the  maimed  and  wounded  Soldiers,  who  shall  be 
disabled  in  the  Country  service.  It  is  an  uncertain 
tedious  and  expensive  way  for  each  individual,  after 
he  is  rendered  unfit  to  serve,  to  come  clown  and 
petition  the  Assembly  for  subsistence. 

The  Commissary's  Office  has  for  a  longtime,  been 
under  very  bad  direction  thro'  Mr.  Walker's  uncer 
tainty  of  continuing.  It  wants  much  to  be  regulated. 

The  Garrison  which,  by  the  Council  at  Philadel 
phia,  is  to  be  fixed  at  Enochs's  plantation,  in  order 
to  secure  a  communication  with  Fort  Cumberland- 
will  be  a  manifest  disadvantage  to  the  Country  ;  as 
it  can  answer  no  other  purpose,  and  will  be  attended 
with  the  ill  consequence  of  leaving  exposed  the  old 
road  to  Fort  Cumberland  ;  which  also  is  the  road  to 
our  Settlers  on  the  South-Branch,  betwixt  whom  and 
the  Inhabitants  about  Fort  Loudoun,  are  not  any 
persons  living,  save  those  at  the  Forts,  which  we  have 
built,  and  garrisoned  for  securing  the  said  communi 
cation.  Were  the  men  who  are  appointed  to 
Enochs's  divided,  and  one  part  put  at  Edwards's, 
and  the  other  (which  shou'd  be  the  largest)  at  Pear- 
sails  ;  it  wou'd  be  of  infinitely  more  service  to  Vir 
ginia,  and  still  keep  open  a  communication  with  Fort 
Cumberland  :  But  not  in  so  direct  a  course  ;  nor 
could  the  road  this  way,  pass  by  the  Fort  at  Cresaps. 

When  my  opinion  was  asked  concerning  a  place  to 
build  on  between  Fort  Loudoun  and  that  at  Cresaps, 
I  was  obliged  to  say  Enochs's,  because  there  was  no 
other  place  more  suitable  than  Enochs's  on  that  road  ; 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  439 


and  to  that  road  I  was  confined.  But,  at  the  same 
time,  I  mentioned  the  other  road  as  answering  the 
two  ends  of  securing  the  communication  with  Fort 
Cumberland  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  Branch.  And 
asked  Lord  Loudoun  in  a  particular  manner,  whether 
the  Troops  were  to  be  confined  to  the  places  speci 
fied  ?  His  answer  was  "  no,  because "  (says  he) 
"  that  might  defeat  our  intentions.  The  places  now 
fixed  upon  are  only  nominated  as  passes  which  ap 
pear  to  be  of  the  most  importance  ;  but  the  Troops 
will  be  removed  to  this  place  or  that  as  occasion  may 
require  "•  —which  was  my  motive  for  saying  no  more 
on  the  disadvantages  that  might  arise  from  building 
a  garrison  at  Enochs's.  A  full  and  discretionary 
power  being  thereby  left  in  the  commanding  officer 
to  post  them  here  or  there,  as  the  good  of  the  ser 
vice,  and  change  of  circumstances,  in  his  judgment 
might  require,  I  therefore  beg  leave  to  offer  this  mat 
ter  to  your  Honor's  consideration,  in  time  ;  as  it  may 
and  doubtless  will  be  attended  with  very  bad  conse 
quences  to  this  Colony,  to  secure  the  direct  road  that 
leads  to  Fort  Cumberland  only  ;  and  neglect  the  se 
curity  of  the  other  which  is  now  become  of  much 
more  comparative  importance  to  the  Settlers. 

I  also  beg  leave  to  observe  here  that  the  Fort  at 
the  Upper  Tract,  notwithstanding  it  is  more  in  the 
Indian  pass  of  the  mountains,  is  too  high  up  ;  since 
numbers  of  the  inhabitants  from  those  parts,  if  I  am 
rightly  informed,  are  lately  down  about  Harness's, 
and  a  place  called  Butter-Milk-Fort  ;  which  ren 
ders  it  necessary  to  place  the  troops — or  at  least  a 


440  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

principal  part  of  them,  there  also  ;  to  protect  the 
Inhabitants  in  sowing  and  gathering  their  Crops, 
&c. 

It  is  a  hardship  upon  the  Regiment  I  think,  to  be 
denied  a  Chaplain. 

Establishing  the  militia  upon  a  good  footing  is  a 
matter  of  very  great  moment.  Under  this  present 
regulation  they  are  of  very  little  Service,  upon  any 
emergency — and  very  expensive  !  The  rates  of  Sol 
diers  diet  when  marching  thro'  the  Country,  or  upon 
recruiting  parties,  ought  to  be  settled.  As  also  the 
Bounty-money  allowed  the  Officers  to  recruit  with ; 
in  case  the  Country  compleats  the  Regiment  by  En 
listment.  The  Officers  complain  heavily  of  their 
losses  in  the  recruiting  service.  Their  allowance  is 
much  inferior  to  that  of  the  British  Officers  ;  while 
their  duty  and  fatigue  are  equally  hard — if  not  more 
so. 

I  doubt  not  but  your  Honor  will,  when  you  settle 
with  Governor  Sharpe,  about  the  provisions,  at  Fort 
Cumberland  consider  that  the  carriage  of  them  up, 
&c.,  should  be  added  to  the  first  cost — If  we  only  re 
ceive  the  like  quantity  at  Fort  Loudoun,  the  Country 
will  sustain  a  considerable  loss  ;  as  the  carriage,  &c., 
is  almost  if  not  quite  as  much  as  the  first  cost  of  the 
provisions. 

I  have,  in  the  preceding  pages  mentioned  every 
thing  that  occurs  to  me  relative  to  the  service  in  gen 
eral — and  must  now  beg  leave  to  know,  as  there  are 
new  regulations  making  in  respect  to  the  strength 
and  establishment  of  the  Regiment,  upon  what 


175?]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  441 


terms    your   Honor   purposes  to    continue   me,  and 
what  may  be  my  certain  Dependence  ? 

The  Speaker  informs  me  that  the  Country  Com 
mittee  have  determined  no  longer  to  be  concerned  in 
disposing  of  the  public  money  ;  nor  have  any  thing 
more  to  do  with  settling  accompts,  &c.,  and  that  the 
House  have  committed  or  intend  to  commit  the  care 
of  it  to  your  Honor's  management.  The  Speaker 
farther  informs  me,  that  he  has  made  your  Honor  ac 
quainted  with  the  allowance  the  country  have  made 
me,  vizt.,  3O/  per  day,  pay,  and  two  per  cent  com 
missions  for  examining,  settling  and  paying  off  ac 
compts  ;  and  that  you  seemed  to  think  it  high.  I 
flatter  myself  Sir,  that  your  Honor  will  not  differ  in 
opinion  from  the  whole  country  in  this  particular. 
For  the  Committee  first  gave  it,  and  the  Assembly 
afterwards  allowed  it  as  a  recompense  for  my  services 
&  the  extraordinary  trouble  and  confinement  I  shou'd 
meet  with  in  the  prosecution  of  such  complicated 
duties,  as  the  nature  of  this  service  wou'd  oblige  me 
to  engage  in.  I  also  hope,  that  your  Honor  will  not, 
after  the  repeated  assurances  given  of  your  good  in 
clination  to  better  my  Command,  render  it  worse  by 
taking  away  the  only  perquisite  I  have  ;  and  the  only 
thing  that  enables  me  to  support  the  expence  which 
unavoidably  attends  my  Table  and  removing  about 
from  place  to  place  on  our  frontiers  where  every  kind 
of  necessaries  is  accompanied  with  incredible  ex- 
pence,  from  the  distresses  which  exist  there.1 


1  The  governor    discontinued    the   two   per  cent   commission,  but  allowed 
Washington  an  additional  sum  of  ^£200  a  year  for  his  table  and  expenses. 


442  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

TO    JOHN    ROBINSON,    SPEAKER    OF     THE    HOUSE    OF 
BURGESSES. 

FORT  LOUDOUN,  30  May,  1757. l 

DEAR  SIR, 

We  receive  fresh  proofs  every  day  of  the  bad 
direction  of  our  Indian  affairs.  It  is  not  easy  to  tell 
what  expenses  have  arisen  on  account  of  these  Indians, 
how  dissatisfied  they  are,  and  how  gloomy  the  pros 
pect  of  pleasing  them  appears,  while  we  pursue  our 
present  system  of  management. 

I  therefore  beg  leave  to  propose  a  plan,  which 
I  know  is  exactly  agreeable  to  the  French  policy,  and 
which  may,  if  properly  executed,  be  a  means  of 
retrieving  our  lost  credit  with  this  people,  and  prove 
of  infinite  advantage  to  the  country.  The  French, 
Sir,  have  a  proper  person  appointed  to  the  direction 
of  these  affairs,  who  makes  it  his  sole  business  to 
study  their  dispositions,  and  the  art  of  pleasing  them. 
This  person  is  invested  with  power  to  treat  with  and 
reward  them  for  every  piece  of  service,  and,  by  timely 

1  The  Assembly,  "  having  considered  the  great  expense  the  Virginia  regiment 
has  cost  the  country  from  the  number  of  companies  it  has  consisted  of,  and 
those  companies  not  half  complete  in  proportion  to  the  vast  charge  of  officers," 
remodelled  its  form,  and  made  it  consist  of  ten  companies  of  100  men  each,  re 
ducing  all  Captains  but  seven.     The  force  was  distributed  as  follows  : — 
At  Fort  Loudoun,   100  men  commanded  by  Washington. 
Maidstone,  70  Capt.  Stewart. 

Edwards',  25  a  subaltern. 

Pearsall's,  45  Capt.  McKenzie. 

In  the  neighborhood  )  r-     ..    \\T 

of  Buttermilk  Fort,    f   ?°  CaPl-  Waggener. 

Dickinson's,          70  Maj.  Lewis. 

Voss's,  70  Capt.  Woodward. 

Washington  was  to  remain  at  Winchester,  and  was  deprived  of  all  ' '  concern 
with  or  management  of  Indian  affairs,"  Mr.  Atkin  being  appointed  the  King's 
agent  to  take  charge  of  all  affairs  relating  to  the  Indians,  who  inhabited  the 
country  between  Pennsylvania  and  Georgia. 


i757l  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  443 


presents  on  suitable  occasions,  obtain  very  great 
advantages.  There  is  always  a  store  of  goods  com 
mitted  to  his  care  to  answer  these  purposes,  and  no 
other  person  is  suffered  to  meddle  with  it  ;  by  which 
means  the  whole  business  is  thrown  into  one  channel, 
and  it  thereby  becomes  easy  and  regular.  Whereas, 
with  us  it  is  every  body's  business,  and  no  one's,  to 
supply.  Every  person  attempts  to  please,  and  few 
succeed  in  it,  because  one  promises  this,  and  another 
that,  and  few  can  perform  any  thing,  but  are  obliged 
to  shuffle  and  put  them  off,  to  get  rid  of  their  im 
portunities. 

Hence  they  accuse  us  of  perfidy  and  deceit !  I 
could  recapitulate  a  great  number  of  their  reproachful 
complaints,  if  I  judged  it  necessary  to  confirm  what  I 
have  already  advanced.  But  I  believe,  Sir,  you  are 
convinced  from  what  you  have  seen,  that  there  can  be 
no  deception  in  my  story.  Therefore,  I  shall  en 
deavor  to  remark  with  candor,  freedom,  and  submis 
sion,  that,  unless  some  person  is  appointed  to  manage 
the  Indian  affairs  of  this  colony,  under  the  direction 
of  the  Governor,  or  the  southern  agent,  a  vast 
expense  and  but  little  advantage  will  accrue  from  the 
coming  of  those  Indians  among  us.  And  I  know  of 
no  person  so  well  qualified  for  an  undertaking  of  this 
sort  as  the  bearer,  Captain  Gist.1  He  has  had  exten- 

1  "  When  I  proceed  to  the  southward,  I  shall  appoint  some  person  to  act  for 
me  in  this  colony  according  to  my  instructions  during  my  absence,  who  I 
believe  will  be  Capt.  Gist,  who  resigns  his  post  in  the  Virginia  regiment.  He 
is  so  well  recommended  to  me,  and  does  I  believe  understand  the  Indian 
affairs  so  much  better  than  any  man  else  I  can  find  or  hear  of  in  this  colony, 
that  I  hope  he  will  give  satisfaction  to  all  that  will  be  interested  in  his 
behaviour." — Atkin  to  Gov.  Sharpe,  30  June,  1757. 


444  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 


sive  dealings  with  the  Indians,  is  in  great  esteem 
among  them,  well  acquainted  with  their  manners  and 
customs,  is  indefatigable,  and  patient, — most  excellent 
qualities  indeed  where  Indians  are  concerned.  And 
for  his  capacity,  honesty,  and  zeal,  I  dare  venture  to 
engage.  If  he  should  be  appointed  to  this  duty,  or, 
if  this  plan  should  take  effect,  I  dare  say  you  will 
judge  it  advisable  to  send  for  a  large  assortment  of 
those  species  of  goods  which  are  the  most  likely 
to  carry  on  the  abovementioned  business.1 

Bullen,  a  Catawba  warrior,  has  been  proposing 
a  plan  to  Captain  Gist  for  bringing  in  the  Creek  and 
Chickasaw2  Indians.  If  such  a  scheme  as  this  can  be 
effected  by  the  time  we  shall  march  for  Fort  Duquesne, 
it  would  be  a  glorious  undertaking,  and  worthy  the 
man.  I  am,  &c. 


TO    JOHN    ROBINSON. 

FORT  LOUDOUN,  zojune,  1757. 

DEAR  SIR, 

A  person  of  a  readier  pen,  and  having  more  time, 
than  myself,  might  amuse  you  with  the  vicissitudes, 
which  have  happened  in  the  Indian  affairs  since  Mr. 
Atkin  came  up.  I  acknowledge  my  incompetency, 

1  Washington's  experience  with  Indian  allies  was  not  such  as  to  give  him  great 
confidence  in  them.  "  The  Catawbas  have  been  of  little  use,  but  a  great  ex- 
pence  to  this  Colony,  and  are  now  gone  home.  The  Cherokees,  I  apprehend, 
will  follow  their  example.  There  is  a  party  of  70  or  80  of  them,  with  some 
soldiers,  now  out  commanded  by  Major  Lewis  of  the  regiment  ;  but  I  expect 
very  little  from  them,  as  I  conceive  it  will  scarcely  be  in  the  power  of  the  officers 
to  carry  them  far  enough  to  do  much  service." — To  Col.  Stanivix,  28  May, 

1757- 

3  In  his  letter  to  Dinwiddie  he  says  Cherokee. 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  445 

and  therefore  shall  only  observe,  that  the  Indians 
have  been  pleased  and  displeased  oftener  than  they 
ought  to  have  been  ;  and  that  they  are  gone  off  (that 
party  under  Warhatche,1  I  mean,)  in  different  ways, 
and  with  far  different  views  ;  one  company  south 
wardly  to  their  nation  ;  and  another  northwardly  to 
treat  with  the  Pennsylvanians,  contrary  to  the  senti 
ments  of  Mr.  Atkin,  who  has,  I  believe,  sent  to  forbid 
any  conference  to  be  held  with  them.2 

Major  Lewis  is  returned  with  part  of  the  Indians, 

1  Warhatche  (spelt  also  Wawhatchee,  and  probably  the  Wahawtehew  men 
tioned  by  Dinwiddie)  was  chief  of  all  the  Southern  Cherokee  towns.  Atkin 
described  him  as  the  "  greatest  rogue  among  them,  most  certainly  of  unbounded 
avarice,  well  and  long  known  to  me  in  particular,  and  not  having  the  least  re 
gard  for  the  English,  further  than  he  can  get  presents  from  them."  The  cause 
of  the  separation  mentioned  by  Washington  is  fully  described  in  a  letter  from 
Atkin  to  Croghan  in  Penn,  Archives,  iii.,  175. 

-  "  I  fear  that  the  different  colonies'  struggling  with  each  other  for  their 
assistance,  will  be  productive  of  very  great  evils  ;  and,  in  the  end,  introduce 
insupportable  expence  to  these  governments  or  to  the  crown.  Maryland  hath 
already  held  treaties  with,  and  given  presents  to  them.  Pennsylvania  hath 
sent  speeches  to  them  and  offers  presents  (and  to  the  latter  a  great  part  is  now 
gone).  The  consequence  is  that  these  savages  look  upon  themselves  in  a  more 
important  light  than  ever,  and  have  behaved  very  insolently  thereupon." — To 
Dinwiddie,  10  June,  1757. 

"  As  to  Indian  matters,  you  must  know  I  can  be  but  a  stranger,  and  I  find 
all  those  employed  as  agents  very  jealous  of  one  another,  and  I  can  perceive 
Mr.  Croghan  so  of  Colonel  Armstrong,  and  .  .  .  Mr.  Atkin  so  of  them  all,  as 
well  as  of  the  Provinces." — Col.  Stanwix  to  Gov.  Denny,  12  June,  1757. 
Armstrong  said  that  Atkin  was  "  miffed  "  about  the  provinces  taking  any  notice 
of  the  Southern  tribes  without  first  consulting  him  ;  while  Croghan  believed 
that  Atkin  had  been  prejudiced  by  the  Virginians. 

Atkin  wrote  to  Croghan,  on  June  8,  that  on  arriving  in  Virginia  he  "  found 
it  just  on  the  brink  of  confusion  and  distraction,  by  means  of  the  very  Indians 
that  had  been  drawn  with  great  pains  and  expence  to  its  assistance,"  as  they 
"  behaved  like  freebooters  in  an  enemies'  country."  And  to  Governor  Sharpe  : 
"  You  will  see  how  fortunate  my  being  at  Williamsburg  was,  to  prevent  a  con 
vulsion  which  must  otherways  happened  in  this  colony  and  shaken  all  the  colo 
nies  in  its  consequences." 


446  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

that  went  out  with  him,  in  consequence  of  their 
having  taken  only  eight  days'  provisions  with  them. 
He  was  unable  to  prevail  with  those  savages  to  take 
more.  One  party  of  twenty,  with  ten  soldiers,  is 
gone  towards  Fort  Duquesne,  under  Captain  Spots- 
wood  ;  and  another  party  of  fifteen,  with  five 
soldiers,  under  Lieutenant  Baker,  but  they  course 
towards  Logstown.  God  send  them  success  and  a 
safe  return,  I  pray. 

Unless  you  will  interest  yourself  in  sending  money 
to  me  to  discharge  the  public  debts,  I  must  inevitably 
suffer  very  considerably,  as  the  country  people  all 
think  me  pledged  to  them,  let  what  will  happen. 
They  are  grown  very  clamorous,  and  will  be  more 
than  ever  incensed  if  there  should  come  an  inadequate 
sum,  and  that  sum  be  appropriated  to  the  payment 
of  the  soldiers. 

I  am  convinced  it  would  give  pleasure  to  the  Gov 
ernor  to  hear  that  I  was  involved  in  trouble,  however 
undeservedly,  such  are  his  dispositions  toward  me. 

I  should  be  glad  to  know  whether  Capt.  Mercer 
received  any  money  from  the  public  while  he  was 
down  ;  and  if  he  did,  on  what  account.  If  he  did 
not,  I  would  be  glad  you  would  pay  none,  until  you 
hear  further  from  me,  altho'  he  may  have  drawn 
orders.  'Tis  on  the  account  of  the  public  I  desire 
this.1 

1  "  That  matter  which  I  hinted  to  you  about  Mercer  is  since  cleared  up.  He 
borrowed  ^250  by  my  order,  and  for  the  use  of  the  public,  while  he  remained 
at  this  place  &  was  ordered  to  Fort  Cumberland,  and  went  off  from  here  with 
out  rendering  me  any  account  of  it,  so  that  I  was  liable  for  payment  and  un 
acquainted  with  the  disbursement." — To  Robinson,  10  July,  1757. 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  447 

TO    COLONEL    STANWIX.1 

FORT  LOUDOUN,  15  June,  1757. 

SIR, 

I  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  that  a  scouting 
party,  consisting  of  5  soldiers  and  15  Cherokee  In 
dians,  that  were  sent  out  the  20  ultimo  towards  the 
Ohio,  under  Lieutenant  Baker,  returned  the  8th  in 
stant  to  Fort  Cumberland  with  5  scalps,  and  a  French 
officer,  prisoner,  having  killed  two  other  officers  of 
the  same  party.2  Mr.  Baker  met  with  this  party  vizt., 
ten  French,  three  officers  on  the  head  of  Turtle 
Creek,  twenty  miles  distance  from  Fort  Duquesne, 
(the  day  after  they  had  parted  with  50  Shawanese 
Indians  returning  from  the  war,)  and  would  have 
killed  and  made  prisoners  of  them  all,  had  it  not 
been  for  the  death  of  the  Indian  chief,  who  being 
killed  prevented  his  men  from  pursuing  them.  The 
name  of  the  officer  taken,  according  to  his  own  ac 
count,  is  Velistre  ;  and  of  those  killed,  Lasosais  and 
St.  Oure  ;  all  ensigns. 

The  commandant  at  Duquesne  and  its  dependen 
cies  is  Delignery,  a  knight  of  the  military  order  of 
St.  Louis,  and  captain  of  a  company  of  detached 
troops  from  the  marine.  This  officer  likewise  says, 
that  the  garrison  at  Fort  Duquesne  consists  of  six 
hundred  French  and  two  hundred  Indians.  I  believe 

1  Colonel  Stanwix  was  stationed  by  the  Earl  of  Loudoun  on  the  frontiers  of 
Pennsylvania,  with  the  command  of  five  companies  of  the  Royal  American 
Regiment,  and  such  troops  as  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia  might 
raise.  He  was  now  at  Lancaster,  but  his  head-quarters  were  afterwards  at 
Carlisle. 

'-'  These  officers  were  wounded,  but  the  Indians  killed  them  in  "  revenge  for 
the  death  of  the  truly  brave  Swallow  warrior." 


448  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 


he  is  a  Gasconian.  We  sustained  on  our  side  the 
loss  of  the  brave  Swallow  warrior,1  and  one  other 
Indian  was  wounded,  and  brought  in  upon  a  bier, 
near  100  miles  by  the  party,  who  had  nothing  to  live 
upon  for  the  four  last  days  but  wild  onions.  Mr. 
Atkin  (who  is  now  here)  and  I  shall  use  our  en 
deavours  to  have  the  French  prisoner  brought  to 
this  place. 

Captain  Spotswood,  with  10  soldiers  and  20  In 
dians,  who  went  out  at  the  same  time  with,  but  to  a 
different  place,  from  Lieut.  Baker  is  not  yet  come  in, 
nor  any  news  of  him  ;  which  makes  me  uneasy. 

Our  Assembly  have  granted  a  further  sum  of 
eighty  thousand  pounds  for  the  service  of  the  ensuing 
year,  and  have  agreed,  (I  believe,)  to  complete  their 
regiment  of  this  colony  to  1 200  men,  besides  three 
companies  of  rangers,  of  100  each.  Our  strength, 
since  the  detachment  to  Carolina  has  embarked,  is 
reduced  to  420  rank  and  file  only  and  these  much 
weakened,  by  the  number  of  posts  we  hold.  Gover 
nor  Dinwiddie  is  apprehensive,  that  he  shall  not  be 
able  to  provide  arms  for  all  these  men,  and  desired 
me  to  advise  with  you  thereupon. 

If  it  is  not  too  troublesome  I  should  [be  glad]  to 
be  informed  what  proportion  of  bat-men  there  is  al 
lowed  to  a  company  of  4  officers  and  100  men,  in  the 
Royal  American  battalions  ?  or  rather,  the  allowance 
to  each  officer,  beginning  with  the  colonel  ?  And 
how  these  bat-men  are  clothed,  paid  and  victualled, 

1  "  The  Swallow  fired  first,  knocked  down  an  officer,  and  on  springing  up  to 
scalp  him,  was  unfortunately  shot  through  the  head." — Armstrong  to  Gov. 
Denny,  19  June,  1757. 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  449 

and  by  whom  ?  Whether  the  officers  have  any  al 
lowance  made  them  for  their  servants,  and  if  the 
officers  in  garrison  receive  provisions  as  soldiers  or 
an  allowance  in  lieu  of  it,  and  how  much  to  each  ? 
Also,  if  the  officers  in  their  battalions  provide  bat- 
horses  at  their  own  expense,  or  have  their  baggage 
transported  at  the  King's  ?  Whether  any  forage- 
money  is  allowed  them,  and  what  other  allowances 
they  have  made  to  them  ?  Should  also  be  glad  to 
know  what  proportion  of  women  is  allowed  to  a 
company.1 

It  is  wrong,  I  must  confess  Sir,  to  trouble  you  in 
this  manner  ;  but  I  have  particular  reasons  for  ask 
ing  these  questions,  and  getting  them  answered  by 
authority,  and  none  unwarrantable. 

Duty  and  inclination  equally  induce  me  to  com 
municate  all  remarkable  occurrences  to  you,  and 
shall  be  punctual  in  doing  so. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

FORT  LOUDOUN,  16  June,  1757. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

This  instant  the  enclosed  letters  came  to  my  hands. 
I  have  not  lost  a  moment's  time  in  transmitting  them 

1  Washington  had  recently  been  taken  to  task  by  the  Governor  for  asking  al 
lowance  for  a  greater  number  of  batmen  than  Col.  Stanwix  had.  "  Surely 
Colo.  Washington  wont  expect  more  than  Colo.  Stanwix,  and  surely  it  was 
your  duty  to  inform  me  of  this  and  conform  your  regiment  to  the  allowance 
given  the  [Royal]  Americans  ;  and  pray,  how  shall  I  appear  to  Lord  Loudoun 
on  my  report  of  our  regiment,  when  so  widely  different  from  that  he  commands. 
.  .  .  You  know  the  clamor  of  the  people  in  regard  to  the  vast  expense,  and 
it's  your  duty  as  well  as  mine  to  make  all  prudent  savings." — Dinwiddie  to 
Washington,  i  June,  1757. 


450  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

to  you,  as  I  look  upon  the  intelligence  to  be  of  the 
utmost  importance.  If  the  enemy  are  coming  down 
in  such  numbers,  and  with  such  a  train  of  artillery,  as 
we  are  bid  to  expect,  Fort  Cumberland  must  inev 
itably  fall  into  their  hands,  as  no  timely  efforts  can 
be  made  to  relieve  the  garrison.  I  send  you  a  copy 
of  a  council  of  war  held  upon  this  occasion.  The 
advice  I  intend  to  pursue,  and  until  I  shall  receive 
orders  how  to  conduct  myself.  It  is  morally  certain, 
that  the  next  object,  which  the  French  have  in  view, 
is  Fort  Loudoun,  and  that  is  yet  in  a  very  untenable 
posture.  They  have  no  roads  for  carriages  into  any 
other  province,  but  thro'  this  ;  and  there  lies  a  quan 
tity  of  stores  here,  belonging  to  his  Majesty  and  to 
this  colony,  very  much  exposed  and  unguarded. 

I  shall  not  take  up  your  time,  with  a  tedious  detail. 
You  will  be  a  sufficient  judge  of  the  present  situation 
of  affairs,  from  those  circumstances  already  related. 
I  have  written  to  the  commanding  officers  of  Fairfax, 
Prince  William,  and  Culpeper  counties,  (a  copy  of 
which  letters  I  enclose  your  Honor)  requesting  them 
to  march  part  of  their  militia  to  this  place  imme 
diately,  that  no  time  may  be  lost.  I  shall  you  may 
be  assured,  Sir,  make  the  best  defence  I  can,  if 
attacked.  I  am,  &c. 

P.  S.  I  have  wrote  to  Colonel  Stanwix  an  account 
of  this  affair,  and  enclosed  him  copies  of  the  letters 
and  council  of  war.1 


1  Six  Cherokee  Indians  came  to  Fort  Cumberland,  and  told  Captain  Dag- 
worthy,  that  they  saw  the  French  near  Fort  Duquesne  coming  in  that  direction 
with  wagons  and  great  guns.  "  Three  Indians,"  wrote  Washington  to  County 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  451 

TO    COLONEL    STANWIX. 

FORT  LOUDOUN,  20  June,  1757. ' 

SIR, 

Yours  of  the  iSth  from  the  camp  at  Carlisle  I  re 
ceived  about  noon  this  day,  when  I  was  examining  (in 
company  with  his  Majesty's  agent  for  Indian  affairs) 
the  French  prisoner  brought  to  this  place  by  Lieu 
tenant  Baker  and  the  Cherokee  Indian.  A  copy  of 
this  examination  I  herewith  enclose.  You  will  find, 
Sir,  from  the  tenor  of  his  answers,  that  a  large  body 
of  Indians  was  hourly  expected  at  Fort  Duquesne, 
and  that,  altho'  there  was  not  (if  his  intelligence  is  to 
be  literally  credited,  and  surely  it  is  not)  a  train  of 
artillery  fit  for  such  an  expedition  ;  yet  this  might 
have  been  brought  by  those  three  hundred  men,  who 
arrived  there  after  he  left  the  place. 

It  is    altogether  evident,  (if  the    Indian  accounts 

Lieutenants,  "are  come  in  wounded,  and  saw  the  French  army  this  side  of 
Monongahela,  near  the  place  of  Gen'l  Braddock's  defeat,  so  that  the  truth  of 
this  report  is  I  believe,  unquestionable."  An  attack  was  apprehended,  the 
country  alarmed,  the  militia  called  out,  and  Colonel  Stanwix's  regulars  were 
put  in  motion  ;  but  it  proved  to  be  a  false  report. 

The  Council  of  War  was  held  at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning.  Its  determina 
tion  was  :  "  That,  as  reinforcing  this  garrison  is  absolutely  necessary,  that  the 
detached,  enfeebled  situation  of  the  garrisons  on  the  south  Branch  must  make 
them  fall  an  easy  prey  to  the  enemy,  and  that  as  drawing  them  all  to  one  place 
on  the  Branch  would  be  giving  up  all  the  settlements  except  that  place,  which 
(supposing  it  could  be  maintained)  would  by  no  means  be  of  such  consequence 
as  reinforcing  this  important  place,  that,  therefore,  they  ought  to  be  ordered 
hither  immediately."  "  Colonel  Washington  told  me,"  Armstrong  wrote  to 
Gov.  Denny,  "  if  he  [the  enemy]  came  without  erecting  something  by  the  way, 
that  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  be  early  enough  to  assist  the  garrison,  nor  would 
all  his  men  be  more  than  a  breakfast  to  the  French  and  their  Indians." — Penn. 
Archives,  iii.,  189. 

1  The  Assembly  had  voted  to  increase  the  regiment  to  1,200  men,  and  three 
companies  of  rangers  of  100  men  each,  appropriating  ,£80,000  for  the  establish 
ment. 


452  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

may  be  relied  on,)  that  the  French  are  bringing  how 
itzers  with  them  for  the  easier  reduction  of  the  place, 
if  they  should  attack  us.  For,  they  say,  your  guns 
are  but  muskets,  compared  with  those  the  French 
have  with  them.  Theirs  will  admit  a  fawn  in  the 
muzzle,  while  yours  will  not  take  in  a  man's  fist.  To 
any  person,  in  the  least  degree  acquainted  with  the 
mountainous  country  about  our  settlements,  it  is 
clear,  that  the  French  can  bring  artillery  along  no 
other  road,  than  that  from  Fort  Duquesne  to  Fort 
Cumberland,  without  spending  immense  time  in 
mending  one.  Then  I  conceive  the  garrison  at  Fort 
Augusta  has  been  very  negligent  and  inactive,  not 
to  discover  the  enemy  sooner.  On  the  other  hand, 
we  all  know  that  a  blazed  path  in  the  eyes  of  an  In 
dian  is  a  large  road  ;  for  he  does  not  distinguish,  be 
tween  one  track  and  another  without  a  circumspect 
inquiry,  i.  e.,  between  a  track  which  will  admit  of  car 
riages,  and  a  road  sufficient  for  them  to  march  in. 

These,  Sir,  are  only  my  own  sentiments,  and  I  sub 
mit  them  to  your  better  judgment  for  improvement. 
We  very  well  know,  that  from  Fort  Duquesne  to 
Fort  Cumberland  there  is  a  plain  road  already  made, 
and  bridges  also.  I  shall,  however,  continue  to  pur 
sue  every  means  in  my  power  to  gain  the  earliest  and 
best  intelligence  I  can  of  the  approaches  of  the 
enemy,  and  shall  transmit  it  forthwith  to  you.  I 
have  sent  Major  Lewis  of  the  regiment  fifty  miles  ad 
vanced  from  this,  with  orders  to  keep  out  constant 
spies  for  intelligence,  and  to  lose  no  time  in  transmit 
ting  it  to  me. 


175?]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  453 


We  have  received  nothing  new  from  Fort  Cum 
berland  since  the  i6th.  The  Indians,  who  brought 
the  first  news,  imagine,  that  some  of  Spotswood's 
party  are  yet  skulking  after  and  watching  for  the 
motions  of  the  enemy.  On  the  contrary,  I  appre 
hend  they  are  all  cut  off ;  for  a  man,  who  left  Fort 
Cumberland  the  i6th,  says,  that  the  woods  appear  to 
be  quite  alive  with  enemy  Indians,  who  show  them 
selves  openly  in  the  day.  This  is  unusual  for  them 
to  do,  unless  they  are  strong.  We  work  on  this  Fort, 
both  night  and  day,  intending  to  make  it  tenable 
against  the  worst  event.  Mr.  Croghan,  &c.  write  to 
you  by  this  express,  and  will  no  doubt  be  more  ex 
plicit  on  Indian  affairs,  than  I  can  pretend  to  be,  and 
to  them  I  refer. 

It  would  have  given  me  great  pleasure,  had  you 
been  pleased  to  signify  your  sentiments  on  the  Revo 
lution  having  come  to  this  place,  that  I  might  act 
conformably  with  your  orders. 


TO    COLONEL    STANWIX. 

21  June,  1757. 

SIR, 

Since  writing  to  you  by  Express,  last  night,  I  have 
received  a  letter  from  Capt.  Dagworthy  (a  copy  of 
which  I  enclose  :)  and  have  had  an  opportunity  of 
examining  the  Indians,  who  brought  him  the  last  in 
telligence  myself.  They  unanimously  agree,  there  is 
a  large  party  of  French  and  Indians  marched  from 
Fort  Duquesne  ;  but,  whether  they  are  destined 


454  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

against  the  frontiers  of  Virginia,  Maryland  'or  Penn 
sylvania,  or  all  of  these,  is  yet  uncertain.  The  en 
emy,  however,  are  without  carriages  ;  and  by  their 
track  (for  the  Indians  did  not  see  more  than  a  party 
of  about  100)  pursued  them  towards  Rays-Town. 
This  they  would  do  whether  they  be  coming  to  either 
of  the  above  Provinces  (without  artillery)  It  is  the 
way  they  have  used  altogether  of  late,  in  coming  to, 
and  return m<g  from  us. 

I  return  you  my  thanks,  Sir,  for  answering  my 
queries  ;  as  you  took  no  notice  of  the  arms  I  asked 
for,  by  the  Governor's  Order. 

N.B.  There  was  a  great  misapprehension  between 
Capt.  Dagworthy  and  the  Indians  that  first  came  in. 
They  deny  to  me,  having  said  that  there  was  a  body 
of  the  enemy  with  wheel-carriages,  on  their  march  to 
attack  Fort  Cumberland.  These  Indians  were  not 
within  30  miles  of  Fort  Duquesne  ;  but  nevertheless 
heard  the  discharge  of  the  French  artillery  which 
they  conceive,  was  fired  at  the  departure  of  a  large 
body  of  troops  from  that  place.  Capt.  Dagworthy 
might  easily  have  misunderstood  these  people  for 
want  of  a  good  interpreter.1 

1  "  The  storm  which  threatened  us  with  such  formidable  appearances  is,  in  a 
manner,  blown  over.  It  arose  in  a  great  measure  from  a  misunderstanding  (in 
Captn.  Dagworthy)  of  the  Indians  for  want  of  a  proper  interpreter.  The 
Indians  are  nevertheless  unanimous  in  asserting  that  a  large  body  of  French 
and  Indians  have  marched  from  Fort  Duquesne,  but  without  artillery,  and  that 
they  pursued  the  Rays  Town  road,  which  leads  very  conveniently  to  the  three 
colonies  of  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  Pennsylvania." — To  Colo.  Fairfax,  25 
June,  1757.  "I  have  since  received  various  intelligence  of  their  appearing  at 
many  different  parts,  widely  distant  from  each  other,  at  the  same  time,  which 
inclines  me  to  think  that  they  have  detached  their  principal  force  into  many 
scalping  parties."— 7*0  Dinwiddie,  27  June,  1757. 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  455 

TO    COLONEL    STANWIX. 

FORT  LOUDOUN,  28  June,  1757. 

DEAR  SIR, 

I  have  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  your  two 
favors  both  of  the  226.  instant.  We  were  rein 
forced,  upon  the  late  alarm,  by  one  hundred  and  sev 
enty  militia  from  the  adjacent  counties,  one  half  of 
them  unarmed,  and  the  whole  without  ammunition 
or  provisions. 

Had  you,  Sir,  in  consequence  of  Captain  Beale's  * 
suggestions,  ordered  me  to  reinforce  Fort  Cumber 
land,  with  part  of  my  regiment,  I  should  have  given 
you  proof  of  my  willingness  to  obey  your  commands, 
in  a  speedy  compliance  with  them  ;  but  since  you  are 
so  kind  as  to  leave  it  discretionary  in  me,  I  freely 
confess  that  I  cannot  entertain  any  thoughts  of  part 
ing  with  the  few  soldiers  I  have  to  strengthen  a 
place  that  now  seems  to  be  in  no  actual  danger. 
Nor  can  I  help  observing,  that  I  think  it  a  little 
odd  Captain  Beale,  after  having  received  subsequent 
notice  of  the  first  should  intimate  that  it  was  rea 
sonable  to  reinforce  Fort  Cumberland,  at  the  ex 
pense  of  Virginia,  which  has  a  frontier  thirty  times 
the  extent  of  Maryland  to  defend,  and  that  fron 
tier  left  solely  to  the  protection  of  her  few  regular 
troops.2 

1  Commandant  of  the  garrison  at  Fort  Frederick  in  Maryland. 

2  Colonel  Washington  was  in  some  sort  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Stan- 
wix,  but  to  what  extent  he  did  not  know,  as  he  had  received  no   instructions  on 
that  head,  and   the  Governor  continued   to  issue  his  orders  as  formerly.     At 
length  the   Governor  wrote  as  follows  : — "  Colonel  Stanwix  being  appointed 
commander-in- chief  [of  the  middle  and  southern  provinces],  you  must  submit 


456  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

I  would  only  ask  Capt.  Beale  which  is  most  eligi 
ble  :  the  militia  of  Maryland  (who  were  also  in  motion 
at  the  same  time  with  those  of  Virginia)  defending 
whatever  stores  that  province  might  hold  at  Ft. 
Frederick,  while  the  troops  in  that  garrison  should 
march  to  the  other  ;  or,  for  us  to  leave  the  valuable 
stores  which  are  at  this  place,  belonging  to  his 
Majesty  and  the  Colony  in  an  unfinished  fort,  to  the 
uncertain  defence  of  militia,  who  would  not  be  pre 
vailed  upon  to  give  the  least  assistance  towards  the 
public  works  at  this  place,  and  march  a  part  of  the 
only  force  which  we  can  in  any  wise  depend  upon 
from  a  much-exposed  part  of  the  country,  in  order  to 
ease  Maryland.  If  the  expense  of  keeping  her  militia 
in  arms  is  really  the  question,  Capt,  Beale  can  appear 
in  no  favorable  point  of  light  to  me. 

I     flatter   myself,    the    expected    attack    of    Fort 

to  his  orders,  without  regard  to  any  you  have  from  me  ;  he,  being  near  the 
place,  can  direct  affairs  better  than  I  can." 

Notwithstanding  the  above  direction,  the  Governor  did  not  cease  to  write, 
give  commands,  require  returns,  and  utter  complaints  as  usual,  thereby  increas 
ing  the  endless  perplexities  and  bewildering  doubts,  with  which  Colonel  Wash 
ington  was  harassed  in  all  his  plans  and  operations. 

It  has  heretofore  been  seen,  that  he  had  requested  leave  of  absence  for  a  few 
days  to  attend  to  certain  private  affairs  of  a  very  pressing  nature,  at  Mount 
Vernon.  He  afterwards  repeated  this  request,  and,  as  he  seemed  to  be  under 
two  commanders,  he  thought  it  expedient  to  consult  them  both.  The  Governor 
answered: — "As  to  the  settlement  of  your  brother's  estate,  your  absence  on 
that  account  from  Fort  Loudoun  must  be  suspended,  till  our  affairs  give  a  bet 
ter  prospect."  Colonel  Stanwix  replied  to  the  same  request: — "More  than 
two  weeks  ago  I  answered  your  letter,  in  which  you  mentioned  its  being  con 
venient  to  your  private  affairs  to  attend  to  them  for  a  fortnight.  In  that  an 
swer  I  expressed  my  concern,  that  you  should  think  such  a  thing  necessary 
to  mention  to  me,  as  I  am  sure  you  would  not  choose  to  be  out  of  call,  should 
the  service  require  your  immediate  attendance  ;  and  I  hope  you  will  always 
take  that  liberty  upon  yourself,  which  I  hope  you  will  now  do." 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  457 

Augusta,  will  prove  more  favorable,  than  Colonel 
Weiser  imagines  ;  for  I  have  no  conception,  that  a 
road  fit  for  the  reception  of  carriages  can  be  cut 
within  ten  miles  of  a  fort,  without  the  garrison  dis 
covering  it.  It  was  a  careless  mistake  of  my  Quarter 
master  to  send  you  101  barrels  of  gun  powder. 

It  is  quite  manifest  to  every  person  who  has  had  an 
opportunity  of  experiencing  the  advantages  of  Indian 
services,  that  the  friendship  and  assistance  of  the 
Cherokees  are  well  worth  cultivating.  For  my  own 
part,  I  think  they  are  indispensably  necessary  in  our 
present  circumstances,  and  am  sorry  to  find  such  un 
seasonable  delays  in  bringing  them  amongst  us. 
Since  Captain  Croghan  left  this  place,  Outassity,1  an 
Indian  warrior  of  that  nation,  with  twenty-seven  fol 
lowers,  has  arrived  here.  He  brings  an  account  of 
many  more  that  are  coming  ;  but  whether  they  will 
wait  for  Mr.  Atkin's  passport,  or  will  come  on  with 
their  own,  I  know  not. 

I  have  just  received  a  letter  from  Governor  Din- 
widdie,  in  which  he  desires  me  to  present  his  compli 
ments  to  you.  I  am,  &c.2 

1  Also  spelled  Outacita.     He  was  one  of  the  most  noted  Cherokee  chiefs  of 
the  day,  and  as  early  as  1721  was  known  as  King  of  the  Lower  and  Middle 
Cherokee  settlements.     In   1730  he  visited  England  with  Sir  Alexander  Gum 
ming  and  entered  into  a  treaty  with  George  II.     His  name  occurs  frequently 
in  connection  with  Indian  affairs  in  the  colonial  records,  and  as  late  as  July 
1777  he  signed  the  treaty  of  Holston. — Maxwell,  Virginia  Historical  Register, 
v.,  74. 

2  "  If  there  should  be  any  thing  done  in  it  [purchase  of  clothing],  I  hope,  as 
it  is  a  perquisite  inseparable  from  the  Colonel,  that  the  country  will  allow  it  to 
me,  especially  since  the  Governor  has  stripped  me  of  the  only  one  that  was  al 
lowed,  and  substituted  a  very  inadequate  reward  in  its  room." — To  Robinson, 
10  July,  1757- 


458  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

[n  July,  1757.] 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

I  had  just  closed  mine  yesterday,  and  was  going 
to  send  off  Jenkins  *  with  it,  when  yours  of  the  24th 
ultimo  came  to  hand. 

The  Deserters  apprehended  at  Maidstone,  were 
treated  with  such  lenity  as  their  subsequent  behav 
iour  convinces  me  was  misplaced  :  several  of  them 
having  since  deserted. 

This  infamous  practice,  wherein  such  numbers  of 
our  men  have  (by  means  of  the  villainy  and  ill-judged 
compassion  of  the  country-people,  who  deem  it  a 
merit  to  assist  Deserters,)  has  been  wonderfully  suc 
cessful  ;  and  is  now  arrived  at  such  a  height,  that 
nothing  can  stop  its  scandalous  progress,  but  the 
severest  punishments,  and  most  striking  examples. 
Since  mine  of  yesterday,  no  less  than  24  more  of  the 
Draughts  (after  having  received  their  money  and 
clothes)  deserted  :  notwithstanding  every  precaution 
I  cou'd  suggest  was  taken  to  prevent  it :  among 
others,  I  had  all  the  roads  way-laid  in  the  night- 
Seven  of  those  who  went  off  last  night,  took  that 
road  that  happened  to  be  blocked  up.  Mr.  Hughes 
(whom  your  Honor  was  pleased  to  appoint  adjutant) 
and  two  Soldiers,  took  two  of  them,  after  exchanging 
some  shot,  and  wou'd  in  all  probability  have  taken 
them  all,  had  he  not  been  disabled  in  the  right  hand, 
&  one  of  our  Soldiers  shot  thro'  the  leg  ;  and,  it  is 
believed,  one  of  the  Deserters  was  killed  in  the  conflict. 

1  A  person  employed  to  ride  express  between  Williamsburg  and  the  army. 


J757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  459 


I  must  again,  earnestly  request,  your  Honor  will 
please  to  send  me  up  a  copy  of  the  mutiny  and  de 
sertion  bill,  passed  the  last  Session  of  Assembly  ; T 
with  blank  warrants  to  execute  the  Sentence  of  the 
Courts  martial ;  without  which  I  fear  we  will  soon 
lose,  not  only  all  the  draughts,  but,  by  their  going  off 
with  impunity,  there  is  such  a  bad  example,  as  will 
render  even  the  detention  of  the  old  Soldiers  imprac 
ticable. 

As  the  pressing  exigency  of  this  unhappy  juncture 
demands  the  utmost  expedition,  in  which  the  welfare 
of  the  Colony  is  so  nearly  concerned  ;  I  flatter  myself 
your  Honor  will  not  hesitate  at  sending  me  blank- 
warrants. 

By  a  course  of  unerring  experience,  I  am  convinced 
beyond  any  doubt,  that  nothing  but  the  most  rigorous 
measures  can  have  the  least  effect. 

The  inconceivable  trouble  those  discontented  tur 
bulent  fellows  give  us,  and  the  few  Officers  that  now 
remain  here,  have  greatly  impeded  the  service;  and 
laid  me  under  the  necessity  of  appointing  the  three 
oldest  volunteers,  vizt.  Mess  :  Speake,  Felt,  and  Wood, 
Ensigns,  which  I  hope  your  Honor  will  approve  of. 

I  am  glad  your  Honor  does  not  think  of  the  addi 
tional  companies,  or  Rangers,  till  the  Regiment  is 
complete.  A  short  time  has  already  demonstrated 
how  justly  founded  your  apprehensions  on  that  head 
were.  As  I  now  begin  to  despair  of  seeing  the  8 

1  "  Our  printing  office  is  so  closely  engaged  in  printing  the  paper  currency 
that  I  could  not  get  the  mutiny  and  desertion  act  in  print." — Din-widdie  to 
Washington,  18  July,  1757. 


460  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

companies  that  remain  in  the  Colony,  compleated — I 
am  convinced  every  day  will  lessen  our  numbers  'till 
some  sad  examples  are  made  of  the  Deserters. 

As  the  unhappy  fate  of  poor  Capt.  Spotswood 
seems  now  to  be  ascertained,  and  made  a  vacant 
company  in  the  Regiment ;  I  beg  leave  to  recommend 
Capt.  M'Neill  in  the  warmest  manner  to  your  Honor 
for  it ;  not  only  from  his  undoubted  title  of  seniority 
but  from  his  great  merit,  hard  fate,  and  long  suffer 
ings  in  his  rank  and  pay. 

Should  he  be  again  superseded,  it  cannot  be  ima 
gined  that  a  man  of  his  spirit  will  be  any  longer 
detained  in  the  service  however  prejudicial  his  leaving 
it  may  otherwise  be  to  him.  And  I  must  confess  it 
would  give  me  pain  that  we  should  lose  a  good  officer 
thro'  the  default  of  common  justice. 

Your  Honor  seems  surprized  at  my  returning  432 
men  in  May,  and  but  384  in  June.  It  is  true,  there 
were  several  desertions  in  that  interval,  but  if  your 
Honor  will  take  the  trouble  of  looking  [at]  those  two 
returns  it  will  immediately  remove  your  surprize  : 
That  of  May  was  of  my  total  effectives  ;  and  that  of 
the  1 6th  of  June  was  only  of  the  number  I  then  had 
fit  for  Duty  ;  designed  to  shew  your  Honor  what  I 
had  actually  fit  for  service,  at  a  time  when  we  were 
threatened  with  the  most  imminent  danger. 

The  reason  of  my  being  so  urgent  for  the  blank 
warrants  is  that  I  am  persuaded,  that  postponing  the 
punishments  ordered  by  the  courts-martial  will  not 
only  diminish  the  terror  of  delinquents,  but  encour 
age  other  of  the  Soldiers  to  follow  their  base  exam- 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  461 

pie.  And,  would  your  Honor  think  proper  to  issue 
your  proclamation,  commanding  all  the  officers,  civil 
and  military,  to  exert  themselves  in  apprehending 
these  Deserters,  it  wou'd  probably  have  a  good  effect. 

I  have  ordered  a  roll  to  be  made  out  of  the 
Draughts  that  deserted,  since  they  were  received  at 
Fredericksburg,  which  I  here  enclose  your  Honor, 
that  you  have  it  advertised,  if  you  shall  think  it 
proper. 

Although  my  Brother's  affairs  have  been  long  in 
an  unsettled  state ;  and  I  am  nearly  interested  in 
having  them  properly  adjusted,  and  which  cannot 
be  done  without  my  presence,  being  one  of  the 
Executors  ;  yet  I  did  not  purpose  when  I  asked 
leave,  nor  ever  intended  to  be  absent,  but  at  some 
favorable  time,  when  the  Service  cou'd  admit  of  it 
without  any  detriment. 

In  mine  of  the  27th  ultimo,  I  enclosed  your  Honor 
Doctr.  Ross's  (commissary  for  the  Maryland  troops) 
letter,  relating  to  the  provisions  at  Ft.  Cumberland  ; 
and  desired  your  Honor's  instructions  on  that  head. 
Since  which  the  enclosed,  on  the  same  subject,  came 
to  my  hand. 

As  Mr.  Atkin,  will  not  agree  to  part  with  any  of  the 
Dutch  blankets  which  came  up  for  the  Indians,  to  re 
place  those  of  the  Regiments,  which  Colo.  Stephen 
injudiciously  gave  away,  I  shall  be  at  a  great  loss, 
not  having  a  Blanket  left.  And  unless  they  can  be 
sent  up  soon  from  Williamsburgh,  I  shou'd  be  glad 
to  receive  orders  to  send  for  them  to  Pennsylvania. 

I  am,  &c. 


462  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

TO   COLONEL     STANWIX. 

15  July,  1757. 

DEAR  SIR, 

Your  obliging  favor  of  the  nth  instant  I  received 
this  morning.  It  will  seem  odd  to  send  you  three 
letters  under  one  cover,  and  those  so  widely  differing 
in  their  dates  : — But  the  truth  only  shall  account 
for  it. 

Mr.  Atkin  has  told  me  day  after  day,  since  the 
date  of  my  first,  that  his  Express  would  go  off  the 
next  morning, — as  he  would  the  preceding  evening 
be  able  to  finish  his  despatches  to  you.  This  pre 
vented  my  enquiring  after  any  other  conveyance,  and 
is  the  cause  of  the  delay  of  my  letters  'till  now. 

Militia,  you  will  find,  Sir,  will  never  answer  your 
expectation — no  dependence  is  to  be  placed  upon 
them  ;  They  are  obstinate  and  perverse, — they  are 
often  egged  on  by  the  Officers,  who  lead  them  to  acts 
of  disobedience,  and,  when  they  are  ordered  to  cer 
tain  posts  for  the  security  of  stores,  or  the  protection 
of  the  Inhabitants,  will,  on  a  sudden,  resolve  to  leave 
them,  and  the  united  vigilance  of  their  officers  can 
not  prevent  them. 

Instances  of  the  above  nature  I  have  now  before 
me,  which  put  me  to  some  difficulty. 

No  man  I  conceive  was  ever  worse  plagued  than  I 
have  been  with  the  Draughts  that  were  sent  from  the 
several  counties  in  this  Government,  to  complete  its 
Regiment  :  out  of  400  that  were  received  at  Fred- 
ericksburgh,  and  at  this  place,  114  have  deserted, 
notwithstanding  every  precaution,  except  absolute 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  463 

confinement  has  been  used  to  prevent  this  infamous 
practice.  I  have  used  the  most  vigorous  measures  to 
apprehend  those  fellows  who  escaped  from  hence 
(which  amounted  to  about  30)  and  have  succeeded  so 
well  that  they  are  taken  with  the  loss  of  one  of  their 
men,  and  a  Soldier  wounded.  I  have  a  Gallows 
near  40  feet  high  erected  (which  has  terrified  the  rest 
exceedingly),  and  I  am  determined  if  I  can  be  justi 
fied  in  the  proceeding,  to  hang  two  or  three  on  it,  as 
an  example  to  others. 

An  affair  has  happened  at  this  place,  which  may,  I 
apprehend,  be  productive  of  very  unhappy  conse 
quences  ;  it  is  this  :  About  6  days  ago,  came  to  this 
town,  from  Chota,  in  the  Cherokee  Nation,  ten  In 
dians  ;  some  of  whom  call  themselves  Mingo's  tribe 
of  the  Six  Nations  ;  others  Cherokees,  &c.  But  as 
they  gave  no  good  account  of  their  intentions,  Mr. 
Atkin  suspected  their  loyalty  ;  and  taking  them  for 
Spies,  has  caused  them  to  be  put  in  close  confine 
ment,  in  which  they  now  remain. 

This  procedure  greatly  alarmed  and  at  the  same 
time  exasperated  about  12  Cherokees,  who  were  at 
this  place  and  knew  all  the  prisoners  :  and  has 
obliged  Mr.  Atkin  to  send  an  Express  to  the  South 
Branch  to  bring  Outassity  down,  who  now  lies  sick 
there,  to  clear  the  matter  up.  He  is  not  yet  arrived. 
-Nineteen  Indians  and  the  Officers  I  mentioned  in 
my  last,  marched  from  Fort  Cumberland  the  Qth  in 
stant,  for  Ft.  Duquesne.  By  their  return  I  hope  I 
shall  receive  some  intelligence  worth  transmitting  to 
you.  At  present  we  are  pretty  peaceable. 


464  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

The  Philadelphia  post,  which  formerly  came  to 
this  place,  being  stopped,  prevents  our  hearing  any  for 
eign  news  ;  but  what  are  transmitted  in  the  channel 
of  friendly  Letters.  We  greatly  regret  the  loss  of 
this  post,  and  wou'd  gladly  keep  it  up  by  private  sub 
scription,  from  this  to  Carlyle,  if  it  comes  that  length.1 


TO    GOVERNOR    SHARPE. 

20th  July,  1757. 

SIR, 

I  have  undoubted  intelligence  that  many  Deserters 
from  the  Virginia  Regiment  are  gone  to,  and  are  har 
bored  and  protected  in  several  counties  of  your  prov 
ince,  especially  Baltimore  County,  under  the  specious 
pretext  of  their  unjust  detention,  after  the  expiration 
of  the  time,  which,  the  Deserters  (I  learn)  pretend 
was  limited  when  they  enlisted. — And  some  in  author 
ity,  either  from  an  ill  placed  compassion,  or  from  that 
spirit  of  opposition  to  the  service,  which  is  too  prev 
alent  through  the  Continent — have  not  only  coun 
tenanced  those  Deserters,  but  made  use  of  your 
Excellency's  name  for  that  purpose  ;  as  you  may  ob~ 

1  The  Post-office  of  the  Colonies  was  at  this  time  under  the  management  of 
Franklin  and  Colonel  John  Hunter,  and  its  service  extended  from  Georgia  to 
New  Hampshire.  The  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  when  Braddock  marched 
west,  had  established  a  special  post  from  Winchester  to  Philadelphia,  "  for  the 
accommodation  of  the  army  chiefly"  ;  but  as  early  as  August,  1756,  Franklin 
had  given  notice  that  it  must  be  discontinued  unless  supported  by  grants  from 
Maryland  and  Virginia. — Franklin,  Works,  ii.,  470.  Governor  Denny  of 
Pennsylvania,  asserted  that  Franklin  took  advantage  of  his  official  position  to 
circulate  his  newspaper  and  receive  intelligence  free,  "  which  he  may  make 
the  best  or  worst  use  of  in  the  present  situation  of  affairs." — Penn.  Colonial 
Records,  vii.,  447. 


i?57]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  465 

serve  by  the  enclosed,  (a  copy  of  the  original  is  in 
my  possession.) 

I  am  quite  certain,  that  no  orders  have  been  issued, 
since  I  have  been  honored  with  the  command  of  this 
Regiment,  to  enlist  for  any  limited  term,  and  Captn. 
Gist  (upon  whom  the  Deserters  would  fix  this  charge) 
declares  on  his  honor,  that  he  never  mentioned  limit 
ing  their  time  of  Service  in  any  other  way  than  this, 
that  they  should  be  discharged  at  the  conclusion  of 
the  War  or  Expedition,  which  might  possibly  be 
ended  in  6  or  8  months  : — which  could  be  deemed 
nothing  more  than  one  of  those  little  subterfuges 
which,  from  the  disagreeable  nature  of  the  Recruiting 
Service,  has,  at  some  junctures  been  considered 
necessary  ;  Though  I  must  still  think,  [it]  would 
come  with  a  better  grace,  from  a  Sergeant,  than  a 
commissioned  Officer. 

I  am  sure,  from  your  Excellency's  good  sense,  ex 
perience,  and  knowledge  in  military  affairs,  that  you 
have  given  no  decision  in  this  affair,  without  a  proper 
enquiry,  which  cou'd  not  well  be  made  without  the 
attendance  of  those  who  recruited  the  Deserters  ;  and 
that  Magistrates  have,  from  the  report  of  the  De 
serters,  afforded  them  this  unjustifiable  protection. 
As  this  is  the  point  of  view  in  which  it  appears  to  me  ; 
I  have  ordered  Ensign  Fell,  (who  assisted  in  recruit 
ing  them)  to  wait  on  Your  Excellency  ;  and  request 
you  wou'd  be  pleased  to  have  the  affair  enquired 
into ;  that  if  the  allegations  of  the  Deserters  be 
false,  you  will  please  to  give  such  orders  as  will 
enable  me  to  have  them  apprehended  and  if  they  are 


466  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

well  grounded,  that  I  may  have  Captn.  Gist's  conduct, 
for  disobedience  of  orders,  enquired  into. 

I  judge  this  step  necessary  to  be  taken,  previously 
to  my  laying  the  affair  before  the  Commander  in 
Chief,  therefore  hope  His  Excellency  will  forgive 
this  trouble  from  him  who  has  the  honor  of  being 
with  great  respect,  &c.' 


GENERAL  INSTRUCTIONS    TO   ALL   THE    CAPTAINS 

OF  COMPANIES. 

29th  July,  1757. 
GENTLEMEN, 

The  principal  end  proposed  in  sending  you  to  the  post  to  which 
you  are  ordered  is  to  protect  the  Inhabitants  of  those  parts,  and 
to  keep  them  if  possible  easy  and  quiet. 

I  injoin  it  upon  you,  therefore,  to  use  every  means  which  you 
and  your  officers  shall  judge  advisable,  to  answer  this  salutary 
purpose  -particularly  by  keeping  out  constant  scouting  parties  ; 
who  with  diligence  care  and  precaution,  are  to  range  all  those 
parts  thro'  which  the  Enemy  make  their  inroads  :  and,  when  the 
enemy  draw  near  the  Quarter  you  are  in,  to  exert  your  utmost 
efforts  in  preventing  the  inhabitants  from  suffering,  by  giving 
them  all  the  intelligence  you  can  of  their  danger,  and  by 
endeavouring  to  cover  them,  by  way-laying  those  defiles,  thro' 
which  the  enemy  are  most  likely  to  pass,  before  they  can  pene 
trate  into  the  Inhabitants. 

These  parties  are  to  consist  of  such  numbers  as  the  service  may 
require,  and  your  circumstances  with  admit.  But  in  general  I 
wou'd  have  a  third  part  of  your  well  men  and  an  officer  (fre 
quently,  if  not  always  to  command  ;  altho'  he  may  judge  the 
party  too  small  for  his  rank.) 

You  are  by  no  means  to  impress  Horses,  yourself,  or  licence 
any  person  or  persons  under  your  command  to  do  it — except  in 

1  Upon  the  receipt  of  this  letter  Governor  Sharpe  at  once  issued  circular 
i  instructions  calling  upon  "  all  and  every  of  the  officers,  both  civil  and  military 
i  in  Baltimore  County  "  to  use  their  best  endeavors  in  securing  the  deserters. 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  467 


cases  of  necessity  and  where  the  Interest  of  the  Service  indispen 
sably  requires  it  for  Expresses,  &c,  and  then  you  are  to  be 
careful  in  seeing  that,  as  soon  as  the  service  is  performed,  they  be 
immediately  returned  to  their  proper  owners  in  good  order ; 
paying  the  hire  of  them,  or  else  to  give  a  certificate,  specifying 
for  what  service  they  were  pressed,  and  how  long  employed 
in  it. 

You  are  not  to  accommodate  any  Indians,  that  may  happen  to 
pass  your  way,  with  Horses,  unless  it  be  upon  extraordinary  cases, 
nor  are  you  to  hold  any  Conferences  with  them  upon  Business, 
only  on  such  points  as  relate  to  the  Service  in  which  you  are 
immediately  engaged.  Neither  are  you  to  attempt  making 
Treaties  with  them,  or  to  make  them  presents,  promises,  &c.,  or 
any  liquor,  but  in  a  very  sparing  manner. 

If  at  any  time  or  upon  any  occasion,  you  shou'd  pay  away 
money  for  contingent  Expences,  you  are  to  take  receipts  for 
them,  ascertaining  the  sum,  &  for  what  service  paid  ;  and  keep 
an  exact  accompt  thereof,  in  order  to  lay  it  before  me,  or  any 
other  person  whom  the  Government  may  think  proper  to  substi 
tute. — And  all  Services  done  the  public  for  which  you  do  not  pay 
ready  money,  you  are  to  give  certificates,  setting  forth  the  nature 
and  causes  thereof,  as  aforesaid.  And  all  accompts  relative  to 
provisions  you  are  to  settle  with  the  Commissary  or  agents  whom 
the  Governor  shall  appoint  and  all  that  relate  to  your  own  and 
company's  pay,  with  the  pay-master. 

You  are  to  take  care  that  only  one  pound  of  flour,  and  the  like 
quantity  of  meat,  be  delivered  to  each  man  per  day,  and  that  no 
more  women  draw  provisions,  than  in  proportion  as  6  to  100 
men. 

You  must  prevent  any  provisions  issuing  without  a  written  order 
from  yourself,  or  the  officer  commanding  in  your  absence — To 
have  regular  returns  made  out  for  that  purpose — To  cause  all 
provisions  to  be  exactly  weighed,  &c. 

You  are  to  use  every  imaginable  precaution  to  prevent  irregular 
suttling,  licentious  swearing,  and  all  other  unbecoming  irregulari 
ties — and  to  neglect  no  pains  or  diligence  in  training  your  men 
(when  off  duty)  to  the  true  use  and  exercise  of  their  arms  ;  and 
teaching  them  in  all  other  respects,  the  duties  of  their  profession 


468  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

Be  particularly  careful  in  seeing  that  they  take  proper  care  of 
their  clothes  and  accoutrements  ;  which  you  are  to  do,  by  inspect 
ing  narrowly  every  Saturday  at  least,  into  their  order  ;  &  by 
furnishing  and  making  stoppages  from  those  who  have  lost,  sold, 
or  otherwise  made  away  with,  or  abused  their  things,  till  full 
reparation  is  had. 

That  this  piece  of  duty  may  be  conducted  with  ease  ;  divide 
your  men  into  as  many  squads  as  there  are  Sergeants, — and  make 
it  the  duty  of  each  Sergeant  (who  is  to  keep  the  Roll  of  their 
necessaries  for  that  purpose)  to  see  that  the  men  of  his  squad 
have  their  clothes,  arms,  and  accoutrements  always  together,  and 
in  good  order.  This  method  I  recommend  as  an  alleviation  of 
but  not  an  excuse  for  the  officers  to  neglect  this  duty  themselves. 

I  also  desire  that  the  greatest  regularity  may  be  constantly 
observed  in  relieving  the  Guards,  the  Sentries,  and  all  other 
parts  of  ceremonious  duty.  That  the  men  may  not  by  neglect 
ing  this,  contract  bad  habits,  but  rather  thro'  a  strict  observance, 
become  intimately  acquainted  with,  and  knowing  in  their  duty. 
And  as  I  wou'd  have  the  whole  regiment  tho'  never  so  much 
divided  at  present,  pursue  the  same  system  of  discipline,  even  in 
the  most  minute  punctilios,  You  are  to  send  an  alert  Sergeant  or 
Corporal  and  two  or  three  men,  fit  for  the  Drill,  to  this  place  to 
be  perfected  therein,  who,  on  their  return,  are  to  instruct  the  rest 
of  your  Command. 

I  recommend  it  to  you,  likewise,  and  in  the  strongest  terms,  that 
you  and  the  officers  under  your  command,  do  make  yourselves 
master  of  the  necessary  salutes. 

You  are  to  give  in  an  exact  size,  and  necessary  role  of  your  com 
pany  and  to  see  that  no  non-commissioned  Officer  or  Soldier  is 
ever  provided  with  less  than  3  good  shirts,  two  pair  of  good 
Stockings,  and  one  pair  of  good  Shoes,  and  that  the  initial  letters 
of  their  names  are  marked  upon  their  ammunition,  clothes,  and 
accoutrements,  which  you  must  cause  to  be  entered  in  a  Book 
kept  for  that  purpose,  to  prevent  their  swapping  and  changing 
their  things.  You  are  also  to  be  vastly  careful  in  making  them 
preserve  their  Regimentals,  and  to  make  them  appear  always 
neat  and  clean,  and  soldier-like — especially  when  they  are  upon 
Duty. 


1757]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  469 

You  are  to  transmit  me  the  most  exact  and  regular  returns, 
made  out  once  a  month,  not  only  of  the  strength  of,  and  alterations 
in,  your  company  (or  command)  but  also  of  the  arms,  ammunition, 
clothes,  and  stores,  carefully  examined  by  yourself,  to  prevent 
such  egregious  mistakes  as  often  happen  thro'  the  negligence 
of  the  Officers  in  trusting  to  the  Sergeants,  as,  upon  failure  herein, 
you  may  depend  upon  being  relieved  and  tried  for  disobedience 
of  orders. 

You  are  also  to  hold  me  duly  advised  of  all  material  occur 
rences  in  your  Quarter.  You  are  not  to  give  furloughs  to  more 
than  one  Soldier  at  a  time,  unless  some  particular  cause  requires 
it,  and  then  you  are  to  insert  the  reasons  and  time  of  their  absence 
at  the  foot  of  your  return,  if  they  should  not  happen  to  be  present 
at  the  time  it  is  made.  Shou'd  any  of  your  men  desert,  you  are  to 
use  your  utmost  endeavours  in  having  them  apprehended  ;  and 
whatever  expence  you  are  at,  over  and  above  what  the  country 
allows,  is  to  be  deducted  from  the  pay  of  such  offending  Soldiers, 
if  they  shou'd  happen  to  be  taken. 

Each  Deserter  is  advertised  at  40.?.  reward,  and  more,  when 
other  aggravating  circumstances  accompany  his  desertion. 

I  expect  you  will  take  great  pains  to  make  your  Soldiers  good 
marks-men  by  teaching  them  to  shoot  at  Targets. 

I  have  been  thus  particular  in  my  Instructions  to  you,  because 
I  expect  the  most  punctual  obedience  will  be  paid  to  them  ;  be 
ing  determined  not  to  overlook  neglects  of  duty  in  any, — but  to 
act  with  the  utmost  strictness  (agreeably  to  the  Instructions  which 
L  am  honored  with  from  the  Governor)  :  and  therefore,  in  order 
to  enable  you  to  support  a  proper  command  :— 

I  hereby  require,  that  you  do  put  any  officer  under  arrest 
whom  you  shall  find  negligent  in  his  duty,  or  misbehaving  as 
a  Gentleman,  and  either  enquire  into  his  conduct  with  your 
own  Officers  (in  order  to  a  further  examination  at  this  place, 
or  send  him  here,  (at  once)  for  that  purpose. 

And  I  do  hereby  direct  you  to  hold  courts  martial  for  trying 
and  punishing  non-commissioned  officers  and  soldiers  (Without 
which  the  former  are  not  to  be  broke,  and  after  which,  by  no 
means  to  be  reinstated,  nor  new  ones  appointed,  without  my 
approbation.)  In  all  other  respects  you  are  to  govern  yourselves 


470  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

exactly  agreeable  to  the  articles  of  War,  and  the  rules  and  customs 
of  the  Army. 

Permit  me  before  I  finish  (and  now  that  the  companies  are 
formed  for  service,  and  agreeable  to  order)  to  recommend — and 
I  do  in  the  strongest  manner  I  can  to  you  and  your  Officers, — to 
devote  some  part  of  your  leisure  hours  to  the  study  of  your  pro 
fession,  a  knowledge  in  which  cannot  be  attained  without  applica 
tion  ;  nor  any  merit  or  applause  to  be  atchieved  without  a  certain 
knowledge  thereof.  Discipline  is  the  soul  of  an  army. — It  makes 
small  numbers  formidable  ;  procures  success  to  the  weak,  and 
esteem  to  all  ;  and  may,  in  a  peculiar  manner  to  us,  who  are  in 
the  way  to  be  joined  to  Regulars  in  a  very  short  time,  and  of 
distinguishing  thro'  this  means,  from  other  Provincials. 

You  are  to  be  at  no  expence  in  building  or  repairing  old  works, 
without  first  apprizing  me  thereof,  because  the  money  appropri 
ated  to  that  purpose  is  expended.  The  safety  and  convenience 
of  soldiers  render  it  a  duty  upon  them  to  repair  the  works,  and 
make  lodgments  for  themselves.  I  wou'd  therefore  have  you 
observe  this,  and  act  conformably  to  it. 


TO    COLONEL     STANWIX. 

FORT  LOUDOUN,  30  July,  1757. 

DEAR  SIR, 

My  former  letters  would  inform  you  how  little 
share  I  had  in  confining  the  Indians  in  the  public 
jail  at  this  place. 

Mr.  Atkin,  in  his  Majesty's  name,  applied  to  me 
as  commanding  officer  for  aid  to  secure  these  people, 
which  I  thereupon  did,  but  not  without  first  repre 
senting  the  consequences,  that  might  and  in  some 
measure  really  did  happen.  This  step  was  no  sooner 
taken,  than  the  Cherokees  in  town,  about  twenty-two 
in  number,  despatched  a  runner  to  inform  their  peo 
ple,  that  the  English  had  fallen  upon  their  brethren, 
and  desired  that  they  (the  Cherokees)  would  stand 


1757]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  47 1 

upon  their  defence.  Another  runner,  you  are  sensi 
ble,  went  to  Carlisle  to  inform  the  warriors  there  of 
it,  who  returned  fully  resolved  to  rescue  the  prison 
ers,  or  die  in  the  attempt.  The  former  they  did,  and 
were  so  enraged  with  Mr.  Atkin,  that  they  would 
hold  no  conference  with  him  the  next  day,  when  he 
sent  to  desire  it,  till  they  had  first  been  with  me  for 
information.  I  took  great  pains  to  convince  them, 
that  it  was  a  mistake,  and  happily  succeeded.  They 
readily  agreed  to  send  an  Indian  with  an  express, 
whom  I  might  procure,  to  their  nation  to  prevent  a 
massacre  of  all  the  traders  and  white  people  there, 
which  they  looked  upon  as  inevitable,  except  timely 
measures  were  taken  to  prevent  it. 

Out  of  the  great  number  of  drafts  that  have  de 
serted  from  us,  we  have  been  able  to  apprehend 
twenty-two  ;  of  whom  -two  were  hanged  on  Thursday 
last.1  The  eight  companies  now  remaining  in  Vir 
ginia  are  completed  to  about  eighty,  rank  and  file, 
four  commanding  officers,  four  sergeants,  and  two 
drummers,  and  are  all  marched  to  the  several  posts 
assigned  them. 

The  commission,  which  I  have  received  from  Gov 
ernor  Dinwiddie,  to  hold  general  courts-martial,  is 
very  long,  and  rather  a  repetition  of  the  act.  I 
should  be  obliged,  if  you  would  let  me  know  whether 
this  be  right  or  not.  I  took  the  liberty  in  a  letter  of 
the  -  -  to  ask  leave  to  be  absent  about  twelve  or 
fourteen  days,  if  circumstances  in  this  quarter  would 


1  "  Your  Honor  will,  I  hope,  excuse  my  hanging  instead  of  shooting  them. 
It  conveyed  much  more  terror  to  others,  and  it  was  for  example  sake  that  we 
did  it." — To  Diniuiddie,  3  Aug.,  1757. 


472  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

permit,  but  having  heard  nothing  from  you  since,  I 
am  inclined  to  address  you  again  on  that  head,  be 
cause  the  ist  of  August  is  the  time  appointed  for 
the  meeting  of  the  executors  (of  which  I  am  one)  of 
an  estate  that  I  am  much  interested  in  a  dividend  of, 
and  have  suffered  much  already  by  the  unsettled  state 
it  has  remained  in.  This  estate  does  not  lie  more 
than  a  day's  journey  from  this  place,  so  that  I  could 
return  very  quickly,  if  occasion  required  it. 

P.  S.  Since  writing  the  above  I  have  received  the 
enclosed  from  Captn.  McKenzie.  Captn.  Waggener 
just  before  with  upwards  of  100  men,  had  marched 
to  the  place  he  speaks  of,  to  strengthen  the  garrisons 
on  the  Branch.  I  have  sent  him  orders  to  select  a 
good  company  (if  the  enemy  still  remain  there)  and 
use  his  best  endeavors  to  fall  in  with  their  encamp 
ment  ;  and  I  am  certain  he  will  neglect  no  means  to 
accomplish  it.  I  have  also  advice  from  the  southern 
frontiers  of  Augusta  County,  that  the  Indians  have 
appeared,  and  done  some  mischief.  Major  Lewis 
with  a  detachment  of  250  men  (including  a  company 
of  50  already  in  those  parts)  marched  to  occupy 
Voss's  and  Dickinson's  forts,  and  to  repel  the  enemy 
if  they  still  continued  to  commit  depredations. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

FORT  LOUDOUN,  27  August,  1757. 


SIR, 

Your  favor  of  the  i3th  by  Mr.  Boyd,  I  have  re 
ceived.  The  drafts  from  Lunenburg  are  arrived,  to 
the  number  of  sixteen,  which  does  not  replace  the 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  473 

soldiers,  that  have  deserted  since  my  last,  so  preva 
lent  is  this  infamous  practice  yet.  The  drafts,  when 
they  were  divided  among  the  eight  companies  in 
July,  completed  them  to  eighty-six  rank  and  file  ; 
and  there  remained  over  and  above  forty  workmen, 
which  I  detained  at  this  place,  as  mentioned  in  a 
former  letter. 

What  the  strength  of  the  companies  is  just  at  this 
time,  I  am  no  more  able  to  say,  (not  knowing  what 
casualties  may  have  happened  since,)  than  I  am  to 
send  your  Honor  a  return  of  the  regiment,  which  is 
impossible  to  do  till  I  get  my  returns  from  the  sev 
eral  out-posts  ;  and  that,  I  believe  your  Honor  must 
be  sensible,  is  difficult  and  precarious,  dispersed  as 
the  regiment  is.  I  have  given  express  orders,  how 
ever,  that  those  returns  shall  be  made  to  me  as  regu 
larly  as  the  nature  of  things  will  admit,  and  I  shall 
not  be  wanting  in  my  duty  to  forward  them,  nor  shall 
I  delay  to  send  the  companies'  size-rolls,  when  they 
come  to  my  hands,  and  I  have  directed  these  last  also 
to  be  made  out  and  sent  to  me,  carefully  examined, 

The  enclosed  is  a  copy  of  a  report  made  to  me  by 
two  officers,  who  were  instructed  to  inspect  into  the 
state  of  the  provisions  at  Fort  Cumberland.  Mr. 
Kennedy,  who  was  entrusted  with  the  care  of  these 
provisions,  is  now  there  repacking  and  pickling  them  ; 
and  when  he  has  finished,  I  shall  endeavour  to  do 
the  best  I  can  with  them,  but  despair  of  turning  them 
to  the  least  advantage. 

A  letter,  which  I  received  a  few  days  ago  from 
Captain  Waggener  advises,  that  the  enemy  appeared 


474  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

upon  the  Branch,  not  far  from  his  neighbourhood, 
(their  numbers  uncertain,)  and  killed  men,  and  cap 
tivated  others,  without  his  being  able  to  meet  with 
them.  On  Sunday  last,  a  small  party  of  five  Cher- 
okees,  who  came  here  a  few  days  ago,  set  out  to  war. 

Your  Honor  having  asked  my  opinion  concerning 
recruiting,  I  shall  give  it  candidly  as  follows.  I  be 
lieve,  unless  we  are  permitted  to  enlist  servants,  we 
should  spend  much  time  to  little  purpose  in  this  ser 
vice  ;  There  is  such  a  spirit  of  opposition  prevailing 
in  one  sort  of  people,  and  so  little  spirit  of  any  kind 
in  another.  I  never  thought,  in  the  most  distant 
degree,  of  recruiting  for  the  additional  companies, 
till  the  others  were  complete  ;  nor  should  I  have 
mentioned  that  but  thinking  it  was  required  by  act 
of  Assembly. 

As  your  Honor  were  pleased  to  leave  to  my  dis 
cretion  to  punish  or  pardon  the  criminals,  I  have 
resolved  on  the  latter,  since  I  find  example  of  so  lit 
tle  weight,  and  since  those  poor  unhappy  criminals 
have  undergone  no  small  pain  of  body  and  mind,  in 
a  dark  prison,  closely  ironed. 

I  have  filled  up  a  commission  for  Sergeant  Feint,1 
and  will  send  it  to  him  by  the  first  safe  conveyance. 
Colonel  Stanwix,  I  am  told  (the  truth  of  which  I 
doubt),  is  marched  to  the  northward.  I  have  no  ac 
count  from  him  these  four  weeks. 

Mr.  Boyd,  (whom  I  have  spoken  to  on  the  matter,) 
conceives,  there  will  be  no  money  left  for  contingent 

1  Sergeant   Fent,  who  had  recently  escaped   from   Fort   Du   Quesne.     The 
Governor  described  him  as  "  a  well-behaved  man." 


1757]  GRORGE   WASHINGTON.  475 


expenses,  when  he  has  paid  the  troops.  I  shall  do 
as  your  Honor  directs,  with  regard  to  escorting  Mr. 
Boyd  to  Augusta,  and  ordering  officers  to  wait  upon 
him  at  this  place,  however  inconvenient  it  prove  to 
the  service. 

Nothing  remarkable  has  happened,  for  which  rea 
son  I  have  nothing  particular  to  add.  I  must  beg 
leave,  however,  before  I  conclude,  to  observe  in  justi 
fication  of  my  own  conduct,  that  it  is  with  pleasure  I 
receive  reproof,  when  reproof  is  due,  because  no  per 
son  can  be  readier  to  accuse  me,  than  I  am  to  ac 
knowledge  an  error,  when  I  am  guilty  of  one  ;  nor 
more  desirous  for  atoning  for  a  crime,  when  I  am 
sensible  of  having  committed  it.  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  it  is  with  concern  I  remark,  that  my  best  en 
deavors  lose  their  reward,  and  that  my  conduct,  al 
though  I  have  uniformly  studied  to  make  it  as 
unexceptionable  as  I  could,  does  not  appear  to  you 
in  a  favorable  point  of  light.1  Otherwise  your  Honor 
would  not  have  accused  me  of  loose  behaviour  and 
remissness  of  duty,  in  matters  where,  I  believe,  I  have 
rather  exceeded  than  fallen  short  of  it.  This,  I  think, 
is  evidently  the  case  in  speaking  of  Indian  Affairs  at  all 
after  being  instructed  in  very  express  terms,  not  to  have 
any  concern  with  or  "  management  of  Indian  affairs." 
This  has  caused  me  to  forbear  mentioning  of  Indians 

1  In  the  letter  to  which  this  was  an  answer,  the  Governor  had  used  much 
freedom  of  complaint  and  censure.  "  You  have  sent  a  detachment  from  the 
regiment  to  Augusta,"  he  observed,  "  but  you  do  not  mention  the  number  ;  nor 
do  you  mention  the  receipt  of  the  small  arms  sent  from  this  ;  nor  any  account 
of  the  misunderstanding  with  the  Indians  at  Winchester.  You  must  allow  this 
is  a  loose  way  of  writing,  and  it  is  your  duty  to  be  mure  particular  to  me," 


476  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 


in  any  of  my  letters  to  your  Honor  of  late,  and  to 
leave  the  misunderstanding,  which  you  speak  of,  be 
tween  Mr.  Atkin  and  the  Indians,  to  the  former  to 
relate,  knowing  that  he  maintained  a  correspondence 
with  your  Honor  on  matters  relative  to  his  office. 
But,  with  regard  to  the  accompts,  when  he  would 
have  nothing  to  do  with  them,  and  when  I  was 
hourly  importuned  for  the  payment,  and  knew  I  had 
not  the  means  to  do  it,  what  could  I  do  less  than 
promise  the  people,  that  I  would  recommend  their 
cases  to  your  Honor,  in  hopes  that  you  would  ap 
point  a  person,  in  whom  you  could  confide,  to  take 
in  and  pay  off  their  accompts,  as  I  always  looked 
upon  it  as  a  duty  distinct  from  mine,  and  therefore 
was  unwilling  to  intermeddle  in  the  affair  ? 

I  really  thought  it  unnecessary  to  say  more,  than 
that  "  the  detachment  destined  for  Augusta  was 
marched,"  because  your  Honor  gave  me  a  copy  of 
the  council  held  at  Philadelphia,  which  directed  one 
hundred  and  fifty  men  to  be  posted  at  Dickinson's, 
and  one  hundred  at  Voss's,  which  direction  I  ob 
served,  and  thought  it  would  be  sufficiently  under 
stood  when  I  wrote  as  above. 

I  should  have  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  the 
arms,  had  they  come,  but  they  were  not  arrived  when 
my  last  was  wrote  ;  which  obliged  me  to  disarm  the 
men  that  remained  here,  in  order  to  supply  those  who 
marched,  rather  than  detain  them,  as  I  had  sent 
wagons  to  Falmouth  to  bring  'em  from  thence.  How 
ever,  if  I  have  erred  in  these  points,  I  am  sorry  for 
it,  and  shall  endeavor  for  the  future  to  be  as  partic- 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  477 


ular  and  satisfactory,  in  my  accounts  of  these  things, 
as  possible.      I  am,  &c. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

FORT  LOUDOUN,  17  September,  1757. 

SIR, 

Your  favor  of  the  2d  instant  came  safe  to  hand, 
and  Jenkins's  sickness  has  prevented  my  answering 
it  sooner. 

I  apprehend  that  thirteen  of  the  twenty-nine  drafts 
from  Lunenburg  have  deserted,  as  sixteen  only  have 
arrived  here,  and  I  have  no  accounts  of  any  more 
being  upon  the  march.  Your  Honor  may  observe 
by  the  enclosed  list  of  deserters,  all  of  whom  have 
left  the  regiment  since  the  last  return  I  sent,  and 
after  having  received  too  their  clothes,  arms,  and 
bounty  money,  how  prevalent  still  is  that  infamous 
practice  among  the  dastardly  drafts,  especially  at  this 
garrison,  where  I  indulge  them  in  every  thing  but 
idleness,  and  in  that  I  cannot,  the  nature  of  the  work 
requiring  the  contrary.  Lenity,  so  far  from  produ 
cing  its  desired  effects,  rather  emboldens  them  in 
these  villainous  undertakings.  One  of  those  who 
were  condemned  to  be  hanged,  deserted  immediately 
upon  receiving  his  pardon.  In  short,  they  tire  my 
patience,  and  almost  weary  me  to  death.  The  ex 
pense  of  pursuing  them  is  very  considerable,  and  to 
suffer  them  to  escape,  without  aiming  at  pursuit,  is 
but  giving  up  the  point,  altho'  we  have  had  but  little 
success  of  late. 


478  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

The  uncertain  and  difficult  communication  with  the 
out-posts  must  apologize  for  my  not  sending  you  a 
return  of  our  strength  for  August.  For  the  second 
month  will  always  be  far  advanced,  before  I  can  get 
in  the  returns  of  the  preceding,  as  the  latter  must  be 
first  expired,  before  the  returns  can  be  made  out,  and 
then  some  of  them  are  to  come  two  hundred  and  fifty 
miles,  and  great  part  of  that  distance  thro'  an  unin 
habited  country. 

If  special  messengers  are  always  sent  with  these 
returns,  it  will  be  a  pretty  considerable  expense.  I 
should  therefore  be  glad  if  your  Honor  would  be 
pleased  to  direct,  whether  they  are  to  be  sent  to  me  by 
express,  or  to  embrace  the  best  conveyance  without. 
In  the  one  case,  as  I  before  said,  there  must  be  a 
constant  expense,  and  in  the  other,  great  uncertainty. 
By  the  enclosed  for  July,  your  Honor  will  see  that 
our  total  strength  amounted  to  six  hundred  and 
ninety-nine  ;  but,  as  there  happened  many  changes 
and  casualties  in  that  month,  by  reason  of  the  drafts 
joining,  deserting,  and  the  companies  not  being 
properly  formed,  this  return  will,  I  apprehend,  appear 
confused  and  irregular.  Our  present  strength,  I 
guess,  is  about  seven  hundred.  Major  Lewis  did,  as 
he  wrote  your  Honor,  march  from  this  place  with 
about  one  hundred  and  forty  men  only  ;  but  then 
Captain  Woodward,  who  also  marched  at  the  same 
time,  with  his  company  from  the  South  Branch, 
joined  him  at  Dickinson's  ;  which  with  the  men 
under  Captain  Hog,  formed  a  body  of  something 
more  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  men,  agreeably  to 


1757]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  479 


the  number  appointed  at  Philadelphia  for  the  forts  at 
Dickinson's  and  Voss's. 

I  am  sorry  I  did  not  know  it  was  necessary  to  give 
the  name  of  each  officer  of  the  command,  but  shall 
do  it  now,  and  set  them  down  as  they  are  placed  in 
companies  :  Major  Lewis,  Lt  Bullet,  Lt.  Fleming, 
Ensn.  Speake,  Capt.  Woodward,  Lt.  Dangerfield,  Lt. 
Milner,  Ensn.  Sumner,  Capt.  Spotswood,  Lt.  Lomax, 
Lt.  Crawford,  Ensn.  Starke. 

The  above  are  the  officers  belonging  to  three 
companies  that  went  to  Augusta.  But  your  Honor 
knows  Capt.  Spotswood  was  absent  ;  Mr.  Milner  was 
also  absent,  and  has  been  so  at  his  father's  these  ten 
months,  in  a  consumption,  as  I  am  told.  And  I  have 
given  Sergeant  a  commission  and  appointed  him  to 
Woodward's  company,  in  lieu  of  Ensign  Sumner, 
who  is  now  to  join  Capt.  McKenzie's  company. 

As  soon  as  I  was  informed  that  Colo.  Reid  was  to 
supply  the  troops  in  Augusta  with  provisions,  I  ac 
quainted  Major  Lewis  therewith. 

As  there  is  no  addition  made  to  the  drafts,  no  men 
recruited,  and  our  numbers  daily  diminishing  by  de 
sertion,  I  cannot  see  how  you  can  expect  that  I  should 
complete  the  companies  that  are  now  undergo  to  100 
rank  and  file  each,  as  you  mention  in  your  letter. 

I  never  expected,  nor  ever  desired,  that  there 
should  be  an  addition  made  to  the  number  of  those 
persons  appointed  to  transact  public  business,  much 
less  that  there  should  be  one  to  settle  every  little  af 
fair.  I  only  humbly  proposed,  that,  as  Captain  Gist 
was  empowered  with  your  Honor's  approbation  to 


480  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

manage  the  Indian  affairs  here,  and  as  he  is  to  be 
paid  for  that  duty  by  this  colony,  that  he,  as  a  more 
proper  person  than  myself,  should  take  in  and  adjust 
the  accounts  against  the  Indians  (so  often  mentioned), 
as  it  cannot  reasonably  be  supposed  that  I,  who  am 
stripped  of  the  help  I  once  was  allowed  (and  told  that 
I  should  be  freed  from  these  things  in  consequence), 
can  turn  my  hands  and  my  thoughts  to  such  a  multi 
plicity  of  business,  as  naturally  arises  out  of  the  vari 
ety  of  occurrences,  which  are  occasioned  by  our  scat 
tered  and  detached  situation  and  the  many  extraneous 
concerns  of  the  Indians.  Every  person,  who  sees  how 
I  am  employed,  will  readily  testify,  that  very  little 
recreation  falls  to  my  lot.  Nevertheless,  if  it  is  your 
Honor's  orders,  that  I  shall  collect  these  accompts,  I 
will  do  it  in  the  best  manner  I  am  able,  and  that  with 
cheerfulness  ;  but  it  will  be  some  time  ere  it  can  be 
accomplished,  as  I  have  turned  them  off  once. 

The  Indian  chiefs,  before  they  departed  for  their 
nation,  warmly  solicited  me  for  some  drums  ;  and,  as 
I  had  none  but  those  belonging  to  the  regiment, 
which  could  not  be  spared,  I  was  obliged  to  promise 
them,  that  I  would  acquaint  your  Honor  with  their 
request,  that  you  might,  if  you  thought  proper,  pro 
vide  them  against  their  return. 

Since  my  last,  the  enemy  returned  to  the  Branch, 
where  they  killed  four  men,  wounded  one,  captivated 
a  man  and  woman,  and  burned  some  grain,  notwith 
standing  the  utmost  efforts  of  the  troops,  who  are 
constantly  scouting.  The  people  in  that  quarter  are 
terribly  affrighted  by  this  last  eruption,  and  I  fear  can 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  481 

hardly  be  prevented  from  evacuating  that  valuable 
settlement. 

Enclosed  is  a  return  of  the  Deputy  Commissary's 
return  and  report  of  the  state  of  the  provisions  at 
Fort  Cumberland  and  my  letter  to  Doctr.  Ross  on 
that  subject,  an  answer  to  which  I  hourly  expect.  I 
have  heard  from  second-hand,  that  they  intend  to 
make  no  allowance  for  the  fish  we  left  there,  saying 
they  were  the  King's  fish,  as  they  really  were,  and 
therefore  as  much  theirs  as  ours.  I  should  be  glad 
to  know  your  Honor's  sentiments  on  this  matter.  I 
apprehended  they  would  claim  the  fish  as  a  right,  and 
therefore  when  I  left  Ft.  Cumberland,  to  attend  the 
Committee  in  the  Spring  according  to  order,  directed 
Colo.  Stephen  to  have  them  removed,  which  he  neg 
lected  to  do. 

I  have  received  from  Mr.  Boyd,  notwithstanding 
his  first  declaration  to  me,  ^500.  Which,  with  what 
remains  of  the  2000,  shall  be  applied  and  accounted 
for  as  you  direct. 

I  was  obliged  to  detain  ^250  out  of  the  first  sum 
which  came  up  for  the  companies,  but  can  now  re 
fund  it. 

When  your  Honor  is  pleased  to  order  the  vacancy, 
which  Captain  Spotswood  '  occasions  to  be  filled  up 
in  the  name  of  Captain  McNeill,  there  will  be  room 
for  a  lieutenant  ;  and  then  if  you  please  to  bestow  it 
on  Mr.  Fairfax,2  I  should  take  it  infinitely  kind,  if  you 
would  oblige  me  so  far  as  to  send  the  commission 

1  Captain  Spotswood,  with  a  party  under  him,  had  been  cut  off  by  the  Indians. 

2  William  Henry,  the  son  of  Col.  Fairfax. 


482  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

immediately  from  yourself  to  that  gentleman.1  For 
altho  I  esteem  him  greatly  on  account  of  his  father, 
for  whose  memory  and  friendship  I  shall  ever  retain 
a  most  grateful  sense,  yet,  making  him  lieutenant 
over  many  old  ensigns,  will  occasion  great  confusion 
in  the  corps,  and  bring  censure  on  me  ;  for  the  officers 
will  readily  conceive,  that  my  friendship  and  partiality 
for  the  family  were  the  causes  of  it.  If  Mr.  Fairfax 
would  accept  of  an  ensigncy,  the  matter  might  pretty 
easily  be  accommodated.  The  letter  under  cover  to 
Colonel  Fairfax  is  not  yet  come  to  hand. 

I  have  heard  nothing  yet  from  Colonel  Stanwix ; 
but  soon  shall,  as  I  wrote  to  him  a  few  days  ago,  and 
expect  his  answer.  Robert  Holmes  is  among  the 
deserters. 

I  send  your  Honor  a  size-roll  of  my  own,  Captains 
Stewart  and  Lewis'  companies.  The  others  were 
sent  to  me,  but  being  signed  by  the  commanding 
officer  only,  as  is  usual,  I  was  obliged  to  send  back 
for  the  subalterns  to  sign  also.  When  these  come  in 
I  shall  forward  them. 

As  we  have  not  at  this  time  either  commissary  or 
assistant  here,  it  is  not  in  my  power  to  send  a  return 
of  the  provisions  with  any  tolerable  exactness.  But 
I  do  not  doubt,  that  Mr.  Rutherford,  our  acting 
commissary,  who  is  now  down,  has  satisfied  your 
Honor  fully  in  this  particular  ;  if  he  has  not,  I  will 
take  care  to  do  it  in  my  next. 

The  monthly  return  for  July,  mentioned  in    the 

1  The  commission  had  not  been  solicited  by  Colonel  Washington,  nor  was  the 
application  of  Mr.  Fairfax's  friends  made  through  him,  but  directly  to  the 
Governor. 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  483 

body  of  this  letter  as  sent,  upon  re-examination  I  find 
so  unintelligible,  by  reason  of  some  mistakes  in 
Captns.  Spotswood's  and  Woodward's  return,  that  I 
am  ashamed  to  sign  it,  'till  the  mistakes  are  rectified, 
and  for  this  end,  I  have  ordered  those  companies  in  a 
peremptory  manner  to  be  careful  for  the  future,  or 
answer  the  contrary. 

Your  Honor  in  estimating  our  numbers  at  about 
700,  will  be  nearer  the  complement  ;  but  if  I  may 
presume  to  advise,  the  contractors  should  provide 
for  companies  of  100  each,  as  it  is  supposed  we  shall 
complete  to  that  number  as  fast  as  possible. 

I  doubt  not  your  Honor  will  see  the  necessity  of 
making  an  agreement  with  the  contractors,  for  fur 
nishing  the  Indians  with  provisions  ;  otherwise  they 
will  take  no  concern  in  this  matter,  as  I  conceive  they 
are  allowed  so  much  for  each  soldier,  that  shall  be 
returned,  in  which  case  Indians  are  included.  If 
they  were  not,  no  person  would  supply  them  on  the 
same  terms  they  do  soldiers,  for  Indians  eat  and 
waste  triple  what  the  latter  do.  I  am,  &c. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

FORT  LOUDOUN,  17  September,  1757. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

A  letter  of  the  22d  ultimo,  from  Captain  Peachy, 
came  to  my  hands  the  other  day,  contents  as  follows  : 
(here  was  inserted  the  letter).1  I  should  take  it 

1  The  letter  begins  by  detailing  a  conversation,  which  the  writer  had  lately 
held  with  Mr.  Charles  Carter,  of  Shirley,  respecting  a  transaction  in  which 
Captain  Peachy  had  been  concerned  some  months  before,  on  a  mission  to 


484  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 


infinitely  kind,  if  your  Honor  would  please  to  inform 
me,  whether  a  report  of  this  nature  was  ever  made  to 
you  ;  and,  in  that  case,  who  was  the  author  of  it  ? 

It  is  evident,  from  a  variety  of  circumstances,  and 
especially  from  the  change  in  your  Honor's  conduct 
towards  me,  that  some  person,  as  well  inclined  to  de 
tract,  but  better  skilled  in  the  art  of  detraction,  than 
the  author  of  the  above  stupid  scandal,  has  made  free 
with  my  character.  For  I  cannot  suppose,  that  malice 
so  absurd,  so  barefaced,  so  diametrically  opposite  to 
truth,  to  common  policy,  and,  in  short,  to  every  thing 
but  villainy,  as  the  above  is,  could  impress  you  with 
so  ill  an  opinion  of  my  honor  and  honesty. 

If  it  be  possible,  that  Colonel  Corbin — (for  my 
belief  is  staggered,  not  being  conscious  of  having 
given  the  least  cause  to  any  one,  much  less  to  that 
gentleman,  to  reflect  so  grossly,)  I  say,  if  it  be  possi 
ble,  that  Colonel  Corbin  could  descend  so  low  as 


Williamsburgh,  when  the  frontiers  were  in  great  alarm  from  the  incursions  of 
the  enemy  ;  and  then  proceeds  : — 

"  He  [Mr.  Carter]  says,  that  Mr.  Christopher  Robinson  told  him  he  heard 
Colonel  Richard  Corbin  say,  that  I  affirmed,  that  my  whole  business  at  that 
time  was  to  execute  a  scheme  of  yours  to  cause  the  Assembly  to  levy  largely 
both  in  men  and  money,  and  that  there  was  not  an  Indian  in  the  neighbour 
hood  ;  that  the  frontiers,  or  even  Winchester  and  the  adjacent  country,  did  not 
appear  to  be  in  any  more  danger  at  that  time  than  any  other.  Mr.  Robinson 
also  informed  Mr.  Carter,  it  was  said,  that  that  piece  of  deceit,  or  imposition 
of  yours  (as  they  term  it),  had  lessened  the  Governor's  and  some  of  the  leading 
men's  esteem  for  you  ;  or,  at  least,  they  make  use  of  it  as  a  reason  for  their 
ill  treatment,  and  the  worse  opinion  (they  say)  they  have  than  formerly  of  you. 

"  I  hope  Colo.  Washington  knows  me  better  than  even  to  suppose  I  could  be 
guilty  of  a  thing  of  this  kind  ;  therefore,  shall  only  add,  that  you  may  depend 
I  shall  use  my  endeavor  to  trace  the  matter,  till  I  find  the  scoundrel  that  dares 
make  himself  the  author  of  such  a  scandalous  report.  If  you  think  fit  to  make 
use  of  the  above,  you  are  at  full  liberty  to  do  so." 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  485 


to  be  the  propagator  of  this  story,  he  must  either 
be  vastly  ignorant  in  the  state  of  affairs  in  this 
county  at  that  time,  or  else  he  must  suppose,  that 
the  whole  body  of  inhabitants  had  combined  with 
me,  in  executing  the  deceitful  fraud.  Or  why  did 
they,  almost  to  a  man,  forsake  their  dwellings  in  the 
greatest  terror  and  confusion  ;  so  that,  while  one  half 
of  them  sought  shelter  in  paltry  forts,  (of  their  own 
building,)  the  other  fled  to  the  adjacent  counties  for 
refuge,  numbers  of  them  even  to  Carolina,  from 
whence  they  have  never  returned  ? 

These  are  facts  well  known  ;  but  not  better  known, 
than  that  these  wretched  people,  while  they  lay  pent 
up  in  forts,  destitute  of  the  common  support  of  life 
(having  in  their  precipitate  flight  forgotten,  or  were 
unable  rather  to  secure,  any  kind  of  necessaries,)  did 
dispatch  messengers  of  their  own  (thinking  I  had  not 
represented  their  miseries  in  the  piteous  manner  they 
deserved),  with  addresses  to  your  Honor  and  the 
Assembly,  praying  relief.  And  did  I  ever  send  any 
alarming  account,  without  also  sending  the  original 
papers,  (or  the  copies,)  which  gave  rise  to  it  ? 

That  I  have  foibles,  and  perhaps  many  of  them,  I 
shall  not  deny.  I  should  esteem  myself,  as  the  world 
also  would,  vain  and  empty,  were  I  to  arrogate  per 
fection. 

Knowledge  in  military  matters  is  to  be  acquired  by 
practice  and  experience  only  ;  and,  if  I  have  erred, 
great  allowance  should  be  made  for  my  errors  for 
want  of  them  ;  unless  these  errors  should  appear  to 
be  willful  ;  and  then,  I  conceive  it  would  be  more 


486  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

generous  to  charge  me  with  my  faults,  and  let  me 
stand  or  fall  according  to  evidence,  than  to  stigmatize 
me  behind  my  back. 

It  is  uncertain  in  what  light  my  services  may  have 
appeared  to  your  Honor  ;  but  this  I  know,  and  it 
is  the  highest  consolation  I  am  capable  of  feeling, 
that  no  man,  that  ever  was  employed  in  a  public 
capacity,  has  endeavoured  to  discharge  the  trust  re 
posed  in  him  with  greater  honesty,  and  more  zeal  for 
the  country's  interest,  than  I  have  done  ;  and  if  there 
is  any  person  living,  who  can  say  with  justice,  that  I 
have  offered  any  intentional  wrong  to  the  public,  I 
will  cheerfully  submit  to  the  most  ignominious  pun 
ishment,  that  an  injured  people  ought  to  inflict.  On 
the  other  hand,  it  is  hard  to  have  my  character 
arraigned,  and  my  actions  condemned,  without  a 
hearing. 

I  must  therefore  again  beg  in  more  plain,  and  in 
very  earnest  terms,  to  know,  if  Colonel  Corbin  has 
taken  the  liberty  of  representing  my  character  to 
your  Honor  with  such  ungentlemanly  freedom  as 
the  letter  implies  ?  Your  condescension  herein  will 
be  acknowledged,  as  a  singular  favor  done  your 
Honor's  most  obedient,  humble  servant.1 

1  To  this  request,  Governor  Dinwiddie  replied,  in  a  letter  dated  September 
24th  :— 

"  Your  other  letter  of  the  lyth  I  perused.  I  would  gladly  hope  there  is  no 
truth  in  it.  I  never  heard  of  it  before,  or  did  I  ever  conceive  you  would  have 
sent  down  any  alarms  without  proper  foundation.  However,  I  shall  show  it  to 
Colonel  Corbin  when  he  comes  to  town  ;  but  I  'd  advise  you  not  to  give  credit 
to  every  idle  story  you  hear  ;  for  if  I  was  to  notice  reports  of  different  kinds,  I 
should  be  constantly  perplexed. 

"  My  conduct  to  you  from  the  beginning  was  always  friendly  ;  but  you  know 
I  had  great  reason  to  suspect  you  of  ingratitude,  which  I  am  convinced  your 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  487 

TO  CAPTAIN  WILLIAM  PEACHY. 

FORT  LOUDOUN,  18  September,  1757. 

DEAR  SIR, 

Your  favor  of  the  2 2d  ultimo  came  to  hand  about 
four  days  ago.  In  answer  to  that  part,  which  relates 
to  Colonel  Corbin's  gross  and  infamous  reflections  on 
my  conduct  last  spring,  it  will  be  needless,  I  dare  say, 
to  observe  further  at  this  time,  than  that  the  liberty, 
which  he  has  been  pleased  to  allow  himself  in  sport 
ing  with  my  character,  is  little  else  than  a  comic 
entertainment,  discovering  at  one  view  his  passion 
ate  fondness  for  your  friend,  his  inviolable  love  of 
truth,  his  unfathomable  knowledge,  and  the  masterly 
strokes  of  his  wisdom  in  displaying  it.  These  several 
talents  he  has,  I  think,  exhibited  in  a  most  conspicu 
ous  manner  to  every  person,  who  was  in  the  least 
degree  acquainted  with  the  situation  of  affairs  in  this 
country  at  that  juncture.  The  report  of  your  false 
musters  is  equally  absurd,  and  may  take  credit  as 
above. 

You  are  heartily  welcome  to  make  use  of  any  letter, 
or  letters,  which  I  may  at  any  time  have  written  to 
you  ;  for,  altho'  I  keep  no  copies  of  epistles  to  my 
friends,  nor  can  remember  the  contents  of  all  of  them, 
yet,  I  am  sensible,  that  the  narrations  are  just,  and 
that  truth  and  honesty  will  appear  in  my  writings ; 


own  conscience  and  reflection  must  allow,  I  had  reason  to  be  angry,  but  this  I 
endeavor  to  forget ;  but  I  cannot  think  Colonel  Corbin  guilty  of  what  is 
reported.  However,  as  I  have  his  Majesty's  leave  to  go  for  England,  I  propose 
leaving  this  in  November,  and  I  wish  my  successor  may  show  you  as  much 
friendship  as  I  have  done." 


488  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

of  which,  therefore,  I  shall  not  be  ashamed,  though 
criticism  may  censure  my  style.     I  am,  &c. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

FORT  LOUDOUN,  24  September,  1757. 

SIR, 

Enclosed  is  a  copy  of  a  letter,  which  I  received 
from  Captain  McKenzie.  Since  my  last,  the  different 
parties  I  detached  in  quest  of  the  enemy,  (who  com 
mitted  the  late  depredations  in  this  neighborhood,) 
are  returned,  after  having  prosecuted  the  most  prob 
able  measures,  and  exerted  their  utmost  efforts  in  vain, 
in  endeavoring  to  come  up  with  and  prevent  the  en 
emy's  escape.  Nor  is  it  in  any  degree  surprising,  for 
when  the  vast  extent  of  country,  the  scattered  and 
distant  manner  in  which  the  inhabitants  are  settled, 
the  nature  of  the  ground,  and  disposition  of  the 
enemy  we  have  to  cope  with,  are  collectively  consid 
ered,  it  is  next  to  impossible,  that  any  of  our  parties 
should  ever  see  the  enemy,  except  when  they  possess 
such  advantages  as  render  their  victory  certain. 

The  inhabitants  of  this  valuable  and  fertile  valley 
are  terrified  beyond  expression.  Some  have  aban 
doned  their  plantations,  and  many  are  packing  up 
their  most  valuable  effects  in  order  to  follow  them. 
Another  irruption  into  the  heart  of  this  settlement 
will,  I  am  afraid,  be  of  fatal  consequence  to  it.  I 
was  always  persuaded,  and  almost  every  day  affords 
new  matter  for  confirming  me  in  the  opinion,  that 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  489 


the  enemy  can,  with  the  utmost  facility,  render  abor 
tive  every  plan,  which  can  be  concerted  upon  our  pres 
ent  system  of  defence ;  and  that  the  only  method  of 
effectually  defending  such  a  vast  extent  of  mountains 
covered  with  thick  woods,  as  our  frontiers,  against 
such  an  enemy,  is  by  carrying  the  war  into  their 
country.  And  I  think  I  may,  without  assuming  un 
common  penetration,  venture  to  affirm,  that,  unless 
an  expedition  is  carried  on  against  the  Ohio  next 
spring,  this  country  will  not  be  another  year  in  our 
possession. 

Sickness,  and  the  different  parties,  which  the  dis 
tressed  situation  of  affairs  here  obliged  me  to  detach 
from  this  garrison,  so  greatly  retard  the  works,  that 
finishing  even  the  principal  parts  of  them,  before  the 
winter  sets  in,  will,  I  am  afraid,  prove  impracticable. 

I  understand  there  are  a  mortar  and  a  number  of 
shells  at  Williamsburg,  which  would  be  of  infinite 
service  here,  tho'  of  little  or  none  where  they  are.  We 
have  a  quantity  of  round  and  grape-shot  for  six- 
pounders,  but  no  cannon  to  use  them.  A  few  pieces 
of  that  size  would  be  a  great  addition  to  our  strength  ; 
and,  as  this  is  the  only  place  we  have,  (were  it  fin 
ished,)  where  a  stand  could  be  made,  in  case  of  any 
formidable  attack,  I  conceive  nothing  in  our  power 
should  be  omitted  to  make  it  as  defensible  as  we 
can. 

Mr.  Rutherford  is  not  yet  returned.  Enclosed  is  a 
list  of  the  killed  and  captured  by  the  enemy,  when 
last  down.  This  is  sent  to  Fredericksburg,  in  order 
to  go  by  post. 


49o  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

TO    MRS.    MARY    WASHINGTON. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  30  Sept.,  1757. 

HONORED  MADAM — 

Your  letter  by  Mr.  Smith  I  received  on  my  way  to 
Col.  Fairfax's x  funeral ;  in  answer  to  that  part  relative 
to  my  Brother  Charles'  Marriage  I  shall  observe,  that 
if  there  is  no  other  objection  than  the  one  you  men 
tion,  it  may  soon  be  removed  ;  and  that  Mrs.  Thorn 
ton,  if  she  believes  I  am  capable  of  taking  these 
ungenerous  advantages,  knows  little  of  the  principles 
which  govern  my  conduct.  However  I  suppose  Mrs. 
Thornton  is  actuated  by  prudent  Motives  and  there 
fore  would  be  safe. — If  she  will  get  any  Instrument 
of  writing  drawn  I  will  sign  it,  provided  it  does  not 
effect  me  in  other  respects  than  her  daughter's 
fortune,  if  my  brother  dies  under  age.2 

I  have  waited  till  now,  expecting  the  arrival  of  my 
Negros'  cloaths  from  Great  Britain  ;  but  as  the  season 
is  advancing  and  risks  attending  them,  I  can  no  longer 
depend,  and  therefore  beg  the  favor  of  you  to  choose 
me  about  250  yds  osnabrigs  200  yds  of  cotton  35  pair 
plaid  hose,  and  as  much  thread  as  is  necessary  in  Mr. 
Lewis'  Store,  if  he  has  them.  If  not,  in  Mr.  Jackson's, 
and  send  them  up  by  John  who  comes  down  with  a 
Tumbler  3  for  that  purpose. 

I  set  out  this  afternoon  on  my  return  to  Winchester. 

I  offer  my  Love  to  Charles,  and  am  Honored 
Madam,  &c. 

1  Bryan  Fairfax  died  3  Sept.,  1757. 

2  Charles  Washington  married  Mildred,  daughter  of  Col.  Francis  Thornton 
of  Spotswood  County.     He  laid  out  the  town  of  Charlestown  in  Jefferson  Co., 
W.  Va. 

3  Tumbler  is  a  provincialism  for  tumbrel. 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  491 

TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

FORT  LOUDOUN,  5  October,  I757.1 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

Both  your  Honor's  letters  of  the  24th  ultimo  I  re 
ceived  by  Jenkins.  As  I  cannot  now  send  a  proper 
monthly  return  of  the  regiment,  for  want  of  the 
remarks  of  the  officers  at  the  out-posts,  I  enclose 
your  Honor  an  exact  return,  however,  of  our  effective 
strength,  and  how  disposed  of,  which  will  at  present 
answer  the  end  proposed  equally  well.  I  likewise 
send  you  enclosed  the  return  of  provisions,  specifying 
the  time  they  will  serve. 

I  am  informed  "  the  contractor  is  to  lay  in  the  pro 
visions  for  the  troops  in  New-Hampshire,  at  this 
place  ;  that  he  is  to  have  6d  a  man  per  diem  for  the 
whole  he  supplies,  and  that  he  is  not  to  pay  those 
who  must  inevitably  be  employed  in  issuing  out  the 
provisions  at  the  different  garrisons." 

This  information,  I  flatter  myself,  is  without  foun 
dation  ;  as  it  is  beyond  doubt  that  provisions  could 
be  purchased  in  Hampshire,  where  the  troops  are 
quartered  for  half  of  what  the  contractor  has  for 
laying  them  in  here,  and  that  the  amount  of  waggon- 
age  and  other  charges  of  transporting  these  pro 
visions  from  hence  to  N.  Hampshire  will  exceed  the 
whole  cost  of  the  provisions,  if  purchased  there  ;  not  to 
mention  the  great  risque,  trouble  of  escorts,  &c.,  &c. 

The  assistant  commissaries  must  still  be  continued, 
or  some  persons  in  their  room,  who,  under  the  direc 
tion  of  a  principal,  would  have  purchased  the  pro- 

1  Acknowledged  by  Dinwiddie  as  written  on  the  3d.  • 


492  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

visions  upon  as  good  terms  as  any  contractor.  Besides, 
the  commissary  used  to  act  as  wagon-master,  supply 
the  different  garrisons  with  candle,  made  from  the 
tallow  of  the  country's  beeves,  and  do  many  things 
for  the  good  of  the  service,  not  to  be  expected  from 
a  contractor. 

I  shall  take  the  earliest  opportunity  of  communi 
cating  your  Honor's  intentions,  respecting  the  ranging 
company,  to  Captain  Hog,  who,  I  am  informed,  is 
lying  ill,  in  consequence  of  the  bite  of  a  snake  at 
Dickinson's  Fort,  and  will,  I  fear,  be  unable  to  raise 
the  men.  I  am  afraid  the  recruiting  one  hundred 
men  will  be  found  a  very  difficult  task.  I  am  quite 
at  a  loss  how  to  act,  as  you  did  not  inform  me  upon 
what  terms  they  are  to  be  levied  and  supported, 
what  bounty-money  to  allow,  what  pay  to  engage  the 
officers  and  men,  how  clothed  and  supported,  what 
the  officers'  pay  and  what  kind  of  commissions  the 
officers  are  to  have. 

Mr.  Robert  Rutherford,  late  deputy-commissary 
here,  says  that  he  could  raise  the  men  in  a  shorter 
time  than  any  other,  and  from  his  universal  acquaint 
ance  on  the  frontiers,  and  the  esteem  the  people  in 
general  have  for  him,  I  am  apt  to  believe  he  could 
raise  them  as  soon  as  any  people  whatever. 

If  they  should  have  the  same  bounty,  allowed  by 
the  Assembly  for  recruits,  I  shall  want  money  for 
that  purpose.  The  ^68  13^  S^TI  received  from  Colo. 
Fairfax  of  the  country's  money  I  accounted  with  the 
committee  for  in  April  last.  Enclosed  is  a  copy  of 
the  last  letter  I  received  from  Colonel  Stanwix. 


1757]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  493 


The  enemy  continue  their  horrid  devastations  in 
this  settlement.  Enclosed  is  a  letter  from  Capt. 
Josha.  Lewis.  Immediately  on  receipt  of  Capt. 
Lewis',  Capt.  McNeill,  3  subalterns,  4  sergeants,  and 
70  rank  and  file,  marched  up  to  act  in  conjunction 
with  Captn.  Lewis.  The  day  before  Captain  Lewis 
was  attacked,  twenty  Cherokees,  headed  by  one  of 
the  principal  warriors  of  that  nation,  marched  from 
hence  to  the  South  Branch,  who,  with  the  troops 
under  Captains  Waggener  and  McKenzie,  will,  I 
hope,  secure  that  quarter. 

So  soon  as  Captn.  McNeill  returns,  I  will  order 
him  up  to  his  company  to  which  I  have  by  your 
orders  appointed  him  ;  as  I  have  Mr.  Chew  in  room 
of  Mr.  Fell. 

When  Mr.  Atkin  went  away  from  here  he  carried 
Mr.  Gist  and  the  Indian  interpreter  with  him.  Since 
several  parties  of  Cherokees  have  been  here,  by  which 
I  and  my  officers  were  involved  in  inconceivable 
trouble,  as  we  had  neither  an  interpreter,  nor  right 
to  hold  conferences  with  them ;  nothing  to  satisfy 
their  demands  of  things  of  which  they  were  in  the 
greatest  need  ;  nor  liberty  to  procure  them.  These 
warlike,  formidable  people,  altho  they  seem  to  have 
a  natural  strong  attachment  to  our  interest,  will,  I 
am  afraid,  be  induced  by  such  treatment  to  hearken 
to  the  pressing  solicitations  of  the  French,  who  (by 
the  latest  and  best  accounts,  copies  of  which  I 
enclose)  are  making  them  vastly  advantageous  offers. 
The  Chief  of  the  Cherokee  party,  who  went  last  to 
the  Branch,  (and  is  said  to  be  a  man  of  great  weight 


494  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

among  that  nation),  was  so  incensed  against  what  he 
imagined  neglect  and  contempt,  that,  had  we  not 
supplied  him  with  a  few  necessaries,  without  which 
he  could  not  go  to  war,  he  threatened  to  return,  fired 
with  resentment,  to  his  nation.  In  short,  I  dread 
that,  by  the  present  management  of  Indian  affairs, 
we  are  losing  our  interest  of  those  people,  the  pres 
ervation  of  whose  friendship  is  of  the  last  import 
ance  to  the  colonies  in  general,  and  this  in  particular. 

I  am  sorry  to  acquaint  your  Honor  that  Hamilton, 
the  quartermaster  hath  misbehaved  egregiously,  em 
bezzling  and  disposing  (in  a  clandestine  manner)  of 
some  of  the  regimental  stores,  and  afterwards  running 
away  and  carrying  a  man  of  the  regiment  with  him. 
He  had  leave  to  go  to  Alexandria,  to  order  up  some 
of  the  stores  left  there,  and  managed  his  affairs  with 
such  cunning,  that  he  was  gone  too  long  to  be  pur 
sued,  before  he  was  suspected. 

Enclosed  is  a  copy  of  the  proceedings  of  the  court 
of  enquiry.  Several  things  were  found  at  many  dif 
ferent  houses,  and  the  magistrates  did  not  behave 
consistently  with  their  duty. 

I  do  not  know,  that  I  ever  gave  your  Honor  cause 
to  suspect  me  of  ingratitude,  a  crime  I  detest,  and 
would  most  carefully  avoid.  If  an  open,  disinterested 
behavior  carries  offence,  I  may  have  offended  ;  be 
cause  I  have  all  along  laid  it  down  as  a  maxim,  to 
represent  facts  freely  and  impartially,  but  no  more  to 
others,  than  I  have  to  you,  Sir.  If  instances  of  my 
ungrateful  behavior  had  been  particularized,  I  would 
have  answered  to  them.  But  I  have  long  been  con- 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  495 

vinced,  that  my  actions  and  their  motives  have  been 
maliciously  aggravated. 

As  your  Honor  proposes  to  leave  the  colony  in 
November,  I  should  be  glad  of  liberty  to  go  down  to 
Williamsburg  towards  the  last  of  this  month,  or  first 
of  the  next,  if  nothing  should  intervene,  to  settle 
some  accounts  with  your  Honor  and  the  Committee, 
which  may  not  be  done  in  so  satisfactory  a  manner 
after  you  are  gone.1 

The  last  alarm  occasioned  a  great  many  of  the 
inhabitants  in  this  county  to  go  off,  whereupon  vast 
numbers  are  still  moving.  I  fear  that,  in  a  short 
time,  this  very  valuable  valley  will  be  in  a  great  meas 
ure  depopulated  ;  and  what  further  steps  to  take,  and 
how  to  obviate  so  great  a  misfortune,  I  am  quite  at  a 
loss.  As  I  have  hitherto  neglected  nothing  in  the 
compass  of  my  power,  it  is  very  evident,  that  nothing 
but  vigorous  offensive  measures,  (next  campaign,) 
can  save  the  country,  at  least  all  west  of  the  Blue 
Ridge,  from  inevitable  desolation. 

We  are  in  great  want  of  a  Quartermaster  to  take 
care  of  the  stores,  and  I  really  do  not  know  of  a  fit 
person,  unless  your  Honor  will  please  to  bestow  it 
upon  Mr.  Kennedy.  He  acted  sometimes  as  Quarter 
master-sergeant,  then  as  Commissary,  and  I  believe 

"  I  cannot  agree  to  allow  you  leave  to  come  down  at  this  time.  You  have 
been  frequently  indulged  with  leave  of  absence.  You  know  the  fort  is  to  be 
finished,  and  I  fear  when  you  are  away  little  will  be  done  ;  and  surely  the  com 
manding  officer  should  not  be  absent  when  daily  alarmed  with  the  enemy's  in 
tentions  to  invade  our  frontiers,  and  I  think  you  were  wrong  in  asking  it.  You 
have  no  accounts  that  I  know  of  to  settle  with  me  ;  and  what  accounts  you  have 
to  settle  with  the  country  may  be  done  at  a  more  proper  time." — Dinwiddie  to 
Washington,  19  October,  1757. 


496  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

is  better  acquainted  with  the  duty  than  any  one  we 
can  get.  He  bears  a  good  character  and  is  acquainted 
with  figures. 

The  Dunkard  doctor  gave  me  notice  of  his  inten 
tions  to  wait  upon  your  Honor  again  for  his  release, 
&  in  a  late  letter  transmitted  an  information  of  the 
French  deserters  (who  came  from  Fort  Cumberland) 
against  them,  and  think  it  my  duty  further  to  add, 
that  I  firmly  believe  they  are  employed  as  spies,  and 
are  useful  to  the  French.  Of  this,  all  the  frontier 
inhabitants  seem  convinced,  and  are  so  apprehensive 
of  the  consequences  that  it  has  caused  numbers  to 
remove,  and  will  cause  a  general  terror  among  them, 
if  this  person  is  suffered  to  return  and  the  others  to 
remain  out  there.  For  which  reason  I  should  really 
be  glad  to  receive  orders  to  bring  the  others  in.  'Tis 
better,  provided  they  do  not  assist  the  enemy,  to 
bring  them  in,  than  to  keep  a  whole  country  in  per 
petual  terror  on  their  account. 

Mr.  Rutherford  set  about  making  his  return,  the 
moment  your  Honor's  letter  came  to  hand,  and  but 
this  instant  has  finished  it,  having  everything  to 
measure  and  weigh,  in  order  to  be  exact. 

Since  writing  the  foregoing,  the  express,  whom  I 
sent  to  Major  Lewis,  is  come  in,  and  brings  returns 
of  those  companies  ;  so  that  your  Honor  will  now 
receive  proper  monthly  returns  of  our  strength  for 
July  and  August  ;  by  which  you  will  see,  that  our 
total  strength  amounts  to  thirty-two  commissioned 
officers,  forty-eight  non-commissioned,  and  seven 
hundred  and  three  rank  and  file  ;  whereof  twenty 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  497 


officers,  thirty  non-commissionecl,  and  four  hundred 
and  sixty-four  rank  and  file,  are  employed  in  this 
county  and  Hampshire.  But  there  are  always  six 
women  allowed  to  a  company,  who  draw  provisions; 
and  the  officers  receive  more  or  less  according 
to  their  respective  rank,  as  your  Honor  would  see 
by  the  estimate  I  received  from  Colonel  Stanwix, 
and  enclosed  to  you  some  time  ago  ;  which  must  be 
allowed  for  in  the  calculation. 

I  have  this  instant  received  letters  from  Captains 
Waggener  and  McKenzie,  by  express.  The  first 
writes  that  two  men  were  killed,  captured  about  2 
miles  from  his  fort.  The  other  says  that  a  Cherokee 
party  just  as  they  were  setting  out  to  go  to  Captn. 
Waggener's  heard  that  Pearis  was  at  Fort  Cumber 
land  and  marched  to  him. 


TO    COLONEL    STANWIX. 

FORT  LOUDOUN,  8  October,  1757. 

DEAR  SIR, 

I  am  favored  with  an  opportunity  by  Mr.  Living 
ston,  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  agreeable 
favor  of  the  iQth  ultimo  ;  and  to  inform  you  of  a 
very  extraordinary  affair,  which  has  happened  at  this 
place,  namely,  the  desertion  of  our  quartermaster. 
This  infamous  fellow,  as  he  has  proved  himself,  after 
having  disposed,  in  a  clandestine  manner,  of  many  of 
our  regimental  stores,  being  called  upon  to  settle  his 
accounts  (not  that  I,  or  any  officer  in  the  regiment, 
had  the  least  suspicion  of  the  scene  of  roguery  he  was 


498  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

carrying  on),  pretended,  that  he  could  not  come  to 
an  exact  settlement  without  going  to  Alexandria, 
where  some  of  the  stores  yet  lay.  Several  of  our 
soldiers  deserting  at  the  same  time,  (being  the  time 
when  Lt.  Campbell  called  upon  you)  he  was  sent  in 
pursuit  of  them,  which  (for  we  had  no  doubt  of  his 
honest  intentions)  afforded  him  the  desired  opportu 
nity  of  making  his  escape.  He  was  ordered  too  to 
take  Alexandria  in  his  return.  His  villainy  was  not 
laid  open,  before  his  departure,  and  was  at  last  acci 
dentally  discovered.  This  person  John  Hamilton 
had  been  several  years  a  sergeant  in  one  of  his  Ma 
jesty's  regiments,  in  which  character  he  served  three 
years  under  me.  During  that  time  he  gave  such 
signal  proofs  of  his  bravery  and  good  behavior,  as 
bound  me,  in  honor  and  gratitude,  to  do  something 
for  him.  And  I  therefore  got  him  promoted  to  be 
quartermaster,  as  he  was  acquainted  with  the  duty, 
and  capable,  (I  thought,)  of  discharging  it. 

We  have  had  several  visitations  from  the  enemy, 
and  much  mischief  done,  since  my  last  to  you.  About 
the  i  7th  ultimo  there  were  upwards  of  twenty  persons 
killed  only  twelve  miles  from  this  garrison,  and  not 
withstanding  I  sent  a  strong  detachment  from  hence 
to  pursue  them,  and  ordered  the  passes  of  the  moun 
tains  to  be  waylaid  by  commands  from  other  places, 
yet  we  were  not  able  to  meet  with  these  savages. 

On  Friday  se'nnight,  a  body  of  near  or  quite  a 
hundred  fell  upon  the  inhabitants  along  the  great 
road  between  this  place  and  Pennsylvania,  got  fifteen 
more.  The  mischief  would  have  been  much  greater, 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  499 


had  not  an  officer  and  twenty  men  of  the  regiment, 
who  were  then  out,  fallen  in  with  and  engaged  the 
enemy.  Finding,  however,  that  his  party  was  over 
powered,  and  like  to  be  surrounded,  he  retreated  to  a 
stockade,  not  far  distant,  in  which  they  were  besieged 
for  three  hours ;  but  the  firing  communicated  an 
alarm  from  one  habitation  to  another,  by  which  means 
most  of  the  families  were  timely  apprised  of  their 
danger,  and  happily  got  safe  off.  Our  party  killed 
one  Indian,  (whose  scalp  they  obtained,)  and  wounded 
several  others. 

I  exert  every  means  in  my  power  to  protect  a  much 
distressed  country,  but  it  is  a  task  too  arduous.  To 
think  of  defending  a  frontier  as  ours  is,  of  more  than 
three  hundred  and  fifty  miles'  extent,  with  only  seven 
hundred  men,  is  vain  and  idle,  especially  when  that 
frontier  lies  more  contiguous  to  the  enemy  than  any 
other.  I  am,  and  have  for  a  long  time  been,  fully 
convinced,  that,  if  we  continue  to  pursue  a  defensive 
plan,  the  country  must  be  inevitably  lost.1 

1  P'rom  the  time  that  the  Virginia  regiment  was  organized,  it  had  been  Colo 
nel  Washington's  opinion,  that  an  offensive  war  should  be  kept  up  against  the 
enemy.  In  this  sentiment  Governor  Dimviddie  agreed  with  him,  and  he  urged 
upon  Lord  Loudoun  the  advantage  of  an  expedition  against  Fort  Duquesne. 
But  the  great  operations  at  the  north  absorbed  his  Lordship's  attention,  and  he 
placed  the  whole  southern  frontier  upon  the  defensive.  Hence  the  enemy 
made  perpetual  inroads,  committing  murders  and  ravages.  Considering  the 
weak  state  of  the  garrison  at  Fort  Duquesne,  a  large  portion  of  which  had  been 
withdrawn  to  defend  the  Canada  borders,  it  was  deemed  an  object  of  easy 
attainment,  as  no  doubt  it  was,  for  Colonel  Stanwix,  with  his  five  hundred 
Royal  Americans,  in  conjunction  with  the  Virginia  and  Maryland  troops,  to 
seize  that  Fort.  This  would  have  effectually  put  a  stop  to  all  the  savage  depre 
dations.  But  such  were  not  his  orders,  and  nothing  was  done.  The  Indians 
were  emboldened  by  this  inactivity,  and  the  frontier  inhabitants  were  molested 
in  every  quarter. — Sparks. 


500  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 


You  will  be  kind  enough,  Sir,  to  excuse  the  free 
dom  with  which  I  deliver  my  sentiments,  and  believe 
me  to  be,  (for  I  really  am,)  with  unfeigned  truth  and 
regard,  your  most  obedient,  humble  servant. 

N.  B.  These  constant  alarms  and  perpetual  move 
ments  of  the  soldiers  of  this  garrison,  have  almost 
put  a  stop  to  the  progress  of  the  public  works  at  this 
place. 

TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

9th  October,  1757. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

As  I  wrote  to  your  Honor  fully  by  Jenkins,  have 
little  more  to  add,  than  the  affair  hinted  at  in  my  last, 
on  the  conduct  of  the  magistrates  here,  which  (from 
what  I  can  collect)  appears  to  me  to  be  of  a  most  ex 
traordinary  nature  and  whose  substance  is,  or  nearly, 
as  follows,  vizt.  :— 

From  the  Court  of  Enquiry  upon  the  Quarter 
master's  affairs,  and  from  the  credit  which  the  tippling 
house  keepers  (with  which  Winchester  abounds)  gave 
to  many  of  the  Soldiers,  we  had  reason  strongly  to 
suspect,  that  some  there  had  received  and  concealed 
some  of  the  Stores,  arms,  &c.,  belonging  to  the  Regi 
ment  :  and  upon  application,  Justice  Speake  issued 
his  search-warrants.  But  Thomas  Wood,  Constable, 
refused  to  execute  them,  from  various  frivolous  pre 
tences  :  nor  was  there  one  in  the  town  who  wou'd  act 
even  pro  tempore :  So  that  affair  must  have  been 
dropped,  had  not  Mr.  Alexander  Wood,  now  a  mer 
chant  here,  genteelly  offered  his  service,  and  executed 


1757]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  501 


the  Warrants  with  indefatigable  assiduity.  Enclosed 
is  a  copy  of  his  return.  The  goods,  and  the  people 
at  whose  houses  they  were  found,  were  brought  before 
Mr.  Speake,  who,  being  a  young  Justice,  desired  the 
assistance  of  Captn.  Thomas  Swearingen,  one  of  the 
representatives  of  the  County,  and  a  man  of  great 
weight  among  the  meaner  class  of  people,  and  sup 
posed  by  them  to  possess  extensive  knowledge. 

Mr.  John  Lindsay,  another  Justice,  likewise  sat  on 
this  affair  ;  and  after  having  examined  the  goods  and 
people  brought  before  them,  Mr.  Swearingen  saga 
ciously  determined  that  the  affair  must  be  further 
tried  at  Court  ;  the  other  two  Justices  readily  coin 
cided  in  opinion  with  him  ;  and  accordingly,  without 
giving  any  other  judgment  or  taking  any  security  for 
the  appearance  of  the  delinquents,  tho'  many  of  them 
have  few  obligations  to  common  fame  for  their  char 
acter,  they  dismissed  them  by  telling  them  they 
must  appear  at  the  next  Court.  When  that  period 
arrived,  I  ordered  Captn.  Stewart  to  apply  to  Mr. 
Gabriel  Jones  for  his  advice  and  assistance,  as  I  con 
ceived  that  procedure  of  the  Magistrates  not  only  to 
be  absurd  and  irregular  but  expressly  illegal.  En 
closed  is  a  copy  of  what  he  did,  and  advised,  taken 
in  writing  and  signed  by  himself. 

Mr.  Jones  further  advised  me,  to  transmit  to  your 
Honor  an  account  of  the  whole  ;  and  observed,  that 
you  no  doubt  wou'd  direct  the  Attorney  General  to 
prosecute  the  Magistrates, — as  bringing  a  suit  against 
them  in  this  court  wou'd  not  avail  for  this  end. 

I   have    taken  every  precaution    I    cou'd   possibly 


5o2  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

suggest,  to  prevent  the  Soldiers  of  this  Garrison 
from  having  any  dealings  whatever  with  the  inhabi 
tants  of  the  town  ;  and  have  issued  the  strictest 
orders  against  their  parting  with  any  of  their  clothes, 
arms,  &c.  ;  and  moreover  several  severe  examples 
have  been  made  of  those  detected  in  the  breach  of 
those  orders.  But  from  the  all  alluring  temptations 
of  liquor,  &c.,  many  ventured  to  transgress,  and  the 
fear  of  consequent  punishment,  induced  them  to 
desert. 

Were  it  not  too  tedious,  I  cou'd  give  your  Honor 
such  instances  of  the  villainous  Behavior  of  those 
Tippling-House-keepers,  as  wou'd  astonish  any  per 
son  ;  but  the  little  I  have  already  said,  will  suffice  to 
convince  your  Honor,  that  it  is  impossible  to  maintain 
that  discipline  and  do  that  Service  with  a  Garrison 
thus  corrupted  by  a  set  of  people,  whose  conduct 
looks  like  the  effect  of  a  combination  to  obstruct  the 
Service,  and  frustrate  the  methods  pointed  out  for 
their  own  preservation.  And  when  some  of  those 
practises  were  at  length  proved,  the  laws  made  for 
the  punishment  of  such  gross  offences,  trifled  with 
by  the  Magistrates,  in  the  manner  the  above  fact  and 
the  enclosed  will  render  conspicuous  :  I  could  [not] 
believe  did  I  not  see  it,  that  these  are  the  people  of 
a  country  whose  bowels  are  at  this  juncture  torn  by 
the  most  horrid  devastations  of  the  most  cruel  and 
barbarous  enemy. 

But  enormities  of  this  kind  have  got  to  such  a 
height,  that  nothing,  I  fear,  but  your  Honor's  inter 
position  in  ordering  those  Magistrates  to  be  brought 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  503 


to  Justice,  and  appointing  others  from  whom  more 
may  be  hoped,  can  prevent  the  worst  of  conse 
quences  to  a  (seemingly)  infatuated  people. 

The  enemy  did  not  so  much  mischief  in  their  last 
irruption  as  was  at  first  apprehended.  Ten  of  those 
who  were  missing,  and  supposed  to  be  killed  or  cap 
tivated,  have  since  appeared. 

The  party  of  the  regiment  that  was  out  with 
Captain  Lewis  suffered  greatly  in  point  of  clothes 
and  necessaries.  From  the  first  intelligence  Captain 
Lewis  received  of  them  he  imagined  the  enemy's 
numbers  trifling  and  inconsiderable  ;  and,  in  order 
to  better  his  chance  of  coming  up  with  them,  stripped 
and  ordered  his  men  to  follow  his  example.  In  that 
condition  he  soon  overtook  them,  but  was  obliged  to 
make  a  very  precipitate  retreat — the  enemy  getting 
near  the  fort  almost  as  soon  as  he  did.  He  has 
applied  to  me  in  behalf  of  his  men,  to  get  them  sup 
plied  out  of  the  public  stores,  for  what  they  lost ; 
but  as  I  had  no  directions  in  such  case,  cou'd  not  let 
them  have  any  thing,  altho'  I  thought  they  deserved 
it.  They  have  likewise  applied  for  the  reward  of  the 
scalp  they  took, — which  I  have  sent  your  Honor,  and 
hope  they  will  by  Mr.  Byrd's  return  receive  it  which 
will  greatly  encourage  them.  Enclosed  is  a  copy  of 
Doctr.  Ross's  Letter  respecting  the  provisions  at 
Fort  Cumberland.  I  am,  Sir,  &c. 


504  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

24  October,  1757. 

HONBLE.  SIR, 

Your  favour  of  the  igth  instant  was  delivered  to  me 
this  evening. 

The  raising  a  company  of  Rangers,  or  augmenting 
our  strength  in  some  other  manner,  is  so  far  neces 
sary,  that  without  it,  the  remaining  inhabitants  of  this 
(once  fertile  and  populous)  valley  will  scarcely  be 
detained  at  their  dwellings  'till  the  Spring.  And, 
if  there  is  no  Expedition  to  the  westward  then,— 
nor  a  force  more  considerable  than  Virginia  can  sup 
port,  posted  on  our  frontiers  (if  we  still  adhere  to  our 
destructive,  defensive  schemes,)  there  will  not,  next 
campaign  I  dare  affirm,  be  one  soul  living  on  this 
side  the  Blue  Ridge  the  ensuing  autumn  ;  unless  it  be 
the  Troops  in  Garrison,  and  a  few  inhabitants  of  this 
town,  who  may  shelter  themselves  under  the  protec 
tion  of  this  fort. — This  I  know  to  be  the  immova 
ble  determination  of  all  the  settlers  of  this  County  ; 
which  to  give  a  more  succinct  account  of  than  I 
cou'd  in  writing,  was  the  principal  among  many 
other  reasons  that  induced  me  to  ask  leave  to  come 
down.  It  was  not  to  enjoy  a  party  of  pleasure  I 
wanted  leave  of  absence  ;  I  have  been  indulged  with 
few  of  those,  winter  or  summer  !  I  must  here  add, 
that  an  incredible  number  of  Inhabitants  has  fled  in 
consequence  of  the  two  last  incursions  of  the  Enemy, 
of  which  your  Honor  has  already  been  advertised. 
And  that  I  have  taken  indefatigable  pains,  and  found 
it  no  easy  task  to  prevail  on  the  bulk  of  the  country 


1757]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  505 


to  wait  the  consultations  of  this  winter,  and  the  event 
of  this  Spring.  I  do  not  know  on  whom  this  misera 
ble  and  undone  people  are  to  rely  for  redress.  If  the 
Assembly  are  to  give  it  to  them,  it  is  time  that  meas 
ures  were  concerting  ;  if  we  are  to  seek  it  of  the 
Commander-in-chief,  it  is  time  our  grievances  were 
made  known  to  him  :  for  as  I  before  said,  another 
campaign,  such  as  was  the  last,  will  depopulate  this 
country.  Then  let  the  consequences  be  considered,— 
where  are  we  to  get  supplies  of  provisions  for  our 
armies,  when  this  valley  which  is  the  only  support  of 
them,  is  entirely  abandoned  to  an  Enemy,  which  by 
that  means  will  be  entirely  possessed  of  every  thing 
necessary  to  pursue  their  conquest ;  and  that  the 
adjacent  counties  will  fly  much  faster  than  this,  not 
being  half  so  well  settled,  is  a  fact  indisputable. 

I  shall  also  add,  what  I  did  not  in  my  last  (lest 
it  shou'd  be  thought  I  spoke  from  prejudice)  that 
Captain  Hog  is  the  most  unfit  person  in  the  world,  to 
raise  and  command  a  company  of  Rangers. — He  in 
the  first  place  is  generally  disliked, — were  he  not,  he 
has  neither  activity,  spirit  or  knowledge  enough  of 
the  woods,  to  answer  this  end.  And  again,  the  men 
most  proper  for  such  an  undertaking  would  be  back 
ward  to  enlist  under  him,  fearing  his  discipline  ; 
whereas,  I  conceive,  a  person  in  some  degree  upon 
a  level  with  themselves  wou'd  have  it  in  his  power  to 
engage  for  the  good  pay  which  is  offered,  hunts 
men,  who  have  been  used  to  arms  from  their  child 
hood,  and  in  a  particular  manner  acquainted  with  the 
country  from  which  many  have  been  drove. 


5o6  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

These  are  my  reasons  against  Capt.  Hog,  and  in 
behalf  of  some  such  person  as  Mr.  Rutherford — to 
whom  I  have  no  particular  attachment,  or  desire  to 
serve.  He  refuses  to  accept  of  the  second  com 
mand. 

I  have  expressed  my  sentiments  upon  this  latter,  as 
well  as  the  first  affair,  with  the  utmost  candor  and 
sincerity  ;  in  doing  which  I  conceive  I  have  done  no 
more  than  my  duty. — The  whole  is  submitted  to  your 
Honor's  better  judgment. 

Yesterday  arrived  here  the  Indians  spoken  of  in 
the  enclosed  (copies  of  letters  which  came  with 
them  to  me)  I  purchased  four  Horses,  bridles,  and 
saddles,  for  ^14.,  and  send  them  off  to-day,  escorted 
by  an  officer  who  is  charged  with  the  care  of  conduct 
ing  them  thro'  this  Colony.  The  Cherokees  that 
were  on  the  Branch,  are  on  their  return  to  their 
nation,  having  left  this  for  that  purpose  several  days 
ago.  They  met  (about  8  miles  beyond  Fort  Cumber 
land)  a  party  of  Indians  under  command  of  a  French 
cadet,  whom  they  engaged.  The  French  cadet  was 
killed  and  scalped, — his  orders  found,  which  Captain 
Dagworthy  detained,  without  even  sending  me  a  copy 
of  them.  I  understand,  however  he  was  ordered  to 
take  a  view  of  Fort  Cumberland  and  then  proceed 
into  the  Inhabitants,  to  kill,  captivate,  and  lay  waste 
the  country. 

Mr.  Kennedy  I  shall  appoint  in  the  place  of  Mr. 
Hamilton.  I  am,  &c. 

P.  S.     Your  Honor  has  not  mentioned  what  pay 


1757]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  507 

the  officers  commissioned  and  non-commission'd,  are 
to  have. 

I  coti'd  settle  the  provisions  in  dispute  at  Fort 
Cumberland,  with  Doctor  Ross  upon  no  other  terms 
than  these  ; — He  is  to  replace  the  flour  and  so  much 
of  the  beef  as  the  Marylanders  used  at  this  place,  and 
to  pay  for  the  flour  and  beans, — The  remainder  of 
the  beef  I  must  have  transported  to  the  Branch. 


TO    JOHN  ROBINSON,   SPEAKER  OF    THE  HOUSE  OF 
BURGESSES. 

FORT  LOUDOUN,  25  October,  1757. 

SIR, 

I  applied  to  the  Governor  for  leave  to  come  down 
in  order  to  settle  my  accounts  before  he  left  the 
country,  and  to  represent  the  melancholy  situation  of 
our  distressed  frontiers,  which  no  written  narrative 
can  so  well  describe,  as  a  verbal  account  to  a  judi 
cious  person  inclined  to  hear.  In  a  verbal  account, 
the  questions  resulting  from  one  relation  beget 
others,  'till  matters  are  perfectly  understood  ;  where 
as  the  most,  explicit  writing  will  be  found  deficient. 
But  his  Honor  was  pleased  to  deny  his  leave,  think 
ing  my  request  unreasonable,  and  that  I  had  some 
party  of  pleasure  in  view. 

I  have,  in  a  letter  by  this  conveyance,  endeavored  to 
set  in  as  clear  a  point  of  light  as  I  am  able,  the  situation 
of  our  frontiers,  and  the  disposition  of  the  inhabitants, 
to  the  governor  ;  and  shall  endeavor  also,  in  as  suc 
cinct  a  manner  as  possible,  to  make  you  sensible  of  both. 


5o8  THE  WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

In  doing  which  it  will  be  necessary  to  observe  to 
you  that  the  inhabitants  of  this  fertile,  and  (once) 
populous  valley,  are  now  become  our  most  western 
settlers,  save  the  few  families  that  are  for  led  on  the 
Branch  ;  that  the  enemy  have,  in  great  measure, 
ceased  committing  hostilities  on  the  Branch,  and 
fallen  upon  the  people  of  this  valley  ;  and  that  a  con 
siderable  part  of  them  have  already  removed.  This, 
by  persons  unacquainted  with  the  country,  and  the 
enemy  we  have  to  deal  with,  may  be  attributed  to 
the  cowardice  of  the  inhabitants,  or  inactivity  of  the 
soldiers,  but  by  others  it  will  be  imputed  to  neither. 
No  troops  in  the  universe  can  guard  against  the  cun 
ning  and  wiles  of  Indians.  No  one  can  tell  where 
they  will  fall,  till  the  mischief  is  done,  and  then  't  is 
in  vain  to  pursue.  The  inhabitants  see,  and  are  con 
vinced  of  this,  which  makes  each  family  afraid  of 
standing  in  the  gap  of  danger ;  and  by  retreating, 
one  behind  another,  they  depopulate  the  country, 
and  leave  it  to  the  enemy,  who  subsist  upon  the  plun 
der.  This,  Sir,  is  a  matter  of  fact  which  you  may 
depend  on  from  me  ;  and  further,  if  we  pursue  a  de 
fensive  plan  next  campaign,  there  will  not,  by  the 
autumn,  be  one  soul  living  on  this  side  of  the  Blue 
Ridge,  except  the  soldiers  in  garrison,  and  such 
of  the  inhabitants  as  may  seek  shelter  therein.  This, 
Sir,  I  know  to  be  the  immovable  determination  of  the 
people  ;  and,  believe  me,  when  I  tell  you,  that  I  have 
been  at  great  pains,  before  I  could  prevail  on  them 
to  wait  the  consultations  of  this  winter,  and  the  event 
of  spring. 


1757]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  509 

I  do  not  know  on  whom  those  miserable,  undone 
people  are  to  rely  for  redress.  If  the  Assembly  are 
to  give  it  to  them,  it  is  time  that  measures  at  least 
were  concerting,  and  not  when  they  should  be  going 
into  execution,  as  has  always  been  the  case.  If  they 
are  to  seek  it  from  the  Commander-in-chief,  it  is 
time  our  grievances  were  made  known  to  him  ;  for  I 
cannot  forbear  repeating  again,  that  while  we  pursue 
defensive  measures  we  pursue  inevitable  ruin,  the 
loss  of  the  country  being  the  inevitable  and  fatal  con 
sequence.  There  will  be  no  end  to  our  troubles, 
while  we  follow  this  plan,  and  every  year  will  increase 
our  expense.  This,  my  dear  Mr.  Speaker,  I  urge  not 
only  as  an  officer,  but  as  a  friend,  who  has  property 
in  the  country  and  is  unwilling  to  lose  it.  This  it  is, 
also,  that  makes  me  anxious  for  doing  more  than 
barely  represent,  which  is  all  that  is  expected  of  an 
officer  commanding. 

It  is  not  possible  for  me  to  convey  a  just  sense  of 
the  posture  of  our  affairs.  It  would  be  vanity  to  at 
tempt  it.  I,  therefore,  content  myself  with  entreat 
ing  you  to  use  your  influence  to  prevent  such  delays, 
as  we  have  hitherto  met  with,  if  you  think  this  affair 
depends  upon  the  Assembly.  If  you  think  the  As 
sembly  have  clone  what  they  are  able,  and  that 
recourse  must  be  had  elsewhere,  I  am  determined,  as 
I  will  neither  spare  cost  nor  pains,  to  apply  to  Colo 
nel  Stanwix  (who  commands  on  this  quarter,  with 
whom  I  am  acquainted,  and  from  whom  I  have  re 
ceived  several  kind  and  affectionate  letters,)  for  leave 
to  wait  on  him  with  an  account  of  our  circumstances. 


5io  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1757 


Through  these  means,  perhaps,  we  may  be  able  to 
draw  a  little  of  Lord  Loudoun's  attention  to  the  pre 
servation  of  these  colonies. 

Pray  let  me  have  your  sentiments  x  in  respect  to 
these  affairs.  I  have  not  time  to  put  my  thoughts 
on  these  matters  in  a  proper  dress.  The  bearer  is  in 
waiting,  and  I  am  in  other  respects  hurried.  But  the 
truth  of  what  I  have  asserted,  believe  me,  is  unques 
tionable  ;  as  well  as  that  I  am,  with  the  most  affection 
ate  regards,  your  most  obedient  servant  and  friend. 


TO    GOVERNOR    DINWIDDIE. 

Fort  Loudoun,  5  November,  1757. 

SIR, 

Duty  to  my  country,  and  his  Majesty's  interest, 
indispensably  require,  that  I  again  trouble  your  Honor 
on  the  subject  of  Indian  affairs  here,  which  have  been 
impeded  and  embarrassed  by  such  a  train  of  misman 
agement,  as  a  continuance  of  which  must  inevitably 
produce  melancholy  consequences. 

The  sincere  disposition  the  Cherokees  have  be 
trayed  to  espouse  our  cause  heartily  has  been  dem- 


1  The  Speaker,  at  the  conclusion  of  his  answer  to  this  letter,  after  mention 
ing  the  Governor's  intended  departure,  writes  : — 

"We  have  not  yet  heard  who  is  to  succeed  him.  God  grant  it  may  be 
somebody  better  acquainted  with  the  unhappy  business  we  have  in  hand,  and 
who,  by  his  conduct  and  counsel,  may  dispel  the  cloud  now  hanging  over  this 
distressed  country.  Till  that  event,  I  beg,  my  dear  friend,  that  you  will  bear, 
so  far  as  a  man  of  honor  ought,  the  discouragements  and  slights  you  have  too 
often  met  with,  and  continue  to  serve  your  country,  as  I  am  convinced  you 
have  always  hitherto  done,  in  the  best  manner  you  can  with  the  small  assist 
ance  afforded  you." 


1757]  GEORGE   WASHINGTON.  5u 


onstrated  beyond  the  most  distant  doubt ;  and,  if 
rewarded  in  the  manner  in  which  that  laudable  and 
meritorious  disposition  entitles  them  to,  would,  in  all 
human  probability,  soon  effect  a  favorable  change  in 
the  present  (apparently)  desperate  situation  of  this 
poor  unhappy  part  of  his  Majesty's  dominions. 

But,  in  the  stead  of  meeting  with  that  great  encour 
agement,  which  the  essential  services  of  that  brave 
people  undoubtedly  merit,  several  of  them,  after  hav 
ing  undergone  the  rudest  toils  and  fatigues  of  an 
excessively  long  march,  destitute  of  the  conveniences 
and  almost  necessaries  of  life,  and,  (to  give  us  still 
more  convincing  proofs  of  their  strong  attachment 
to  our  interest)  in  that  very  situation  went  to  war, 
and  in  the  way  behaved  nobly  (from  which  we  have 
reaped  a  signal  advantage,)  and  when  they  re 
turned  here,  with  an  enemy's  scalp,  baggage  and 
other  trophies  of  honor,  they  must  have  gone  home 
without  any  kind  of  reward  or  thanks,  or  even  provi 
sions  to  support  them  on  their  march,  justly  fired  with 
the  highest  resentment  for  their  mal-treatment,  had 
not  I  and  my  officers  strained  a  point,  procured 
them  some  things,  of  which  they  were  in  abso 
lute  want,  and  made  it  the  object  of  our  care,  in 
various  respects,  to  please  them.1 

Another  party  of  those  Indians  since  opportunely 
arrived  to  our  assistance,  at  the  very  juncture  the 
enemy  made  an  irruption  into  this  settlement,  pur- 

1  It  will  be  remembered,  that  Colonel  Washington  was  not  now  charged  with 
Indian  affairs,  nor  furnished  with  any  instructions  on  that  head.  An  agent  had 
been  appointed  for  the  purpose. 


5i2  THE   WRITINGS  OF  [1757 

sued  their  tracks,  came  up  with  three  of  them,  two 
of  whom  they  scalped,  and  wounded  the  third.  They 
are  now  returned  from  this  pursuit,  and  are  nearly  in 
the  same  situation  with  those  abovementioned.  I 
applied  to  Captain  Gist  in  their  behalf,  and  told  him 
I  must  represent  the  matter  to  your  Honor.  But  he 
assures  me,  he  has  neither  goods  to  reward  them, 
money  to  procure  them,  or  even  an  interpreter,  which 
totally  incapacitates  him  for  doing  any  kind  of  service. 
If  so  (which  I  have  no  reason  to  doubt)  it  is  surpris 
ing,  that  any  man  should  be  entrusted  with  the 
negotiating  such  important  affairs,  and  not  be  pos 
sessed  of  the  means  to  accomplish  the  undertaking. 
By  which  he,  and  several  others,  who  received  high 
pay  from  Virginia,  are  not  only  rendered  useless,  but 
our  interests  with  those  Indians  is  at  the  brink  of 
destruction.  Whenever  a  party  of  them  arrive  here, 
they  immediately  apply  to  me  ;  but  I  have  neither  any 
thing  to  give  them,  nor  any  right  to  do  it.  Nor  is  there 
anybody  to  inform  them  to  what  these  and  their  other 
disappointments  are  owing ;  which  reduces  me  to  a 
dilemma,  as  I  would  most  gladly  be  extricated  from. 

I  must  likewise  beg  leave  to  mention  to  your  Honor 
once  more  the  vast  hardships,  many  of  the  people 
groan  under  here,  having  been  so  long  kept  out  of 
the  money,  that  the  country  owes  them  on  account  of 
the  Indians. 

When  I  proposed  going  down  to  Williamsburg, 
many  of  them  brought  their  accounts  to  me,  which  I 
intended,  (had  your  Honor  given  me  liberty,)  to 
lay  before  your  Honor.  I  mention  this  circumstance, 


1757]  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  513 

not  with  any  view  of  being-  employed  in  examining 
and  paying  off  those  accounts,  (which  for  many  rea 
sons  I  can  by  no  means  undertake,)  but  in  hope  that 
your  Honor  will  be  pleased  to  give  directions  to  and  de 
nominate  some  person  for  that  purpose,  for  the  neglect 
of  which  so  many  poor  people  greatly  suffer.1  I  am,  &c. 

1  This  was  his  last  letter  to  Governor  Dinwiddie.  It  was  duly  answered, 
and  further  provisions  were  made  for  the  Indians. 

Colonel  Washington  was  now  laboring  under  an  indisposition,  which  shortly 
increased  to  an  alarming  illness.  He  left  the  army  at  the  pressing  request  of 
the  surgeon  (Dr.  Craik,  his  physician  and  intimate  friend  through  life),  and 
retired  to  Mount  Vernon,  where  he  was  reduced  so  low  by  dysentery  and  fever, 
that  it  was  more  than  four  months  before  he  was  able  to  resume  his  command. 
The  Governor  sailed  for  Europe  in  January. 

George  Mason,  the  neighbour  and  friend  of  Colonel  Washington,  wrote  to 
him  on  the  4th  of  January,  urging  him  not  to  think  of  joining  the  army  in  the 
present  state  of  his  health,  and  adding, — "You  will  in  all  probability  bring  on 
a  relapse,  and  render  yourself  incapable  of  serving  the  public  at  a  time,  when 
there  maybe  the  utmost  occasion.  There  is  nothing  more  certain,  than  that  a 
gentleman  of  your  station  owes  the  care  of  his  health  and  his  life  not  only  to 
himself  and  his  friends,  but  to  his  country." 

END    OF    VOL.  I. 


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